S. A. Starostin, A. V. Dybo, O. A. Mudrak
An Etymological Dictionary
of Altaic Languages
S. A. Starostin, A. V. Dybo, O. A. Mudrak
(with the assistance of I. Gruntov and V. Glumov)
An Etymological Dictionary
of Altaic Languages
CONTENTS
Preface. ............................................................................................................. 7
Introduction .................................................................................................. 11
Chapter one. The problem of interlingual borrowings
in Altaic languages.................................................................................. 13
Chapter two. Comparative phonology of Altaic languages.............. 22
Chapter three. Comparative and historical phonologies of Altaic
subgroups............................................................................................... 136
Chapter four. Elements of a comparative morphology of Altaic
languages................................................................................................ 173
Chapter five. Classification of Altaic languages and dating of
Proto-Altaic ............................................................................................ 230
Structure of the dictionary and adopted conventions ........................... 237
Selected bibliography and abbreviations of quoted literature ............ 241
Abbreviations of periodical editions ........................................................ 265
Abbreviations of language names ............................................................ 267
Dictionary .................................................................................................... 271
Indices......................................................................................................... 1558
PREFACE
This is a first attempt at an etymological dictionary of Altaic languages.
The history of Altaic comparative studies is a difficult one. Even now
there is still no consensus among scholars on the very problem of the
existence of Altaic as a genetic unit. We sincerely hope that this publication will bring an end to this discussion, which has lasted for more
than 30 years.
The dictionary presented below should by no means be regarded as
final and conclusive. We have tried to collect all existing etymologies
that seem to be semantically reliable and fit the established system of
phonetic correspondences. Among the 2800 etymologies presented approximately half are new, developed by our team during more than 10
years of preparatory work. New etymologies will most certainly follow, while some of those presented will doubtlessly be rearranged or
even refuted in the course of future research. The current reconstruction will also inevitably change - as it happened with Indo-European,
Uralic and most of the other established language families during the
decades of their investigation. Nevertheless, we regard it as a valid
starting point, worth presenting to the general academic audience, and
look forward for criticism, suggestions and corrections.
Wherever necessary we give references to etymological literature,
although we decided to keep the discussion as short as possible. Many
existing etymologies are not mentioned in this dictionary because they
contradict the system of correspondences followed in the present volume or because we think we have found better solutions. It would be
futile, e.g., to struggle with some of the etymologies linking words with
Jpn. *p- to those with Altaic *k῾-, since we do not believe that such a
correspondence exists at all. We must say, however, that most of the
etymologies presented in the classical works of G. Ramstedt and N.
Poppe, as well as very many Japanese etymologies of R. Miller and S.
Martin, have been preserved, which in itself shows that the proposed
phonological reinterpretation of the Proto-Altaic system is just an extension of previous research.
The Altaic family as a genetic unity of Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu languages had been proposed as early as 1730 by F. J. v.
8
PREFACE
Stralenberg. Until the early 20th century, however, there was no clear
idea about the classification or comparative grammar of Altaic. The few
scholars that studied the languages regarded them rather as part of a
common Ural-Altaic family, together with Finno-Ugric and Samoyedic
languages - an idea now completely discarded.
The undebatable father of scientific Altaic studies was Gustaf John
Ramstedt. He started his research in the very beginning of the century,
and made a huge contribution both to Altaic studies as a whole and to
the study of individual subgroups of Altaic. His research was concluded by the fundamental “Einführung in die Altaische Sprachwissenschaft” published in 1952, two years after his death in 1950.
Ramstedt formulated many basic phonetic rules of correspondences
between the Altaic languages, laid the foundations of Altaic comparative grammar, and finalized the subclassification of the Altaic family by
separating Uralic from Altaic and adding Korean and Japanese to its
classic “Western” core.
Other scholars whose contributions to the Altaic field were really
substantial are N. Poppe, K. Menges, V. Tsintsius, V. Illich-Svitych, S.
Martin and R. A. Miller. A full account of their achievements would
deserve a special study, but suffice it to say that due to their efforts a
basic reconstruction of Common Altaic was already available by the
late fifties / early sixties of the 20th century.
A reaction started in the sixties. A number of scholars (for some reason, primarily Turcologists) initiated what seemed at that time a
counter-Altaic revolt. The names of the main anti-Altaicists are G.
Clauson, G. Doerfer and A. Shcherbak. Among them G. Doerfer should
be distinguished as the most consistent, most fruitful, and most vigorous in his anti-Altaic efforts.
Although the arguments of anti-Altaicists were many - from phonetic to lexico-statistical - their basic argument can be summed up as
follows: the relationship between the Altaic languages is not what a
genuine genetic relationship should be. All the numerous resemblances
between them were explained as a result of secondary convergence
within a “Sprachbund” of originally unrelated languages. The whole
idea of the original Proto-Altaic unity was very seriously threatened.
Simultaneously the Eastern branch of Altaic - Korean and Japanese,
or Korean-Japanese - was brought under heavy suspicion. No serious
alternative for Korean was proposed, but an active search for
non-Altaic relatives of Japanese began. Distinguished scholars like S.
Murayama (who always hesitated between the Altaic and Austronesian
affinity of Japanese) and P. Benedict started searching for Japa-
PREFACE
9
nese-Austronesian parallels, with Benedict (following mainly the Japanese scholar Kawamoto) finally proclaiming the inclusion of Japanese without Korean and Altaic - into his Austro-Thai family.
After a critical evaluation of the problem we came to the conclusion
that Altaic should be still characterized as a genetic unity, probably
forming a branch of the larger Nostratic macrofamily, but certainly a
separate family on its own. The very fact that it is possible to compile a
dictionary of common Altaic heritage appears to be a proof of the validity of the Altaic theory.
The work on the dictionary started in the late 80’s. Initially we
worked together with I. Shervashidze, who later switched to different
projects, and the work was continued by S. Starostin, A. Dybo and O.
Mudrak. We must gratefully mention our numerous younger colleagues and students who helped at various stages of compiling the
dictionary, and especially Ilia Gruntov, Vladimir Glumov, Vasiliy
Chernov and Martine Robbeets. The work was sponsored by grants
from the Soros (“Open Society”) foundation, from the Russian Foundation of Fundamental Research and the Russian Foundation of Humanities; since 1997 the research was supported by the Investor Group
“Ariel” within the framework of the “Tower of Babel” project.
All the work was conducted within the STARLING database created by S. Starostin. The Altaic database is constantly available on line
at the Web address http://starling.rinet.ru. Special thanks go to programmers: Ph. Krylov who designed the Windows version of
STARLING software, Yu. Bronnikov who designed the scripts for the
Internet site; and to S. Bolotov who designed the fonts for this complicated edition.
We would like also to express deep gratitude to colleagues who had
read the manuscript and given us many valuable suggestions, both
stylistical and etymological: Bernard Comrie, Alexander Lubotsky and
Cormack McCarthie.
INTRODUCTION
(by S. A. Starostin)
CHAPTER ONE
THE PROBLEM OF INTERLINGUAL BORROWINGS
IN ALTAIC LANGUAGES
Since the gist of the anti-Altaic criticism is the idea that what Ramstedt
and Poppe regarded as common Altaic heritage is in fact a result of
later borrowings, it is this problem that we shall tackle first in the introduction.
This problem is of utmost importance for the whole Altaic theory.
We must be able to distinguish between commonly inherited morphemes and borrowed ones - since interlingual borrowing was very
widely practiced during the final stages of the development of Altaic
languages.
There are two basic contact zones in the Altaic area: the
Turko-Mongolian and the Mongolo-Tungus. There had also been some
contacts between Tungus and Korean, Korean and Mongolian, Korean
and Japanese - but they are relatively insignificant in comparison with
the very intense Turko-Mongolian and Mongolo-Tungus contacts.
1.1. Turko-Mongolian contacts.
It has been convincingly demonstrated by several authors (in a most
detailed way by Clark 1980) that there are no (or almost no) Mongolian
loanwords in Early Old Turkic, i.e. before the 13th century A.D. However, already in the Secret History of Mongols (13th c.) we find a number
of identifiable Turkic loanwords. Logically enough, in Late Old Turkic,
Middle Turkic and modern Turkic languages we also find a large
number of Mongolisms.
This can only mean that Turko-Mongolian contacts started in the
13th century, and there were no direct contacts before that time.
But there is also a large number of Turko-Mongolian matches that
cannot be explained as post-13th century loans. This fact was acknowledged by most critics of the Altaic theory, and a bold attempt was
made by Doerfer to explain such matches as being prehistoric loans
from Turkic into Mongolian (for Altaicists, of course, such matches rep resent rather common inherited vocabulary).
Let us formulate the criteria that distinguish early Turkic borrowings in Mongolian loans from the inherited vocabulary ( = prehistoric
loans in Doerfer’s terminology).
14
INTRODUCTION
1. The words involved are attested in Turkic before the 13th centur y;
2. They appear in Mongolian in a form typical for 13th century Uyghur/Karakhanide Turkic
The latter criterion means that in the donor language the following
changes occurred, compared with Proto-Turkic: a) voiced *d-, *g- > *t-,
*k-; b) *ĺ, *ŕ > *š, *z; c) long vowels and diphthongs disappeared.
The most obvious criterion here is b), since the correspondences
Turk. *ĺ (>š) : Mong. s and Turk. *ŕ (>z): Mong. z, ǯ, s only occur within
this layer of loanwords (see Clark 1980). Let us take a closer look at
such cases:
PT *jāĺɨl ‘green, greens’ (OT jašɨl): WMong. jasil ‘buckthorn’
PT *gEŕik ‘turn, order’ (OT kezik): WMong. kesig ‘wake, turn’ (already in
MMong. as kešik)
PT *gEŕ- ‘to walk, walk through’ (OT kez-): WMong. kesü-, kese- ‘to
wander, roam’
PT *eĺi ‘lady, beg’s consort’ (OT iši): WMong. esi ‘empress’ (MMong. esi)
PT *seŕik ‘feeling’ (OT sezik): WMong. sesig
PT *(i)āĺ-ru ‘exceedingly’ (OT ašru): WMong. asuru
PT *dūĺ- ‘to meet’ (OT tuš-): WMong. tus(u)PT *kīĺ ‘sable’ (OT kiš): WMong. er-kis ‘male sable’, ebsi-gis ‘female sable’
PT *Koĺ ‘pair’ (OT qoš): WMong. qos(i) (MMong. qoši) id.
PT *Koĺ ‘hut, camping’ (MK qoš ‘family’): WMong. qos(i) (also qošlɨɣ >
WMong. qosiliɣ)
PT *jüŕüm ‘grape’ (OT üzüm, jüzüm) > WMong. üǯüm
PT *jmiĺč ‘vegetable(s)’ : MMong. (HY) ǯemiši
PT *Kạĺčɨ- ‘to scrape’ (OT qašɨ-), *Kạĺčɨ-gu ‘scraper’ (e.g. Chag. qašaɣu):
MMong. qaši’ur ‘scraper’
PT *biĺč-, *bɨĺč- (OT biš-) ‘to become boiled’, *bɨĺč-lak ‘smth. boiled’ >
WMong. bis(i)laɣ, basilaɣ ‘a k. of home cheese’
PT *Kar-ĺɨ ‘opposite’ (OT qaršɨ) > WMong. qarsi
PT *uluĺ ‘country, city’ (OT uluš) > WMong. ulus
PT *jạĺ- ‘blaze’, *jạĺɨn ‘lightning’ (OT jašu-, jašɨn) > WMong. jašin id.
PT *jEŕ ‘copper’ > WMong. ǯes id.
PT *boĺ ‘free, empty’, *boĺan- ‘to become empty, poor’ (OT boš, bošan-) >
WMong. busani- id.; *boĺug ‘permission’ (OT bošuɣ) > WMong. bošuɣ
id.
PT *aŕɨg ‘fang’ > MMong. *aǯuɣ (ačuɣ in Uygh. script)
PT *bogaŕ ‘pregnant’ (OT boɣaz) : WMong. boɣus
PT *KĀĺ ‘jade’ (OT qaš): WMong. qas(i) (MMong. qaši)
PT *diĺ ‘vessel’ (OT eδiš): WMong. idis(i) id.
PT *Kebiŕ ‘carpet’ (OT kebiz): WMong. kebis id.
PT *keleŕ / *keler ‘lizard’ (OT keler): WMong. keles
CHAPTER ONE
15
PT *arbɨĺ ‘magic’ (OT arvɨš): WMong. arbis ‘knowledge’
PT *duĺa- ‘to hobble’, *duĺak ‘hobble’ (OT tuša-, tušaq): WMong. tuša-,
tusi- ‘to hobble’, MMong. tušaɣa ‘hobble’
PT *Kaĺaŋ ‘lazy’ (OT qašaŋ): WMong. qašaŋ id.
PT *Köĺi- ‘to screen’, *Köĺi-ge ‘shadow’ (OT köši-, köšige): MMong. köši-,
köšige
From these loans we may infer that:
1. OT š ( < *ĺ) is rendered in Mong. as s, frequently followed by optional
-i (Mongolian lacked a phonological distinction between š and s, but s
was pronounced as š before i); sometimes we find -š- in front of other
vowels (bošuɣ, tuša-) - an obvious feature of incompletely adapted
loanwords;
2. OT z ( < *ŕ) is also usually rendered as s, but in a few cases—as ǯ;
3. Initial j- is rendered either as j- (jasil, jašin) or as ǯ- (ǯemiši, ǯes). This
may reflect dialectal variation within Turkic (note that many modern
languages also display the variation j-/ǯ- < PT *j-) or an OT articulation
like *-;
4. No voiced initial consonants - except b - are present in this layer of
loans, which is quite consistent with OT phonology;
5. Turkic syllabic structure is retained with the following details:
a) verbal stems usually add a vowel (kez- > kese-, kesü-; tuš- > tus(u)-);
this is explained by the fact that Mong. has very few monosyllabic
verbal stems.
b) polysyllabic nominal stems usually do not, but occasionally also add
one (tušaq > tušaɣa);
c) monosyllabic nominal stems never add a vowel (except the parasitic
-i after -s- - to render Turkic š);
6. vowels are usually quite faithfully retained - except ɨ which is regularly rendered by i (of course there is occasional variation between o
and u, and of weak vowels in the non-initial syllable);
7. voiced intervocalic consonants are rendered as voiced (notably -g- is
rendered as -ɣ- > -0- in boɣaz > boɣus, cf. Kalm., Dag. bōs).
Now if we investigate the loans from Mongolian into modern
Turkic languages we find a very similar system of correspondences:
WMong. sibaɣu(n) ‘bird’ (MMong. šiba’un) : Chag. šibaɣun
WMong. qaɣurai ‘dry’ > Tat. qawrai
WMong. qaŋsiɣar ‘beak, nose’ > Uzb. qanšar
WMong. dabaɣan, MMong. daba’an ‘mountain pass’ > Chag. taban
WMong. ɣaɣursu (Khalkha gūrs) ‘chaff’ > Kirgh. qaursu
WMong. qara- ‘look’, qaraɣul ‘patrol’ (MMong. qara’ul) > Chag. qara-,
qarawul
16
INTRODUCTION
WMong. egeči, MMong. egeči ‘elder sister’ > Chag. egeči
WMong. ǯabsar, MMong. ǯab(u)sar ‘gap, interval’ > Kirgh. ǯapsar
WMong. girɣaul, ɣurɣuul (MMong. xurqa’ul) ‘pheasant’ > Chag. qɨrɣavul
WMong. ɣura(n) ‘roebuck’ (MMong. qura-ltuq) > Oyr. quran
WMong. silegüsü(n) ‘lynx’ (MMong. šile’usun) > Kum. silewsün
WMong. soqur (MMong. soxar, soqor) ‘blind’ > Koman soqur
WMong. ǯuuqa ‘stove’ > Leb., Kumd. joqqɨ
WMong. šigüder, MMong. ši’uder(en) ‘dew’ > Chag. šüdürün
etc.
Of course the system slightly differs: Mongolian voiced initial consonants are usually rendered by voiceless Turkic ones (since voiced
consonants are only retained in Oghuz languages that had hardly any
direct contacts with Mongolian and obtained all their Mongolisms
through Kypchak and Karluk intermediaries). But in general we see
that both loans from Turkic into Mongolian and vice versa reflect generally a single socio-linguistic situation: intensive Turko-Mongolian
contacts after the 13th century, with loanwords flowing in both directions - a situation quite consistent with what we know about the history of Turkic and Mongolian peoples.
A well-known fact, however, is the existence of a large number of
different Turko-Mongolian matches, frequently doublets to those investigated above. Thus we have OT azɨɣ ‘fang’ (PT *aŕɨg) corresponding
to WMong. araɣa, arija, MMong. ara’a, aral id. Doerfer and other
anti-Altaicists (e.g. Shcherbak) would like to view such cases also as
borrowings, but belonging to an earlier stratum.
We can indeed reconstruct a hypothetical (as Doerfer would put it,
“teleologische Sternchenform”) PT *aŕiga borrowed in PM as *ariɣa, and
having later lost the final vowel. Note that we cannot presume the
other direction of borrowing, since PM had no *-ŕ-, and in the case of a
borrowing from Mong. into Turkic we would expect something like
*arɨg. But what about MMong. aral ‘fang’, ara-tai ‘predator’ - forms
clearly derived from a root *ara- (*ari-), together with the form *ara-ɣa /
*ari-ɣa? In order to explain these forms we have to use a more imaginative scenario: a) either postulate a PT root *aŕɨ, lost in all attested Turkic
languages and borrowed in Mong. as *ari (*ara), along with its derivative, PT *aŕɨ-ga; later the new derivatives *ara-l and *ara-taj were formed
on Mongolian ground, while the plain root *ari was lost, just as in
Turkic; b) or postulate PT derivatives *aŕɨ-l, *aŕɨ-taj (with suffixation
quite peculiar for Turkic) that were borrowed into Mongolian together
with *aŕɨ-ga, but were subsequently lost in Turkic.
Needless to say, explanations like this are unsatisfactory. A much
easier and more elegant solution is to trace both Turkic and Mongolian
CHAPTER ONE
17
to a common Altaic root *aŕi, with a common old suffix *-ga. As is frequently the case, the suffixless stem was not preserved, but it gave rise
to a set of derivatives in Mongolian.
Besides providing a better explanation of Turko-Mongolian matches
(and the case of *aŕɨg is not isolated - there are literally hundreds of
such cases), such a solution also helps to avoid the inevitable conclusion at which Doerfer arrived in his investigations: that all early loanwords marched in only one direction - from Turkic to Mongolian. Indeed, Turkic has more distinctions than Mongolian in what concerns,
e.g., the oppositions *l-*ĺ or *r-*ŕ. Mongolian has only *l and *r, thus all
cases of Turk. *ĺ : Mong. *l and Turk. *ŕ : Mong. *r are to be explained as
borrowed in Mongolian from Turkic; and there are no obvious cases of
a converse situation.
But oneway borrowing is a specific situation which requires an explanation. This may be either a big difference in the cultural levels of
contact participants, which we have absolutely no reason to suppose in
this case, or borrowing from a dialect which once existed (and of course
also borrowed from the other contact participant), but later ceased to
exist. We would thus have to suppose that Old Turkic (and in fact all
other Turkic languages) are descendants of a PT dialect that had no
contacts with Mongolian; but there existed a hypothetical “sister-Proto-Turkic” that had contacts with Mongolian but later ceased to
exist without leaving any trace.
We see that the general scientific principle of Occam’s razor clearly
speaks in favour of the genetic relationship between Turkic and Mongolian, since this is inevitably the simpliest solution in all available
cases.
1.2. Mongolo-Tungus contacts.
Borrowings from Mongolian into Tungus-Manchu languages are quite
abundant. The majority of them penetrated from Mongolian into Manchu, and from Manchu into the other Tungus-Manchu languages; but a
considerable number penetrated also from Dagur into the neighbouring Solon language, and from Buryat into Evenki and the neighbouring
Even and Negidal languages. How can we distinguish Mongolian loanwords from inherited common Altaic etyma?
Consider the following examples:
PM *hiǯaɣur ‘root’ : Evk. (Kamn.) iʒagur, Sol. oǯōr
PM *hüre ‘seed’ : Sol. ur
PM *hergi ‘steep bank’ : Man. ergi
PM *hačiɣuri ‘favour’ : Nan. ačeuri
18
INTRODUCTION
PM *harga(l)-sun ‘dung’ : Evk. argahun
PM *hojimu-sun ‘stockings’ : Evk. oimahun, oimusu
PM *hab-taj ‘sorcery’ > Evk. aptaj, *hab-galdaj ‘shaman mask’ > Evk.
awaɣaldaj
PM *huta-sun ‘thread’ > Evk. uta-sun
PM *hergi- ‘go round’, *hergiɣül- ‘turn round’ > Man. erguwe-, Evk. ergūlge ‘device for tanning skins’ ( = Mong. *hergiɣüleg), Evn. ergin-.
These and many other examples reveal one phonetic peculiarity: a
correspondence of PM *h- : TM 0-. They also have another peculiarity:
in the vast majority of them the wordform structure of Mongolian (including all derivational suffixes) is faithfully retained in TM languages.
It is obvious that the words entered TM languages already after the loss
of *h- in Mongolian - which (in Northern Mongolian dialects) occurred
as early as in the XIVth century.
Consider now another group of examples:
PM *hila-ɣan ‘fly’ : Orok pulikte, pumikte, Evk. hunmikte (PTM *pulmi-kte)
‘midge’
PM *hünir ‘smell’ : Orok pū(n) ‘smell’, Evk. huńŋukte- ‘to smell’ (PTM
*puń-)
PM *halagan ‘palm (of the hand)’: Ul. pańa, Evk. hanŋa, Man. falaŋɣu id.
(PTM *palŋa)
PM *hari- ‘be tired, exhausted’ : Evk. harū-, Man. fara- ‘to faint, feel
giddy’ (PTM *paru-)
PM *heki ‘head’ : Evk. hēje ‘forehead’, Man. fexi ‘brain’ (PTM *pējKe)
PM *hiru-ɣar ‘bottom, ground’ : Evk. here, Man. fere, Ul. pere(g) (PTM
*pere)
etc.
This group of examples has a quite different correspondence for PM
*h-, viz., PTM *p-. If we suppose borrowing from Mongolian, we have
to assume that:
1. This borrowing occurred long before the XIVth century, in the period
when Mong. *h- was still pronounced as *p- (a feature not preserved in
any Mongolian dialect);
2. This borrowing occurred even earlier, namely, during the epoch of
Common TM unity (somewhere in the 1st millennium BC), since all of
the above examples belong to the common TM wordstock, so apparently were borrowed into PTM;
3. Borrowed were not the Mongolian forms listed above, but their
roots, which were later supplied (in many cases) with different TM suffixes.
Many other groups of examples also show very specific features.
Cf.:
CHAPTER ONE
19
a) WMong. qou ‘all’: Evk. kūkte, Orok kupu-kte
WMong. qalu- ‘to come near’: Orok qal- id., Man. xanči ‘near’
WMong. kere- ‘quarrel, fight’: Evk. kerbe- ‘kill’, Man. keru-le- ‘to fine’
WMong. qura ‘rain’: Evk. kur-ge-kūn, Ul. kūre(n) ‘storm’
WMong. küči(n) ‘strength’: Evk. kusī- ‘to fight’, kusīn ‘strength’, Man.
xusu-n id.
b) WMong. qučil- ‘to scrape with fingers’ : Evk. osī-, Orok χosị- ‘to
scrape’
WMong. kilɣa-su ‘hair’: Evk. inŋa-kta, Orok sịnaqta id.
WMong. kür ‘precipice’: Evk. ure, Orok xure ‘mountain’
WMong. qudurɣa ‘tail strap’: Evk. irgi, Orok xudu ‘tail’
WMong. kele(n) ‘tongue’: Evk. inńi, Man. ileŋgu, Orok sinu id.
In group a) we have words with PTM *k-; in group b) - with PTM
*x-. Mongolian in both cases has k- ( = q- in front of back vowels). So
why would TM languages borrow the same Mongolian phoneme both
as TM *k- and TM *x-?
Note that both groups of examples seem to be archaic enough (different suffixation and wide distribution in TM).
To explain this picture we can either postulate two different phonemes in early Mongolian (at the time of borrowing > TM), e.g. *k 1 and
*k2, with this distinction lost and not reflected in any variety of Mongolian, or try to presume a different direction of borrowing (TM > Mong.,
with both TM *k- and *x- > Mong. k-; but why not *x- > Mong. h- in this
case?).
This all is theoretically possible, but certainly the usual solution a
historical linguist assumes in such cases is that we are dealing with genetic relationship and that two phonemes have to be reconstructed for
Proto-Altaic (in our case - *k and *k῾), which converged in Mongolian,
but stay distinct (as *k- vs. *x-) in Tungus-Manchu.
We see that here, too, a hypothesis about common origin fares much
better than the loanword theory. Of course, there are loanwords from
Mongolian into TM languages, but they are recent (certainly after the
XIVth century) and penetrated from Mongolian into different TM languages (basically - into Manchu and Evenki, also through a different
route - from Dagur into Solon) long after the split of
Proto-Tungus-Manchu.
One of the significant arguments that Doerfer raised against the Altaic theory was the absence of common Turkic-TM vocabulary. Indeed,
if the three families are not related and all the lexical parallels observed
are due either to borrowings in Turkic from Mongolian, in Mongolian
from Turkic, and in TM from Mongolian, we would expect no common
20
INTRODUCTION
Turkic-TM parallels without Mongolian intermediaries. But in fact we
do have quite a number of such cases, somehow overlooked by the critics:
PT *ăčaj / *ĕčej ‘elder female relative’ : PTM *asī ‘woman’ PT *Ebü(r)dek
‘duck’: PTM *ābu, *ābu-lduka ‘a k. of duck’ PT *bạk- ‘to look, watch’:
PTM *baKa- ‘to find’ PT *bAja ‘recently’: PTM *baǯi- ‘early’ PT *bilik
‘wick’: PTM *bulin id.
PT *bɨrak- ‘to abandon, throw’: PTM *burī- ‘to lose, let go’
PT *bodu- ‘to fasten, attach’: PTM *boda- ‘to accompany’
PT *bul- ‘icy surface’: PTM *belu- / *bul- ‘slippery ice surface’
PT *būt ‘thigh’ : PTM *begdi / *bugdi ‘leg’
PT *čEl, *čEl-pe- ‘film, membrane’: PTM *čalba-n ‘bark’
PT *jak- ‘to burn’: PTM *deg-ǯe-gi- id.
and many, many others (see the body of the dictionary). To explain
those cases we have either to refute them all, or to suppose a third ancient contact zone (Turkic > TM) which is extremely dubious (there exist loans in Evenki from Yakut and vice versa, apparently reflecting
quite recent contacts; but no archaic contacts seem to be observable), or
- which is the most preferable solution - once again to presume genetic
relationship.
A very important issue while formulating any genetic hypothesis is
the problem of basic vocabulary. However, to make a correct estimation of the proportion of basic vocabulary preserved in each branch,
one needs to have a sufficient knowledge of comparative phonology,
i.e. regular correspondences established between languages compared.
Here we must agree with the critics: the correspondences established
between Altaic languages in the classical works of Ramstedt and Poppe
indeed were unsatisfactory in many respects, partially due to insufficient attention paid to the stratification of loanwords. But instead of
trying to improve the correspondences and to untangle difficult phonological and lexical riddles, the critics had chosen an easier way: to refute the genetic relationship as such.
Some researchers, however, took a different approach. Among them
we should name such distinguished scholars as V. M. Illich-Svitych
(with his three-way distinction of stops in PA), V.Tsintsius (with her
many papers on PTM phonology and the three-way correspondence of
stops), S. Martin (with a pioneer attempt at the Korean-Japanese reconstruction, which was largely unsuccessful, but provided a lot of insights into the prehistory of Korean and Japanese) and R. Miller (with
many successful attempts at establishing phonetic correspondences
between Japanese and other Altaic languages).
CHAPTER ONE
21
All this work was summarized and continued in the book of one of
the authors of the present dictionary (АПиПЯЯ). Even since that time
many correspondences have been made more precise and some
changed, during the prolonged collective processing of the vast Altaic
evidence. Below we shall outline the reconstruction of PA phonology
as it is now perceived by the authors.
CHAPTER TWO
COMPARATIVE PHONOLOGY OF ALTAIC LANGUAGES
2.0. Root structure
The most common root structure in Altaic languages is *CVCV, occasionally with a medial consonant cluster - *CVCCV. The final vowel,
however, is very unstable: best preserved in TM languages (although
also not always easily reconstructable because of morphological processes), it is frequently dropped in Korean, Mongolian and Turkic (in
the latter family in fact - in the majority of cases). Japanese usually preserves the final vowel, although its quality is normally lost (shifted to
the previous syllable or fused with the quality of vowels in suffixed
syllables); however, in cases when the final (medial) root consonant is
lost (on the process *cVRV-ɣV > *CVRɣV > *CVɣV > *CV in Japanese see
below), Japanese reflects original disyllables as monosyllables.
Japanese also has quite a number of monosyllabic verbal roots of the
type *CVC-. We agree with Martin (JLTT) that these roots were originally disyllabic as well, however reconstructing them as *CVCa- is certainly incorrect. The OJ verbal conjugation shows explicitly that the
verbal stems — if we examine their interaction with the gerundive suffix *-i — can be subdivided into three main types: *CVCa- (those having
the gerund in -e < *-a-i), *CVCə- (those having the gerund in -i < *-ə-i),
and *CVC- (those having the gerund in -ji < *-i). We can only suggest
the possibility that the latter type reflects original verbal roots *CVCi
(occasionally perhaps also *CVCu, although there are reasons to suppose that some of the latter actually merged with the type *CVCə-). The
gerund form in *-i in this case may actually reflect the original final
root vowel that had early disappeared before other verbal suffixes of
the type *-V(CV)-.
A small number of trisyllabic roots such as *àlak῾u ‘walk’, *kabari
‘oar’, *k῾obani ‘armpit’ etc. are also reconstructed for Proto-Altaic. It
cannot be excluded that in many or most of these cases the final syllable is originally a suffix, but the deriving stem is not used separately
and the derivation had already become obscure in the protolanguage.
CHAPTER TWO
23
The monosyllabic structure *CV was typical for pronominal and
auxiliary morphemes, but a small number of verbal (and, quite exceptionally, nominal) monosyllabic roots can also be reconstructed:
PT *b(i)ā- ‘bind’, PTM *ba- ‘propose for marriage’, Kor. pa, PJ *b ‘string’
(PA *b)
PT *jạ-t- ‘lie’, PM *de-b- ‘lay, put’, PTM *dē ‘bed’, *dē-du- ‘lie’, PJ
*dà-nt-r- ‘spend the night’ (PA *dḕ)
PT *Ko- ‘put’, PTM *ga- ‘take’, PK *kà- id. (PA *ga)
PM *ni-ɣu- ‘hide, concel’, PTM *nē- ‘put’, PJ *ná- ‘lie, sleep’, PK *nū-b‘lie’ (PA *nḗ)
PT *sa-t- ‘sell’, PJ *si-rə ‘price’, but PK *sà- ‘buy’ (PA *sa) PT *dē- ‘say’,
PM *da-wu- ‘sound’, PTM *de(b)- ‘song, tune’ (PA *tḗ)
PT *jē- ‘eat’, PM *ǯe-mü- ‘be hungry’, *ǯo-ɣug ( < *ǯa-ɣug) ‘meal’, PTM
*ǯe-p- ‘eat’, PK *čā- ‘eat’, OJ ja-pa- ‘hungry’ (PA *ǯē)
PTM *pē- ‘be unable, not dare’: PM *ja-da- ‘be unable’, PJ *piá-r- ‘become less, humble oneself’ (PA *p῾ē)
PT *be-ŋ, PTM *be, PJ *bá-i ‘bait’ (PA *b)
PT *d-n ‘spirit, breath’, Manchu ǯu-n ‘pulse, vein’, but PJ *tí, PM *či-su
‘blood’ (PA *čū; here the *-n in PT and Manchu is probably suffixed)
PM *do-/*du- ‘middle’, PTM *dō ‘inside’, PK *tắi ‘inside’ (PA *dṑ)
A special type of cases is represented by a number of verbal roots
emerging as monosyllables of the type *CV in some languages, but having the structure *CVl(V) or, less frequently, *CVr(V) in others:
PT *ạl- ‘take’, PM *ali- ‘take, receive’, PTM *al(i)- id., but PJ *á- ‘receive’
(PA *ắla)
PM *bür-il- ‘die, perish’: PTM *bu- ‘die’ (but bur- in some forms, e.g. in
Nanai) (PA *bŭri)
PM *ere- ‘healthy, sober’: PTM *eri- ‘to breathe’, PJ *àr- ‘be’: PT *er- ‘be’
(but *e- in many verb forms in modern languages) (PA *ra)
PT *gẹl- ‘come’, PM *gel(i)- ‘walk, run after’, PTM *gel- ‘get on one’s
way’, but PK *ká- ‘go away’, PJ *k- ‘come’ (PA *gle)
PT *Kɨl- ‘do, make’, but PM *ki- id., PJ *kì- (in *kì-túk- ‘build’) (PA *ki(lo))
PT *ol- ‘sit’ (but frequently o- in *ol-tur-, *o-tur- id.), PM *ol- ‘obtain’ ( <
‘become’): PTM *ō- ‘to become; to make’; PK *ó- ‘come’ (PA *ṑlu)
PM *hil- ‘warm’, PTM *pile- ‘dry under the sun’, but PJ *p- ‘dry up’
(PA *p῾ìlo)
PT *sal- ‘to put’, but PK *hằ-, PJ *sỺ- ‘make, do’ (PA *sóle)
We reconstruct disyllables here, but the exceptional loss of *r and *l
remains unexplained. A possible solution would be to reconstruct
those roots as *CVC, with the root-final resonant lost occasionally.
However, the number of cases is not large, and the roots in question are
24
INTRODUCTION
frequently used as auxiliary verbs, which by itself could explain the
exceptional phonetic development. It is also possible that *-r- and *-l- in
those cases are originally suffixed, and the roots belong to the rare (but
existing) type *CV. The problem obviously requires further investigation.
2.1. The consonant system of Proto-Altaic
The consonants reconstructed for Proto-Altaic are:
p῾t῾
č῾
k῾
p
t
č
k
b
d
ǯ
g
m
n
ń
ŋ
s
š
z
j
r
ŕ
l
ĺ
It is interesting to note that *z and *j are in complementary distribution: *z occurs only word-initially, while *j never occurs in the beginning of the word. However, their reflexes are so different that it seems
hardly possible to regard them synchronically as a single phoneme.
The correspondences between Altaic languages can be summarized
as follows:
PA
*p῾*p῾
*p*p
*b*b
Tung.
*p*p
*p*b
*b*b
*m*m
*t῾-
*m*m
*t-
Mong.
*h-, *j*h, b / -b
*b-,h*b
*b*h / [*R]b,
*b[Vg] /-b
*m*m
*t- /č[i]
Turk.
*0-, *j*p
*b*b
*b*b
Jpn.
*p*p
*p*p
*p- / b[a,ə,Vj]
*p [*iV,*j]w
Kor.
*p*p
*p*p
*p*b / -p
*m*m
*t-
*m*m
*t-
*t / č[i] / -d
*d- / č[i]
*d / č[i]
*d- / ǯ[i]
*b*m
*t[dV+ĺ,ŕ,r]
*t
*d*t
*j-
*t῾
*t*t
*d-
*t
*d-/ǯ()
*t
*d-
*t
*t*r / -t
*t-
*d / ǯ[i]
*n*n
*r
*d
*j*n
*r
*t
*t- / d[i,ə]
*t
*d- / t [V +
*p῾,*t῾,*k῾,*č῾]
*t / [*iV,*j] j
*n*n
*r, *t
*d
*n*n
*r
*d
*n*n
*r
*r / -t
*n*n
*r
25
CHAPTER TWO
PA
*l*l
*s*s
*z*č῾*č῾
*č*č
*ǯ*ǯ
*ń*ń
*ŕ
*ĺ*ĺ
*š-
Tung.
*l*l
*s*s
*s*č*č
*ǯ*s
*ǯ*ǯ
*ń*ń
*r
*l*l
*š-
*š
*j
*k῾*k῾
*k*k
*š
*j
*x*k/x
*k*k
*g*g
*g*g
*ŋ-
*ŋ-
*ŋ
*ŋ
Mong.
*l-, n*l
*s*s
*s*č*č
*d- / *č[i]
*č
*ǯ*ǯ
*ǯ*j, n
*r
*d- /ǯ[i]
*l
*s- / *č[*A]
Turk.
*j*l
*s*s
*j*č*č
*d*č
*j*j
*j*ń
*ŕ
*j*ĺ
*s- /
*č[*A]
*s
*s
*j, h
*j
*k*k*k, g[Vh] / -g *k
*k*g*g / -g
*k,
g[(V)r]
*g*g*h, g[Vh] /
*g
-g
*0-, *j-/ g[u] / *0-, *jn[a,o,e]
*ŋ, n, m,h
*ŋ
Jpn.
*n*r
*s*s
*s*t*t
*t*s
*d*j
*m*n, *m
*r / t[i,u]
*n*s
*s-
Kor.
*n*r
*s-, h*s
*s*č*č
*č*č
*č*č
*n*ń
*r
*n*r
*s-
*s
*j, *0
*k*k
*k*k
*s
*j, *0
*k*k, h
*k*0, h /-k
*k*k/[*iV] 0
*k*0, h / -k
*0-/*n-(/*m[]-)
*n-
*n, *m
*ŋ, 0
Below is an outline of the development of every Proto-Altaic consonant with full reference to the text of the dictionary.
2.1.1. PA initial *p῾
PA
*p῾-
Turk.
*0-, *j-
Mong.
*h-, *j-
Tung.
*p-
Kor.
*p-
Jpn.
*p-
26
INTRODUCTION
Notes:
Turkic usually has 0-, but frequently has a j- before original diphthongs *a, *o (note: never before *u).
Mongolian usually has *h-, but in some cases also has a j- (before
original *e and diphthongs, but much less frequently than Turkic).
The problem of Khalaj hDoerfer has reconstructed PT *h- which yields h- in Khalaj, but 0- in all
other Turkic languages. It may well be that Khalaj indeed reflects a
phoneme lost elsewhere. In that case we would certainly expect Khalaj
h- to reflect PA *p῾- (just as MMong. has h- < *p῾- or Evk. has h- < *p῾-).
The real situation is, however, much more complex.
We may note that PA *p῾- is in fact in the vast majority of cases reflected as Khalaj h-. Cf.: Khal. hadaq ‘foot’ < PT *(h)adak < PA *p῾ágdi;
Khal. haɣač ‘tree’ < PT *(h)ɨ-gač < PA *p῾[]ju; Khal. hɨraq ‘far’ < PT
*(h)ɨra- < PA *p῾ìra; Khal. hēl ‘wet’ < PT *(h)ȫl < PA *p῾ṓle; Khal. hārɨ ‘bee’
< PT *(h)ārɨ < PA *p῾ḗra; Khal. har-qan ‘tired, lean’ < PT *(h)r- < PA
*p῾ra; Khal. hat- ‘to throw’ < PT *(h)ạt- < PA *p῾t῾a; Khal. hič- ‘to extinguish’ < PT *(h)öč- < PA *p῾ōči; Khal. hāčuɣ ‘bitter’ < PT *(h)iāčɨg < PA
*p῾č῾o; Khal. huv- ‘to rub’ < PT *(h)ob- < PA *p῾ṑpo; Khal. hüsgün-, hiz‘to demolish’ < PT *(h)üŕ- < PA *p῾uŕi; Khal. hadru- ‘to separate’ < PT
*(h)adɨr- < PA *p῾ādA; Khal. hīt ‘hole’ < PT *(h)ǖt < PA *p῾ṓt῾è; Khal. harq
‘excrement’ < PT *(h)ark < PA *p῾arkV; Khal. has- ‘to hang’ < PT *(h)as- <
PA *p῾asi; Khal. hidiš ‘vessel’ < PT *(h)diĺ < PA *p῾ādi; Khal. hur- ‘to hit’ <
PT *(h)ur- < PA *p῾ri; Khal. häräk- ‘to rise’ < PT *(h)ȫr- < PA *p῾ṓre; Khal.
hārt ‘back’ < PT *(h)ār-t < PA *p῾ṑrí.
There are only six cases where Khalaj has 0- in the place of PA *p῾-,
and all of them can be easily explained as recent borrowings from Azeri or Turkmenian: Khal. ič- ‘to drink’ ( = Turkm., Az. ič-) < PT *(h)ič- <
PA *p῾ič῾i; Khal. ät ‘meat’ ( = Turkm. et, Az. ät) < PT *(h)et < PA *p῾ḕta;
Khal. aɣīr ‘heavy’ ( = Turkm., Az. aɣɨr) < PT *(hi)agɨr < PA *p῾àká; Khal.
ōn ‘ten’ ( = Turkm. ōn, Az. on) < PT *(h)ōn < PA *p῾VbV(n); Khal. esür- to
cough’ ( = Turkm. üsgür-) < PT *(h)üskür- < PA *p῾ŭsi; Khal. äkki ῾two’
( = Turkm., Az. ik(k)i) < PT *ẹk(k)i < PA p῾òk῾e.
In all other cases when Khalaj has 0-, the Turkic forms go back to
PA roots with *0- or *ŋ-, cf.: Khal. uč- ‘to fly’ < PT *uč- < PA *ùč῾o; Khal.
äl ‘hand’ < PT *el < PA *ŋli; Khal. išüt- ‘to hear’ < PT *ẹĺit- < PA *aĺi;
Khal. uza-, uzu- ‘long’ < PT *uŕa-, *uŕɨ- < PA *uŕo; Khal. aɣɨz ‘mouth’ <
PT *Agɨŕ < PA *ága; Khal. ol- ‘to be’ < PT *ol- < PA *ṑlu; Khal. ū- ‘to sleep’
< PT *ū- < PA *ŋju; Khal. o ‘that’ < PT *o- < PA *ó; Khal. äm- ‘to suck’ <
PT *em- < PA *emV; Khal. aš ‘meal’ < PT *(i)aĺ < PA *oĺe; Khal. it ‘dog’ <
CHAPTER TWO
27
PT *it < PA *ŋndo; Khal. aŋla- ‘to understand’ < PT *āŋ- < PA *ēŋV; Khal.
ič ‘interior’ < PT *ič < PA *ič῾u; Khal. ä-rä ‘that side’ < PT *a- < PA *é;
Khal. ušaq ‘knuckle-bone’ < PT *(i)aĺ(č)uk < PA *ằĺča; Khal. ēz ‘inside’ <
PT *ȫŕ < PA *ṓŕi; Khal. ānd ‘oath’ < PT *ānt < PA *nta; Khal. äy- ‘to
bend’ < PT *eg- < PA *egi; Khal. ēr- ‘to reach’ < PT *ēr- < PA *re; Khal.
ēn- ‘to go down’ < PT *ēn- < PA *ŋḗni; Khal. ist ‘upper part’ < PT *ȫŕ-t <
PA *ōŕi; Khal. äŋgür ‘dusk’ < PT *ɨŋɨr < PA *ína; Khal. ilgär ‘in front’ < PT
*ilk < PA *ílek῾a; Khal. elč- ‘to measure’ < PT *öl-č- < PA *úle; Khal. īlän‘to cry’ < PT *ɨjŋala- < PA *ùjŋula; Khal. inǯi- ‘suffer’ < PT *ēn- < PA
*ēnV; Khal. īš ‘deed, work’ < PT *īĺč < PA *ĺi; Khal. al-t ‘below’ < PT *al< PA *ale; Khal. al- ‘to take’ < PT *ạl- < PA *ála; Khal. är- ‘to be’ < PT *er< PA *ra; Khal. arɨ-, aru- ‘clean’ < PT *ạrɨ- < PA *ero; Khal. arqa ‘back’ <
PT *ar-ka < PA *ara; Khal. arpa ‘barley’ < PT *arpa < PA *arp῾a; Khal. ej
‘front’ < PT *öŋ < PA *òŋè; Khal. ēm ‘trousers’ < PT *(i)öm < PA *umi;
Khal. ärin ‘lip’ < PT *Erin < PA *ằré; Khal. ēšük ‘covering’ < PT *ēĺü- <
PA *ḗĺpo; Khal. irdek ‘duck’ < PT *Ebü-rdek < PA *jbi; Khal. ut- ‘to win’ <
PT *ut- < PA *ut῾a; Khal. eger ‘hunting dog’ < PT *eker < PA *ŋk῾u.
However, there is a significant number of cases where Khalaj has
initial h- which appears to be an innovation (prothesis), cf.: Khal. hil- ‘to
die’ < PT *öl < PA *oli; Khal. här ‘man’ < PT *ēr < PA *ri; Khal. hāj
‘moon’ < PT *āń < PA *ńu; Khal. hūt ‘fire’ < PT *ōt < PA *ōt῾a; Khal. hāj‘to say’ < PT *ạj- < PA *eju; Khal. häv ‘house’ < PT *eb < PA *ìbe; Khal.
häšü- ‘to dig’ < PT *eĺ- < PA *ḗĺV; Khal. hirin, hürün ‘white’ < PT *ürüŋ <
PA *obri; Khal. hin- ‘to grow’ < PT *ȫn- < PA *ṓni; Khal. havul ‘quiet’ <
PT *ăm- < PA *mV; Khal. hāɣa- ‘back’ < PT *(i)āg- < PA *ga; Khal. hāz‘to go astray’ < PT *āŕ- < PA *ḗŕa; Khal. hajaz ‘clear sky’ < PT *ańaŕ < PA
*ŋańa; Khal. hikkä ‘lung’ < PT *öpke < PA *op῾ekV; Khal. häjir- ‘to twist,
spin’ < PT *egir- < PA *egVrV; Khal. hiri- ‘to plait’ < PT *ȫr- < PA *ṓre;
Khal. ham ‘vulva’ < PT *(i)am < PA *amu; Khal. hāll ‘front’ < PT *āl- < PA
*āla; Khal. hēǯäš ‘anger’ < PT *ȫč < PA *ṓč῾é; Khal. hāla-bula ‘variegated’ <
PT *āla < PA *lV; Khal. āč ‘hunger’ < PT *č < PA *ēč῾o; Khal. hat ‘horse’
< PT *at < PA *atV; Khal. hoqlaɣo ‘bow’ < PT *ok- < PA *k῾à; Khal. häjlä‘sieve’ < PT *ĕlge- < PA *algi; Khal. hāra ‘space between’ < PT *āra < PA
*rV; Khal. haz ‘few’ < PT *āŕ < PA *āŕa; Khal. häps- ‘to winnow’ < PT
*ebs- < PA *eba; Khal. hoqu- ‘to call’ < PT *ok- < PA *oki; Khal. hottuz
‘thirty’ < PT *otuŕ < PA *ŋ[u]-.
One may note that this prothetic h- is very frequent before long
vowels and before the following -j-, -v-. However, the rules are not
strict, and in general the emergence of h- in Khalaj is unpredictable.
Absence of h- in Khalaj is therefore an almost certain sign of *0- (or *ŋ-)
in Altaic, but its presence may be original or secondary. We shall thus
continue to use PT forms without initial *h- (keeping in mind though
28
INTRODUCTION
that it was probably present in the system) - given that the reconstruction of *h- can be made only on Khalaj data, and the latter is often quite
ambiguous.
2.1.2. PA non-initial *-p῾PA
*p῾
Turk.
*p
Mong.
Tung.
*h (*w),b / *p
-b
Kor.
*p
Jpn.
*p
Notes.
Japanese can occasionally have -m- before the following nasal, cf.
*t῾p῾o > *túmá- ( = PT *tubńa- < *tupńa-).
The PM consonant *-h- in intervocalic position is traditionally romanized as -ɣ-, because it is not orthographically distinguished from
-g- (or -G-, also romanized as -ɣ-). In order not to depart from tradition
too much, we shall write -g- for -g- (“non-vanishing” -g-) and -ɣ- for -h(“vanishing” -g-), even though phonetically it was most probably -h(perhaps voiced -ɦ-) in Middle Mongolian.
It should also be noted that Mongolian did not tolerate *-h- (-ɣ-) in
front of -i-: in this position it always has -j-. Sometimes -j- also appears
instead of *-h- (-ɣ-) before -e-.
Mongolian preserves non-initial *p῾ as b in syllable-final position
and in clusters with resonants. In intervocalic position it exhibits a
variation of *-h- (sometimes with a preservation of the labial feature,
*-hw- = -w-) and *-b-.
Japanese usually preserves *-p῾- as -p-, but (as in case of other aspirated and voiced stops) reveals occasional cases of secondary voiced or
prenasalized *-(m)p-.
It turns out that there is a fairly good correlation between Mong.
*-h- and Jpn. *-p-, on the one hand, and Mong. *-b- and Jpn. -mp-, on
the other. Here is a complete correlation chart:
2.1.2.1. Mong. *-h- : Jpn. *-pPA
*č῾ep῾a
*č῾op῾e
*ep῾o
*kḗp῾a
*kàp῾u
*kùp῾u
*kăp῾u
Mong.
*čoɣu-da*čöɣe-rüm
*(h)aɣag
*keɣe
*kajir*kuji*kaɣa-
Jpn.
*tapai
*tpî
*əpə-mənə
*kápúa
*kùpí-(mpisù)
*kùpà*kupai
29
CHAPTER TWO
PA
*k῾àp῾a
*k῾p῾a
*k῾p῾e
*k῾op῾ira
*ĺp῾u
*ŏp῾ikV
*ṓp῾a
*pép῾a
*sṓp῾i
*šúp῾u
*sép῾a
*t῾ằp῾e
*t῾áp῾a
*t῾op῾e
*t῾ĕp῾a
*ǯap῾u
Mong.
*kaɣur-čag
*kawu-da*kewü*köɣürge
*ǯeɣeg
*(h)öɣe
*uwu*baɣa-su
*süje
*siɣü*siɣüre*tawul*taji*taɣa*taɣ-, *tuji*ǯaɣa-
Jpn.
*kàpì
*kapa
*kp*kápárá
*nùp*pùkùpùkù-si
*apa-ik*páp(u)i
*sípína
*súp*sápár*tpr*tápútuá*təp*tàpú*dup-
2.1.2.2. Mong. *-b- (-w- before consonants) : Jpn. *-mpPA
*č῾p῾[u]
*dup῾u
*ép῾a
*gàp῾a
*góp῾a
*kèp῾i
*kŏp῾e
*kup῾V
*k῾ep῾orV
*ĺip῾u
*op῾a(rV)
*sắp῾i
*sằp῾i
*săp῾i
*sèp῾o
*sp῾i
*sắp῾u
*sp῾i
*šop῾e
*tp῾e
*t῾ĕp῾a
Mong.
*čuwčali
*ǯiber
*ebür
*gabi
*gobur
*kibag
*köbü-re
*kubi
*kabir*ǯibi
*(h)obur
*sibeɣe
*sabaga
*sabir-/*sibere*saba
*sebesüre*saw-ga
*sibe*čow-kar
*debi*tebeg
Jpn.
*tùmpá-mái
*tumpasa
*ámpárá
*kàmpà*kámpú
*kìmpí (/*kìmí)
*kəmpu
*kùmpà-r*kəm(p)ura
*numpa*ampura*sìmpá
*sìmpái
*simpuki
*smpa
*símpm*súmpa*simpai
*səmpa*tmp*tampua
30
PA
*t῾p῾e
*t῾óp῾ú
*t῾op῾u
INTRODUCTION
Mong.
*tübü- (but also
*teɣe-, *teji-)
*tobid
*toburu-
Jpn.
*túmpú*túmpúa
*tùmpú-ra
There are several cases of Mong. -b- : Jpn. -p- after Jpn. initial *p-:
apparently in this position prenasalization did not occur. Cf.:
PA
*ĕp῾a
*p῾ép῾a
*p῾ṓp῾[a]
Mong.
*ebej
*haba-kai
*jabu-
Jpn.
*pàpà
*pápái
*pápúr-
There are some exceptions, most of them allowing for an explanation:
1. PA *p῾o > Mong. aba-rga, but Jpn. *p-. Jpn. *p- ‘big’ may in fact
belong to another root, cf. TM *ebi- ‘to be satiated, enough’.
2. PA *gṓp῾e > Mong. gübege, but Jpn. *kəp(u)i. Jpn. *kəp(u)i ‘swelling of
feet’ may in fact, together with *kpà- ‘hard, strong’ reflect a different Altaic root *k῾àpe ‘strong; to swell’ (cf. TM *xabul- ‘swell’), or at
least may have been influenced by this root phonetically.
3. PA *k῾ap῾e > Mong. kibe, but Jpn. *kpr(n)kí: an example of “Lyman’s
law”, prohibiting two voiced (prenasalized) consonants within one
root in Japanese.
4. PA *k῾p῾o > Mong. kajila-, but Jpn. *kmpr-. Here Mong. kajila- ‘melt’
was probably influenced by kajira- ‘burn, roast’.
5. PA *làjp῾V > Mong. *niɣa-, but Jpn. nàimpàr-. Irregular development in
this case was probably caused by the cluster -jp῾- (perhaps the same
in 6 and 7?)
6. PA *sp῾i > Mong. siɣu-, but Jpn. *sìmpàr-. Jpn. *sìmpàr- ‘tie, bind’ may
be actually a combined reflex of PA *sp῾i, *sbi and *špo, all distinguished only in the Western Altaic branch.
7. PA *ǯip῾o > Mong. *ǯiɣar, but Jpn. *(d)impu-s-.
We see that the exceptions are both few and dubious, while the evidence in favour of Mong. *-h- : Jpn. *-p- and Mong. *-b- : Jpn. *-mp- is
rather strong. One would be tempted to reconstruct two different phonemes here, but this is probably not the best solution, since there exist
two other rows of correspondences (for PA *-p- and *-b- respectively),
and there is no trace of evidence in favour of the existence of four series
of stops in Altaic.
The explanation here is perhaps prosodic. Already Poppe in his “Introduction” noticed the split in Mongolian and put forward a hypothe-
CHAPTER TWO
31
sis that the reason for the split may have been accentological, something like Verner’s law causing voicing of *-p- (in our reconstruction,
*-p῾-), e.g., in a stressed position. The idea was at that time purely hypothetical, since there was nothing to prove or disprove it. But if we
look at the charts above, we may notice that, although exceptions are
rather many, there is in Japanese a general tendency for words in type
1 to have low pitch on the syllable with -p- (cf. *tpî, *kùpà-, *kàpì, *kp-,
*pùkùpùkù-si, *tpr-), and in type 2 to have high pitch on the syllable
with *-mp- (cf. *tùmpá-mái, *ámpárá, *kámpú, *kìmpí, *sìmpá, *sìmpái,
*símpm-, *túmpú-, *túmpúa, *tùmpú-ra). Pitch, especially on non-initial
syllables, is not always reconstructable, and certainly was subject to a
lot of secondary influences (analogical, morphological etc.). Nevertheless, the correlation seems significant and may help us reconstruct prosodic characteristics of non-initial syllables in Proto-Altaic (on the better known prosody of the initial syllables see below).
It is therefore highly probable that PA possessed some prosodic distinction on the second syllable (pitch or perhaps vowel length) that
caused voicing of *-p῾- > *-b- in Mongolian and prenasalization (probably initially through gemination *-p῾- > *-pp- > *-mp-) in
Proto-Japanese. Mongolian has not preserved traces of this feature
elsewhere; Japanese, however, demonstrates its effects in every series
of stops, not only labials. See more on that below.
Examples for medial *-p῾- can be found in following entries of the
dictionary: *áp῾a, *ap῾akV, *č῾ăp῾a, *č῾ap῾i, *č῾ep῾à, *č῾ḗp῾u, *č῾p῾ì, *č῾íp῾ú,
*č῾p῾[ú], *č῾op῾è, *č῾p῾a, *č῾op῾a, *č῾p῾a, *č῾op῾i, *č῾up῾V, *dĕp῾a, *dup῾ú,
*ĕp῾a, *ép῾á, *ep῾ò, *p῾o, *ép῾V, *gàp῾á, *gep῾V, *gṓp῾e, *gp῾a, *góp῾á, *gṓp῾i,
*ap῾i, *ăp῾u, *ap῾u, *op῾érV, *kăp῾è, *kìp῾é, *kìp῾í, *kḗp῾à, *kḗp῾V, *kap῾a,
*kàp῾ù, *kùp῾u, *kùp῾ù, *kŏp῾é, *kŏp῾V, *kṓp῾i, *kùp῾Ỻ, *kup῾e, *k[ā]p῾á,
*k῾ăp῾ù, *k῾àp῾à, *k῾ap῾u, *k῾ap῾V, *k῾p῾à, *k῾āp῾a, *k῾àp῾e, *k῾p῾ó, *k῾ep῾orV,
*k῾p῾è, *k῾p῾a, *k῾óp῾e, *k῾up῾e, *kúĺap῾V, *k῾p῾e, *k῾óp῾ì, *k῾óp῾i, *k῾óp῾ìra,
*láp῾ì, *ĺp῾o, *ĺp῾V, *ĺep῾a, *lép῾ó, *ĺip῾ú, *lap῾V, *làp῾[à], *ĺp῾ù, *lop῾V,
*np῾é, *nep῾V(ĺV), *op῾á(rV), *p῾ìkV, *op῾V, *ṓp῾à, *ṓp῾V, *ṓp῾V, *pép῾à,
*p῾ăp῾a, *p῾ap῾o, *p῾ép῾a, *p῾ṓp῾[á], *sắp῾í, *sằp῾í, *săp῾í, *sàp῾ì, *sep῾a, *sèp῾ó,
*sèp῾ù, *sắp῾ú, *sp῾í, *sp῾è, *sŏp῾u, *sṓp῾ì, *sp῾í, *šĭp῾V, *šop῾a, *šúp῾ù,
*sép῾à, *šop῾é, *tp῾V, *tp῾é, *tp῾e, *t῾áp῾à, *t῾ằp῾è, *t῾op῾è, *t῾ăp῾o(rV), *t῾èp῾à,
*t῾ep῾V, *t῾ĕp῾á, *t῾ep῾à, *t῾p῾a, *t῾p῾é, *t῾op῾u, *t῾up῾i, *t῾p῾o, *t῾óp῾ú, *t῾op῾u,
*t῾òp῾ú, *t῾p῾i, *ùp῾í, *zep῾i, *ǯap῾ù, *ǯp῾V, *ǯip῾o, *ǯip῾u, *ǯap῾e, *ǯòp῾è,
*ǯap῾V(ĺV).
32
INTRODUCTION
2.1.3. PA initial *p
PA
*p-
Turk.
*b-
Mong.
*b-,h-
Tung.
*p-
Kor.
*p-
Jpn.
*p-
Notes.
Mongolian has here variation between b- (in the majority of cases)
and *h- (less frequently, but still in a sufficient amount of cases).
Here, too, we may note a dependence of the distribution on prosodic factors.
a) before an original long vowel (on their reconstruction see below)
Mongolian always has *b-: *pjku > *beg-, *plča > *balči-, *pli >
*bilaɣu, *pli > *belčir, *pt῾e > *batagana, *pḗk῾o > *baka-, *pḗŕV >
*berseɣü, *pḕǯo > *böǯi, *pt῾e > *bat-, *pṓro > *burga-, *pōto > *bodu-,
*pṓt῾o > *buta, *pge > *bug, *pūsa > *busu.
The only exception is the root *pne ‘to ride’, where Mong. has a
strange variation between *hunu- and *unu-, so far unexplained.
b) before a vowel with high pitch Mongolian always has *b-: *pắda >
*bad-, *pélaba(nV) > *barimal, *pép῾a > *baɣa-su, *píla > *bila-, *píńŋe >
*beɣer, *pắlagV > *balaga-, *plo > *boli-, *pltorV > *bolǯir-, *póso >
*bosuga, *pk῾i > *böküne, *pgi(-rV) > *böɣere, *pótirkV > *büdürkei,
*púla > *bul-, *púre > *bor-.
c) before a short vowel with low pitch Mongolian usually has *h-: *pka
> *(h)agi, *pk῾e > *hok-tal-, *plǯi > *(h)ilǯi, *pằt῾e > *hataɣa, *psa >
*hesi.
There are two exceptions here, both probably explainable:
1. *pč῾a ‘to tear, split, cut’ > Mong. *biči, *bičal-; the root is expressive
and its prosodic characteristics are not quite firmly established.
2. *pru ‘to snow, rain’ > Mong. boruɣa. The root is very close to *bru
‘smoke, whirlwind’ ( > Mong. bur-gi-), and could have been easily
influenced by it.
It seems thus that in this case, too, the Mongolian split was caused
by prosodic factors. Moreover, it is difficult to separate the two d escribed processes: split of medial *-p῾- and of initial *p- in Mongolian.
We can put forward the following explanation.
The process *p῾- > *h- must have already happened very early, since
it is common both to Turkic and Mongolian, probably in the common
Turko-Mongolian protolanguage, and, as is often the case, triggered a
series of further changes. Thus, Proto-Turko-Mongolian reduced the
three-way distinction of *p῾-*p-*b in initial position to a two-way distinction *p-*b (although word-medially and in other local series the
three-way distinction was kept, see below). After the split of
33
CHAPTER TWO
Turko-Mongolian Turkic merged *p and *b into one voiced phoneme
*b, both initially and medially. Mongolian, however, had a slightly
more complicated development. The first change here was that of *-b- >
*-w- (except in clusters, see below); next medial *-p- > -b-, just as in
Turkic: we shall see below that PA *-p- and *-b- develop in different
ways in Mongolian, which means that they had not merged early. In
this way Mongolian also arrived at a two-way distinction *p-*b (in medial position phonetically it was rather *p῾-*b), but in a fashion different
from that of Turkic.
As seen from the above, Proto-Mongolian must have had some
pitch distinctions that later became lost. It probably had high pitch on
initial syllables with original vowel length (independently of tone) and
on initial syllables with short vowels, but original high tone. It also had
high pitch on non-initial syllables corresponding (at least partly) to
high pitch in Japanese. Whether this high pitch reflects original high
tone or vowel length on non-initial syllables is yet to be established.
The process that happened afterwards can be described as follows:
early Proto-Mongolian *p changed into *b in syllables with high pitch.
Finally, the rest of the instances of *p which were all probably aspirated ( = *p῾) by that time, changed to *f and then to *h, both initially
and medially.
2.1.4 PA non-initial *p
PA
*p
Turk.
*b
Mong.
*b
Tung.
*b
Kor.
*p
Jpn.
*p
Notes.
As we have said above, Turkic and Mongolian had a process of
voicing *-p- > *-b-, although this voicing probably occurred independently. Tungus-Manchu also underwent the same process.
PA *-p- is generally reconstructed on the basis of Mong. *-b- (not
changing to *-h-, as PA *-b-, see below) and Kor. *-p-. Note that such a
behaviour of *-p- in Korean differs from *-t- and *-k- (which are normally reflected as *-d- > -r- and *-g- > -0-) and means that medial *-p- in
Korean had early merged with voiceless *-p῾-.
In Japanese *-p-, like other voiceless unaspirated stops, is not subject
to prenasalization ( < *gemination), as was shown by I. Gruntov. An
only exception is noticed in a root with an initial voiceless aspirated
*t῾-, which means that an early assimilation *C῾VCV > *C῾VC῾V was operating in Japanese. Cf.: PA *t῾ḕpa > *t῾ḕp῾a > PJ *tàmpá.
34
INTRODUCTION
Occasionally one can also meet Jpn. -m- < *-p- before the following
nasal, cf. *dpà > *dàmà ( = Mong. *daba-ɣan); *lépù > *númà ( = PTM
*lebē-n).
Examples for PA *p can be found in the following entries: *àpo,
*apuči, *apV, *pi, *č῾ipV, *č῾upa, *dpà, *ḗpo, *gúpu, *ipe, *òpe, *ằpV, *upo,
*kăpi, *kĕpV, *kēpu, *kàpì, *kopu, *kòpù, *kopV, *k῾àpe, *k῾ápa, *k῾apV,
*k῾èpà, *k῾èpù, *ńipV, *ńṑpo, *ŋúpu, *papi, *p῾ṑpo, *sápa, *sapV, *sĕpo,
*sepV, *sípa, *spi, *sìpò, *sipV, *spe, *spe, *sipa, *špo, *tapV, *t῾ápỼ,
*t῾ḕpá, *zīpe, *zupi, *ǯape.
2.1.5 PA initial *bPA
*b-
Turk.
*b-
Mong.
*b-
Tung.
*b-
Kor.
*p-
Jpn.
*p- / *b[a,ə,Vj]
Notes.
Initial *b- is usually well preserved in Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu. In Korean it was devoiced like all voiced consonants in
general and merged with *p- and *p῾-.
The most tricky reflex of *b- is found in Japanese, where three rules
regulate its development:
1. PA *b- > Jpn. p- before all voiceless aspirated consonants: *bằt῾i >
*pìntì, *bk῾u > *pukusi, *bek῾u > *punku, *bt῾e > *pútá, *bṓrk῾i > *púk-,
*buk῾e > *pùkùmpái, *bt῾u > *pùt-, *bk῾i > *pìnkàm-, *bt῾e > *pntk-,
*buč῾o > *pətəpər-.
2. PA *b- > Jpn. *p- before *i and *u: *balu > *puruki, *bằŕ[i] > *pìr-, *bási
> *písák-, *bdi > *pitapi, *bri > *pìtà, *bdu > *pùtuà-, *bēǯu > *piji-nta- (
~ pui-), *bắĺmi > *pínsá, *bălu > *pu-, *bŏŕu > *pítú-nsi, *bási > *písásí,
*bgi > *pìja-, *bogo > *pia, *bli-t῾i > *píntì, *bor[a] > *púrí, *bṓr[e] >
*pírí-p-, *budu > *pí-n-kai, *bùdo > *pùjà-kà, *bugu > *pu, *blo >
*pùr, *buri > *pitə, *būgi > *pìw-musi, *bŏgdu > *puti, *bku >
*pùkù-m-, *bŏĺi > *pusi, *bli > *púr-, *bĺi > *pùsì, *bằlu > *pùrù-.
3. PA *b- > Jpn. *b- before low vowels and before the following *j: *bắja
> *bái-m-, *bèka > *bàkà, *bằka > *bàkàr-, *bằka > *bàká-, *bašo > *basi-r-,
*bằto > *bàtà, *b > *bə, *bāla > *bàràpai, *bāŕa > *báráp-, *b > *bá-i, *bje
> *b, *béjo > *bí ( ~ *bi), *bre > *bt-, *b (*ba) > *bà-, *bíju > *bú(i)-,
*bĺča > *bánsá-, *bga > *bà, *bla > *bàrà-mpì, *bólo > *brì, *bòsa >
*bàsái, *bóju > *bíjá, *búga > *bà, *bujri > *bì, *bka > *bàkì, *bòda >
*bàtà, *bde > *bntr-, *bka > *bàkù, *bke > *bkás-, *bójĺo > *bsí-p-,
*bóra > *bár-, *borso(k῾V) > *bsákí, *bṓlo > *br-, *bùjre > *bàr-, *búĺa >
*básurá-, *bĺo > *bsì-, *bùro > *br-, *bŋe- > *bamia-.
35
CHAPTER TWO
There are four exceptions, where Jpn. for an unknown reason has
voiceless *p- instead of the expected *b-: PA *bằǯa > *pàjá; PA *blo >
*pàrá-; PA *bura > *para-p-; PA *bte > *pàtákài. The overwhelming majority of cases, however, follows the established rules quite strictly.
Note that this split must have happened rather late in the history of
Japanese (but before the reconstructed Proto-Japanese period), because
it depends on PJ vowels, already after a whole series of transformations
that they underwent after PJ split from Proto-Altaic (see below on the
vocalism).
The phonetic reasons here are not easy to discover. It is possible that
what we reconstruct as PJ *b was in fact a fricative *b (in Old Japanese
it is actually w-, but most Ryukyu dialects have the value b-). In that
case we may think that the original *b weakened into *b before low
vowels, but preserved its stopped articulation *b before more tense
high vowels *i and *u, after which *b was devoiced into *p. The effect
of *-j- (in cases like *biju > *bu(i), *bóju > *bija, *bujri > *bi) deserves special attention, because this is very similar to what happened in Japanese with intervocalic *-b-, *-d- and *-g- (that changed to fricatives after
--diphthongs, see below). The following *-j- must have had a palatalizing effect on *b-, so it changed to *- (or *) and subsequently escaped
the general process of devoicing *b > *p.
The process of fricativizing *b- > *b- probably took place also in
some archaic Korean dialects, which explains why in a few cases Korean also has 0- ( < *w-) as a reflex of PA *b-. Unlike Japanese, however,
these cases are very few, which means that the standard dialect where
*b- > *p- in the long run prevailed. The probable cases with *b- > 0- in
Korean are:
PA *b ‘I, we’ > Kor. *úrí ‘we’ ( = PT *bi-ŕ)
PA *bujri ‘spring, well’ > Kor. *ù- in *ù-mr id. (*mr ‘water’)
PA *borso(k῾V) ‘badger’ > Kor. *ùsrk id.
PA *bùjre ‘wrong, bad’ > Kor. *ōi- id.
PA *bíju ‘to be’ > Kor. *ì- id.
2.1.6 PA non-initial *-bPA
*b
Turk.
*b
Mong.
Tung.
*h/ [*R]b, *b
*b(Vg) /-b
Kor.
*b / -p
Jpn.
*p /
[*iV,*j]w
Examples for non-initial *-b- can be found in following dictionary
entries: *èbà, *ắbá, *ăbu, *čằbà, *čabV, *čobe, *čobeŕV, *č῾abo, *č῾abu, *č῾bu,
*č῾ibe, *č῾abVk῾V, *č῾ōbé, *ebo, *debV, *ĕbà, *bè, *ebí, *gébó, *gĕbo, *gibe,
36
INTRODUCTION
*gube, *gūbe, *gbè, *gòbù, *ìbè, *obo, *ŋŏbu, *ùbú, *úb[u], *kabari, *kábó,
*kébà(rV), *kbú, *kób[e], *kúbé, *kubirgV, *k῾ăbo, *lùbu, *k῾ébá, *k῾ébà, *k῾ibù,
*k῾ŏba(kV), *k῾óbarV, *k῾ŏbe, *k῾bu, *k῾ube, *k῾ubu, *k῾òbàni, *k῾íbà, *làbò,
*labỼ, *ĺábó, *múbè, *nébì, *nìbi, *ń[ō]ba, *ŋàbi, *ebVrV, *pbi, *p῾ba,
*p῾ùb(a)gV, *p῾ubá-ktV, *p῾VbV, *p῾[o]bu, *sábà, *sắbí, *sábó, *sāba,
*sebV(nV), *sebe, *sibo, *sìbi, *sbi, *šábu, *sbo, *sbi, *sbu, *suba, *šábu,
*šóbi, *šuba, *tabu, *tbi, *tbú, *tubu, *tbúlka, *túbù, *t῾abi, *t῾bá, *t῾éba,
*t῾ebV, *t῾ḕbà, *t῾ébo, *t῾úbé, *t῾ŭge, *ǯaba, *ǯúbù, *ǯbì, *ǯVbV, *ǯebí, *săbi,
*ǯobá, *ǯebò, *eba(-ku), *nabo, *dubi, *ńbV.
Notes.
In all languages, in addition to normal reflexes, we may observe
weakened reflexes (-j-, in clusters also -0- in Turkic, -j-, -w- in Mong., -0in Korean, -0- in clusters in TM, -0- (usually after -u- or -j-) in Japanese).
It is quite probable that *-b- had an allophonic variant *-w- already in
Proto-Altaic, but there seems to be not enough evidence to reconstruct
a distinction between *-b- and *-w-.
Mong. normally has *-b- > -h-, but preserves -b- after resonants (see
below). Thus in a few cases when Mong. has intervocalic -b- and Jpn.
has -w-/-j- (which is the normal reflex after -i-diphthongs) and Kor. has
-b-, it seems appropriate to reconstruct the cluster *-jb-. These are the
cases:
PA *ằjbo : Mong. ebe-sü, Jpn. *àw- (here *-j- is also responsible for the
fronting *a > e in Mong.)
PA *ḗjba : Mong. *(h)abad, Jpn. *áwá-táPA *kejbe : Mong. *keb-te-, *kebiji-, Jpn. *kəjə-, Kor. *kìbúrPA *kójbu : Mong. *kubakaj, Jpn. *kúi
PA *t῾ḕjbo : Mong. *tabi-, Kor. *tằbiPA *t῾ujbu : Mong. *tobi-, Jpn. *tuà (here *-j- is actually preserved in TM
*tujba-)
PA *jba : Mong. *ibil-, Jpn. *àwà
PA *ǯjbe : Mong. *ǯoba-, Jpn. *duàwà-, Kor. *čubɨr-.
There is another important group of cases where Mongolian preserves intervocalic -b- rather than changing it to *-h- (-ɣ-). This is the
position of -b- before the following vowel + g, h (=ɣ). Cf.:
PA *ĺabo > Mong. *debeɣe
PA *sábo > Mong. *sibe-gčin
PA *sebVnV > Mong. *sebe-ɣün
PA *sibo > Mong. *sibaga
PA *sìbi > Mong. *sibag
PA *tbulka > Mong. *čibaga
CHAPTER TWO
37
PA *t῾ba > Mong. *tabag
PA *ǯebi > Mong. *ǯibe-ɣü
PA *săbi > Mong. siböge
In all of these cases we can neither reconstruct *-p῾- (there is either a
Turkic or TM form with *-b-), nor *-p- (there is voicing > *-mp- in Japanese, or Korean has *-b-), nor *-jb- (Japanese does not have -w-), so that
the only solution is reconstructing *-b- with the mentioned positional
condition.
We see that, unlike the case of -*p῾-, the split of *-b- into *-h- and *-bin Proto-Mongolian has nothing to do with prosody, being rather triggered by the “velar dissimilation rule”.
Let us now look at the rules of split in Japanese. Here, too, we have
a double reflex: stop (prenasalized or not - on this distinction see below) and resonant (fricative) *-w- (in some cases -j- or -0-, depending
evidently on the vocalic environment). As was stated in Starostin 1997,
the conditions of this split are purely vocalic: *-w- emerges after original diphthongs with --. Cf.:
a) PA *čằba > PJ *tàpàra; PA *č῾abu > *tupa-; PA *ĕba > PJ *àpù-; PA *be >
PJ *p-; PA *ebi > PJ *impu-sia-; PA *gbe > PJ *kp-; PA *kabari > PJ
*kapiara; PA *kábo > PJ *kámpiá; PA *kéba > PJ *kápí; PA *kbu > PJ
*kúmpuá; PA *kúbe > PJ *kuámp-; PA *k῾éba > PJ *kápà; PA *k῾ibu > PJ
*kúpá; PA *k῾òbani > PJ *kàpìná; PA *k῾íba > PJ *kápiàru(n)tai; PA *làbo >
PJ *nàp; PA *labV > PJ *nàp-; PA *ĺabo > PJ *náimpú; PA *nébi > PJ
*nípí-; PA *sắbi > PJ *símpí; PA *sábo > PJ *sámpúrap-; PA *sāba > PJ
*sàmpàk-; PA *sìbi > PJ *sìmpù-; PA *tằba > PJ *tàpì; PA *t῾ba > PJ
*tàmp(u)î; PA *t῾éba > PJ *támpì; PA *t῾ḕba > PJ *tapasir-; PA *t῾úbe > PJ
*tuámpí ( ~ -ə-); PA *ǯebo > PJ *dapara-; PA *tbu > *tùmpúnai;
b) PA *č῾be > PJ *tùwái; PA *gube > PJ *kuwa-; PA *gūbe > PJ *káwr; PA
*ùbu > PJ *ùwá; PA *k῾ŏbe > PJ *kua; PA *k῾ube > PJ *kwâi; PA *ŋàbi
> PJ *muà ( ~ *m); PA *pbi > PJ *piwa-; PA *sbu > PJ *súwá-i; PA
*ǯaba > PJ *duá-mp- ( < *dawV-mp-).
We know only one exception: PA *šábu > PJ *súmp-. This root is
very sparsely represented in Turkic and TM languages, so that the
vowel reconstruction is not quite secure (but PJ *súmp- in this case can
actually be a secondary contraction < *suwu-mp- and thus conform to
the general rule).
Note that in all these cases plain vowels and diphthongs are reconstructed independently of the Japanese evidence, and the distribution
is rather apparent. Since in many cases — especially when there is no
TM evidence— it is rather difficult to distinguish reflexes of plain vow-
38
INTRODUCTION
els from those of diphthongs, the Japanese distinction of *-p- vs. *-wmay actually help to reconstruct the vocalism. Such are the cases:
(with plain vowels):
PA *èba > PJ *àp-; PA *gébo > PJ *kámpí; PA *gòbu > PJ *kùpà-; PA *ìbe >
PJ *ìpùa; PA *k῾éba > PJ *kámpánái; PA *múbe > PJ *mápí-rənka-; PA *p῾ba
> PJ *pàp-; PA *p῾uba-ktV > PJ *pampuki; PA *sába > PJ *sápár-; PA *tàbu >
PJ *tùpìjái; PA *tbulka > PJ *tùmpákì; PA *túbu > PJ *túpí; PA *ǯbi > PJ
*(d)ìpià; PA *ǯebi > PJ *(d)impir-;
(and with diphthongs):
PA *čobe > PJ *təwə; PA *čobeŕV > PJ *túrá-; PA *úb[u] > PJ *úwa-; PA
*lùbu > PJ *nì (*nùi); PA *k῾óbarV > PJ *káwá(ra)-k-; PA *k῾ubu > PJ *k(u)i;
PA *šábu > PJ *súwá-; PA *sbo > PJ *sàwuà; PA *šóbi > PJ *síwá; PA
*ǯúbu > PJ *dúwài.
Japanese also regularly has *-w- or *-j- as a reflex of PA *-jb- (reconstructed on the basis of TM *-jb- or Mong. -b-, that has not shifted to
-ɣ-, see above): PA *ằjbo > PJ *àw-; PA *jbi > PJ *û; PA *ḗjba > PJ
*áwá-tá-; PA *kejbe > PJ *kəjə-; PA *kójbu > PJ *kúi; PA *pjbu > PJ *pùjà-;
PA *t῾ujbu > PJ *tuà; PA *jba > PJ *àwà; PA *ǯjbe > PJ *duàwà-.
The phonetic source of this distribution is probably the same as of
initial *b- > *w- before the following *j (see above). Voiced consonants
must have been palatalized in early Proto-Japanese after original *-diphthongs and these palatalized allophones (probably because they
were also fricativized: *-- > *b, *-- > *-δ-, *-ǵ- > *-ɣ-; on the development of dentals and velars see below) later escaped the general process
of devoicing of stops.
We may note that here too Japanese has quite a number of cases
with prenasalized *-mp- among stop reflexes of *b. This may mean
that, unlike Mongolian where only voiceless *p was voiced in certain
pitch environments, Japanese carried this process throughout the
whole system of voiceless aspirated and voiced stops; see more on this
below.
2.1.7 PA initial *m
PA
*m-
Turk.
*b-
Mong.
*m-
Tung.
*m-
Kor.
*m-
Jpn.
*m-
Notes.
In general, the correspondences here are quite straightforward, except for the Turkic development *m- > *b-.
CHAPTER TWO
39
Here we should perhaps answer (belatedly) Doerfer’s critique in
TMN which maintained (p. 60): “es ist nicht bewiesen, daß einem mo.
m- ein tü. b- (oder irgend ein anderer Laut) entspricht, für mo. m(außer bei Nasalen) findet sich im Tü. kein einziges Vergleichswort.” If
this were the case, it would indeed be an argument against the relationship of Turkic and Mongolian. But is it?
Doerfer examines only six cases taken out of KW:
1. Mong. miqan ‘meat’ - Turk. *bɨkɨn ‘thigh’. This etymology seems incorrect to us, too (on Mong. miqan see PA *mék῾u, on Turk. *bɨkɨn see
PA *bk῾a)
2. Mong. mačaɣ ‘fast’ - Turk. *bačag id. Doerfer says that “Nach Gabain
1950, 300b ist atü. bačaɣ ein Lehnwort aus dem Sogd.”. But Sogdian
does not have anything similar. The only proposed Sogdian match
was p’šyk ‘hymn’, which even Clauson in his dictionary rejected as
extremely implausible (and concluded that *bačag is a genuine
Turkic word). On the other hand, we have in Manchu the verb
maču- ‘to lose weight’ and the noun mačixi ‘fast’, which can hardly
be explained as borrowed from Mong. < Turkic (especially because
of the verb which is absent in these subgroups). Finally, we have
Jpn. mátúr- ‘to celebrate, worship’ which makes the common Altaic
nature of the root rather plausible, exactly with the meaning “to
fast, hunger with religious purposes” (see *máč῾a).
3. Mong. ma, me, turk. mä ‘take!’ - correctly dismissed as a ‘Lallwort’.
4. Mong. majiɣaq ‘clubfooted’ - Turk. *bań- ‘to bow’. Here several things
should be said. The Mong. word, actually only Kalmuck, is most
probably borrowed from Turkic, cf. forms like Uzb. bajmaq, Kaz.
bajnaŋda- etc. The Turkic root *bań-, however, means ‘clubfooted’
only in derivatives, and does not mean ‘to bow’ at all. The attested
meanings are rather ‘to sway’ or ‘collapse’ (with this meaning we
have in Old Turkic majɨš-), and it corresponds quite well to WMong.
mai-mari- ‘to sway, walk swayingly’. Doerfer says: “Mo. *mayi- und
tü. *bañ- wären aber nicht vergleichbar”. Why? The transfer of nasalization to *-j- is a quite regular process in Turkic (and, on the
other hand, the correspondence Turk. *-ń- : Mong. *-j- is also quite
regular), so there seems to be nothing against this comparison, although in a shape distinct from the one proposed by Ramstedt. See
PA *meju (with further TM and Korean parallels).
5. Mong. metü ‘like, similar’ - Turk. bet ‘face’. Doerfer does not like the
semantic side of the comparison. We can only say that the change
‘face’ > ‘compare, similar’ is fairly common (cf. Russ. lico ‘face’, sličat’ ‘to compare’; Turkic beŋiz- and beŋze- - on which see below etc.). That ‘face’ was the original meaning here is also corroborated
40
INTRODUCTION
by the TM parallel, *miata ‘skin from animal’s head’ (the semantics
here is quite straightforward, and we still have *m- corresponding
to Turkic *b-). See PA *mat῾i.
6. Mong. mögersün ‘cartilage’ - *bujŋuŕ (*büjŋüŕ) ‘horn’. Again, Doerfer
does not like the semantic side, and again we must say that the
change ‘horn’ <> ‘cartilage’ does not seem strange at all to us (‘horn’
is frequently associated with horny matter, callosities and various
bones).
Doerfer says further: “Nun gibt es aber kein Lautgesetz mo. -g- =
Turk. -ŋ-“. This is typical for his system of criticism: first he criticizes
the “Lautgesetze” put forward by Ramstedt and Poppe, and then he
declines the parallels because they do not follow those “Lautgesetze”.
You cannot have it both ways: either the phonetic rules are wrong, in
which case no comparison is possible at all until new rules are found,
or you accept the system of rules and therefore the comparisons on
which they are based.
The correspondence between Mong. -ɣ- (-w-) and Turk. -ŋ- ( < PA
*-ŋ-) is in fact quite common, see in the dictionary: *ăŋu, *ēŋV, *găŋi,
*goŋV(ŕV) [about which Doerfer also says: “aus lautlichen Gründen
mindestens unwahrscheinlich”)], *maŋi (by the way, also with *m-:*b-),
*ńaŋo, *nắŋe, *nŋu, *siŋra, *sìŋu, *soŋre, *tuŋa etc.
Doerfer proceeds to say: “Von dieser Art nun sind alle Beispiele, die
Ramstedt (und Poppe 1960, 34-6) bringt, stets handelt es sich um Lallwörter, Onomatopoetika, semantisch oder lautgesetzlich nicht einwandfreie Gleichungen usw.” We could say that all Doerfer’s criticism
is of this sort. He may notice mistakes and wrong comparisons (as in 1
and 4), but his entire spirit is set on discrediting the theory. To be sure,
there are very many faulty comparisons in Ramstedt’s and Poppe’s
papers, but instead of trying to correct the etymologies and widen the
scope of comparison, he restricts himself to picking at the Turkic and
Mongolian parallels and enjoying every vulnerable one of them.
Now back to *m- > Turkic *b-. Besides the above cases, the following
instances of Turkic *b- < PA *m- can be found:
Turk. *bAńɨ- ‘to fade away, disappear, weaken’ : Mong. *maɣu ‘bad’:
TM *maja- ‘to fail, be unsuccessful’ < PA *maja
Turk. *baj ( ~ -ń) ‘holy, God’ : TM *maji-n ‘protecting spirit’: OJ mji id. <
PA *maji
Turk. *bejŋi ‘brain’ : Mong. *maŋlai ‘forehead’ : OJ mimi ‘ear’ ( < ‘temple’, a rather common semantic development) < PA *màjŋi
Turk. *bɨńĺ(ɨk) ‘cat’ : Mong. malur ‘wild cat’ : OJ musasabji ‘squirrel’ < PA
*máĺe
CHAPTER TWO
41
Turk. *bAkan ‘necklace’ : TM *muKa ‘skin from deer’s neck’ : MKor. mok
‘neck’ : OJ muk- ‘turn the head, neck’ < PA *mák῾u
Turk. *baltu ‘axe’: Mong. *milaɣa ‘whip’: TM *mala ‘cudgel’: MKor. már
‘stick, pole’ < PA *màli
Turk. *bạl ‘honey’: Mong. *milaɣa- ‘to smear with oil’: TM *mala ‘sesame
oil, plant oil’ < PA *malV
Turk. *botu ‘young of camel’: Mong. manǯi ( < mandi) ‘male elk’: TM
*manda-ksa ‘elk’ < PA *măndo
Turk. *beŋi ‘joy’: Mong. maɣa-s- ‘to enjoy’ < PA *maŋi
Turk. *bAsa ‘also, as well’: Mong. masi ‘very, extremely’: TM *masi
‘strong, strongly’, OJ masu ‘more, again’, mas- ‘to become bigger’ <
PA *mása
Turk. *bAlɨg ‘wounded’: Mong. milan ‘disease, plague’: TM *māl- ‘to die
(of epidemic)’ < PA *mli
Turk. *būn ‘defect’: TM *mana- ‘to be exhausted, worn out’: OJ muna-si
‘empty, useless’ < PA *mn[u]
Turk. *baĺ ‘head’: Mong. malǯan, melǯen ‘bald’: TM *meli- ‘back part of
neck’: MKor. mrí ‘head’ < PA *mĺǯu
Turk. *beŋiz ‘face; be similar’ (note the meanings!): Mong. maji-qai ‘skin
covering the head of animals’: OJ mane ‘imitating, similarity’ < PA
*méŋa
Turk. *baŋ- ‘to trot’: Mong. meŋde- ‘to hurry’: TM *meŋ- id. < *mĕŋa
Turk. *beŋ ‘mole’: Mong. meŋge : Kor. məŋ ‘scar, bruise’ < PA *meŋe
Turk. *bečin ‘monkey’ (not from Persian, as often suggested): Mong.
meči(n) id.: OJ masi id. < PA *mḗča
Turk. *bAgatur ‘hero’: Mong. magta- ‘to praise, glorify’: TM *m[ia]g- ‘to
shamanize’: MKor. mār ( < *maga-r) ‘speech’: OJ mawo-s- ‘to speak
(polite)’ < PA *màga
Turk. *b(i)āka ‘frog’: Mong. mekelei / melekei id.: TM *moKo(lV)- ‘bat’:
MKor. mkùrí ‘toad’ < PA *mk῾o
Turk. *bȫn ‘stupid, foolish’: Mong. mene-re- ‘to become dull, stupid’: TM
*mian- ‘to be confused’: MKor. mńijp- ‘to be afraid, scared’ < PA
*mni
Turk. *bAńɨl ‘overripe’: TM *munī- ‘to rot, spoil’: MKor. mằi-p- ‘bitter,
acid’: OJ m(j)in(w)or- ‘to ripen’ < PA *mójni
Turk. *belek ‘gift’: Mong. melǯe- ‘to bet, wager’: TM *mula- ‘to pity’:
MKor. mùr’í- ‘to present, barter’: OJ m(w)orap- ‘to obtain, receive
gifts’ < PA *móle
Turk. *bert- ‘to break, damage, wound’: Mong. mer ‘wound’: TM
*mur-dul- ‘slaughter’ < PA *more
Turk. *bar- ‘to walk, go’: Mong. *mör ‘road’: MKor. mōr- ‘to follow,
drive’: OJ mjiti ‘road’ < PA *móri
42
INTRODUCTION
Turk. *boj- ( ~ -ń-) ‘to be careless; forbid’: TM *mija- ‘to go astray, be
misled’: MKor. mì-čhi- ‘be mad’: OJ majwo-p- ‘to go astray’ < PA
*mŏjo
Turk. *buŋ ‘suffering’: Mong. muŋ ‘difficulty’: Evk. miŋnī- ‘to nag (of
joints, heart)’: Jpn. mugo- ‘horrible’ < PA *muŋo
Turk. *buŕ- ‘to damage, oppress’: TM *muru- ‘to press, oppress’: MKor.
mīr- ‘to push’ < PA *muŕu
Turk. *böke ‘big snake’: Mong. mogaji ‘snake’: TM *mǖkǖ id.: Kor.
mək-kuri ‘big black snake’: OJ mukade ‘centipede’ < PA *mūko
Turk. *bōjn ‘neck’: Mong. mun-daɣa ‘crest, withers’: TM *moŋa-n ‘neck’:
MKor. mjə-k id. < PA *mṓjno
Turk. *bok ‘dirt, dung’ : Mong. moki(n) ‘gum, clay, sulphur’: TM *muK‘to fart, bad smell’ < PA *mŏk῾V
Turk. *bük-tel ‘mature’: Mong. mökü- ‘to perish’: TM *muxu- ‘lose powers’: MKor. mùk- ‘to be old’: OJ mukasi ‘in old times’ < PA *mók῾i
Turk. *buluŋ ‘corner, angle’: TM *mulu ‘ridge of roof’: MKor. mằrằ id.:
OJ mune id. < PA *mólu
Turk. *būč-gak ‘outer corner, angle’: TM *muč- ‘edge, end’: MKor.
mằč(h)- ‘to finish, end’ < PA *mṓč῾a
Turk. *bȫl- ‘to divide, separate’: Mong. möli- ‘to cut (boughs etc.)’: TM
*mol- ‘to cut into pieces’: MKor. mằrằ- ‘to cut, trim’ < PA *mṓli
Turk. *bodun ‘people’: Mong. muǯi ‘territory, province’: TM *mugdī /
*megdī ‘bank, shore’: MKor. màt(h) ‘place, enclosure’: OJ mati ‘street’
< PA *múgda
Turk. *bulan ‘elk’: Mong. maral ( < *malar) ‘mountain deer’: TM *mul‘deer, elk’ < PA *mula
Turk. *büt- ‘to end, accomplish’: Mong. möči-s ‘just enough’: TM *mute‘to fulfil’: MKor. mòtắ-n ‘all’: OJ muta ‘together with’ < PA *mt῾i
Turk. *būka ‘bull’: Mong. *mok- ‘2-years-old male deer; penis’: TM
*muxa- ‘man, male’ < PA *mūk῾o
Turk. *büt- ‘to believe’: Mong. mede- ‘to know’: TM *mute- ‘be able’:
MKor. mìt- ‘to believe’ < PA *muti
Turk. *bök- ‘be satiated, full’: Mong. *meke- ‘to suck’: TM *muKu- ‘to fill
mouth with liquid’: MKor. mk- ‘to eat, drink’: OJ makanap- ‘to feed’
< PA *mùk῾e.
We have only included here (as Doerfer demanded) examples reflected in Old Turkic. Some of these etymologies are new, but some are
well known in the literature (like *mása > Turk. *bAsa, *mĺǯu > Turk.
*baĺč [which Doerfer omitted from his “short list”, but elsewhere - TMN
2, 253 - mentions briefly as “unklar”], *mk῾o, *màĺa, *muŋo, *mŏjno,
*mṓli, *múgda, *múnu, *mt῾i, *mṓča). To be sure, not all of them would
pass the test of Ramstedt’s and Poppe’s correspondences, especially in
43
CHAPTER TWO
the field of vocalism; but as we intend to show, their correspondences
were actually too simplified and it is of course impossible to stuff all
the really existing parallels into their Procrustean bed. But instead of
trying to reevaluate the system of correspondences, Doerfer and other
critics used them rigidly with the single purpose of dismantling the
Altaic theory.
This lengthy passage may have little value in and of itself, but we
wanted to dwell on this particular correspondence in detail to show the
reader the sort of anti-Altaic criticism that has nearly ruined the whole
field of studies.
2.1.8 PA non-initial *m
PA
*m
Turk.
*m
Mong.
*m
Tung.
*m
Kor.
*m
Jpn.
*m
Examples on non-initial *m can be found in the following entries:
*emV(ŋV), *ắmo, *ămV, *mú, *mV, *ĺèmo, *čamu, *čma, *tḗma, *ǯŏmu,
*čùmi, *č῾amo, *č῾mu, *č῾úmu, *č῾umu, *č῾me, *č῾me, *č῾mu, *č῾óme,
*č῾omi, *dàma, *ema, *ma, *me, *èmi, *emo, *gămo, *gèmo, *gḗmo, *gíme,
*ìmè, *ìmé, *ámu, *umV, *ùme, *umi, *úmu, *umu, *kajamV, *kàma,
*kami, *kàmo, *kāma, *kāmV, *kéma, *kma, *kímo, *kằmò, *kằmù, *kuma,
*kumo, *kmu, *kṓme, *kúma, *kumi , *kumi, *kúmi, *k[a]ma, *k῾éma,
*k῾èmá, *k῾èmì, *k῾àmo, *k῾omo(lV), *k῾ome, *k῾ṓme, *k῾mi, *k῾òmu, *k῾ṑmu,
*k῾ume, *k῾umi, *k῾umV, *k῾[ō]mo, *lmo, *lmò, *lemV, *lēmo, *ĺmo(ŋa),
*lòmù, *lmo, *mḗmV, *ńàme, *lami, *ńằmò, *ńamo, *nmo, *nmè, *nema,
*ńmi, *ńama, *náme, *ńáme, *ńàmi, *nùmà, *ńŭmi, *nīme, *luma,
*numu, *mu, *omuŕV, *pma, *p῾émi, *pmà, *p῾mù, *p῾òme, *p῾mu, *p῾uma,
*p῾[ò]jamV, *sằmù, *sám[u], *sarumV, *sāmo, *sĕme, *sḗmi, *sēma, *sḕmi,
*sìmò, *šmu, *zàmo, *sòmì, *sumi, *sṑmi, *sòmú, *suma, *súme, *sume,
*s[ù]mu, *šmi, *šimuč῾V, *šmo, *š[a]mì, *tmo, *tèmò, *t῾ème, *tumi,
*túmu, *t῾àma, *t῾ằma, *t῾ámu, *t῾āma, *t῾ĕma, *t῾èmo, *t῾emV, *t῾ḕmu, *t῾má,
*t῾mù, *t῾ome, *t῾ŭmu, *t῾úmu, *t῾mi, *úmu, *úmu-tki, *umuŋ(t)o, *ǯèmá,
*ǯmo, *ǯima, *emV, *kemV, *same, *t῾mV, *dmù, *č῾òmu, *t῾ame, *muma,
*t῾àma, *samV, *č῾imV, *k῾amo, *simo, *č῾ámo.
Notes.
Non-initial *m, like initial *m, is generally well preserved. The only
exception are several cases where it (like all other resonants except *ĺ
and *ŕ) disappears in Japanese. Cf.:
PA *čùmi > PJ *ti
44
INTRODUCTION
PA *ĺmo(ŋa) > PJ *ná(N) ‘name’ (with the Hateruma dialect possibly
still preserving a trace of the nasal as nàN ‘name’; note that the verbal root *nəm- ‘to pray’ still preserves *m)
PA *súme > PJ *sua
PA *t῾mV > PJ *tù
We should first note that there are only nominal stems in this list.
Verbs never behave like this (except for two or three very archaic and
probably originally monosyllabic roots — see above on root structure).
A suggestion put forward in Starostin 1997 was that we are dealing
here with the working of an archaic nominal suffix (or several suffixes)
like *ga, perhaps also *ŋa - actually, quite common, e. g., in Turkic and
Mongolian, so that, e.g. *súme-ga > *súmga > *súga, and, with final dropping of -g- > *sua. However, we shall see below that *-g- could disappear only in a position after a diphthong, so the proposed rule has to be
slightly modified. The diphthongs indeed had a palatalizing and fricativizing effect on the following voiced stops, but those were only stops
of the second syllable (since diphthongs could occur only in the first
syllable of the root). It seems probable, however, that voiced consonants in the third syllable were always fricativized (and, as a consequence, usually dropped) in early Japanese. This would explain a large
proportion of nouns whose Auslaut can only be explained as a result of
contraction - i.e. nouns in *-ai, *-ia and *-ua in PJ (all these sequences do
not occur or occur only very rarely in the first syllable of a polysyllabic
root).
We can now formulate the following hypothesis about prehistoric
Japanese: any resonant preceding the weakened *-ɣ- in the third syllable was also weakened and dropped, together with the following
vowel, viz.: *CVRVɣV > *CVRɣV > *CVɣV. On the other hand, *CVCVɣV
> *CVCV. This would account for the so called “-r-loss” observed by
Martin and Whitman in their Korean-Japanese comparison (“-r-loss” is
the most frequent phenomenon, but there certainly is also “-l-loss” ,
“-m-loss” and “-ŋ-loss” in Japanese).
Among the words listed above we can only find the word for
“name” with the suffix *ŋV, which is quite clearly seen, e.g. in Evk.
nim-ŋā-n- ‘to shamanize’, nim-ŋā-kān ‘fairy-tale’. It seems therefore
probable that in Proto-Japanese *ĺmo-ŋa > *nmɣa > *nõɣa > *ná(N).
This word is further interesting because it may also accept a second
velar suffix *-k῾V (originally, probably, diminutive), cf. TM *nimŋākā-n
= Turk. *jom(ŋ)ak = Mong. *domag. The Kor. parallel is also known and it
is MKor. nì’jàkì ‘tale’. Now it seems that the Kor. form also reflects a
common PKJ form like *nomɣa-kV, with a development *-mɣ- > -‘- very
45
CHAPTER TWO
similar to Japanese. This would date the first part of the process we are
describing (*CVRVɣV > *CVRɣV) to the common Korean- Japanese period. But unlike Japanese, Korean did not usually drop the resonant instead, it dropped the *-ɣ- (sometimes, perhaps preserving it as -h-,
see below) and the final vowel. The resonant is dropped in this case
because a second suffix was added and the combination *-mɣ- turned
out to be located in an intervocalic position.
More on this interesting Japanese development will follow, in notes
on other PA resonants.
2.1.9 PA initial *t῾PA
*t῾-
Turk.
*t- [dV+ĺ,ŕ,r]
Mong.
*t- / č[i]
Tung.
*t-
Kor.
*t-
Jpn.
*t-
Notes
In the vast majority of cases where the difference between *t- and
*d- can be established (i.e. when the Oghuz reflexes are present), Turkic
has *t-. Voiced *d- emerges, however, almost exceptionlessly when this
consonant is followed by *ĺ: cf. PT *dȫĺ < PA *t῾ōĺi, PT *dǖĺ < PA *t῾ūĺke,
PT *dūĺ < PA *t῾ūĺi, PT *d(i)āĺ- < PA *t῾āĺke (cf., however, *taĺak < *t῾aĺp῾V).
Less systematic is the behaviour of *t῾- in front of the following *ŕ and
*r: we have *torgaj, *tōŕ, *tōrum, *turup / *turum, *tor, *tēŕ, *töŕ / *törü,
*ter, *terkü, *terk-, *törpigü, *töre, *teŕek as opposed to *dīŕ (but with suffixation: *tir-sgek), *dīre-, *da(:)ŕ. There is also a tendency of voicing *t- >
*d- before *-b- (in *debe ῾camel’ < *t῾ĭbŋe, *debir- ῾to capsize’ < *t῾ebV as
opposed to *tabɨĺgan < *t῾ḕba, but even in the latter case cf. secondary
voice in Az. dowšan).
2.1.10 PA non-initial *-t῾PA
*t῾
Turk.
*t
Mong.
*t / č[i]
/-d
Tung.
*t
Kor.
*t
Jpn.
*t
Notes
In Mongolian, where all voice distinctions are neutralized in syllable-final position, *t῾ > -d; *t῾ is also palatalized ( > *č) in front of the
following *i, just as in Anlaut.
Examples of PA *-t῾- can be found in the following entries: *at῾i,
*bằt῾í, *bt῾è, *bt῾é, *bt῾ù, *t῾è, *ḗt῾a, *gt῾ì, *get῾V, *got῾ò, *gt῾ù, *t῾á, *ìt῾ù,
*it῾VKV, *ṑt῾íkV, *t῾e, *kāt῾e, *két῾ò, *két῾ò, *kít῾u, *kòt῾è, *kòt῾e, *kŏt῾i, *kòt῾V,
*kùt῾á, *k῾ét῾ò, *k῾ṑt῾ekV, *k῾ōt῾e, *lt῾á ( ~ ĺ-), *mét῾i(-rkV), *mét῾ò, *mat῾è,
46
INTRODUCTION
*mat῾i, *mót῾i, *mot῾ì, *mt῾ì, *nìt῾á, *nìt῾à, *ńt῾Ỽ, *t῾à(mu), *ṓt῾è, *pàt῾á,
*pt῾e, *pằt῾è, *pt῾e, *pt῾ò, *pỼt῾ok῾V, *p῾át῾à, *p῾ắt῾à(-kV), *p῾t῾à, *p῾t῾i,
*p῾út῾a, *p῾t῾è, *p῾ṓt῾è, *sít῾ì, *sìt῾ò, *sit῾Ỻ, *št῾ì, *tèt῾o, *t῾t῾u, *t῾ut῾ì, *t῾ut῾Ỽ,
*ut῾à, *ót῾ó(rV), *t῾at῾àk῾V, *sót῾e, *pát῾ò, *t῾ằt῾e.
The number of clear cases with *-t῾- is smaller than of those with
*t῾-, because the reflexes of *-t῾- are different from those of *-t- only in
intervocalic position in Kor. and Mong. (and even in Mong. the two
phonemes coincide in the position of palatalization, i.e. before *i). The
distinction, however, is indirectly supported by Jpn., where non-initial
*t῾ is subject to secondary voicing (prenasalization), as opposed to PA
*t. Cf.:
1. *at῾i > *itua, *bt῾e > *pútá, *bt῾u > *pùt-, *ḗt῾a > *átúkáp-, *gt῾i > *kítár-,
*got῾o > *kəti, *gt῾u > *kutu-, *ìt῾u > *ùt-, *ṑt῾ikV > *ìtínkuà, *két῾o >
*kátù, *kít῾u > *kútúrənk-, *kòt῾e > *ktài, *kŏt῾i > *kutu-, *k῾ét῾o > *kátá-,
*mét῾i(-rkV) > *mitua, *mét῾o > *mt-, *mat῾e > *mətər-, *mot῾i > *mita,
*mt῾i > *muta, *ńt῾V > *mti, *t῾a(mu) > *àtàmà, *ṓt῾e > *t-nà, *pàt῾a
> *pàtàr-, *pằt῾e > *ptp- / *pùtùk-, *pt῾o > *pəta, *pVt῾ok῾V >
*pttkí-su, *p῾at῾a > *pátà / *pàtá, *p῾ắt῾a(-kV) > *pátá, *p῾t῾a > *pàtàk-,
*p῾út῾a > *pátà, p῾ŏt῾e > *pt-pər-, *p῾ṓt῾e > *pətə, *sít῾i > *sítáp-, *sìt῾o >
*sìtmi, *št῾i > *sitəki, *t῾t῾u > *tútú-nká, *t῾ut῾i > *tutuk-, *t῾ut῾V > *təti,
*ut῾a > *ata-p-, *t῾at῾ak῾V > *tatak-, *pát῾o > *pátà;
2. *bằt῾i > *pìntì, *bt῾e > *pntk-, *t῾a > *àntùkàr-, *kut῾a > *kàntuá, *lt῾a >
*nàntá, *nìt῾a > *nàntà- / *nnt-, *sit῾V > *sintai, *ót῾o(rV) > *ntr,
*t῾ằt῾e > *tntùk-.
2.1.11 PA initial *t
PA
*t-
Turk.
*d-
Mong.
*d- / č[i]
Tung.
*d- /ǯ()
Kor.
*t-
Jpn.
*t- / d[i,ə]
Notes.
Mong. has č- in the position before -i-, even though the reflexes of
*t῾- and *t- are distinguished in other positions. The only exception is
the numeral “two”, where Mong. has ǯiw- / ǯui- - probably because in
all other cases the sequence *tV- had first changed to *ti- and then to
*či-, whereas here *tu- was preserved longer and finally yielded *du- >
*ǯu-.
The TM languages show palatalization in sequences with diphthongs: *ǯola < *tṓĺi, *ǯō(l) < *tṓle, *ǯube < *tubu, *ǯir- < *tāre, whereas
the sequence *ti- itself stays intact and yields *di-. Note that this differs
from the behaviour of *t῾- and *d- which never get palatalized in TM.
47
CHAPTER TWO
Japanese has a clearcut distribution here: *t in front of voiceless aspirated consonants and +back *a, *u; *d in front of -back *i, *ə, cf.:
1. *tp῾e > PJ *tmp-, *tằba > *tàpì, *tàbu > *tùpìjái, *tagu > *tuku-nai, *taja >
*tajə-r-, *tál[u] > *túrá-, *tàńo > *tànuà-, *tằnŋù > *tùna, *tara > *tari,
*tāŋa > *táná, *tbú > *tùmpúnai, *tḗma > *támá, *tmo > *támár-, *tèmo >
*tàmà, *tègà > *tàkài, *tēga > *taka, *tḗla > *tar(a)-, *tḕtu > *tùtù-, *tùke >
*tùk-, *tbulka > *tùmpákì, *tógi > *túkà, *tok῾a > *takua, *tṓŕu >
*túrúmpài, *túbu > *túpí, *tùdi > *tùtù-, *tgi > *tùk-, *tuju > *tua-p-,
*tumi > *tuntumi, *túŋi > *túmà, *turi > *tura, *tùru > *tùrû, *tjk῾u >
*túnka-, *tūri > *tùtùm-, *tūti > *tútú
2. *tắĺba > *ds, *tàĺbe > *dsp-, *tjV > *(d)ia, *télki > *(d)íká(n)ta, *tre >
*dntá-ri, *tḕri > *(d)ìr, *tṓle > *(d)i, *tṓĺi > *(d)ísì, *tire > *(d)ír-, *tri >
*(d)ita-, *tóle > *d, *tòlu > *dr-, *tṓj- > *də2.1.12 PA non-initial *t
PA
*t
Turk.
*t
Mong.
*d / č[i]
Tung.
*t
Kor.
*r / -t
Jpn.
*t
Examples of non-initial *t can be found in the following entries:
*ătV, *bằtò, *bté, *čtu, *găte, *gàtù, *ite, *ìtí, *káta, *ktu, *kùtí, *k῾ta,
*k῾et[o], *mèto, *m[u]ti, *nutu, *pótirkV, *pōto, *p῾ḗta, *p῾ḕtá, *p῾ḗt[e], *sóti,
*sata, *sútu, t῾otá, *t῾[u]tỺ, *zṓta, *ǯòto, *pti.
Notes.
See above (notes to *-t῾-) for an explanation of the relatively low
number of clearly reconstructed *-t῾- and *-t- (in a great number of
cases the two phonemes cannot be distinguishedr).
Korean must originally have had *-d- ( > MKor. -r-) in intervocalic
position, but *-t in syllable-final position. This is clearly seen in verbal
paradigms like mūd- (i.e. mūt- / mūrV-) and tăd- (i.e. tăt- / tărV-), as well
as in roots of the CVCV structure, where Korean normally has -r- (pɨrɨ-,
čūri-), except for cases where an early vowel reduction in the first syllable occurred (sta(h), ptɨt). Sometimes however the -t-grade was already
in MKor. analogically extended to the intervocalic position, and thus
we have mit-, tat- without any alternations. No alternations are attested
in nominal paradigms, cf. sot, soth with uniform -t-.
In Japanese, medial *-t- is never voiced except for a few cases after
an original aspirated stop: *p῾ḕta > *pàntá, *t῾ota > *tanta-juap-, *t῾[u]tV >
*tntə-, which proves that such roots underwent progressive aspiration
in early PJ ( > *p῾ḕt῾a, *t῾ot῾a, *t῾[u]t῾V), after which prenasalization (voicing) became possible.
48
INTRODUCTION
2.1.13 PA initial *d
PA
*d-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*d- / ǯ[i]
Tung.
*d-
Kor.
*t-
Jpn.
*d- / t[V+*p῾,*t῾,
*k῾,*č῾]
Notes.
In Mong. *d- > *ǯ- in front of the following -i-. Before other vowels
palatalization normally does not occur; a few cases like *ǯaha < *dòge
and *ǯehü-wün < *dēgni probably reflect a later secondary vowel shift
(*ǯiha > *ǯa’a and *ǯihü-wün > *ǯe’ün) in the specific hiatus environment
after loss of -h-.
In Jpn. there must have been an early devoicing of *d- in front of the
following voiceless aspirated consonants: in this position *d- behaves
exactly as *t῾-, i.e. yields voiceless t-. Otherwise it gives a uniform
*d-reflex. Here are all the cases of devoicing: PA *dằk῾i > *tìkà-, *dằŋk῾V >
*tnká, *dlp῾a > *tàpìra, *dlp῾i > *timpə-, *dék῾a > *tákái, *dl(o)-č῾V > *tsì,
*dup῾u > *tumpasa.
2.1.14 PA non-initial *d
PA
*d
Turk.
*d
Mong.
*d / ǯ[i]
Tung.
*d
Kor.
*r / -t
Jpn.
*t / [*iV,*j] j
Examples of non-initial *-d- can be found in the following entries:
*ădV, *bădo, *bdì, *bdù, *budu, *budi, *búdò, *bùdo, *bòdà, *bdé, *bodi,
*buda, *č῾adVbV, *ĕda, *ĕdV, *ēda, *gdì, *godV, *gòdè, *gódú, *idV, *ude,
*de, *uda, *udi(rV), *ŭdu, *du, *kắdaŋV, *kádì(rV), *kádù, *kadV, *kadi,
*kód[o], *kàdi, *kdu, *t῾udu, *kudu, *kdi, *kude, *k῾ada, *k῾ádí(-rV),
*k῾àd[ú], *k῾ĕdò, *k῾ằda, *k῾údo(rgV), *k῾ŏda, *k῾ude, *k῾ùdì, *múdu, *módè,
*mude, *nad[i], *núdurgi, *núdi, *nṑdà, *odi, *pắdà, *pédá, *p῾dì, *p῾ádo,
*p῾dV, *p῾āda, *p῾edí, *p῾udo, *p῾ude, *p῾ŭdi, *nda, *sedurk῾V, *sèdá, *sidí,
*sido, *sidu, *sidV, *sōdV, *suda, *tde, *tùdì, *t῾édù, *odi, *udu, *udV, *udV,
*ǯādV, *sudu, *ǯàdé, *tdu.
Notes.
Korean shows here the same distribution as for *-t-, i.e. -r- in intervocalic position, but -t in syllable-final position (cf. verbal paradigms
like kt- / kərV-, nud- / nurV-, kjəd- / kjərV-, pɨd- / pɨrV-). A generalization
of -t- occurred in kot- ‘straight’ and the nouns mut, pt; on the other
hand, -r- has been preserved in phɨr < *pɨrh < *pɨrVh < *budVkV and in
nir-kup < *nadi- ‘seven’, probably because of a late vowel reduction.
Just as in the case with *-t-, the stop is preserved in cases of an early
vowel reduction in the first syllable (stɨ-, stɨi, ptui- etc.).
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CHAPTER TWO
PTM usually preserves *-d- quite well, except in trisyllabic stems of
the type CVdVrCV (*xürgü < *k῾udorgV, *ńurga < *nadurgi, *xargan <
*k῾adi-rgV, *burgu- < *bĕdu-rgV), where -d- has disappeared in the secondary cluster *-dr- < *-dVr-.
Japanese has the same distribution of reflexes as for *-b-, i.e. *-j- after
diphthongs, but *-t- elsewhere, with occasional prenasalization > *-nt-:
1. *budu > *puj- > *pí-n-kai, *budi > *pìjú, *búdo > *pújù, *bùdo >
*pùjàkà-, *ude > *əja(n)si, *uda > *aja, *udi(rV) > *iá-r-, *ŭdu > *i,
*kadi > *kí-, *kód[o] > *kájuá-p-, *kudu > *kui, *k῾ằda > *kàjù-, *múdu >
*múi, *núdurgi > *níji- > *nínkír-, *nudi > *ní-, *nda > *nàjàm-, *sudu
> *sia;
2. *bdi > *pitapi, *bdu > *pùtuà-, *bòda > *bàtà, *č῾adVbV > *tatipi-, *gdi >
*kítà, *gòde > *ktàpa-, *kádi(rV) > *kítú-, *kádu > *kútúwá, *k῾ĕdo > *kəti,
*k῾ùdi > *kùtù-pìkì, *móde > *mt-pər-, *nṑda- > *nàtùkà-, *pắda > *pátà,
*p῾di > *pítú, *p῾āda > *pátú-, *tùdi > *tùtù-, *t῾édu > *tútáp-, *tdu >
*tùtùmí;
3. *bde > *bntr-, *ēda > *ántá, *gódu > *kúntár-, *k῾adi(-rV) > *káintúr-,
*k῾ad[u] > *kùntùr-, *p῾edi > *pintua-, *sèda > *sàntàmà-, *sidi > *sintar-,
*udu > *ùntài, *péda > *pantara, *ǯàde > *dnt.
In a few cases before a nasal PA *-d- > Jpn. -n-, cf. *kắdaŋV > *kání-pà;
*t῾udu > *tùnâi ( = PT *Tɨdɨn); *nad[i] > *nana- ( = PTM *nadan).
2.1.15 PA initial *nPA
*n-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*n-
Tung.
*n-
Kor.
*n-
Jpn.
*n-
Note.
Before original *i and *--diphthongs, PTM may have ń- instead of
n- here (the distinction of *n- and *ń- in PTM in this position is very
dubious), so in this position the best evidence for the distinction is presented by Mongolian (which has *ǯ < *ń) and Japanese (which has *m <
*ń), see below. Otherwise PA *n- is quite stable and preserved everywhere except Turkic (where all non-nasal resonants > *j-).
2.1.16 PA non-initial *n
PA
*n
Turk.
*n
Mong.
*n
Tung.
*n
Kor.
*n
Jpn.
*n
Examples of non-initial *n can be found in the following entries:
*ắni, *ni, *ni, *čnu (?), *dno, *enu, *ḗnV, *ḗna(kV), *gèná, *gno, *na,
*unu, *ne, *nì, *na, *knu, *kna, *kúne, *kòna(-kV), *kune, *guna,
50
INTRODUCTION
*k῾une, *k῾no, *k῾no, *k῾ŭnu, *k῾òbàni, *mana, *mána, *mn[u], *mḕnò,
*mni, *mùne, *múnu, *nne, *ńna, *ŋḗni, *ŋḗnu, *ṓni, *ṑni, *ṑnV, *pùnV,
*pne, *p῾ani, *pànà, *p῾un[e], *p῾ŭnV, *sni, *sḕnV, *sono, *sna, *sùnu,
*sni, *sóna, *snu, *sna, *sùnà, *sūnu, *t῾āno, *t῾nV, *t῾ni, *zíni, *zni,
*sni, *kunu, *zōnu.
Notes.
Non-initial *n is usually rather stable in Altaic languages. Cases
when it is lost comprise the following:
a. In Mong., *-n- is lost before the nominal suffix -su (či-su < *čin-sun);
but just as in Japanese (see below), it is the only attested case of such
a development and the root may in fact have been *čū. In a couple
of cases *-n- was assimilated to a neighbouring velar and became
*-n- > *-ŋ- > -h- (neɣü < *ŋēni, küɣün < *kune).
b. In TM, *-n- is sometimes lost in verbal monosyllabic roots after a
long vowel: *sī- (*sǖ-) < *sūni, *ā(n)- < *āni.
c. Korean regularly loses *-n- in the cluster *-jn-, cf. čăi, ki, mjə-k; after a
labial, *n is frequently assimilated to m, cf. mom, pom, pom-nor-,
s-pam. Finally, sometimes *n > *ń, probably due to the original following front vowel, cf. nań(ă)-, əńɨrɨm, ańă, ańi, mɨńɨi-.
d. Unlike most other resonants, -n- seems to be always preserved in
Japanese. The only exception seems to be *tí ‘blood’ < PA *čnu. It
cannot thus be excluded that we should reconstruct a monosyllabic
*čū here, with a secondarily added suffix -n in Turkic (*dn) and
Manchu (ǯun).
2.1.17 PA initial *sPA
*s-
Turk.
*s-
Mong.
*s-
Tung.
*s-
Kor.
*s-, h-
Jpn.
*s-
Notes
Mongolian sometimes shows assimilation *sVč- > *čVč- (cf. *sarču >
*čarča-, *sč῾i > *seče- / *čeče-, *suču > *čiča-, *suču > *čučal(i), *s[ó]č῾i >
*soči- / *čoči-). It seems that *s- has completely passed into *č- before
*-č-, but is preserved better (with later dialectal variation s-/č-) before
*-č῾-, but the number of examples is rather limited and we would better
postpone making final decisions.
In Korean we have a double reflex: *h- before PA *-a-, *-o- (except
in cases of vowel reduction, when *s- stays as the first element of a
cluster), but *s- in all other cases.
1. *săbi > *hō-, *sằjri > *hj, *same > *hmr, *sắŕi > *hằrk, *sarpu > *hr,
*sjri > *hắi-, *soga > *hoar, *sóga > *hə-, *sòge > *hók, *sgu > *hắi,
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CHAPTER TWO
*sóle > *hằ-, *sóna > *hằnàh, *srme > *hím, *sót῾e > *hthúi, *sōje >
*hji-, *sṓjri > *hj, *hàr-, *sōlu > *húrí-, *sṓĺ[e] > *hār-, *sōjru > *hjə.
2. *sa > *sà-, *sagu > *sòth, *săjgo > *sắi-, *sajri > *sj-, *sắjV > *si-m, **sằkà
> *sah-, *săk῾V > *sàk-, *sali > *sirh-, *saĺ(b)i > *sər-, *sápa > *sàpók, *sắp῾i
> *sp, *sằp῾i > *sap-, *sàrp῾a > *sárp, *sàru > *súrí, *sŕi > *sari-, *sèk῾u >
*sàkí-, *sĕme > *sam, *sni > *sín, *sejŋi > *sjā’òŋ, *sèp῾o > *sōp, *seri >
*sìr’i, *sero > *sàrí-, *seru(k῾V) > *srk, *sése > *sìskú-, *sési > *sàsắm,
*sebe > *sìp-, *sḕgu > *sà’ó-nab-, *sḗmi > *sām, *sre > *sr-, *sílV > *sìr,
*slgu > *sir-, *síŋri > *sì’úr, *sìŋu > *sin, *siŕu > *sìrm, *sìt῾o > *sàtằri,
*suga > *sāi, *suru > *sɨr-, *suŋe > *sŋ-, *súnŋi > *sòní, *sŕe > *sòrắi,
*súsa > *sàsắr, *sjro > *sji-, *sna > *s(j)ən-, *sra > *sàră-, *sīĺa >
*sár, *sla > *sr-, *sóga > *sù’r, *soge > *sūi-, *sogŋV > *soŋ’i, *snu >
*sànhằiŋ, *sṑk῾e > *sòk-, *sṓlo > *săr-, *sṓra > *srb-, *suga > *sói, *súgo >
*so’ok, *sugu > *sɨŋ’a, *sùjli > *súi, *sku > *sok-kori, *suk῾e > *sak-, *súme
> *sàm, *sri > *sr-, *sū > *su.
The only exception known is *ssu > *sìs-, *ss-, where preservation
of *s- is clearly explained by assimilation, just as in *suču > *ččhi- and
*s[ó]č῾i > *čòčh-.
2.1.18 PA non-initial *s
PA
*s
Turk.
*s
Mong.
*s
Tung.
*s
Kor.
*s
Jpn.
*s
Examples for *-s- can be found in the following entries: *ase, *bási,
*bási, *bòsá, *bŭsi, *bùsí, *musi, *dasa, *dắsi, *dísa, *eso, *ḕs[i], *gaso,
*gose, *gusa, *ìsú, *isV, *úse, *kaserV, *kasa, *késu, *kesa, *kesV, *kíso,
*kosa, *kósV, *kusu, *k῾ắsi, *k῾ăsi, *k῾ásV, *k῾sa, *k῾ĕsa, *k῾sú, *k῾úsè,
*k῾ŭso, *k῾se, *k῾usa, *mása, *màsò, *mésV, *músu, *mùsi, *msV, *nàsà,
*ńésa, *nèse, *ŋsí, *orusi, *se, *pằsi, *psu, *psa, *pósò, *púsa, *puse,
*pūsa, *p῾èsì, *p῾ắsi, *pasi, *psá, *p῾ísi(KV), *pisV, *p῾ís[a], *p῾úsa, *p῾ŭsi,
*p῾so, *p῾sa, *sése, *sési, *ssa, *ssu, *súsa, *t῾aso, *t῾àsá, *t῾ṑsi, *t῾so,
*ùso, *úsu, *zsu, *ǯoso, *gaso, *noso.
It seems to be the most stable Altaic phoneme, preserved without
any changes in all branches.
In Jpn. it almost never gets voiced (prenasalized), except in some
clusters (see below); the only exceptions are: *pánsú < *p῾sa, *pa(n)sa- <
*puse, *pa(n)sai < *púsa and *kínsú < *k῾ắsi. Reasons for voicing in these
four cases are not yet clear.
52
INTRODUCTION
2.1.19 PA *zPA
*z-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*s-
Tung.
*s-
Kor.
*s-
Jpn.
*s-
Notes.
PA *z- is distinguished from *s- only within Turkic (*j- < *z- vs. *s- <
*s-) which explains its relative rareness: when there is no Turkic reflex,
one can reconstruct either *z- or *s-. A trace of the distinction *z- : *s- is,
however, recoverable also in Korean, where *z-, unlike *s-, can never
give a *h-reflex, even in the position before diphthongs, cf.: *zălVbi >
*sjrb-, *zsu > *ssk-, *zoĺa > *sằr-.
This allows us to additionally reconstruct *z- in several cases when
the Turkic reflex is absent: *zà[k῾]ó, *zàmo, *zōnu.
Another peculiarity of PA *z is that it is only found in word-initial
position. This may indicate that it is either a complementary variant of
some other PA phoneme (either *r, *ŕ or *j - neither of these three occurs in word-initial position), or has merged word-medially with some
other phoneme (either *-s- or *-ǯ-). This problem cannot so far be resolved from within Altaic.
2.1.20 PA *-rPA
*r
Turk.
*r
Mong.
*r
Tung.
*r
Kor.
*r
Jpn.
*r, *t
PA *-r- is one of the most frequent phonemes, but found only
non-initially; examples can be found in the following entries: *ăjVrV,
*ằra, *ara, *arV, *ărV, *rV, *bra, *brì, *bri, *bré, *bare, *bor[a], *bṓr[é],
*bura, *buri, *bure, *bre, *bru, *bri, *čărikV, *tre, *čŭru, *čra, *č῾àro,
*č῾era, *č῾ĭre, *č῾ire, *č῾ṑrV, *č῾[o]ra, *dari, *dărV(mV), *dari, *dorVkV, *dòru,
*dòru, *dōre, *egVrV, *ra, *èrì, *ro, *ḗra, *ḗre, *gàrá, *gera, *grè(bV), *gĕrV,
*giru, *gări, *gắru, *góra, *gre, *gure, *gŭri, *gùri, *tara, *ằré(KV), *ìri,
*íru, *orV, *aru, *òre, *ugerV, *ūre, *ùru, *úrù, *re, *rú, *ru, *kabari,
*kàra, *kara, *kàra(ma), *kàrò(mV), *kare, *kèro, *kàru, *kărV, *kaserV, *kéra,
*kéro, *keru(ĺV), *kru, *kìro, *kăro, *kaǯurV, *kóru, *kṓr[i], *kure,
*kurumV, *koru, *kóre, *kúra(mV), *kure, *kuri, *kúro(mV), *krV, *kăru,
*k῾ăra, *k῾āra, *k῾áru , *k῾re, *k῾er[o], *k῾ēro, *k῾régV, *k῾ìri, *k῾írù, *k῾rà,
*k῾re, *k῾óbarV, *k῾ṓro, *k῾ura, *k῾ure, *k῾ùru, *k῾rú, *k῾ru(mV), *k῾re,
*k῾óp῾ìra, *k῾oru, *k῾ṓra, *k῾ori, *k῾ùre, *k῾[]ri, *mro, *méra, *more, *móri,
*mri, *mṑro, *mórV, *múra, *mro, *m[]ro, *nèra, *ŋḕrá, *nre, *ńĕra,
*néro, *nṑri, *nra, *nuru, *ńóro, *núra, *nru, *ŋurV, *ri, *óru, *rù,
*orusi, *ŏrV, *ṓre, *ebVrV, *ṑr(e)kV, *pàri, *póro(-k῾V), *pṓro, *pru, *púre,
CHAPTER TWO
53
*pure, *prò, *p῾árà, *p῾ărV, *p῾ra, *p῾èrì, *p῾ro, *p῾erV, *p῾ḗra, *p῾ìrá, *p῾ĭru,
*p῾ári, *p῾áru, *p῾rV, *p῾ṑrí, *p῾ri, *p῾re, *p῾ri, *p῾ṑrV, *p῾ṓre, *p῾ri,
*p῾ŭrV, *p῾ŭrVk῾V, *p῾ri, *sàru, *sara, *sero, *sáro, *saru, *sarV, *seri,
*seru(k῾V), *sera, *sĭra, *sire, *sorek῾V, *sira, *sra, *sṓra, *sri, *sèrỼ, *šèru,
*šṑri, *šŭru, *šr[e], *tăra, *trV, *tro, *tēru, *tḕrì, *tire, *tre, *tri, *turi,
*tùru, *tūri, *t῾aŋgiri, *t῾ari, *t῾éra, *t῾ḕra, *t῾iru, *t῾ăru, *t῾òra, *t῾re, *t῾ri,
*t῾oŋerV, *t῾ŏri, *t῾ro(-k῾V), *t῾oru, *t῾ṓro, *t῾ṓrV, *t῾ṓr[e], *t῾ṑre, *ŭra, *ura,
*ŏri, *ro, *zàrá, *zēra, *zuru, *zàre, *ǯắra, *ǯére, *ǯḗro, *ǯḕri, *ǯaru(kV),
*ǯrV, *šero, *ǯrVko, *srV, *ure, *ri, *sòri.
Notes.
Korean frequently has -j- as a development of *-jr-.
In Jpn., the distribution between -r- and -t- is as yet unclear: it may
well be that Jpn. here reflects some original distinction lost in other
languages. A suspicious fact is an extreme frequency of non-initial *r,
far exceeding that of any other PA phoneme, which may be an indication that we are in fact dealing here with two original phonemes, perhaps still distinguished in Japanese.
Besides -t-, Japanese sometimes has voiced (prenasalized) *-nt-.
Unlike with the stops, however, the distribution here appears to be
plainly positional: *-nt- in the vast majority of cases appears in intervocalic position before the following intervocalic -r-: cf. *tre > *dntá-ri,
*góra > kántúrá, *keru > *kunturi, *koru > *kùntírà, *ṑr(e)kV > *ntrk-,
*p῾ōri > *pìntárí, *šèru > *sùntàre, *ǯaru > *dunturi. Voiceless *-t- does not
appear in such a position except in verbal stems, where the following
-r- is syllable-final (*re > *ítár-, *k῾ēro > *kátár-, *saru > *sutar-). In a few
other cases (*úru > *úntì, *seri > *sìntí, *mri > *mí(ntú), *nra > *nàntùki,
*p῾ire > *pintipa) the reasons for voicing are not quite clear: note that the
last two words are not actually attested in modern dialects and the
readings with -nt- (OJ -d-) may in fact be fictitious, and -ntú in *mí-ntú
‘water’ may be a suffix (the root is *mí and may go back to PA
*mūri-gV, see below).
In nominal stems Jpn. has several cases of *-r- > -0-, all of which
should be explained by original suffixation: *p- ‘fire’ < *p῾ore-gV; *pa
‘leaf’ < *pure-gV (cf. Mong. *bor-gu-), *kua ‘flour’ < *gure-gV, *mə ‘weed’ <
*moro-gV or -ŋV (cf. Evk. moriŋā), *bi ‘well, spring’ < *bujri-gV (cf. TM
*bira-ga), kua ‘basket’ < *k῾ure-gV, *pia ‘layer’ < *pari-gV (cf. TM *par-ga-)
or *-ŋV (cf. PT *biar-ŋa-k), ta ‘field’ < *t῾ora-gV (cf. Mong. *tari-ja- <
*tari-ɣa-), pu ‘growth’ < *p῾ri-gV (cf. Turk. *urug), su ‘nest’ < *zuru-gV,
perhaps also *mí ‘water’ < *mūri-gV (cf. Man. mū-ke).
In Mong. *r is normally preserved, although there are some indications that it could have been lost before the nominal suffixes *-su-, *-du
54
INTRODUCTION
(cf. *ǯi-sü-, *mo-du-). There is also one case of a presumable metathesis
*-r-l- > *-l-r- (*beltereg < *ber-teleg), but this phenomenon is much less
widespread than the reverse one (i.e. *-l-r- > *-r-l-, see below).
Just as *l is dissimilated before the following *l (see below), *r in
Mongolian was possibly dissimilated before the following *-r-, and the
combination *-rVr- yielded *-hVr- (*-ɣVr-). Cases like this are, however,
not easy to find: cf. perhaps eɣere- ‘seek, wish’ < *here-re- < PA *p῾ro; on
*kajir(a)- ‘bark’ < *kari-ra < PA *k῾éŕa see below.
In TM, *-r- (just like *-n-) sometimes is lost in monosyllabic roots after a long vowel: *bū- < *bōr[e], *bū- < *būri, *mō < *mūro, *mū < *mūri,
*ī- < *īre-, *sē < *zēra, *dā < *tārV.
2.1.21 PA initial *lPA
*l-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*l-, n-
Tung.
*l-
Kor.
*n-
Jpn.
*n-
Notes.
There are only about 40 clear examples of initial *l- because it is distinguished from *ĺ (or *l1) only in Mongolian (where the latter > *d- /
*ǯ-, see below). The distinction between *l- and *ĺ- is thus not absolutely
secure, but rather probable because it supports the distinction of
non-initial *l and *ĺ.
Turkic, Korean and Japanese do not distinguish reflexes of *l- from
those of *n- (see above). Tungus has regularly *l- here (although within
Tungus there exists a strong tendency of confusing *l- and *n- as well);
Mongolian has in many cases preserved *l- (especially before labials,
but also in some cases before velars), but many dialects tend to replace
*l- by *n-, and in some cases no traces of *l- are preserved at all. Still it
may be observed that cases with *l- in Mong. reveal a high rate of correlation with *l- in Tungus (cf. *làbo, *labV, *làku, *lak῾a, *lằŋi, *láp῾i, *lble,
*lebu(nV), *lebV, *lòmu, *lùbu, *lu[k]u, *lŭge). We assume, therefore,
that the tendency of *l- > *n- was unilateral, and reconstruct *l- in all
cases when it emerges in Tungus and/or Mongolian (note that there
does not exist a single case with Mong. *l- and TM *n- - which shows
that Mong. *l- cannot be a secondary variant of the original *n-).
Let us once again return to Doerfer’s criticism. In TMN 1, 63 he says:
“Ich möchte mich hier kurz fassen und nur soviel sagen, daß ich das
gesamte Material für mit l- anlautende Wörter des Tu. durchgearbeitet
habe (bei Benzing, 1955a und V), ohne im Tü. und Mo. auch nur ein
einziges vergleichbares Wort zu finden.”
Let us see what we have:
55
CHAPTER TWO
Turk.
*jaba ‘very’
*joblač ‘fine
goat’s hair’
*jöke
‘lime-tree’
*jak- ‘smear’
Mong.
*naɣa- ‘on this side’
*lab / *naj
‘very,better’
*lobsi ‘rags’
TM
PA
*la-kV, *la-ŋ ‘near’
*la*lab-du ‘many, plenty’ *làbò
*leb-/*lab- ‘rags’
*labỼ
*nüger-sü ‘alder’
*laKa- ‘elm, oak’
*lako
*lakti- ‘soot’
*laka ‘goby’
*laxu- ‘to hang’
*lala- ‘gruel; slime’
*lali ‘be hungry, weak’
*làku
*lak῾a
*làk῾ù
*làlè
*lalV
*lag ‘mud, dirt’
*laka ‘sheat-fish’
*naki- ‘to bend’
*jilik ‘marrow’ *nila- ‘clingy’
*jalk- ‘suffer *nal(k)-‘be faint,
pain, be nau- drowsy, weak’
seated’
*laji ‘mud, dirt, silt’
*labta- ‘to be flat’
*jap- ‘to
smooth, level,
flat’
*nambuga ‘leather
*jām-čɨk >
sack’
*jān-čɨk
‘pocket, bag’
*namug ‘marsh,
swamp’
*jāŕ-‘to miss, *nargi- ‘to carouse’
sin’
*labku ‘marshy
ground’
*labsi- ‘eat greedily’
*neke- ‘to pursue,
follow
*jaglɨk ‘ker*nolga ‘shaman’s
chief’
adornment’
*jam- ‘pubic
*lami- ‘meat on
hair, groin’
sheep’s rump’
*jAń- ‘to shake, *naji- ‘shake, sway,
sway’
hang over’
*najita- ‘sneeze’
*japal (Sib.)
*niɣalta ‘spleen’
*laŋga ‘slimy, clammy’ *lằŋi
*lapta- ‘flat’
*láp῾ì
*lam(b)a ‘bag’
*lmo
*lāmu ‘sea’
*lmò
*largī ‘disorder, commotion’
*lebē ‘marsh’
*lŕgu
*lépù(-nV)
*lebge- id.
*lebV
*leKe- ‘intend, demand’ *lèjk῾á
*lelu(ke) ‘apron, corsage’
*lemuk ‘fat under skin
of animals’
*leŋgī- ‘bow, incline’
Ma. leje- ‘sing without
rhythm’
Orok lipče ‘spleen’
*lélugV
*lemV
*leńa
*lája
*lap῾V
56
INTRODUCTION
Turk.
Mong.
‘spleen’
*jap-ɨĺč- ‘glue, *niɣa- id.
stick to’
*jagɨŕ ‘brown’ *nogoɣan ‘green’
Chuv. śəₙmren *lumu ‘bow’
*neɣüne ‘lady bug’
*luw-ka ‘eye pus’
*jigi/*jɨgɨ
*lüg / *lig id.
‘thick, dense’
*jg-la‘weep,cry’
*jügen ‘bridle’
*jükün- ‘to
bow’
*nugu- ‘to bend’
*nowkai ‘rodent
nest’
*nüke ‘hole, make a
hole
*nogtu ‘wild boar’
*nagaj ‘female tarbagan’
*nogu-ɣal ‘young of
lynx
TM
PA
*lipa-, *labgān- id.
*làjp῾V
*log- ‘green, dark’
*liam- ‘bow, shoot’
Ud. loŋto ‘butterfly’
Evk. lū ‘resin, gum’
*lōgdi, *luku(tu) id.
*lŏga
*lòmù
*lòŋè
*lùbu
*lu[k]u
*ligi- ‘snore’
*lgà
*luksi ‘belt in a
*lŭge
yoke-team’
*loka- ‘hanger, to hang’ *luke
*lopi(gi) ‘squirrel nest’ *lop῾V
*lokto- ‘break through’ *lúk῾ì
*luke(te) id.
*loŋ-sa ‘lynx, sable’
*luko
*lúŋa
*luKV ‘lynx’
*l[ù]k῾Ỽ
It is worth noting that both in Mong. and TM *l- may be called “an
expressive phoneme”: the number of words starting with *l- and meaning ‘slimy substance’, ‘mud’, ‘to shake, sway’, ‘snore, shout’ is quite
considerable. It seems, however, that this was the original PA situation
(no matter what caused it ultimately), because several of these roots are
undoubtedly common Altaic. But there is also a number of quite neutral roots with *l-, such as *la- ‘near, this side’, *làbo ‘more, better’, *lako
‘foliate tree’, *láp῾i ‘flat, broad’, *lmo ‘bag’, *lmo ‘sea’, *lèjk῾a ‘intend,
demand’, *lélugV ‘kerchief, pendant’, *lŏga ‘green, dark’, *lòmu ‘bow’,
*lk῾a ‘seam’, *lŭge ‘halter, rope for animals’, *lop῾V ‘nest’, *luko ‘wild
pig’, *lúŋa ‘furry animal’, *lùk῾V ‘lynx’ etc.
57
CHAPTER TWO
2.1.22 PA non-initial *l
PA
*l
Turk.
*l
Mong.
*l
Tung.
*l
Kor.
*r
Jpn.
*r
Examples for *-l- can be found in the following entries: *agula, *ắla,
*ála, *àlak῾u, *ale, *álikV, *àlu, *la, *le, *li, *lV, *lV, *balu, *bāla, *plo,
*bló, *belV, *bèli, *bĭli, *bălu, *bŏla, *bŏla, *bli, *blò, *bólò, *bule,
*ble, *bolo, *bṓlo, *bli, *bŭlu, *bŭlV, *bulV, *čălù, *člo, *člV, *čḕlV,
*čòlú, *č῾ali, *č῾àlù, *č῾ale, *č῾álV, *č῾olu, *č῾ṓli, *č῾ŏli, *č῾uli, *dàli, *dalo,
*dli , *talo, *dile, *dḗlì, *dlo, *dilu, *dlu, *dle, *dli, *ĕlV(-k῾V), *ḗlV, *gắli,
*gălV, *gla, *gle, *gìlè, *gilu, *gălu, *gla, *gla, *goli, *gṓli, *glì, *ile,
*ílék῾a, *ìlù, *ìla, *ṓle, *úle, *ùlò, *ùjŋula, *kla, *kằle, *kălo, *kalu, *kela,
*kele, *kujilV, *kúli, *klé, *kólè, *kōli, *klV, *k῾ala, *k῾alo, *k῾ale, *k῾alVbV,
*k῾ela, *k῾íla, *k῾ile, *k῾ílo, *k῾ăli, *k῾ùla, *k῾ŭli, *k῾le, *k῾óla, *k῾ṓli, *k῾uli,
*k῾úlo, *k῾ŭli, *làlè, *lalV, *lélugV, *ĺul[o], *màli, *màlù, *male, *mála, *mli,
*melo, *mĕlu, *mali(-k῾V), *malu, *móle, *mólo, *mòle, *mólu, *mṓli, *mula,
*nālV, *zelo, *nála, *nóle, *nuli, *ńlo, *dilu, *ŋli, *ŋḕlu, *ŋōle, *ŋṑla, *ŏli,
*óligV, *olu, *ṑlu, *pala, *pằluk῾V, *pli, *pli, *píla, *ple, *pắlagV, *bằlu,
*púla, *p῾là, *p῾éle, *ĺḗlV, *p῾ìlo, *p῾ole, *p῾ṓlo, *p῾ula, *p῾le, *p῾le, *p῾ṓle,
*p῾ŭle, *p῾li, *p῾lo, *sálo, *sali, *sela, *séle, *sóle, *sìlá, *sila, *salo(-kV),
*sŏlo, *sōlu, *sŭli, *sla, *sṓlo, *sṑlV, *šṑlí, *tál[u], *tlV, *telV, *tḗla, *tēlo,
*tilV, *tóle, *dla, *tòlu, *tole, *tlu, *tṓle, *t῾la, *t῾ḗlù, *t῾ḗlV, *t῾lo, *t῾ṑlo,
*t῾ula, *t῾ule, *t῾ṑlu, *t῾ṑlV, *t῾olu, *lu, *ulu, *lo, *zăli, *zela, *zălVbi, *zŭli,
*ǯắlo, *ǯli, *ǯlV, *ǯela, *ǯélu, *ǯōlu, *ǯul[u], *ǯlu, *gòlo, *nlo, *gằlá,
*éli, *dala, *čalu, *t῾ṑle, *ǯale, *ŭla, *t῾ulu, *dlV, *kàla.
Notes.
1. Turkic always preserves l.
2. In Mong. there are some cases of the loss of *-l- before the nominal
suffix *-sü-, usually with variation across dialects (cf. *söl-sü ‘gall’ >
WMong. sösü(n), Khalkha sös, but MMong. sülsü, Bur. hülhen). Two
other processes must be also mentioned:
a) The sequence *-l-r- is regularly metathesized > *-r-l-, cf. *hurul <
*p῾ulo, *maral < *mula (although this does not seem to happen before
the suffixes -čir, -bur, -kir in *belčir, *čilbur, *čulu-kir, and perhaps in
the clusters *jl, *bl cf. *ölir < *ójle, *ǯilar < *dúblu).
b) The sequence *-l-l- is regularly dissimilated > *-j-l- (or -h-l- if the intermediate vowel is -e-), cf. *küjil-sü < *k῾ōli, *mojil ( = PT *beleĺ) <
*melu, *beɣelej < *bili, *majila-su < *malu.
3. In TM *l is well preserved (except for sporadic cases of assimilation
in clusters like *xińŋa- < *xil-ŋa- ‘hair’). However, just as with *-nand *-r-, there are cases of the loss of *-l in monosyllabic roots after a
58
INTRODUCTION
long vowel: *ō- < *ōlu, *nā < *nālV, *sō- < *sōlV, *tī- < *t῾ōlo, *sī (but
*sīl-se) < *sūli, *ǯō (but Nan. ǯōl) < *tṓle.
4. Korean has -0- (-i-) for *-jl-, cf. păi < *p῾ējlo, kui < *k῾ūjlu, pih < *bujlu,
oijə-s < *ojle, sui < *sujli.
5. Japanese loses *-l- (just like most other resonants) before the original
suffix *-gV-, cf. *ká- < *kal-gV < *k῾ila-gV ( = PT *Kɨl-k, Mong. kil-ga-),
*dua < *dul-ga (or *dul-ba, cf. TM *dolba?) < *dŭle, *pa < *pal-gV <
*pala-gV, *du < *dul-gV < *dūlu-gV ( = Mong. *dulaɣa-, PT *jɨlɨg), *da- <
*ǯal-gV < *ǯalo-gV (cf. Mong. ǯalga-), *pə (reduplicated *pə-pə) <
*pəl-gV < *p῾ulo-gV, *pu- < *pul-gV < *balu-gV.
6. Intervocalic *-l- is lost in Korean and Japanese (but also in some
forms of the Turkic paradigm) in a few basic verbal roots: cf. *gele
‘to come’, *ōlu ‘to be’, *sóle ‘to make, put’, *ala ‘to take, receive’,
*p῾ìlo ‘to dry, heat’. This seems to be a Proto-Altaic morphonological
peculiarity; see more on that in the section on root structure.
2.1.23 PA initial *č῾PA
*č῾-
Turk.
*č-
Mong.
*č-
Tung.
*č-
Kor.
*č-
Jpn.
*t-
Note.
Except for Jpn. *č῾- > *t-, the phoneme is well preserved — but of
course lost its originally distinctive aspiration — in all subgroups.
2.1.24 PA non-initial *-č῾PA
*č῾
Turk.
*č
Mong.
*č
Tung.
*č
Kor.
*č
Jpn.
*t
Examples of non-initial *-č῾- can be found in the following entries:
*ắč῾V, *buč῾o, *áč῾u, *č῾éč῾í, *č῾eč῾u, *č῾[i]č῾V, *ēč῾o, *gàč῾i, *góč῾e, *ič῾u, *ič῾V,
*ṓč῾é, *káč῾u, *kč῾ù, *kč῾á, *kūč῾ú, *k῾č῾V, *máč῾à, *máč῾Ỽ, *mač῾e, *mùč῾e,
*mṓč῾a, *nač῾i, *nč῾á, *neč῾è, *ńéč῾ù, *pč῾à, *puč῾ù, *p῾ač῾V, *p῾ḗč῾V, *peč῾i,
*p῾ĭč῾i, *p῾č῾o, *p῾úč῾í, *sč῾i, *šàč῾í, *s[ó]č῾i, *šimuč῾V, *t῾uč῾V, *ùč῾e, *ùč῾ìk῾V,
*č῾o, *úč῾u, *č῾i, *ǯeč῾i, *k῾ač῾e, *kéč῾à.
Notes.
In Korean a reflex *s is also possible in consonant clusters after
vowel reduction (*čC is not allowed), and in syllable-final position,
where the distinction *-č : *-s was already weakened in MKor.: MKor.
kàčh / kàs ‘skin’ < *káč῾u, MKor. nằčh, nằs < *ŋàkča, *ps-krì- < *peč῾i, *sàskí
< *šàč῾k[o], *skú-mí- < *ùč῾ik῾V.
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CHAPTER TWO
As in other cases, Japanese here has a split reflex (*-t- or voiced /
prenasalized *-nt-):
1. *buč῾o > *pətə-pər-, *č῾eč῾u > *tùtù-nsí, *ēč῾o > *tr-, *ič῾u > *utu, *káč῾u >
*kútí, *máč῾a > *mátúr-, *máč῾V > *mátuá, *mùč῾e > *màtú, *neč῾e > *ntì,
*ńéč῾u > *mútúkár-, *pč῾a > *pàtùr-, *puč῾u > *puta-, *šàč῾i > *sìtú,
*sóč῾i > *sítá-nkap-, *ùč῾ik῾V > *ùtùkù-, *č῾o > *t-, *ǯeč῾i > *(d)ìtí, *k῾ač῾e
> *kt, *kéč῾a > *kátà, *mànč῾u > *mùtù-kí, *múkč῾a > *mútì
2. č῾éč῾i > *tíntí-, *ṓč῾e > *nt-, *kč῾a > *kàntuá, *kuč῾u > *kùntk-, *nč῾á >
*nàntá-, *p῾úč῾i > *púntí, *p῾ắnč῾i > *pínták-.
2.1.25 PA initial *čPA
*č-
Turk.
*d-
Mong.
*d- /*č[i]
Tung.
*ǯ-
Kor.
*č-
Jpn.
*t-
Notes.
This phoneme was first reconstructed in АПиПЯЯ, on the basis of
examples with *d- in Turkic and Mongolian correlated with affricate
reflexes in TM and Korean.
In Turkic and Mongolian PA *č- early merged with PA *t- and
yields exactly the same results. The reflex of *č- and *t- is quite similar
also in Japanese; but note that PA *č- never yields *d- (unlike *t- which
gives *d- before i, ə). Finally, in Korean and Tungus the reflex of *č- is
the same as that of *ǯ- (q.v.).
2.1.26 PA non-initial *-čPA
*č
Turk.
*č
Mong.
*č
Tung.
*s
Kor.
*č
Jpn.
*s
Examples for non-initial *č can be seen in the following entries:
*apuči, *ăčV, *éča , *guči, *če, *ču, *káče, *kăči, *kḗči, *koči, *kuču, *kóčè,
*kūči, *k῾ăču, *k῾áčo, *k῾oča, *k῾ùčù, *k῾ča, *k῾čV, *láčà, *mḗča, *nòču, *óče,
*p῾uču, *p῾ṑči, *p῾ùčV, *sìča, *suču, *súču, *šàčú, *šéčo, *šòče, *šṓča.
Notes.
This row of correspondences occurs only in non-initial position and
is thus in complementary distribution with word-initial *č-. Although
its reflexes seem to be quite different from those of *č-, the difference is
not difficult to explain. In Turkic we have a voiceless reflex, similar to
the standard reflex of voiceless unaspirated consonants, whereas in
initial position we find *č- > *d- with deaffrication (so that d-, -č- here is
in fact analogous to d-, -t- < PA *t). In Korean we would expect something like *-ǯ-, but the general process of devoicing has resulted in *-ǯ-
60
INTRODUCTION
> -č-. In Mong. we have a uniform reflex -č-, thus the phoneme behaves
exactly like unaspirated *-t- in the position of palatalization, i.e. like
[*]. In TM and Jpn., an early process of fricativization resulted in *-č- >
-š- > -s-.
In a few cases TM has -š- instead of the expected -s-. This happens
regularly due to assimilation after the preceding *š- (*šoša-, *š[e]še-,
*šušu), and in consonant clusters *-jč- or *-bč- (*ŋüši-, *ma[b]ši-).
Korean has the same variation of -s and -č in syllable-final position
as with *č῾: *čs < *sìča, MKor. sùs < *suču, MKor. čís / číčh < *šoče,
nằs-ká- < *ŋṓjču.
It is worth noting that just as all other voiceless stops medial *č is
never voiced (prenasalized) in Japanese, except in some clusters with
resonants (on which see below).
2.1.27 PA initial *ǯPA
*ǯ-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*ǯ-
Tung.
*ǯ-
Kor.
*č-
Jpn.
*d-
The phoneme gives quite simple and uniform reflexes in all
branches. Note that in Japanese it always yields *d-, independently of
following vowels or consonants. This indicates that by the time of the
devoicing processes (*d- > *t-, see above) it was still an affricate or a
palatalized *-; see more on this below.
2.1.28 PA non-initial *ǯ
PA
*ǯ
Turk.
*j
Mong.
*ǯ
Tung.
*ǯ
Kor.
*č
Jpn.
*j
Examples for medial *-ǯ- may be found in the following entries:
*aǯo, *ǯV, *bằǯá, *bēǯu, *č῾ăǯV, *kaǯurV, *kùǯi, *k῾ĕǯa, *k῾ǯa, *k῾uǯV,
*k῾uǯV, *laǯV, *nāǯV, *òǯa, *pḕǯo, *poǯi, *sàǯV, *s[o]ǯe, *ǯaǯa, *ǯòǯu, *ǯṓǯe,
*ǯāǯV.
Notes.
Medial -ǯ- is not frequent, but seems to be reliably reconstructable.
In Jpn. -t- is encountered occasionally, as a result of early assimilation (cf. the variants ti < *tiji / titi; *duta-ka < *duda-ka instead of the expected *duja-ka). However, the standard and most frequent reflex is a
uniform *-j- (sometimes reduced to -0- in -ia-/-ai- diphthongs, like in
*sài-r- < *sàǯV).
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CHAPTER TWO
In Kor. in syllable-final position we may also have the reflex -s (as
with other affricates): MKor. čjs < *č῾ăjǯV, kàskàp- < *k῾ǯa, sàskì <
*s[u]ǯakV.
The *-j-reflex in Turkic was also criticized by Doerfer in TMN. He
takes five rather unfortunate examples from Ramstedt’s KW and comes
to the conclusion that “Für mo. Wörter mit -ǯ- finden sich also im Tü.
keine Vergleichswörter”. The phoneme is not frequent, but nevertheless we can counter this conclusion with the following examples:
PT *čAj-na- ‘to chew, bite’ : Mong. *ǯaǯi- ‘to chew’ ( < *čaǯi- with assimilation) < PA *č῾ăǯV
PT *ȫj- ‘to think, understand’ (-j- is lost here in Old Turkic, but well
preserved in Yak. üöj-): Mong. *üǯe- ‘to see’ < PA *ḗbǯo
PT *Kạjɨr ‘salt steppe’ : Mong. *kuǯir ‘salty earth’ < PA *kaǯurV
PT *Kajɨra- ‘to whet, sharpen; to rub teeth’ : Mong. *kaǯa- ‘to bite’ < PA
*k῾ĕǯa
PT *KAj- ‘to turn back, towards’ : Mong. *kaǯiwu ‘side, edge’ < PA
*k῾ǯa
PT *jāj ‘summer’ : Mong. *naǯir id. < PA *nāǯV
PT *oj- ‘to play’ : Mong. *oǯu- ‘to kiss’ < PA *òǯa
PT *jogan (probably < *jojgan with dissimilation) ‘thick’ : Mong.
*ǯuǯaɣan id. < PA *ǯòǯu
PT *jōj ‘cunning, lying’: Mong. *ǯüǯig ‘show, act, theatre’ < PA *ǯṓǯe
Several of these words (‘salt steppe’, ‘summer’, ‘play’, ‘thick’) could
be found in the literature, and in fact the words for ‘play/kiss’ and
‘summer’ are dealt with in other parts of Doerfer’s TMN. But he still
says “keine Vergleichswörter”...
2.1.29 PA initial *ńPA
*ń-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*ǯ-
Tung.
*ń-
Kor.
*n-
Jpn.
*m-
Notes.
The Mong. reflex ǯ-, still absent in АПиПЯЯ, was discovered and
proved by A. Dybo [Дыбо 1995].
The phonetically strange reflex in Japanese can be explained as a result of a shift *ń- > *ŋ- > *m- (already after the original *ŋ- had yielded
0- word-initially, see below). The change *ń- > *ŋ- is typologically rare,
but attested, e.g., in Southern Chinese dialects. It is perhaps worth noting that the reflex *ń > ž (ǯ) is typical for Northern Chinese dialects. So
the Altaic languages here reproduce the same model of development
that was typical for Chinese in the 8th-10th centuries AD.
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INTRODUCTION
2.1.30 PA non-initial *-ńPA
*ń
Turk.
*ń
Mong.
*j, n
Tung.
*ń
Kor.
*ń
Jpn.
*n, *m
Examples for medial *ń can be found in the following entries:
*ńe(-č῾V), *ńu, *ńa, *číńo, *č῾àńè, *tàńo, *eńa, *ńa, *eńa, *ińo, *k῾ùńí,
*kḕńu, końo, *kúńà, *kúńe, *k῾eńo, *k῾ńó, *k῾éńo, *k῾ńu, *k῾ùńe, *k῾ōńi,
*k῾ńi, *peńo, *leńa, *ĺńi, *mńa, *mańuk῾V, *meń[o], *mińV, *móńù, *mṓńe,
*mùńa, *mūńa(kV), *n[u]ńa, *ŋăńa, *ŋńì, *ṑńè, *ańu, *pańi, *beńa, *p῾úńe,
*póńe, *pàńé, *p῾eńu, *p῾ońa, *p῾úńe, *sáńo, *sańV(-k῾V), *sńi, *nańa, *kṓńi.
Notes.
Non-initial *ń exists in Turkic, TM and Korean, but is a highly unstable phoneme.
Turkic. The normal reflex here is *ń (often hardly distinguishable from
*j). The palatal quality, however, is lost in secondary clusters (cf.
*jīn-čik, *jaŋɨ < *jań-gɨ, *En-č, *saŋ-k < *sań-k), and frequently (although not always) after *ɨ, *o and *ü (cf. *gün as opposed to *guńaĺ,
*Kn, *jonɨrčga, *Konak).
Mongolian. Here there are two basic reflexes: -j- and -n-, the distribution of which has been established by I. Gruntov. The rules are:
a) the basic reflex is *-j-;
b) the reflex -n- appears: in a dissimilative manner after -i- (kinu-, sinu-,
sine); after and before *h ( = intervocalic *-ɣ-), like in čineɣe, inije-,
keneɣe, kunija, munig, nimniɣa, suɣunag, hünir, huni-, hani, hünesü.
Palatal *-ń- also disappears (just like *-n-, *-r-) before the nominal suffix
-su (*ja-su, *hü-sü) and is liable to velar assimilation *-ń- > *-ŋ- > -h(cf. gege-ɣe < *geɣe- < *geŋe- < *geńe-; köŋge-n < *köń-ge-; saŋ-ga- <
*sań-ga-; oŋgo-n < *oń-go-). In some cases with initial velar it is not
quite clear whether we are dealing with a case of velar assimilation
(köɣene < *köŋene < *köńene) or a positional variant of -j- (köɣene =
/köjene/).
PTM. Tungus-Manchu normally has -ń- except for some cases of neutralization before -i- and in consonant clusters (*xeŋ-gu- < *xeń-gu-,
*xunǯi < *xuń-ǯi, *ŋāni- = *ŋāńi-, *mun-di- < *muń-di-, *uŋia- < *uńi-ga-,
*pani- = *pańi-, *munī- = *muńī-, *puŋel < *puń-gV-l). Note that no
cases of a loss of *-ń- are attested (perhaps accidentally).
Korean. The cluster *-jń- regularly yields -j- here (cf. s-pjə, sai, kui, păi).
Otherwise, the normal reflex is *ń, with a sporadic change to -n- after *i and *u, cf. pinɨr, nūn, kin(h) and in clusters (an-č-).
Japanese. Here the reflexes are -m- (evidently < *-ŋ- < *-ń-, just as
word-initially) and -n-; the distribution is so far unclear. There are
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CHAPTER TWO
two possible cases of *-ń- > -0- before a suffixed *-gV: *ka- ‘day’ <
*gojńu-gV (cf. Mong. gege-ɣe) and *ka ‘mosquito’ < *kuńe-gV (cf. TM
*kuńī-kta).
2.1.31 PA initial *šPA
*š-
Turk.
Mong.
Tung.
*s- /*č[*A] *s- / *č[*A] *š-
Kor.
*s-
Jpn.
*s-
The reconstruction of PA *š- is based on the reconstruction of PTM
*š — a phoneme usually reflected as š in Manchu, but as č in other languages. Elsewhere the phoneme basically merged with *s-, but traces of
a special behaviour can be found in Turkic and Mongolian —where *š> *s- only before front vowels, whereas before back vowels *š- > *č- —,
as well as in Korean, where, despite a certain paucity of evidence, one
can observe that *s- yields *h- before *-a-, *-u- , whereas *š- always
yields *s-.
2.1.32 PA non-initial *-šPA
*š
Turk.
*s
Mong.
*s
Tung.
*š
Kor.
*s
Jpn.
*s
Non-initial *-š- is extremely rare (and, for some reason, found almost exclusively after velars); examples for *-š- are restricted to: *bašo,
*guša, *kóšì, *kŏše, *kùši, *kušu, *kušV, *k῾òše, *k῾ŏši.
Notes.
As seen from the correspondences, medial *-š- is distinguished from
*-s- only in TM. The correspondence, however, is quite parallel to initial *š-, only without the positional affrication in Turkic, Mongolian and
Korean. So the phoneme still seems worth reconstructing.
In Jpn. *-š-, like *-s- is not liable to voicing (prenasalization) - at least
in those few cases where it is reflected at all.
2.1.33 PA *-ŕPA
*ŕ
Turk.
*ŕ
Mong.
*r
Tung.
*r
Kor.
*r
Jpn.
*r / t[i,u]
Examples for *-ŕ- can be found in the following dictionary entries:
*àŕì, *āŕa, *bằŕ[i], *bāŕa, *baŕV, *bĕŕa, *bŕu, *boŕV, *bŭŕi, *čobeŕV, *čuŕi,
*čúŕu, *č῾iŕV, *deŕa, *ǯiŕe, *dŭŕi, *ḗŕa, *gằŕ[à], *gŕV, *gằŕá, *gṑŕe, *gŕa,
*gṓŕV, *gŕi, *ŕu, *kúŕu, *kŕa, *k῾aŕa, *k῾éŕà, *k῾ŕo, *k῾óŕa, *k῾ŏŕo, *k῾uŕa,
64
INTRODUCTION
*k῾ŕu, *k῾uŕe, *k῾[ú]ŕa, *suŕo, *muŕu, *ńăŕe, *ńàŕì, *nŕ[à], *núŕe, *núŕi,
*ŋṑŕa, *omuŕV, *ŏŕe, *ṓŕì, *ṓŕi, *pŕe, *pḗŕV, *pŕi, *aguŕV, *p῾ŕe, *p῾ŭŕi,
*saŕi, *sáŕo, *sŕo(-gV), *sŕi, *siŕu, *šŭŕu, *sắŕi, *sŕe, *sŕi, *tṓŕu, *t῾ŕa,
*t῾eŕo, *t῾ḕŕù, *t῾ŕe, *t῾ŕe, *t῾ṓŕe, *úŕi, *uŕo, *ŕV, *ǯuŕi, *ǯ[ō]ŕo, *aŕV.
Notes.
PA *ŕ, like *r, occurred only in non-initial position.
It is reconstructed basically on Turkic evidence where it is clearly
distinct from *r. One may note, however, that the Jpn. correspondence
also differs. Superficially Jpn. has the same two reflexes - r and t - as for
PA *r. Here, however, they are in rather clear complementary distribution: -t- occurs only before root-final -i and -u, whereas -r- occurs in all
other cases (root-finally, before -a and -ə). The only exceptions are
those when the reflex of *-ŕ- is attested in the second syllable of a trisyllabic stem: *turu(m)pai, *sita-t(a)-, *katana, *kətəpək-, *kuruma. In all probability the second vowel here is a result of later assimilation either to
the first or to the third one.
Here, as with other resonants, in PTM loss of *-ŕ- after a long vowel
in monosyllables is attested: *sā- < *sāŕi.
In Jpn., however, *-ŕ- (like other palatal resonants) is never lost. Its
*-t-reflex is also never voiced (prenasalized). This lack of voicing may
be important: it probably means that the change -ŕ- > -t- occurred quite
late, already after the process of prenasalization of original stops was
completed — which also complies with the fact that the change -ŕ- > -thappens before PJ *-i and *-u, vowels that evidently come from many
different Altaic sources, i.e. already after various important vocalic
changes in the history of Japanese.
2.1.34 PA initial *ĺPA
*ĺ-
Turk.
*j-
Mong.
*d- / ǯ[i]
Tung.
*l-
Kor.
*n-
Jpn.
*n-
Notes.
Initial *ĺ- is reconstructed in a small but significant number of cases
where all languages reflect *l- but Mong. has a reflex typical for *d-. In
one case — *ĺmo(ŋa) — even the TM forms have not preserved traces
of *l- (probably because of very early nasal assimilation *ĺŏmo(ŋa) >
*ńŏmo(ŋa)), but the Mongolian reflex *d- cannot be explained in any
other way.
One could reconstruct something like a voiced lateral affricate here,
but we assume that this correspondence is in fact a match for the
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CHAPTER TWO
widely attested word-medial PA *-ĺ- (see below), whose initial reflex
was hitherto unknown.
To provide additional information on Turkic *j- corresponding to
TM *l- (but this time < *ĺ-) we shall list the cases here:
Turk.
*jaku’coat’
Mong.
*daku
*jaba ‘wild onion’
*jek ‘demon; to
hate’
*debeɣe
‘meadow’
*ǯikeji ( > ǯe-)
‘mediocre,
worse’
*daɣaga(n)
*jāpak ‘fork,
bifurcation’
*jap- ‘mass of
hair or wool’
‘horizontal bar’
*daɣaki ‘exuviation, tangled
hair’
*jigren-‘to hate, *ǯig- id.
abhor’
*jip- ‘violet,
*ǯibi ‘rust’
purple’
*jom(ak) ‘tale, *dom(ag) ‘tale,
legend; medi- magic’
cine’
*jul- ‘to ran*doli- id.
som’
*jip ‘thread’
*ǯiɣeg ( > *ǯe-)
‘thin thread’
*jēl- ‘to ride,
*ǯilu- ‘flee, run
trot’
away’
*jugur- ‘to
*ǯiɣuraknead’
TM
PA
*laKu (/*leKu) ‘warm trou- *ĺak῾V
sers’
*labikta ‘moss, cudbear’
*ĺábó
*lāK- ‘difficulty, disorder’ *ĺk῾è
*lap(ki) ‘poles with bifur- *ĺp῾V
cation’
*lepu- ‘feather, down’
*ĺep῾a
*lēgī- ‘to scold’
*ĺḕgì
Evk. lipereme ‘dark red’
*ĺip῾ú
*nim-ŋā- ‘fairy-tale’
*ĺmo(ŋa)
Evk. lelol- ‘to ask’
*ĺul[o]
*lup- ‘to prick, pierce’
*ĺp῾ù
*lelu- ‘to jump, ride, trot’
*ĺḗlV
*lug-
*ĺuga(rV)
2.1.35 PA non-initial *-ĺPA
*ĺ
Turk.
*ĺ
Mong.
*l
Tung.
*l
Kor.
*r
Jpn.
*s
Examples for *-ĺ- can be found in the following dictionary entries:
*ăĺi, *aĺi, *aĺV, *ĺa, *boĺe, *bŏĺi, *bĺa, *bĺi, *bĺo, *čŏĺe, *dằĺà, *ḗĺV, *gaĺi,
66
INTRODUCTION
*gĺò, *gĺu, *gṓĺV, *gĺo, *g[ú]ĺe, *áĺa, *iĺa, *oĺe, *īĺa, *ĺi, *k῾ĺú, *kĺe,
*kuĺe, *koĺa, *kṓĺi(kV), *kuĺV, *k[ā]ĺe, *k῾ăĺi, *k῾ằĺo, *k῾éĺe, *k῾ìĺa, *k῾uĺe,
*k῾ĺa, *kúĺap῾V, *k῾úĺa, *k῾ĺa, *máĺe, *màĺà, *muĺi, *mĺi, *móĺe, *ńiĺu,
*nĺi, *ńṓĺe, *oĺa, *p῾aĺi, *p῾ĺo, *p῾ĺo, *p῾ĺi, *sáĺo, *sṓĺe, *sīĺa, *šằĺì, *tĺ[o],
*teĺV, *tṓĺì, *tĺu, *tĺe, *tĺe, *t῾uĺi, *t῾ōĺi, *t῾ĺi, *ĺà, *uĺe, *uĺi, *oĺi, *uĺukV,
*ŭĺi, *zoĺa, *zúĺa, *ǯĕĺo, *gḕĺa, *k῾aĺu, *ṓĺe.
Notes.
PA *ĺ is well preserved in all branches. Besides the standard reflexes
we may note the following:
a) In Turkic, *-ĺ- > *-l- in combination with some affixes (Helimski’s
rule, see Хелимский 1986b); cf. *jul-tuŕ (not *juĺ-tuŕ) < *p῾uĺo.
b) In Mong., *-ĺ- > -0- before the affixes -du-, -su- (cf. ho-dun < *hol-dun <
*p῾uĺo, *si-dü < *sil-dü, *na-su < *nal-su, *mö-sü (but also *möl-sü)). Just
like *-l-, *-ĺ- is dissimilated > -j- before the following -l- (*bujil- < *bŏĺi,
*üjile < *ilü-le < *ĺi) and metathesized before the following -r(*kerelǯegene < *kele-r-ǯegene < *k῾ĺú) .
c) In Kor., *-jĺ- > *-j-, -0- (cf. na(h) < *najĺV, soi < *zejĺu, pɨi- < *bujĺe).
d) In Jpn., *-ĺ- (just like *-ŕ- and *-ń-), never yields -0- in combination
with the following affixes. Thus the only reflex here is -s-, which,
however, can also be voiced (prenasalized) into -ns-.
Conditions for prenasalization are here exactly the same as in the
case with -nt- < -t- < *-r- (see above): *-s- > -ns- in intervocalic position
before the following intervocalic -r-: cf. *kĺe > *knsìrì, *mĺi >
*mínsrá-, probably also *gĺo > *kìsàra-nki (not *kinsaranki because of the
dissimilation rule in Japanese); but in verbal stems *sṓĺ[e] > *ssír-, *p῾ĺo
> *pàsìr-, *móĺe > *músír-, *búĺa > *básúrá-. Exceptions are *gĺu > kusirə
and *dằĺa > *dàsìr ‘shrine’ (the latter probably under influence of *sirə
‘castle’). Note, however, that voicing of *-ĺ- occurs rather frequently in
old consonant clusters (*ĺč, *ĺb, etc., see below).
2.1.36 PA *-jPA
*j
Turk.
*j
Mong.
*j, h
Tung.
*j
Kor.
*j, *0
Jpn.
*j, *0
Examples of PA *-j- see in the following dictionary entries: *ăjV,
*ăjVrV, *ja, *bắja, *băjV, *bje, *béjo, *bíju, *baja, *bóju, *č῾aju, *č῾jV, *č῾iju,
*éjá, *ĕju, *gằjá, *gằju, *gajV, *gijo, *gojV, *gṑje, *kajamV, *kaje, *kaji, *kàji,
*keju, *kḕju, *kìjá, *kájo, *kàjú, *kujilV, *kúja, *kúja, *kujV, *k῾ḗja, *lája,
*maja, *maji, *majV, *meju, *moje, *mŏjo, *móju, *nàje, *najV(rV), *nji,
*neji, *lḕja, *ńūje, *ŋaji, *ŋje, *ŋju, *òje, *je, *póju, *pàjá, *pàje, *pàjò,
*p῾ajo, *p῾āji, *p῾íjo, *p῾oje, *p῾ójV, *p῾ūji, *p῾uje, *p῾ujV, *p῾[]ju, *p῾[ò]jamV,
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CHAPTER TWO
*sằja, *saji, *sajo, *sắjV, *sèjV, *sōje, *sju, *siju, *šŏju, *šjò, *taja, *tjV,
*tjV, *tṓj-, *tuju, *t῾ja, *t῾ja, *t῾ijV, *t῾oje, *t῾ŭja, *t῾ùji, *t῾úju, *uji, *ùjò,
*uju, *ujV(k῾V), *ṓjV, *ǯḗja, *naja, *dijV, *néji, *suji, *aje, *ŋūja, *ŋūja,
*mjV.
Notes.
PA *j is reconstructed only in word-medial position. It may well be
thought, however, that it was represented word-initially as the first
part of the *-diphthongs *a-, *u-, *o- (see below).
PA *-j- is preserved everywhere, but in every subgroup it has a tendency to disappear — in the vicinity of front vowels, being swallowed
up by preceding diphthongs etc.
In Mong. -j- tends to be replaced by -h-, mostly before the following
-e or -u-vowels.
In TM there are several cases of *-j- disappearing after a long vowel:
*gṑje > *gū, *nji > *ńā-, *ńūje > *ńē-, *p῾āji > *pā, *p῾ūji > *pū-, *sōje > *sū-,
*tjV > *dā, *ŋūja > *ŋō-.
In Turkic there are several cases when original *-j- seems to be reflected as *-d-: cf. *ŋūja > *jɨd, *ŋūju > *ūdɨ-, *sèjV > *sedre-, *gằju >
*Kadgu. Note that in the cases where Chuvash has preserved these
roots it has not the standard -r-reflex, but -j- (ɨjɣъ, sajra, xojɣa), so that in
fact *-d- (*-δ-) may have been introduced here already after the separation of Chuvash. The conditions of its appearance, however, are not
clear. In the case of *ūdɨ- ‘sleep’, e.g., it could be just an added suffix
(because the simple noun *ū ‘sleep’ is also preserved); in *jɨd and *sedre
it could be a result of dissimilation < *-j-; finally, old interdialectal loans
also cannot be excluded (in *Kaja ‘rock’ we also find *-j- instead of an
expected *-d-).
2.1.37 PA initial *k῾PA
*k῾-
Turk.
*k-
Mong.
*k-
Tung.
*x-
Kor.
*k-
Jpn.
*k-
Note.
In PT, *k- and *g- are only distinguished before front vowels; before
back ones we always write *K- which means that we cannot distinguish
*k- from *g- in this position.
2.1.38 PA non-initial *-k῾PA
*k῾
Turk.
*k
Mong.
*k, g / -g
Tung.
*k/x
Kor.
*k, h
Jpn.
*k
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INTRODUCTION
Examples of PA *-k῾- can be found in the following entries: *ák῾à,
*ak῾a, *k῾a, *ắk῾è, *k῾à, *ằk῾ú, *àlak῾u, *bk῾ù, *bek῾ú, *bk῾à(rV), *bk῾a,
*bk῾e, *bk῾í, *buk῾V, *buk῾e, *čĕk῾a, *č῾ăk῾i, *č῾ak῾e, *č῾ak῾a, *č῾k῾à, *č῾ek῾V,
*č῾ēk῾V, *č῾ik῾ò, *č῾k῾à, *č῾ĭk῾a, *č῾abVk῾V, *č῾k῾e, *č῾āk῾e, *č῾k῾ó, *č῾úk῾i,
*č῾òk῾e, *č῾ŏk῾i, *č῾ṑk῾a, *č῾[а]k῾i, *dằk῾ì, *dék῾à, *dṓn(e)k῾V, *èk῾á, *ĕk῾à, *gék῾á,
*gók῾ì, *gk῾à, *k῾V, *uk῾e, *k῾è, *kák῾á, *kk῾i, *kak῾o, *kk῾ò, *kk῾i, *kek῾V,
*kk῾ò, *kk῾è, *kòĺbèk῾V, *kṓk῾à, *kṓk῾e, *kúk῾è, *k῾ṑk῾ò, *làk῾ù, *ĺak῾V, *lk῾a,
*ĺk῾è, *lk῾a, *lok῾o, *lúk῾ì, *mak῾é, *mák῾ù, *mék῾à, *mék῾ù, *mk῾o, *măk῾ó,
*mók῾[ú], *mŏk῾V, *mók῾ì, *múk῾è, *mk῾é, *mūk῾o, *m[ù]k῾è, *nák῾ì, *nak῾i,
*lak῾[a], *nìk῾é, *nk῾ú, *nk῾e, *nk῾é, *ŋk῾u, *òk῾è, *ṓk῾è, *ok῾V, *pák῾[ò],
*pằluk῾V, *pḗk῾ò, *pk῾ì, *pk῾í, *pk῾a, *pák῾à, *pk῾i, *pek῾V, *p῾ĕk῾V, *p῾ok῾e,
*p῾ŏk῾i(-ŕV), *p῾ŭrVk῾V, *sak῾o, *sàk῾a, *sak῾u(rV), *sèk῾u, *sík῾è, *sk῾ù, *sk῾ù,
*sk῾à, *sk῾ù, *sorek῾V, *sṑk῾e, *suk῾e, *suk῾ì, *šk῾a, *šek῾a, *šk῾ù, *šŭk῾u,
*tàk῾u, *tk῾i, *tok῾à, *t῾ắk῾ì, *t῾ák῾ù, *t῾ák῾ù, *t῾k῾ò, *t῾k῾ù, *t῾ak῾i, *t῾ḗk῾o, *t῾ik῾V,
*t῾ak῾a, *nek῾V, *t῾k῾e, *t῾ŏk῾ù, *t῾ŏk῾V, *t῾k῾V, *t῾k῾ù, *uk῾i, *úk῾u, *ŭk῾urkV,
*úk῾è, *uk῾V, *ǯak῾a, *ǯók῾è, *ǯr(V)k῾e, *uk῾è, *č῾ak῾V, *púk῾V, *ǯak῾V.
Notes.
In Mong., there are cases of secondary voicing *-k- > -g- in front of a
following -g- (-h-): cf. *sögüɣe, *čaga-ɣan, *jaga-ɣan, *sege-ɣe- (but also
*seke-ɣe) < *sk῾u, *sege-ɣe (but also *seke-ɣe) < *sk῾a. Less frequent are
other cases of voicing: *ege-če as a suffixed form of *eke, *ogo-da-su,
*daga- in variation with *daka-. The reflex *g also regularly occurs in
syllable-final position, where all laryngeal features were neutralized in
Mongolian (see above on labials and dentals). In two cases (*uɣurga and
*ǯeɣergene; perhaps also *čiɣire < *č῾ik῾ò-rV) there occurred further weakening *-g- > *-h- in a secondary cluster *-k῾r- (on cluster development
see below).
In TM, where the distinction between *-k- and *-x- is maintained in
the Southern subgroup (see below), PA *-k῾- can yield both *-k- and
*-x-. The distribution here seems to depend on the original following
vowel: before PA *-a and *-e PTM has *-k-, while before the high vowels *-i and *-u, as well as before *-o, PTM has *-x-. Cf.:
1. k῾a > *akā, *k῾à > *ok-, *čĕk῾a > *ǯeki, *č῾k῾à > *čiku-, *č῾ṑk῾a > *čōk(i)-,
*dék῾à > *deke-, *gék῾á > *gek(u)-, *gk῾a > *guk-, *uk῾e > *ukī, *k῾è > *ikē-,
*kk῾è > *xuku-n / *kuku-n, *lk῾a > *lāk-, *mak῾é > *maka-, *mk῾é > *mōk-,
*nk῾e > *nīka, *pk῾a > *pukē-n, *p῾ok῾e > *puke-, *sṑk῾e > *sōk-, *šk῾a >
*šāk-, *t῾ak῾a > *tiaku, *ǯak῾a > *ǯiaka, *ǯók῾è > *ǯuke
2. *ằk῾ú > *axiri-, *č῾k῾ó > *čixa-, *dằk῾ì > *daxa-, *kk῾i > *kaxa-, *làk῾ù >
*laxu-, *lok῾o > *loxa, *măk῾ó > *muxa-, *mók῾ì > *muxu-, *mūk῾o ( ~ -u) >
*muxa- / *muxe-, *sèk῾u > *sexu-, *sk῾ù > *six-, *t῾k῾ò > *tāxVr, *t῾ak῾i ( ~
-u) > *taxi, *t῾ḗk῾o > *texēn, *t῾ŏk῾ù > *toxan, *t῾k῾ù > *tux-, *č῾ik῾ò > *čixe-
69
CHAPTER TWO
Korean has normally -k-. However, after vowel reduction *CVk῾regularly yields *Ch-; in a few cases the reflex -h- (or even -0-) is observed even without vowel reduction, due to causes yet to be discovered.
In Japanese we have the usual split of *-k῾- into voiceless *-k- and
voiced (prenasalized) *-nk-:
1. *ák῾a > *ák-, *ắk῾e > *kúr-, *k῾a > *àkuàjài, *àlak῾u > *àrúk-, *bk῾u >
*pukusi, *bk῾a(rV) > *pkrí, *bṓrk῾i > *púk-, *buk῾e > *pùkùmpái, *čĕk῾a
> *təkə, *č῾k῾a > *ták-, *č῾ik῾o > *təkusa, *č῾k῾a > *tàkàrà, *č῾āk῾e > *tkì,
*č῾ŏk῾i > *tuku-mpap-, *dằk῾i > *tìkà-, *ĕk῾a > *kaka, *gók῾i > *kúkì, *gk῾a >
*kakàr- (but also *kànkì), *k῾e > *íkár-, *kk῾o > *kákì, *kk῾o > *kk-, *kk῾e
> *kkr, *kṓk῾a > *káká-, *kúk῾e > *kuaku-mi, *k῾ṑk῾o > *kakurai, *k῾ujk῾e
> *kùkùi, *làk῾u > *nuki, *ĺk῾e > *nəkə, *lok῾o > *nkə, *lúk῾i > *núk-,
*mék῾a > *máká-, *mék῾u > *múkúrua, *mók῾i > *múkási, *múk῾e > *mák-,
*m[u]k῾e > *màkànàp-, *òk῾e > *kr-, *ṓk῾e > *k-, *pḗk῾o > *pàkàr-, *pk῾i >
*pìkù-, *sèk῾u > *sùk-, *sík῾e > *síkími, *sk῾u > *súkú-má-, *sk῾a > *sákà-,
*sk῾u > *súk-, *suk῾i > *suki, *sjk῾i > *sikar-, *šk῾u > *súk-, *tok῾a >
*takua, *t῾ắk῾i > *tíkáp-, *t῾ák῾u > *túkáp-, *t῾k῾ù > *tùkàm-, *úk῾u >
*úká-nkáp-, *úk῾e > *bká, *ǯók῾e > *dúkì, *uk῾e > *bəkə;
2. *ằk῾u > *ùnkàt-, *bek῾u > *punku, *bk῾i > *pìnkàm-, *borso-k῾V > *bsánkí,
*č῾k῾o > *tnká-, *gék῾a > *kánkám-, *kák῾a > *kánká-, *lèjk῾a > *niànkàp-,
*mak῾e > *mənkar-, *mańuk῾V > *mùnánkí, *măk῾o > *manka, *mók῾[u] >
*mánká-, *mk῾e > *mànkúrúa, *nìk῾e > *nìnkà-, *nk῾[u] > *nnkp-, *nk῾e
> *nuànkà-, *pk῾i > *pínkúrásí, *tjk῾u > *túnká-, *t῾k῾i > *tìnkìr2.1.39 PA initial *kPA
*k-
Turk.
*g-
Mong.
*k-
Tung.
*k-
Kor.
*k-
Jpn.
*k-
Notes.
For Turkic see notes to *k῾-.
PA *k- is distinguished from *k῾- in Turkic (where the opposition is
recoverable before front vowels) and in TM.
2.1.40 PA non-initial *-kPA
*k
Turk.
*k, gVr
Mong.
*g / -g
Tung.
*k
Kor.
*0, h
Jpn.
*k
Examples for *-k- can be found in the following entries: *bèka, *bằka,
*bằká, *băkV, *báku, *bkà, *bku, *bkà, *bke, *čărikV, *čoke, *č῾áko, *č῾ika,
*č῾ki, *č῾ukV, *dáku, *dkà, *dorVkV, *ka, *kìkú, *k῾òké, *k῾ắka, *k῾ằkú, *k῾ōkí,
70
INTRODUCTION
*k῾ùkè, *k῾ókì, *lako, *ĺki, *luko, *luke, *mko, *mūko, *ńĕka, *neku, *nko,
*năke, *nkV, *oki, *ṓki, *ṑr(e)kV, *pki, *p῾àká, *pka, *póko, *p῾ukò, *pōki,
*sằkà, *ski, *saku, *sōku, *sūku, *sokV, *soke, *sku, *suku, *tùke, *t῾ằkù,
*t῾akV, *t῾ékù, *t῾kí, *t῾ákù, *t῾ukV, *t῾kè, *t῾ukì, *t῾ukí, *t῾ukV, *ùkú, *úku,
*zúko, *ǯòkó, *sku, *ške.
Notes.
Non-initial *-k- is somewhat hard to distinguish from *-k῾- (see
above). The reflexes in Jpn. and Turkic are basically the same - except
that in Japanese *-k-, unlike *-k῾- is not prenasalized (see below) and
Turkic *-k-, unlike *-k῾-, is regularly voiced before the following *r: cf.
*iagɨr, *biagɨr, *ugra-, *Kagur, *čɨgɨr, *jogurgan, *jogurt-, *boguŕ, *sogur,
*tagra-, *sɨgɨr, *jagɨr (in one case - *dEgiŋ - also before *ŋ).
In TM *-k-, always gives a stop *-k- (unlike *-k῾- which in very many
cases yields *-x-, see above).
In Kor. *-k- usually does not give -k-, but disappears or leaves aspiration (-h-); exceptions are cases of vowel reduction in the first syllable
(*skór < *saku), and assimilations (like mək-kuri ‘big black snake’ <
*mūko, sok-kori (but mod. sokhuri = *soh-kuri) ‘basket’ < *sku).
The really decisive language here is Mongolian which regularly has
*-g- < *-k-.
In very many cases, however - when Turkic has *-k- without a following *r, the Mong. reflex is unknown (or has a syllable-final -g, or
has a -g- before the following -ɣ-), the TM reflex is ambiguous, and the
Kor. reflex is unknown or has a syllable-final -k, *-k- and *-k῾- cannot
be distinguished from each other. This explains a relatively small number of clear cases of *-k-.
Japanese, as we said above, does not usually voice (prenasalize)
*-k-, like all other unaspirated stops. All exceptions occur only in roots
with initial aspirated consonants: *k῾ằku > *kùnkùtú, *k῾ōki > *kunki,
*p῾àka > *pànkiá-, *t῾ki > *tinkui, *t῾ki > *tìnkìr-, *t῾uki > *túnk-. This is
obviously the result of an early assimilation process *C῾VCV > *C῾VC῾V
(see above on the same with other stops).
2.1.41 PA initial *g
PA
*g-
Turk.
*g-
Mong.
*g-
Tung.
*g-
Kor.
*k-
Jpn.
*k-
Notes.
Turkic neutralizes the distinction of *k- and *g- before back vowels,
see above, so in that position we write *K- in Proto-Turkic.
CHAPTER TWO
71
The correspondence Mong. ɣ- : Turkic q- — i.e. exactly PA *g- before back vowels— was also criticized by Doerfer (p. 60), who says he
can find only one clear case: Mong. ɣar ‘hand, arm’ : Turk. qar (i.e. *Kar)
‘arm’.
He is correct in abolishing four of Ramstedt’s examples that are actually borrowings. We think that Ramstedt’s another example (Turk.
*Kob- ‘to follow, chase’: Mong. *guji- ‘to search, ask’ (cf. also TM *gob‘to hunt’, Jpn. *kp- ‘to ask’) is still quite valid. Doerfer argues that the
older form attested in Mong. is ɣuju- (in the SH), so that ɣuji- must be a
recent assimilation, and cannot therefore go back to a form with *b-. To
this we may comment that the SH is by no means the most archaic
form of Mongolian with respect to vowels: numerous cases of assimilation are already attested there — such as ǯurokan ‘heart’ against
WMong. ǯirüken. More significantly, no process like “assimilation of u
to the preceding j” has ever taken place in the history of Mongolian.
Still another refuted example (for semantic reasons) is Turk. *Kol- ‘to
beg, beggar’ (not “bitten” as Doerfer writes): Mong. ɣolu- ‘to be unhappy, despise’; the original meaning here was obviously just ‘be unhappy, endure’ (cf. the TM and Jpn. parallels in PA *gòlo), whence “to
be a beggar” is a quite natural development.
Let us now look at other examples:
Turk. *Kadgu ‘sorrow’ : Mong. *gaj id. < PA *gằju
Turk. *KAj- ‘to pay respect’ : Mong. *gajika- ‘to wonder’ < PA *gajV
Turk. *Kal ‘wild, rough’: Mong. *galǯaɣu ‘wild, rabid’ < PA *gắli
Turk. *Kabɨk, *Kabɨŕ ‘shell, husk’: Mong. *gawr-su ‘chaff, straw’ < PA
*gébo
Turk. *KAkɨ- ‘to be angry’: Mong. *gaɣa- id. < PA *gga
Turk. *Kalɨŋ ‘thick’: Mong. *goli- ‘be tall, stately, gross’ < *gălu
Turk. *Kiāl- ‘to stay behind’: Mong. *gal- ‘to walk slowly, be lazy’ < PA
*gla
Turk. *Kula- ‘to jump over’, *Kulač ‘fathom’ ( < *’spread’) : Mong. *guldu
‘along smth.’ < PA *gŭldo
Turk. *Kōl ‘valley’ : Mong. *gowl id. < PA *goblu
Turk. *Kodɨ ‘below, downwards’: Mong. *gudu- ‘to lower, downward’ <
PA *gódu
Turk. *Koŋuŕ ‘beetle’ : Mong. *guwur ‘larva of a gad-fly’ < PA *goŋV(ŕV)
Turk. *Kun- ‘to rob, plunder, attack’ : Mong. *gani ‘berserk; to strive,
endeavour’ < PA *guna
Turk. *Kūtuŕ ‘mad, enraged, instigate’: Mong. *gutu(ra)- ‘lose power,
lose courage’ < PA *gt῾u
Most of these examples have been mentioned in the literature, and
four are actually taken from the same text which Doerfer is criticizing.
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INTRODUCTION
This is again an example of Doerfer’s debating technique (for *m-, *l-,
*-ǯ-, see above): poor evidence is criticized while better evidence is
omitted from discussion.
2.1.42 PA non-initial *g
PA
*-g-
Turk.
*g
Mong.
*h, g, -g
Tung.
*g
Kor.
*0, h, -k
Jpn.
*k,[*iV]0
Examples for *-g- can be found in the following entries: *agà, *ágà,
*agu-la, *ằgò, *gi, *gV, *bagu, *begV, *bga, *bgi, *bogo, *búga, *bge,
*bugu, *bògé, *būgi, *bŏga, *bgà, *čágo, *čŏge, *č῾aga, *č῾ùgù, *č῾ṓga,
*č῾[a]ge, *dắgá, *dagi, *dằgì, *dagV, *tègà, *dòge, *d[é]gì, *ĕgi, *egVrV, *ḗgó,
*ggà, *agu, *ga, *gi, *ga, *ugerV, *úgu, *ge, *kgù, *k῾egVnV,
*k῾oge, *k῾ge, *ĺḕgì, *lŏga, *lgà, *lŭge, *màga, *mūga, *ńṑgè, *nugu,
*ĺuga(rV), *ge, *óligV, *p῾ágò, *páge, *pga, *pgí(-rV), *pgV, *pgò,
*p῾àgò, *pegò, *p῾ằge, *p῾agu, *aguŕV, *p῾agV, *p῾ùgV, *p῾gè, *p῾ugu,
*p῾gé, *sago, *soga, *ságú, *sagè, *ségì, *segu, *sḕgù, *sgà, *sgà, *sígá,
*sigo, *sigí, *sgú, *sgi, *sóga, *sagu, *sgu, *sgu, *suga, *sgò, *sógà,
*soge, *sòge, *sogì, *sogú, *sugá, *súgò, *sugú, *ḗga, *šogo, *šṑgV,
*šuga(lV), *tago, *tagù, *teg[u], *tēga, *tógì, *tgì, *t῾ằgè, *t῾égè, *t῾égè(-rV),
*t῾age, *t῾úgo, *t῾ge, *t῾ògà, *t῾oge, *t῾ògì, *uga, *úgà, *uge, *ugi, *uge(ŕV),
*zego, *ǯígù, *tegá, *dági, *ǯúgi, *ǯuge, *ǯugi, *zagè, *č῾ugu, *togV, *kagVlV,
*t῾go.
Notes.
In Mong., the usual reflex is -h- (orthographically -ɣ-, see above; -jin front of -i-), but before the following -ɣ-, -j- we see a stop reflex -g-:
*aga-ɣar (the WMong. spelling is aɣar, but modern forms like Khalkha
agār show that it should be amended to aɣaɣar) < *aga; *aguji < *ága;
*aɣu- (Khalkha ū-dam), but *agu-ɣu, *agu-ji (Khalkha agū, aguj) < *ḗgo,
*nogo-ɣan < *lŏga, *ügej < *ge, *sigi-ɣa- < *síga, *sigu-j < *sgo, *dege-ɣe <
*teg[u], *togu-ɣa(n) < *t῾age, *tuguj < *t῾ge, *ǯögeji < *ǯuge.
In clusters with resonants and in syllable-final position, Mongolian
always has the stop reflex g.
In Japanese the distribution of reflexes is quite similar to that of *-band *-d-, namely, after original diphthongs we always have a 0-reflex,
(cf. *-w- < *-b-, *-j- < *-d-), usually resulting in vowel contraction, but
sometimes leaving a trace as -j- or -w-; in other cases there may be either *-k- or the voiced (prenasalized) *-g-:
1. *bga > *bà, *bgi > *pìja-, *pì, *bogo > *pía, *búga > *bà, *bge > *bə,
*bugu > *pu, *būgi > *piwə-, *čŏge > *tia, *dòge > *d-, *ga > *ia,
*ugerV > *bəri, *úgu > *ú-pa-, *k῾ge > *k(ù)i, *lŏga > *nà, *màga >
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CHAPTER TWO
*màw-s-, *ńṑge > *mù-(kuâ), *luga(rV) > *niàr-, *páge > *píjái, *p῾agu
> *pu, *p῾agV > *pí, *p῾ùgV > *pà, *soga > *sa, *sóga > *sá-, *s-, *sgu >
*sú, *sgu > *suà-rá , *šogo > *səjə, *t῾úgo > *tu-i, *t῾ge > *tù, *uge(ŕV)
> *ùrà;
2. *aga > *àkî, *ága > *ákúp-, *bga > *bák-, *č῾úgu > *tùkà, *dằgi > *(d)ìkùsà,
*tèga > *tàkài, *d[é]gi > *(d)íká, *gga > *kákúat-, *kgu > *kùkùpí,
*k῾egVnV > *kəkənə-, *ĺḕgi > *nìkù-, *lga > *nák-, *mūga > *mákí, *p῾ágo >
*pákuá, *pgo > *pk-, *p῾àgo > *pàkà, *pego > *pəkurə, *p῾ge > *pkr-,
*sage > *sakai-mp-, *ségi > *sík-, *sḕgu > *sùkù-jaka, *sga > *sàkàpì, *sga
> *sàkùrì, *sĭgo > *sika, *sóga > *sáká-i, *sogi > *suki-, *súgo > *sk, *tagu
> *tuku-nai, *tēga > *tàkà-, *tógi > *túkà, *tgi > *tùk-, *t῾ằge > *tk-, *t῾ége
> *tk, *t῾ége(-rV) > *tkr, *t῾òga > *tàkù-, *t῾ògi > *tùkà, *úga > *ákú,
*ǯígu > *dúk-, *zage > *sək-;
3. *bòge > *bnkám-, *dắga > *dánká-, *ḗgo > *ənki-rə, *pgi(-rV) > *púnkúri,
*p῾ge > *pànk-, *ságu > *súnkúi, *síga > *sánk(úr)-, *sgo > *sìnkài-, *sigi
> *sinkúrai, *sgu > *súnká-, *sogu > *sunkur-, *suga > *sankí, *sugu >
*sunkai.
In Korean, the standard reflex is -0- (at the syllable boundary written as -‘-) or -h-, with distribution as yet unclear; -k- is preserved only
in cases of early vowel reduction in the first syllable (*skắr- < *ségi, *skúr
< *šṑgV). A few cases that appear to have -k- in a syllable-final position
most probably reflect a contraction < *-Vg-Vk, with a frequent velar
suffix -k ( < *-k῾V); thus probably ak-su ‘heavy rain’ < *agak-su (PA *aga);
čók ‘bundle’ < *čuguk (PA *č῾ùgu); čk ‘lye’ < *čuga-k (PA *č῾ga, cf. PT
*čōgak, PTM *čuguk), hók ‘wart’ < *hoge-k (PA *sòge); sik- ‘to cool off’ <
*sig-Vk- (PA *šogo, cf. PT *sog-ɨk, Manchu šax- < *sig-ak-), tuk ‘mound,
dam’ < *tug-Vk (PA *tógi).
2.1.43. PA initial *ŋPA
*ŋ-
Turk.
*0-,*j-
Mong.
*n-,*0-,*j-,*g-
Tung.
*ŋ-
Kor.
n-
Jpn.
*0-,*m-/*n-
Notes.
PA *ŋ- is best preserved in TM.
In Turkic, the usual reflex is 0-, but there are a few cases of j- before
original diphthongs with -- and *-e-, cf. *jal- < *ŋḕlu, *jānu- < *ŋḗnu-,
*jar-ɨn < *ŋḕra, *jebeg < *ŋàbi, *jɨd < *ŋūja. In one quite exceptional case
we have *n-, reconstructed in Turkic in just one word, viz. the interrogative pronoun *nē < PA *ŋV.
Mongolian has a quite complicated distribution, depending on the
following vowel. It must be stressed that the distribution must be quite
74
INTRODUCTION
recent, because the vowels that follow have the timbre acquired already in Mongolian, after the complicated changes of the original PA
system. Thus Mongolian has:
a) *j- in several cases before original diphthongs: *jeɣü- < *ŋàbi, *ja-(ɣu-)
< *ŋV
b) *g- in front of -u-: *gub- < *ŋupu, *gura < *ŋurV, *gu < *ŋ[u]
c) *0- in front of -ö-, -ü-: *öle < *ŋōle, *ündü-sü < *ŋŋt῾e, *öčü- < *ŋṓjču,
*üne- < *ŋònŋi-, *ösügeji < *ŋsi, *öjekeji < *ŋje
d) *n- in all other cases: *na-m- < *ŋa, *naji- < *ŋńi, *neɣü- < *ŋḗni,
*naŋ-si- < *ŋḗnu, *naran < *ŋḕra, *nagčar-kaj < *ŋàkča, *nokaj < *ŋk῾u,
*nolig < *ŋṑla, *nojir < *ŋju.
Japanese has normally *0-, but in three cases *n- before the following *-n- (original or secondary), probably due to assimilation: *nàs- <
*ŋānsa, *nàn-kà- < *ŋṑla(-k῾V) and *nỼ (*nà-ni) < *ŋV. It appears, however, to have a reflex *m- < *ŋ- before diphthongs, cf. *mùrà-(saki) <
*ŋōle, *mt < *ŋŋt῾e, *m < *ŋàbi, *mmì < *ŋŋe. This evidently means
that the combination *ŋ- > *ń- in early Proto-Japanese, because m- is
the standard reflex of PA *ń-, see above.
2.1.44 PA non-initial *ŋ
PA
*-ŋ-
Turk.
*ŋ
Mong.
*ŋ, h
Tung.
*ŋ
Kor.
*ŋ, 0
Jpn.
*n,*m
Examples of PA *-ŋ- can be found in the following entries: *àŋa,
*ăŋu, *aŋV, *ŋo, *bŋe, *čĭŋV, *č῾aŋo, *diŋe, *ēŋV, *ḕŋV, *găŋi, *gaŋu,
*goŋV(ŕV), *íŋo, *iŋV, *òŋè, *oŋo, *káŋV, *kŋi, *keŋV, *kòŋa, *kŏŋe, *kōŋa,
*kúŋe, *kŭŋi, *k[a]ŋe, *k῾aŋa, *k῾eŋa, *k῾ŏŋa, *k῾óŋi, *k῾úŋu, *k῾uŋu, *k῾oŋi,
*lằŋi, *lòŋè, *lúŋa, *lúŋu, *maŋi, *méŋa, *mĕŋa, *méŋu, *meŋe, *míŋa,
*muŋo, *mṓŋi, *m[a]ŋi, *ńáŋa, *náŋa, *ńaŋo, *nŋu, *nắŋe, *ńoŋe, *nŏŋe,
*nàŋu, *nŋu, *ŋŋe, *òŋi(čV), *ŋe, *púŋu, *p῾éŋi, *pŋa, *p῾ŭŋi, *p῾ùŋi,
*p῾ŏŋe, *saŋe, *sằŋo, *saŋu(ńV), *seŋa, *sìŋù, *săŋe(rV), *sŋV(-kV), *sùŋe,
*súŋe, *s[ú]ŋu, *šŋu, *šŏŋe, *tāŋa, *tŋo, *tuŋa, *túŋì, *t῾aŋa, *t῾ằŋu, *t῾ŋe,
*t῾eŋa, *t῾èŋo, *t῾ḕŋà, *t῾oŋe, *t῾ùŋo-(bV), *t῾oŋe, *t῾oŋerV, *t῾ŋe, *t῾úŋi, *uŋe,
*ǯṑŋè, *sùŋu, *ńuŋe, *nuŋu, *sāŋa, *t῾uŋe, *pòŋa, *č῾aŋu, *šṑŋe.
Notes.
PA *-ŋ- is a quite frequent phoneme, but its reflexes are not easy to
establish, because they have to be separated from the (also frequent)
clusters like *-ŋk-, *-ŋg- and *-ŋn-, *-nŋ- (on which see below).
In Turkic, *ŋ normally stays unchanged, except a few cases of assimilation (*gemürgen < *geŋürgen < *gaŋu, *bōn-čok < *bōŋ-čok < *mōŋi).
CHAPTER TWO
75
The same is valid for TM, which generally preserves *-ŋ- quite well,
but has occasional cases of palatalization *-ŋ- > -n-, -ń- before *i (cf.
*būni < *bŋe, *xońi < *k῾oŋi).
In Mongolian, *-ŋ- has complicated reflexes. It remains unchanged
in syllable-final position — with occasional assimilation *-ŋ- > *-n- before dentals: *men-dü < *méŋu, perhaps also *nuntug < *nuŋu. In intervocalic position it is reflected just like PA *-g-, i.e. as *-h- (or -j- before i)
in the vast majority of cases. We should note however that Written
Mongolian in these cases frequently has not -g-, but -0- ( = -w-), unlike
usual PM *-h- ( < PA *-g-), almost always rendered as -g- in Written
Mongolian. Some other types of reflexes are also found in certain environments:
a) PA *-ŋ- is reflected as *-g- after *n- (rule established by I. Gruntov):
*nagaj < *luŋa, *nagaču < *nĕŋu, *nige(n) < *nŏŋe. There may also be
some variation in this position: we have both *niɣül ( > Kalm. nǖl)
and *nigül ( > Khalkha nügel) from *nắŋe; *nowur-su (Khalkha nōrs,
nōs) and *nogur-su (Dong. noGosun etc.) from *nŋu; and only *newne
( = *neɣüne, Khalkha nǖne) from *lòŋe.
b) before the following *-ɣ- and *-b- it is reflected as -m-, cf. *simaɣul <
*sŋV(-kV), *temeɣel < *t῾éŋo, *kamar (but also *kabar) < *kaŋ-bar, cf.
with standard reflexes of the same root *kaŋ-si-jar, *kaŋ-kul-,
*kaɣu-rga-sun.
c) in a few cases before the following -ir-, -ur-, -ul- Mong. has -ŋg- instead of the expected -ɣ- ~ -j-: *aŋgir < *aŋa(tV), *koŋgurčak < *k῾aŋa,
*(h)öŋgür < *p῾ŏŋe, *öŋgül < *ŏŋe; note also MMong. nuŋɣa-su,
WMong. noŋɣa-su < *noŋgur-su together with the attested variants
*nogur-su and *nowur-su, see above. In these cases there is no reason
to suppose any original clusters, so there must have been a dialect
variation between *-ɣ- and *-ŋg- in this position.
Korean normally has ŋ in syllable-final position, but -0- (written as
-‘- at the syllable boundary) or -ŋ’- in intervocalic position. In a few
cases we also encounter assimilated reflexes -m- (*kūm(p)- < *goŋV(ŕV),
-ń- (*kíń- < *kŋi, *kɨń- < *kŏŋe) or -n- (*kắnắr < *koŋa-rV, *snɨr <
*suŋe-ĺV).
Japanese can reflect *-ŋ- as -n- or -m-, with the rules of distribution
so far unclear (as in the case of PA *-ń-, see above).
Like other resonants (*r, *l, *m) *-ŋ- can disappear in Japanese in
nominal stems before original velar suffixes: *k(u)i < *gaŋ(u)-gV (cf. PT
*gemü-rgen), *ía < *iŋV-gV (cf. Manchu joŋgan), *kuá < *kuŋ(i)-gV (cf.
Mong. *köw-ɣün ‘son’), *kuà < *k῾uŋ(u)-gV, *ná- < *lúŋ(a)-gV (cf. Mong.
*naga-ji), *mú-i < *méŋ(u)-gV, *nùa < *nùŋ(u)-gV, *túa < *t῾ŋ(i)-gV, *sa-i <
*seŋ(i)-gV (cf. TM *seŋ-gi).
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INTRODUCTION
2.1.45. The problem of voicing (prenasalization) in Japanese and its
consequences for Altaic
While discussing the fate of PA *p῾ we have paid attention to the fact
that the PJ prenasalized reflex *-mp- is correlated with the PM voiced
reflex *-b- and that both the voicing in Mongolian and prenasalization
in Japanese may have been due to prosodic factors. We have also seen
that the majority of cases with -mp- are associated with high pitch (in
cases when it can be reconstructed), while the majority of cases with -pare in syllables with low pitch.
Let us now try to examine the whole Japanese evidence and see if
these conclusions are valid elsewhere, not only for Altaic *-p῾-.
The following preliminary remarks must be made here:
Unlike the first syllable, the pitch in the second and following syllables has several restrictions in Japanese:
1. All possible values of pitch are found in disyllabic nouns;
2. In tri-(and more)-syllabic nouns, with very few exceptions, high
pitch on the first syllable can only be followed by high pitch;
3. In verbs, with very few exceptions, high pitch can only be followed
by high pitch
4. In tri-(and more)-syllabic verbs low pitch can only be followed by
low pitch;
5. In adjectives high pitch can only be followed by high pitch, and low
pitch can only be followed by low pitch.
Voicing (prenasalization) in polysyllabic forms also has one general
restriction, namely: two voiced (prenasalized) consonants within one
stem are not allowed.
It follows that several cases of apparent exceptions may be actually
due to the above restrictions: the pitch of the second syllable is irrelevant (neutralized) in trisyllabic nouns like *CỺCỺCỺ (*CỺCỼCỺ is not
allowed), in verbs like *CỺCỺ- (*CỺCỼ- is not allowed), in adjectives
like *CỺCỺ- or *CỼCỼ- (neither *CỺCỼ-, nor *CỼCỺ- are allowed); absence or presence of nasalization is irrelevant (neutralized) in a structure like *CVCVnCV (*CVnCVnCV is not allowed).
Below we shall restrict our observations to relevant structures only.
1. PA voiceless aspirated or voiced stops : PJ voiceless stops
a) low pitch: *k῾àp῾a > *kàpì; *k῾p῾e > *kp-; *ŏp῾ikV > *pùkùpùkù-si; *t῾èp῾a >
*tàpà-; *t῾ằp῾e > *tpr-; [*ĕp῾a > *pàpà]; *làp῾a > *nàpài; *sàp῾i > *sìp;
*t῾p῾i > *tùpàk- (but modern tsubaki - with secondary voicing?); *ǯòp῾e
> *dpr; *sèp῾u > *sùpà-dai; *čằba > PJ *tàpàra; *ĕba > *àpù-; *k῾éba >
*kápà; *k῾òbani > *kàpìná; *tằba > PJ *tàpì; *ìbe > PJ *ìpùa; *tàbu > PJ
*tùpìjái; *ǯbi > PJ *(d)ìpià; *nìbi > nìpp-; *bằt῾o > *bàtà; *két῾o > *kátù;
CHAPTER TWO
77
*kòt῾e > *ktài; *mét῾o > *mt-; *t῾a(mu) > *àtàmà; *pàt῾a > *pàtàr-;
*pằt῾e > *ptp- / *pùtùk-; *p῾at῾a > *pátà (but also *pàtá); *p῾t῾a >
*pàtàk-; *p῾út῾a > *pátà; *sìt῾o > *sìtmi; *pát῾o > *pátà; *bòda > *bàtà; *gdi
> *kítà; *k῾ùdi > *kùtù-pìkì; *pắda > *pátà; *najadi > *nàità-m-; *ēč῾o >
*tr-; *neč῾e > *ntì; *pč῾a > *pàtùr-; *k῾ač῾e > *kt; *kéč῾a > *kátà; *k῾a >
*àkuàjài; *č῾k῾a > *tàkàrà; *č῾āk῾e > *tkì; *gók῾i > *kúkì; *gk῾a > *kàkàr-;
*kk῾o > *kákì; *kk῾e > *kkr; *k῾ujk῾e > *kùkùi; *òk῾e > *kr-; *pḗk῾o >
*pàkàr-; *ǯók῾e > *dúkì; *č῾úgu > *tùkà; *dằgi > *(d)ìkùsà; *tèga > *tàkài;
*kgu > *kùkùpí; *p῾àgo > *pàkà; *sḕgu > *sùkù-jaka; *sga > *sàkàpì; *sga
> *sàkùrì; *tógi > *túkà; *t῾òga > *tàkù-; *t῾ògi > *tùkà;
b) high pitch: *kḗp῾a > *kápúa; *pép῾a > *páp(u)í; *t῾ĕp῾a > *tàpú-; [*p῾ép῾a >
*pápái]; *kùp῾u > *kùpá; *láp῾i > *nípá; PA *kéba > *kápí; *k῾ibu > *kúpá;
*làbo > *nàp; *túbu > *túpí; *bt῾e > *pútá; *p῾ắt῾a(-kV) > *pátá; *p῾di >
*pítú; *káč῾u > *kútí; *máč῾V > *mátuá; *mùč῾e > *màtú; *šàč῾i > *sìtú;
*č῾o > *t-; *ǯeč῾i > *(d)ìtí; *úk῾e > *bká; *d[é]gi > *(d)íká; *mūga > *mákí;
*págo > *pákuá; *sóga > *sáká-i; *súgo > *sk; *tóga > *táká; *t῾ége > *tk;
*úga > *ákú; *ṓt῾e > *t-nà.
2. PA voiceless aspirated or voiced stops: PJ voiced (prenasalized) stops
a) high pitch: *č῾p῾[u] > *tùmpá-mái; *góp῾a > *kámpú; *kèp῾i > *kìmpí; *sắp῾i
> *sìmpá; *sằp῾i > *sìmpái; *t῾úp῾o > *túmpúa; *t῾op῾u > *tùmpú-ra; *kāp῾a
> *kàmpú-; *np῾e > *nmpú-; *t῾ḕpa > *t῾ḕp῾a > *tàmpá; *kábo > *kámpiá;
*kbu > *kúmpuá; *ĺabo > *náimpú; *sắbi > *símpí; *t῾úbe > *tuámpí; *tbu
> *tùmpúnai; *gébo > PJ *kámpí; *tbulka > PJ *tùmpákì; *kut῾a > *kàntuá;
*lt῾a > *nàntá; *nìt῾a > *nnt-; *p῾ḕta > *p῾ḕt῾a > *pàntá; *ēda > *ántá;
*ǯàde > *dnt; *kč῾a > *kàntuá; *p῾úč῾i > *púntí; *borso-k῾V > *bsánkí;
*č῾k῾o > *tnká-; *mańuk῾V > *mùnánkí; *mk῾e > *mànkúrúa; *bòge >
*bnkám-; *ságu > *súnkúi; *sigi > *sinkúrai; *suga > *sankí;
b) low pitch: *gàp῾a > *kàmpà-; *kup῾V > *kùmpà-r-; *k῾p῾o > *kmpr-;
*làjp῾V > *nàimpàr-; *sp῾i > *sìmpàr-; *ùp῾i > *ùmpà-p-; *sāba > *sàmpàk-;
*t῾éba > PJ *támpì; *bằt῾i > *pìntì; *bt῾e > *pntk-; *k῾ad[u] > *kùntùr-;
*udu > *ùntài; *kuč῾u > *kùntk-; *ằk῾u > *ùnkàt-; *bk῾i > *pìnkàm-;
*lèjk῾a > *niànkàp-; *nk῾[u] > *nnkp-; *t῾ki > *t῾k῾i > *tìnkìr-; *k῾ằku >
*k῾ằk῾u > *kùnkùtú
The general picture which emerges is quite curious. We see that
there are many more examples with low pitch and voiceless stops (67
cases) than with high pitch and voiceless stops (30 cases); and with
high pitch and voiced stops (34 cases) than with low pitch and voiced
stops (19 cases). Moreover, of the 30 cases with high pitch and voiceless
consonants 22 cases are disyllabic nominal structures of the type
*CỺCỺ; and of the 19 cases with low pitch and voiced consonants 15 are
disyllabic verbal structures of the type *CỼCỼC-.
78
INTRODUCTION
We may with high probability suppose that there was a tendency in
Proto-Japanese for a metatony *CỺCỼ > *CỺCỺ in disyllabic nouns
(note that, as we have said above, trisyllabic nouns with low pitch after
high pitch are already completely absent); and for a metatony *CỼCỺC> *CỼCỼC- in disyllabic verbs (again, as we have said above, trisyllabic
verbs with high pitch after low pitch are already completely absent). If
we exclude those cases we get the following distribution of tones and
voice (prenasalization) on non-initial syllables:
Voiced
Voiceless
High
22
8
Low
4
56
It is therefore very probable that voicing (prenasalization) in
Proto-Japanese depended on the tone (pitch) of the syllable: high tone
caused prenasalization while low tone did not. Since - at least in the
series of labial stops - this phenomenon is clearly correlated with voicing in Mongolian (see above), we may safely project this prosodic feature on the Proto-Altaic level, and reconstruct high tone (pitch) where
Japanese has prenasalization, and low tone (pitch) where it has none.
It is most certain that this conclusion will have far-reaching consequences. Several phenomena (pitch on non-initial syllables in Korean,
vowel length on non-initial syllables in Tungus-Manchu; loss or preservation of final vowels in Turkic, Mongolian and Korean) may possibly be explained using this information. But this remains work for the
future.
2.2. Development of the PA consonantal system in the daughter la nguages.
2.2.1. Tungus-Manchu.
The TM system appears to be the most archaic. Only the following
changes took place:
A. Voicing of initial unaspirated dentals:
1. *t- > *d-, *č- > *ǯB. Spirantization of the velar *k῾
2. *k῾ > x
C. Loss of the distinction of aspirated vs. unaspirated consonants
3. *p῾-, *t῾-, *č῾- > *p-, *t-, *č4. *-p- > -b-, *-č- > -s-
CHAPTER TWO
79
[Note: the latter rule probably means that the affricates in early PTM
were phonetically fronted: otherwise we would expect a merger of
*-č- with *-š-, not with *-s-.]
5. *-p῾-, *-t῾-, *-č῾- > *-p-, *-t-, *-čD. Loss of *z-:
6. *z- > *sE. Loss of resonants in some structures of the type CR(V):
7. *Cn-, *Cr-, *Cl-, *Cj- > *CF. Loss of palatal *ĺ, *ŕ
8. *ĺ, *ŕ > *l, *r
Note that rules 1-5 are successive; a change in their order would
lead to different events. Rule 7 must also precede rule 8 (since *ĺ and *ŕ
are never lost, their change to *l, *r must have occurred already after
the original *l and *r were lost). But in relation to each other, the groups
of rules 1-5 and 7-8, as well as 6 (*z- > *s-) are independent, and could
have occurred in any order.
2.2.2. Turkic.
The following processes must have happened resulting in the reconstructed PT system:
A. Loss of *š
1. *š- > *č῾- before back vowels
2. *š > *s elsewhere
B. Loss of *p῾3. *p῾- > *h- (still present in PT to judge from the Khalaj data, see above)
C. Deaffricatization of *č4. *č- > *tD. Loss of initial resonants
5a. *ń- > *ǯ-, *ĺ- > *d5b. *n-, *l- > *d-, *m- > *b-, *ŋ- > 0E. Palatalization of *d-, *z- and *ǯ6. *d-, *z- > *ǯ- > *jF. Loss of aspiration contrast
7. *p- > *b-, *t- > *d-, *k- > *g8. *-p- > -b-, *-k- > -g- [the latter only before -r-]
9. *p῾ > p, *k῾ > *k, *č῾ > *č, *t῾ > *t [occasionally *t῾- > *d- before *r, *ŕ, *ĺ]
Rules 1-5a are the earliest, because they are common for Turkic and
Mongolian (see below); this is the main reason why we think that the
initial resonants were lost not simultaneously, but in two successive
steps (first the palatalized, then the rest).
80
INTRODUCTION
Rules 5-8 are specifically Turkic and have to be ordered exactly this
way, because otherwise the final system would look quite differently.
2.2.3. Mongolian
Here we must suppose the following sequence of events:
A. Loss of *š
1. *š- > *č῾- before back vowels
2. *š > *s elsewhere
B. Loss of *p῾
3. *p῾- > *hC. Deaffricatization of *č4. *č- > *tD. Transformation of resonants
5a. *ń- > *ǯ-, *ĺ- > *d5b. *ŋ- > *0-, *n-, *g- (depending on the following vowel, see above)
5c. *-ŕ- > *-r-, *-ĺ- > -l-, *-ń- > -n- or -j- [the latter with still unclear distribution]
E. Loss of *z
6. *z- > *sF. Palatalization of dentals before *i
7. *t῾ > *č῾, *t > *č, *d > *ǯ
G. Fricativization of *-b-, *-g-, *-ŋ8. *-b- > *-w- [except for positions in clusters and before *k, *g]
*-g- > *-h- [except for positions in clusters and before *g]
*-ŋ- > *-h- [except for positions in clusters where it stays as *-ŋg-; after
*n- where *-ŋ- > -g-; and before *b, *g where *-ŋ- > *-m-]
H. Intervocalic Lautverschiebung
9. *-p- > *-b-, *-t- > *-d-, *-k- > *-g- [but not *-č- > *-ǯ-!]
10. *-p῾- > *-p-, *-t῾- > *-t-, *-k῾- > *-k-, *-č῾- > *-čI. Accent transformation of *p
11. *pỼ > (*fV) > *hV
J. Initial Lautverschiebung
12. *p-, *t- > *b-, *d13. *t῾-, *k῾-, *č῾- > *t-, *k-, *čRules 1-5a are common Turko-Mongolian (see above).
Rules 5b-6 are in fact independent and unordered; they could also
be positioned anywhere in between any of the rules 8-13 or even after
them.
CHAPTER TWO
81
Rules 7-8 also are independent of each other and their order could
be reversed; but they both had to precede the ordered group of rules
9-13.
2.2.4. Japanese
A. Loss of *l-, *ĺ1. *l-, *ĺ- > *n
B.
2. -g- > -ɣ- in the 3d syllable
C. Transformation of affricates
3. *č > *č῾-, -š4. *z, *š > *s
5. *č῾ > *῾, *ǯ > *
D. Aspiration rules [established by I. Gruntov; Z here denotes any
voiced consonant]
6. *CVC῾V, *ZVC῾V > *C῾VC῾V; *C῾VCV (not *C῾VZV) > *C῾VC῾V
E. Palatalization rules
7. *b > *, *d > *, *g > ǵ after *-diphthongs and before -j8. *ŋ- > *ń- before *
F. Prenasalization rule
9. *-C῾-, *-Z- (not *-C-!) > *-nC- in non-initial syllables with high pitch
G. Voice shifts and mergers
10. *b- > *b- before low vowels, *d- > *δ- always
11. (*k > g, *p > b), *t > *d [but * before front vowels]
12. * > *b, * > *δ, *ǵ > *ɣ
13. *C῾, *Z > *C
H. Transformation of resonants
14. *ŋ- > *015. *ŕ > *t before -i, -u
16. *ĺ > *nĺ before *-rV-, *r > *nr before *-rV17. *nr > *nt, *r > *t (sporadically)
18. *ĺ > *s, *ŕ > *r, *l > r, *ń > *ŋ
19. *ŋ > m-, -m- / -nI. Disappearance of voiced fricatives
20. *b > *b-, -w-, *δ > *d-, -j-, *-ɣ- > *-0The final rule may not in fact be necessary: it depends on our interpretation of the reconstructed PJ system. S. Martin, e.g., prefers to reconstruct *-b- and *-d- in intervocalic position as well, even though OJ
and all dialects reflect -w- and -j-; on the other hand, it may be argued
82
INTRODUCTION
that PJ did not have *b- and *d-, but only *w- (*b-) and *j- (*δ-), even
though Ryukyu dialects have b- and d- - these all are non-distinctive
features.
The rules of phonetic development in Japanese are rather complicated and involve a hypothesis about several intermediate steps with
assimilations, prenasalizations and palatalizations. Moreover, only
rules 1-2 (*l- > *n- and weakening of *-g- in the 3d syllable) are common
to Japanese and Korean and distinguish this subgroup both from
Turko-Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu. Since both prenasalized consonants (clusters like *-mp-, *-nd- etc.) and palatalized consonants (*,
*ǵ) are quite common in Austronesian languages, one might speculate
that most phonological changes in the history of Japanese occurred already after the very early split of Korean and Japanese (around the 3d
millennium BC) and the subsequent migration of Proto-Japanese to the
Japanese archipelago, under the influence of substratum Austronesian
languages.
2.2.5. Korean
A. Loss of *l-, *ĺ1. *l-, *ĺ- > *n
B.
2. -g- > -ɣ- in the 3d syllable
C. Transformation of affricates
(3a) *-u- > *-u3b. *s- > *ś- > *h4. *z, *š > *s
D. Voice shift
5. *t, *k > *d, *g
6. *-b-, *-d-, *-g- > *-w-, *-r-, *-ɣ7. *C῾, *Z > *C
E. Resonants
8. *ŋ-, *ń- > *n9. *r, *ŕ, *l, *ĺ > *r
10. *-jR- > *-jF. Final dialectal developments
11. *-ɣ- > -h- ~ -012. *-ŋ- > -h- ~ -0Groups of rules C, D and E are independent of each other and could
have happened in any order - but after groups A and B (the only two
rules common to Japanese and Korean) and before group F.
83
CHAPTER TWO
2.3. Consonant clusters
Initial consonant clusters are highly atypical for modern Altaic languages (although occasionally they emerge due to vowel loss, as in
some Southern Mongolian dialects, Korean and modern Japanese dialects), and were certainly absent in Proto-Altaic. However, medial consonant clusters were fairly common.
The most frequent medial clusters are nŋ, rk, ŋg, jb, jr, lg, ĺb, rg, nt,
jk῾, gd, jl, bl, rp῾, lk῾, lk, ŋn, kt (each reconstructable at least in five
roots).
The most typical cluster types are “resonant” + “occlusive”, but we
also meet “occlusive” + “resonant”, “resonant” + “resonant” and “o cclusive” + “occlusive”.
Here is a complete chart of PA consonant clusters and their reflexes.
PA
PT
*rp῾
(r)p
*rp
PM
rb
PTM
Kor.
rp
rp
p
rp
rb
rb
(m)p
*rb
*rm
*rt῾
*rt
*rd
*rč?
*rs
rp/b
r
rt
rt
r(V)t
rč
rs
rb
rm
t
d
rd/(r)ǯ
rč
rs
r
m
[rt]
rd
r[d]
č
rs
*rk῾
rk
rk
rg
*rk
rk
rg
rk(/gd) (r)k
(n)k
*rg
r(V)g
rg,r(V)ɣ
rg
nk
r?
Jpn.
t
m
r
nč
s
(n)t
t
ns
s
k
k
r(h)
Roots
*àrp῾á, *sàrp῾a,
*sarp῾e,
*sarp῾i,*sirp῾a
*sarpu,
*k῾ŭrpe, *sàrpa
*t῾ằrba, *t῾rbò
*k῾ĭrma, *srme
*tert῾a, *ērt῾a
*kòrtème
*bŭrdV, *kḗrdu
*sarču, *šrčú
*borso(k῾V),
*kărsi, *kirsi
*bṓrk῾i ,
*sark῾V,
*sedurk῾V,
(*t῾erk῾o)
*čúrka, *kòrke,
*ńằrke,
*p῾erkV, *erka ,
*gérki, *k῾rka,
*s[é]rko,*t῾árko,
*p῾arkV
*érga, *àrgi,
*murgu,
84
INTRODUCTION
PA
PT
PM
PTM
Kor.
Jpn.
*ŕm
*ŕk
*ŕg
ŕ
ŕ
ŕ
rm/rb
rk
rg
m
r(V)m
m
rg
r
(rV)k
*lp῾
*lp
lp
lp
lb
lb
lp
lb
(r)p
(m)p
(m)p
*lb
l(b)
r(V)b,rm (m)p
*lm
l(Vg), lb
lb
l
l(b)
lm,
?lVp
rVm
m
*lt῾
l
lt
lt
r
(n)t
*lt ?
lt
lt
ld
t?
t
*ld
l(d)
ld
ld
r
t
lč
nk
(n)t
n
k
*lč
*lń
*lk῾
l
lk
lk
lǯ
lń
lk
*lk
l(k)
lg
lk
rk
(n)k
*lg
lg /
l(V)k
lg, lVɣ
lg
r
(n)k
*ĺp῾
*ĺp
ĺ
ĺ
lb
lb
lp
l(b)
*ĺb
ĺ
lb, lVɣ
lb
(m)p
s(Vp)
r(b)
(n)s
Roots
*ńargu,
*kubirgV,
(*k῾úrgo),
*gurgi
*eŕmu, *k῾ắŕme
*k῾ŕkV
*ŕgi (?),
*t῾ŕge, *lŕgu,
*ńuŕge
*dlp῾i , *dlp῾à
*ălpa, *šálpu,
*nlpá
*t῾elbu, *ulbo
*k῾òlmV,
*ŋalma,
*č῾ŏl[m]i (?),
*kúlme
*màlt῾e, *mìlt῾e,
*kalt῾o
*kelta(rV),
*pltorV (?)
*alda, *zŭldu,
*gŭldo, *gldi
*plčà
*k῾èlńí
*molk῾o,
*nelk῾V,*p῾àlk῾i
*salkV, *k῾òlke,
*télki, *nilko
*p῾ŏlge, *slgù,
*dŭlgu, *p῾lgi,
*t῾òlgu,
*t῾olge, *ălgi,
*pằlgà
*t῾aĺp῾V
*ḗĺpo, *ĺpe,
*kaĺpa
*īĺbi, *kòĺbèk῾V,
85
CHAPTER TWO
PA
PT
PM
PTM
Kor.
Jpn.
*ĺm
*ĺd
*ĺn
*ĺč῾
*ĺč
ĺm
ĺ
n
ĺč
ĺč
lb
ld
jVl
lč
lč
lVb
d
ln>lŋ
lč
l/j
rm
(n)s
č
r
(n)s
(n)s
*ĺǯ
ĺ(č)
lǯ
l/j
r ~č
s
*ĺń
*ĺk
ń
ĺ
n
lg
lń
lk
*ĺŋ
*mp῾
j~ń
m(b)
lVg
m
lŋ
mp
r
m(p)
mp
*mp
p
mb
mb/mp p
mp
*mb
m
mb
mb
m
*mt
*mr
*ml
*mč
*mń
*mŕ
*ms
*mk῾
*mk
*mg
mt
md
rb/rm nd
mVl
nč
mǯ
mn
bŕ
md
s
bs
mVk
mg
mk/nk
mg
mg/ŋg
mt
md
lm
m[s]
mń
nd
mk
ŋk
mg
ŋ
ns
(n)k
nk
(m)
*mŋ
*nt῾
ŋ
nt
mŋ
nt
nt
nt
m
nt
m
mVt
m
s
Roots
*k῾ĺba, *mĺba,
*sèĺbò,
*tắĺbà,
*tàĺbe,*ńĺba,
*nèĺbù
*bắĺmi
*tĺdi
*k῾ĺnu
(*č῾ĺč῾u) , *bilč῾i
*ằĺčà, *bĺča,
*kèĺčo
*pĺǯi, *ĕĺǯu,
*kèĺǯo, *mĺǯu
*p῾oĺńe
*iĺkV, *t῾ūĺke,
*t῾ĺke
*p῾ĺŋa
*kamp῾o,
*kómp῾i ,
*k῾ómp῾[e],
*kamp῾a
*kòmpo,
*sằmpi, *sèmpa
*kumba(ka),
*làmba, *ámbe,
*nombu
*kómtV, *símta
*č῾mro
*k῾uml[e]
*nĭmči(-k῾V)
*namńa
*kemŕa
*kámsa
*s[ù]mk῾i
*òmke
*t῾umgi,
*komga
*k῾ḗmŋV
*ant῾a, *knt῾V,
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INTRODUCTION
PA
PT
PM
PTM
Kor.
*nt
nt
nd/nč
nd
*nd
t
nd/nǯ
nd
n
*nr
*nč῾
nč
ŋgVr
nč
ŋg?/nd nVr
nč
nč
r
(n)t
*nǯ
nč
nǯ
nǯ
(n)s
*ns
*nŕ
*nŋ
s
nŕ
ŋ(g)
r
n/m
ŋs (<ns)
[ńr]
nVr
nŋ(ŋń) n
s
r
m,(n)
*ńd
*ńŋ
ń
ń (n)
nd
ɣ/ŋg
nd
nŋ (ńŋ) ń
m
n
*ŋt῾
ŋ(d)
n,ŋd,(ŋ)ǯ(i) nd,ŋd
*ŋt
*ŋd
*ŋr
d, nd
t
ŋVr
*ŋn
n
nt,ń
Jpn.
ŋt
ɣVr/nd
ŋd
ŋd
r
ń
Vr
(n)/ŋ,ŋn
ŋ(n)
0,ŋ’
(n)t
nt
nt
n
n,(m)
Roots
*k῾nt῾[a],
*t῾ìnt῾a
*nta, *znti,
*gentV, *kanti,
*kàntú,
*ùntu, (*p῾nte),
*ánti(-kV)
*nda, (*kḕnda),
*măndo, *ŋndó
*ménrV, *púnri
*k῾nč῾o,
*mànč῾u,
*ménč῾o,
*p῾ắnč῾i
*mnǯù,
*sanǯV, *kènǯé
*ŋnsa
*píńŕa
*ènŋù, *konŋu,
*ŋònŋi, *p῾nŋi,
*súnŋi,
*súnŋu,
*mónŋo,
*ńanŋa, *sònŋu,
*t῾ànŋú,
*t῾nŋá,
*gḕnŋa, *tằnŋù
*móńde
*uńŋu, *píńŋe,
*p῾ṑńŋa
*uŋt῾e, *uŋt῾V,
*aŋt῾à, *kuŋt῾V
*kòŋti, *t῾ŋta
*óŋdu
*siŋra, *síŋri,
*soŋre
*múŋna,
*ńūŋne,
*t῾aŋnà,
*t῾ăŋnV, *kaŋne
CHAPTER TWO
PA
*ŋč
*ŋń
*ŋĺ
*ŋs
*ŋk῾
PT
PM
PTM
ŋč
n
ŋVĺ
ŋs
ŋ(k)
ǯ
ŋ/ɣ
ŋl
jVk,nVk
ŋ(k)
*ŋk
ŋ
ŋ(g)
ŋk
ŋk
*ŋg
ŋ(g)
ŋg
ŋg
ŋk,-ŋ(h)
*jp῾
*jp
*jb
jp
p
(b)
(j)b
p
b
ɣ, -b
b
b
*jm
jm
(jV)m
(j)m
m
*jt
*jr
t
r
d
r
t
r
t
0(i)
*jl
l
l
l
0(i)
*jč
*jǯ
*js
*jń
č
(jč)
js
n,ń
č
ɣVǯ
s
n/j/gVɣ
š
(j)ǯ
č
č
ń
0(i)
*jŕ
ŕ
j
ǯ
0
s
ŋń
Kor.
0
s
b(0)
87
Jpn.
Roots
ns
*ńŋči
(nV)m *ńéŋńi, *ńŋńù
s
*muŋĺe
*eŋsV
nk
*p῾àŋk῾i,
*dằŋk῾V,
*băŋk῾i
nk
*šaŋku, *ŋke,
*p῾ùŋké, *zìŋke
nk
*koŋgV, *ĺeŋgV,
*puŋga,
*k῾uŋgo,
*t῾aŋgiri,
*čaŋgu, *maŋga,
*ĺoŋgV, *téŋgu
(m)p *sìjp῾ó, *làjp῾V
p
*tújpè
w(j)
*ằjbo, *ḗjba,
*kójbu, *jbà,
*jbi, *t῾ujbu,
*ǯjbe, *kejbe,
*pjbu, *t῾ḕjbo
m
*kijmV, *p῾ojme,
*p῾ujme
(i)t
*kjta
r/t
*bujri, *mjre,
*sajri, *sṓjri,
*bùjre, *séjra,
*sằjrí,*sjri,
*sjro, *t῾ájri,
*t῾àjrá
r
*bùjlu, *k῾ŏjli,
*k῾jlu, *ńằjla,
*ójle, *p῾ḕjló
s
*ŋṓjču
t/j
*č῾àjǯV
*ijsV
n
*gòjńu, *p῾èjńé,
*pòjńỺ, *zèjńa
0(j)
*gŭjŕe, *k῾jŕo
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INTRODUCTION
PA
PT
*jĺ
ĺ
PM
l
*jk῾
(jV)k
*jk
*jg
*jŋ
g(<k)
g
j(V)ŋ
PTM
l
Kor.
0(i)
Jpn.
(n)s
k
(j)k
k
k
g
ɣ
ŋ/ɣ/j
jk
j ~g
ŋ
0(i)
0(i),ń
0
m,j,n
r
r
r
r
r
*bd
*pr
*br
r(b)
r
wr (ɣVr)
wr, r
bd
rp
(bV)r
*bl
(bV)l
ɣVl/jVl/wl
l(b)
*bč῾
*bč
*bǯ
*p῾ŕ
*bŕ
*bĺ
*bs
*bk῾
*bg
*bŋ
*gm?
*kt῾
(b)č
(b)j
pVŕ
(b)ŕ
(b)ĺ
s
k
g(j)
b
gVn
t
wč
č
ǯ
ɣVr
ɣVr
č
[b]š
ǯ
*kt
*gt?
t
s
*ḗbǯo
t
r
s
s
k(Vp)
s
k
b/g
mVɣ
ɣVm
gt
bl
bs
bk
bg
bŋ
m
kt
t(h)
t
t
gd/gǯ
gd
t(h)
t
(g)t
ɣVǯ
gd
Roots
*bojĺe, *nàjĺV,
*zejĺu
*k῾ujk῾è,
*lèjk῾á, *p῾ḕjk῾V,
*sajk῾V, *sṓjk῾ì,
*tjk῾ú,
*g[o]jk῾u,
*p῾ĭjk῾e
*ujkV
*săjgo
*màjŋì,*mújŋi,
*k῾ójŋo,
*ùjŋula, *sejŋi,
*sjŋo
*ǯabda
*k῾ăpra, *k῾pri
*kàbro, *obri,
*t῾bru
*nable, *èbla,
*goblu, *lblè,
*dible, *dúblu
*ubč῾V
*m[a]bči
*kùp῾ŕó
*nbŕo
*nibĺa
*zăbsa
*ibk῾V
*subga
*t῾ĭbŋe
*egmV
*dokt῾V,
*p῾okt῾o(-rV),
*zakt῾i
*bktV, *čkte,
*muktu,
*t῾ắkta, *gằgtà
*zgtu
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
PT
*gd
d
*kr
*gr
*kl?
*gl
*kŕ
*gĺ
*gn
*gs
*k῾ŋ
*kŋ
*gŋ
*gń
*kč῾
*kč
*kǯ
*t῾k῾?
*tk?
*dg?
*č῾k
*sk
r
gVr
gl
gr/
gVŕ
gVĺ
gn
gVs
k
g
g
g
PM
d/ǯ
PTM
Kor.
gd
t(h)/r
Jpn.
(n)t
ɣVr
ɣVr
gl
kVr
rg
lg,g(l)
(h)
rh
kVr
r
(n)k
wl
ɣVr
lg
kt
r
rk
(0)
kVr
ɣVl
ɣVɣ
gs
ŋg
ŋg
ɣVg
l
ŋg,n
ks
ŋk
ŋ
ŋ(g)
ŋń
kč
ks
gǯ
kt
kt
(g)d
čVk
sk
gč
č
gǯ
t
t
dg (gd) d(Vg)
gd
d
čk
sk
(h)s
ŋ
ń
čh
č
sk
Roots
*bŏgdu,
*múgdà, *pằgdì,
*p῾ágdi ,
*sgdú,
*ǯŭgdV,
*mùgdó
*bŭkrV, *ńíkrV
*kằgru
*t῾aklu,
(*ĺekleKV)
*negle
*čikŕo
*kogĺu
nk,-N *dḕgni, *zognV
*segsV, *t῾gsu
k
*p῾k῾ŋi
*kekŋV
m
*àgŋa, *sogŋV
*ńugńa
t
*múkč῾[à]
*ŋàkča
*p῾ukǯi
*ŏt῾k῾V
*ǯutke
*zodgV
*šṓč῾ko
(n)sVk *p῾ske
It may be noted that some consonants behave differently in clusters
than in plain intervocalic position. Exact rules, however, are rather difficult to formulate because of the general instability and rarity of consonant clusters. Especially unstable are the clusters with -j- as the first
component: this consonant may leave direct traces in Turkic and TM
(but may also disappear without a trace there), but tends to disappear
elsewhere. A number of *-j-clusters are reconstructed on indirect evidence: preservation of *-b- (instead of regular *-ɣ-) in Mongolian
(where *-jb- thus behaves similarly to *-rb-, *-lb-); fricativization of *-jb-,
*-jg- in Japanese; development *-jR- > -0- in Korean. It is also tempting
to reconstruct *-j-clusters in two small groups of cases:
90
INTRODUCTION
a) since clusters with *-j- occasionally result in vowel diphthongization
in Japanese (cf. the cases *làjp῾V, *kjta, *k῾jŕo, *lèjk῾á), we could reconstruct similar clusters in a few other cases where PJ has *-ia- in
the structure *CiaC- (generally very rare), namely, in *dḗlì ‘mane,
collar’ ( = *dḗjlì), PJ *(d)iárì; *l[ù]k῾V ‘wild cat’ ( = *lòjk῾V, PJ *niàkua),
*more ‘hurt, damage’ ( = *mojre or *mojre, PJ *miar-), *p῾èrì ‘edge’ ( =
*p῾èjrì, PJ *piàrì).
b) since clusters with *-j- occasionally transfer this -j- to the beginning
of the syllable in Korean (cf. the cases *č῾ằjǯV, *k῾ójŋo, *lèjk῾á, *mṓjno,
*p῾èjńé, *sajri), we could reconstruct similar clusters in several other
cases when Korean has -jə- but without any trace of a PA
*--diphthong (which is the usual source of Korean -jə-), namely in
*tk῾ú ‘make a sign’ (= *tjk῾ú, PK *tjək-), *máŋV ‘go-between’ (=
*májŋV, PK *mjnrí), *č῾ak῾e ‘forearm’ (= *č῾ajk῾e, PK *čjàkái-), *č῾ēk῾V ‘k.
of cloth’ (= *č῾ējk῾V, PK *čjk-), *č῾ḗp῾u ‘ulcer’ (= *č῾ḗjp῾u, PK *čjūpók),
*č῾[a]ge ‘bast’ (= *č῾[a]jge, PK *čjòhắi), *dằĺà ‘hide, enclosure’ (= *dằjĺà,
PK *tjr), *kesa ‘suffer’ (= *kejsa, PK *kjəs-), *kč῾á ‘slanting’ (= *kjč῾á,
PK *kjčh), *nèra ‘thin, flat’ (= *nèjra, PK *jr-p-), *ǯap῾V(ĺV) ‘wormwood’ (= *ǯajp῾V(ĺV), PK *čjəpɨi-). Absence of the standard development *-jr- > -0- in some of these cases (*k῾ójŋo, *májŋV, *dằjĺà, *nèjra)
could in fact be explained by an early shift of *-j- to a different position within the syllable.
Since these phenomena in Japanese and Korean are difficult to link
to each other and to any evidence in other Altaic languages, the reconstruction of *-j- in such cases still remains problematic.
2.4. Vowels
The traditional system of vowel correspondences proposed by
Ramstedt and Poppe was already perceived as outdated during the
writing of “The Altaic Problem and the Origin of Japanese”
(АПиПЯЯ). Further research led to its complete revision. We now suppose that the PA vowel system was completely devoid of vowel harmony which evolved in all the subgroups later as a result of complex
interaction between the vowels of the first and the second syllables in
polysyllabic roots and derivatives.
The system assumed to be Proto-Altaic consisted of five vowels (*i,
*e, *u, *o, *a) and three diphthongs (*u, *o, *a), the diphthongs being
restricted to the first syllable of the word. The interaction of eight vocalic units of the first syllable and five vocalic phonemes of the second
syllable leads to an extremely diverse system of correspondences, of
CHAPTER TWO
91
which the traditional Ramstedt-Poppe correspondences are only a
small subset.
The diphthongs with *-- are basically reconstructed where Turkic
and TM have specific reflexes (*-ia- in Turkic, *-ia- and *-ü- (-iu-) in
TM); in several cases, however, diphthongs have been lost in those
subgroups as well and can be reconstructed only on circumstantial evidence, see below.
The phonetic nature of PA diphthongs is still debatable. We prefer
to treat them as diphthongs because they are preserved as such in a
number of cases in PT, PTM and Korean, but an interpretation of diphthongs as front vowels could also be possible. In that case, *a = *ä; *o =
*ö; *u = *ü. Further research is needed to choose one of these two alternative solutions.
The TM system of vowels appears to be the most conservative and
was used as a basis of reconstruction. Turkic, Mongolian and Korean
usually modify the first vowel under the influence of the second one.
Thus, fronted first vowels usually signal that the second vowel was a
front one. However the second vowel could also be fronted or shifted
to back under the influence of the first vowel, leading to numerous
variations in reflexes. Japanese seems to have exclusively assimilated
the first vowel to the second one (a process very similar to what later
happened in Mongolian), so that the quality of Japanese vowels in the
first syllable is normally a good indicator of the original quality of the
second vowel, which itself may have been assimilated or disappeared
altogether.
Vowels of the non-initial syllable are generally very unstable in all
modern Altaic languages. They tend to become assimilated to initial
vowels, are frequently contracted in various combinations with following suffixes, and are often lost completely. They are best preserved in
Tungus-Manchu languages and completely lost in the majority of
Turkic and Korean roots. The situation therefore is very close, e.g., to
Germanic or to the Nakh languages in the Eastern Caucasus, where the
quality of non-initial vowels can now only be recovered on the basis of
umlaut processes in the first syllable. Thus, the approach we have chosen - reconstructing non-initial vowels on indirect evidence (the way
they have influenced the vowels that preceded them) - seems to be the
only possible solution. Rules for individual development of non-initial
vowels in particular subbranches of Altaic have yet to be established,
and depend substantially on a future analysis of verbal and nominal
morphophonemics and accent systems.
Below we list the vocalic correspondences between the Altaic languages. In the Proto-Altaic column we list all recoverable combinations
92
INTRODUCTION
of the first and second syllable vowels. The notation U in PTM, PM and
MKor. means that any of the two back rounded vowels - u or o - can act
as a reflex, due to frequent variation between u/o in those languages.
Similarly, the notation A in MKor. means that either a or ə can act as a
reflex (due to very frequent a/ə variation in Korean). The notation P
stands for any labialized consonant (modifying adjacent vowels in
Mongolian and Turkic) and R - for any liquid resonant (conditioning
the development of closed / open vowels in Turkic).
PA
PTM
*a-a
*a-e
*a-i
*a-o
*a-u
*e-a
*e-e
*e-i
*e-o
a
a
a
a
a
e
e
e
e
*e-u
e
*i-a
*i-e
*i-i
*i-o
*i-u
*o-a
*o-e
*o-i
*o-o
*o-u
*u-a
*u-e
*u-i
*u-o
*u-u
*a-a
*a-e
*a-i
i
i
i
i
i
U
U
U
U
U
U
u
u
U
U
ia (Si)
i
ia (Si)
PM
a
a [i]
a [e]
a [i, e]
a [U]
a [e]
e (ja-)
e [i]
a [e,
Pü/Pö,
üP/öP]
e [a, Po,
oP]
i
e [i]
i (Pe)
i
i
U
ö [ü, o]
ö
u
U
a [U]
U [ü, ö]
ü [ö]
U
U
a
i [a,e]
i [e]
PT
a (Pa-/Pạ-)
a-, ɨ
e [a]
o (ja, aj)
a
a (ạ) [e]
e (ẹR; ja-)
e (ẹR; ja-)
ạ [ẹ]
PJ
a
ə
i
a
u
a
ə
i
ə [a]
MKor.
A
A
A [i]
ă [o]
A [U]
A
A [i, ɨ]
i [ɨ, A]
ă [U]
e [a, ạ]
u
U [a]
ɨ [i]
e (ẹR)
i
ɨ
ɨ [i]
o
ö [o]
ö [o]
o
o
u [o]
ü
ü [u]
u
u
ia, ja [e]
ia, ja
ia, ja [e]
a
i
i
i [ə]
u
a
ə
u
ə
u
a
ua (Pa-)
u
ə
u
a
ə
i
A
i [ɨ]
I
U [ɨ]
i [ɨ]
Ă
ɨ [U]
U
Ă
ă [U]
A
ɨ [A]
U [ɨ]
U [ɨ]
U
ă (Pa, aP)
i [(j)ə]
ă [(j)ə]
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*a-o
*a-u
*o-a
*o-e
*o-i
*o-o
*o-u
*u-a
*u-e
*u-i
*u-o
*u-u
PTM
U
U
U
U
U
i
ia (Si)
U
ü, Pu
i (Pu-)
ü
U
PM
e
a, U
a, U
e, ö
i [e, ö]
ö [ü, U]
e [i, u]
U [i]
ö [ü, U]
ö [ü, U]
U
i [U,ü,ö]
PT
ia, ja, pa
ẹ, a, Pạ
ia, ja, pa
ẹ, a, Pạ
ia, ja, pa
o [u]
u [o]
ɨ
ü, iR [ö]
ü [ö]
u [o]
ɨ
PJ
a
u
a
ə [u]
i
ə [a]
u
a
u [ə]
i
u [ə]
u
MKor.
ă [U]
U [(j)ə]
U [ă]
U [jə]
U [ă]
i, (j)ə
ă [u, jə]
A
(j)A [U]
ɨ (i, U)
(j)A [U]
U (i, ɨ)
2.4.1. PA *a
PTM *a - PJ *a
This correspondence indicates the PA sequence *CaCa, and is usually
rather stable. All languages normally have *a here, with the following
exceptions:
1. Turkic normally has *a, but in a few cases - closed *ạ: *ắla > *ạl-, *bằka
> *bạk-, *dắgá > *jạgu-k, *k῾sa > *Ksɨk, *mana > *bạnɨ-, *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) >
*ạtkɨm, *p῾ra > *r-, *p῾t῾à > *ạt-. Usually this development is observed after historical labials, but the distribution is not quite strict
(cf. *ắla, *dắgá and *k῾sa above; cf., on the other hand, *p῾là > *ala-,
*p῾āda > *adɨ-, *p῾ăp῾a > *apa-, *pàt῾á > *bat-, *bra > *bār, *bāla > *bāla).
2. Korean has both a and ə, cf.
a) *agà > *ak-su, *ák῾à > *àk-, *alda > *arăm, *ălpa > *àrphằ-, *áp῾a > *àpí, *āŕa
> *ārắi, *dasa- > *tàs-, *kāma > *kàmóthi, *k῾ápa > *kàph-, *k῾p῾à > *kàph(but also *kph-), *k῾sa > *kàsằm, *mana > *mān(h)-, *màra > *mār-,
*mára > *mar-, *nát῾a > *nāt, *pala > *par, *pằlgà > *pár, *pàt῾á > *pàt-,
*pák῾à > *pàk-, *p῾át῾à > *pàt(h), *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) > *pàtók, *p῾ra > *parh-,
*p῾t῾à > *pat-, *sằja > *sāi-, *sápa > *sàpók, *sàrp῾a > *sárp, *tắĺbà > *tàră-,
*tăra > *tār, *t῾àjrá > *tājà, *t῾aŋnà > *tàŋ’àrí, *t῾la > *tàr’ái-, *t῾āma >
*tám
b) *ála > *r-, *ant῾a(gV) > *ntk, *bra > *pr-, *gằt῾a > *kt-, *k῾aŋa > *k’úč,
*k῾ăra > *kjr, *láčà > *nčhúr, *p῾là > *pr(h)
3. Japanese, as we said, normally has *a in this type of correspondences.
However, it should be borne in mind that Japanese hardly tolerates
*a and *ə within one morpheme. Therefore, a small group of cases
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INTRODUCTION
where Japanese has *ə in the second syllable — probably because of
some prehistoric vowel contractions that are hardly recoverable in
detail — reveal also *ə, not *a, in the first syllable, cf.: *tắĺbà > *ds,
*zàrá > *st, *ǯắra > *dr-.
PTM *a - PJ *ə
Except for the three cases listed above, this correspondence indicates
the PA sequence *CaCe (in Japanese *CaCe > *CeCe > *CəCV). Other languages have the following reflexes here:
1. Mongolian has either *a or a fronted reflex *i/e:
a) *ắk῾è > *(h)aki-, *ámbe > *(h)amban, *le > *al-, *káče > *kači, *kaje > *kaji-,
*kăp῾è > *kaji-či, *kare > *kar-bu-, *kaserV > *kasirag, *kt῾e > *katari-,
*k῾àpe > *kab-, *máĺe > *malur, *pt῾e > *batagana, *sarp῾e > *sarbaɣa, *t῾ằgè
> *taji-la;
b) *āńe(-č῾V) > *eje, *en-; *k῾re > *kira, *làlè > *nila-, *ĺk῾è > *ǯekej, *mak῾é >
*mek(e)-, *màlt῾e > *meltür- > *möltür-, *ńam(ń)ekt῾V > *ǯimuɣu-su, *sagè
> *siɣu-g-, *tde > *čidör, *zagè > *seg (on the distribution of *e and *i
see below).
2. Turkic normally has *a- in Anlaut, but *-ɨ- after a consonant, cf.: *ắk῾è
> *(i)aku-ru-, *ale > *ăl, *le > *ăl- (but also *āńe-č῾V > *Enč); but *čkte >
*Tt, *č῾ak῾e > *čɨkan, *káče > *Kɨča, *kaje > *Kɨj-, *kằle > *Kɨlɨč, *kaŋne >
*Kɨna, *kăp῾è > *Kɨp-, *kare > *Kɨrɨĺ, *kaserV > *Kɨsɨr, *kt῾e > *Ktɨr-,
*k῾re > *Kɨrɨg, *làlè > *jɨlɨk > *jilik, *máĺe > *bɨnĺɨk, *nable > *jɨlɨm, *ńàme
> *jɨmga, *ńam(ń)e- > *jɨmurt, *nne > *jn, *pt῾e > *bɨt, *sagè > *sɨgɨt-,
*sarp῾e > *sɨp, *tde > *dd-, *zagè > *jɨg-.
3. Korean also has a split into back *a and front *ə:
a) *ale > *àrái, *āńe(-č῾V) > *ànč-, *ńam(ń)e-kt῾V > *nàmòk, *pt῾e > *pátắrí,
*pàńé > *pám, *k῾ač῾e > *kàčí.
b) *le > *rí-, *kt῾e > *kthí-, *ĺk῾è > *nək-, *mak῾é > *mk-, *ńàme > *jm-,
*tde > *tət.
PTM *a - PJ *i
This correspondence reflects the sequence *CaCi, with a variation of
back and front reflexes in other languages.
1. Turkic has normally *e, but also *a:
a) *ăĺi > *ẹĺit-, *ălgi > *ĕlge-, *ắni > *eŋ, *jbi > *Ebür(d)ek, *ni > *en, *ni >
*ēn-čü, *bdì > *bEd-, *brì > *bEr-, *bri > *bẹr, *čărikV > *dẹrek, *č῾ăk῾i >
*čekü-rtke, *č῾ali > *čEl, *č῾ki > *čEket, *dli > *jẹlim, *gt῾ì > *gē(j)t-,
*kăči > *geč-, *kaji > *gejik, *kk῾i > *Kēk-, *kami > *KEmek, *kăpi >
*gebre-, *kk῾i > *gēkir-, *k῾ádí(-rV) > *KEdir-, *k῾ăĺi > *keĺ, *k῾ắsi > *kes-,
CHAPTER TWO
95
*k῾ăsi > *kes-, *màjŋì > *bejŋi, *ŋli > *el, *pli > *bẹldir, *p῾dì > *diĺ,
*p῾aĺi > *ẹĺ, *p῾nŋi > *ēŋe-, *p῾t῾i > *ētük, *sắbi > *sEbrük, *sajri > *ser-,
*saĺ(b)i > *seĺ-, *săp῾í > *sep-, *sàp῾ì > *sEp, *sč῾i > *sEč-, *ski > *sēk-,
*sŕi > *sEŕ-, *t῾ki > *TEk-, *zăli > *jẹl.
Among more or less secure examples there are 22 cases of open *e
and 8 cases of closed *ẹ.
b) *álikV > *Ălaŋɨr, *àŕì > *aŕɨg, *pi > *Abɨ-, *gi > *gu, *li > *Āl, *at῾i >
*Atɨ, *bási > *basɨg, *bằt῾í > *bat-, *dằgì > *jagɨ, *dằk῾ì > *jAk-ɨn, *dắsi >
*jAs-, *gắli > *K(i)al, , *kádì(rV) > *Kadɨr, *kărsi > *KArsak, *láp῾ì > *jap-,
*maji > *baj, *màli > *baltu, *mli > *bAlɨg, *lami > *jAmak, *pằsi > *bas-,
*pli > *bālɨk, *p῾ágdi > *adak, *p῾ắsi > *as-, *saji > *sAj-, *sali > *sal-,
*sằmpi > *sAP, *sằp῾i῾ > *sapak, *saŕi > *sAŕak, *tbi > *dabul, *t῾aŋgiri >
*taŋrɨ (but also *teŋri), *t῾ari > *tArakaj, *zakt῾i > *jạtŕuk, *ǯli > *jĀl-.
Note that closed *ạ is quite rare here (only 2 cases as opposed to 16
cases of open *a).
2. Mongolian can also have front reflexes i/e or a back reflex *a:
a) *gi > *eɣe-de-, *čărikV > *čirgaj, *č῾ki > *čigör-, *dagi > *deɣüren, *dari >
*dereji-, *dli > *ǯil-, *gt῾ì > *getül- (but also *gatul-), *kádì(rV) > *keder,
*kk῾i > *kek-, *kami > *kemerlig, *kăpi > *kebere, *kărsi > *kirsa, *kk῾i >
*kekere- (but also *kakira-), *k῾ádí(-rV) > *kederge, *k῾pri > *keɣürge,
*màli > *milaɣa, *mli > *milan, *lami > *limbaj, *pli > *bilaɣu, *pli >
*belčir, *pasi > *hesüre-, *p῾āji > *hejil-, *saji > *seji-le-, *saĺ(b)i > *sel(b)(but also *salb-), *sắp῾í > *sibeɣe, *săp῾í > *sibere- (but also *sabir-), *saŕi
> *ser-, *sč῾i > *seče-, *ski > *sege-, *sŕi > *seri-, *t῾ari > *čirükej. [Note
that *i usually occurs before *-a-, *-ö- and *-u-, while *e occurs before *i, *e and *ü, thus *sibeɣe and *sibere- must go back to earlier
*siböɣe and *siböre-].
b) *ăĺi > *al-dar, *álikV > *(h)alag-, *ắni > *aŋ-ka, *àŕì > *ariɣa, *pi >
*abu-ra-, *li > *aliɣa, *ni > *anǯu, *at῾i > *ači, *bằt῾í > *bat-ga, *bdì >
*badara, *brì > *baraɣun, *bri > *baraɣa, *dằgì > *dajin, *dằk῾ì > *daka-,
*dắsi > *dasinga, *gắli > *galǯaɣu, *kanti > *kančir, *k῾ăĺi > *kali-sun, *k῾ắsi
> *kasu-, *lằŋi > *laji, *láp῾ì > *labta-, *màjŋì > *maŋlai, *ŋńì > *naji-,
*p῾ágdi > *(h)adag, *p῾ắsi > *(h)asa-, *p῾nŋi- > *hana-, *sajri > *sar(b)a-,
*sằmpi > *samba-gan, *sằp῾í > *sabaga, *t῾ắk῾ì > *taki-, *t῾aŋgiri >
*taŋgarag, *t῾ájri- > *tara-, *zăli > *salki, *ǯli- > *ǯala-.
In a few cases (*dàli > *dölü, *tbi > *düjiren, *č῾ăk῾i > *čoku), the vowel
becomes labialized under the influence of secondary labialization of the
second syllable (caused probably by an original labial suffix like *-bV- >
-wV-: *dàli-bV > *dàli-w- > *delü- > *dölü etc.).
Mongolian and Turkic evidence displays a large number of e/a
doublet readings, showing that the split into front and back variants in
Turkic and Mongolian is secondary, probably caused by the old dialec-
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INTRODUCTION
tal variant development *CaCi > *CeCE vs. *CaCi > *CaCA. In general
there is no direct correlation between front and back reflexes in Turkic
and Mongolian; we find that Turkic slightly prefers front reflexes (44
cases of *e vs. 36 cases of *a), while Mongolian rather favours back reflexes (33 cases of *a vs. 29 cases of *e, plus 4 cases with a variation
*e/a).
3. Korean, too, has a split into *a and *ə, but also has a number of
*i-reflexes:
a) *ăĺi > *ār-, *ắni > *àńí, *ni > *an-, *ni > *ān-, *at῾i > *àtắr, *brì- > *pàrằ-,
*bri > *pār, *dàli > *tàr-, *kàji > *kāi-, *kk῾i > *kài’ò-, *k῾ắsi- > *kàsk- (but
also *ksk-), *láp῾ì > *nàp- (but also *np-), *màli > *már, *pli > *par-,
*pasi > *pàs-, *p῾t῾i > *pàtì, *saŋe > *sài’ó-, *sằp῾í > *sap-, *sŕi > *sari-,
*zakt῾i > *sàt, *zăli > *sarb) *pli > *pr-, *sajri > *sjə-, *saĺ(b)i > *sər-, *sắp῾í > *sp
c) *pi > *ìpà-tí, *li > *ìr-bń-, *dắsi > *tìsài, *ŋńì > *nīń-, *pańi > *pìń-, *sali
> *sirh-, *t῾ájri > *tí-.
PTM *a - PJ *u
This correspondence reflects the PA sequence *CaCu. Other languages
have the following reflexes:
1. Turkic predominantly has *a (*tāt < *t῾t῾u, *daŋ- < *tằnŋù, *saran <
*saru, *samala < *sằmù, *sakɨrtka < *sak῾u(rV), *bańak- < *mańuk῾V, *Kara
< *kàru, *Kadgu < *gằju, *čal- < *č῾àlù, *dal < *čălù, *āń < *ńu, *aglak <
*ăgu-la).
Closed *ạ is attested, however, in *jŕ- < *lŕgu; and in some trisyllables before -u- we have a secondary labialization -a- > -o- (*jogurgan <
*dáku, *bokursɨ < *bk῾u).
2. Mongolian has *a, but may also reveal labialized reflexes u/o:
a) *ăgu-la > *aɣula, *apuči > *(h)abisu-n, *mú > *(h)ama-n, *bk῾ù > *baki,
*čălù > *daldaw, *č῾abu > *čaɣur, *č῾àlù > *čali, *gằju > *gaj, *kádù >
*kada-, *kàru > *kara, *k῾ăp῾ù > *kaɣa-, *làku > *lag, *làk῾ù > *naki-, *lŕgu
> *nargi-, *mált῾u > *malta-, *pằluk῾V > *haluka, *sak῾u(rV) > *sag, *sarču
> *čarča-, *saru > *sar-, *sagu > *sag-su, *šŋu > *čaŋ, *tàbù > *daɣ-, *tagù
> *dagna-, *tbú > *daɣa-, *t῾ámu > *tama-, *t῾ằŋu > *taɣu, *t῾t῾u > *tačir,
*ǯap῾ù > *ǯaɣa-;
b) *ằk῾ú > *uku-, *bagu > *buɣurul, *balu > *bulagan, *č῾ābu > *čuw, *gàtù >
*gudu- (but also *godu), *káč῾u > *kuči-, *kalu > *kul-, *knu > *kuna,
*k῾ap῾u > *kubilǯagana, *mańuk῾V > *munig, *ńabĺu-čV > *ǯulǯa-gan,
*saŋu(ńV) > *suwnag;
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97
c) *ăbu > *owči, *ăŋu > *oɣuna, *ńu > *oji(n), *bāku > *bog, *čamu > *dom,
*k῾ăču > *kočur-, *k῾áru > *kormu-sun, *ńargu- > *ǯorgul, *sarumV >
*sormu-, *šalpu > *čolbun, *t῾ák῾ù > *toki, *t῾aklu > *togli, *t῾ànŋú > *tonu3. Korean displays similar reflexes: normally *a or *ə, but occasionally
also *u or *o:
a) *àlu > *àr- (but also *r-); *káč῾u > *kàč, *làk῾ù > *náks, *màlù > *maru,
*tằnŋù > *tan, *t῾ák῾ù > *tàk, *t῾ámu > *tām-, *ǯap῾ù > *čàp-;
b) *gằju > *kəi’əm, *mańuk῾V > *mijùkí, *sarumV > *səm, *šàčú > *čs, *t῾t῾u
> *tti;
c) *bagu > *pùhi-, *čălù > *čùr-kí, *kádù > *kùr’i, *mált῾u > *mùt-, *maru >
*muri;
d) *knu > *kón, *k῾ằkú > *koāŋ, *k῾áru > *kòró, *lŕgu > *nòrắs, *tàbù >
*tòbi-.
In a certain number of words seemingly pointing to *CaCa (with TM *a
and Jpn. *a) Mongolian unexpectedly displays front *i or *e; Turkic has
*o; and Korean has *ă or labialized *o, *u (typical for PA *o, see below).
It seems appropriate to reconstruct here the type *CaCo, with secondary
merger of *CaCo and *CaCa in Japanese. The following comments are
needed here:
1. Turkic normally has *o (with occasional narrowing > *u in contact
with labials, cf. *um- < *ắmo, *budur- < *bădo, *buta- < *bằtò, *Kumɨŕ <
*kàmo, *jum- < *nmo). For the *o reflex cf. *t῾aso > *tosun, *t῾ăp῾o(rV) >
*topra-k, *tŋo > *doŋuŕ, *tago > *dogra-, *sāmo > *som, *sáŕo > *soŕak,
*p῾ap῾o > *op-la, *ńamo > *jo[m], *ńằmò > *jom-, *mro > *bōr, *măndo >
*botu, *k῾no > *Kon-, *k῾alo > *Kolaŋ, *k῾ăbo > *Kob-, *karmo > *kor-daj,
*kalt῾o > *Kolak, *kak῾o > *Kokɨ-, *kàbro > *Kor, *gămo > *Koma, *č῾áko >
*čok, *člo > *dōl-, *čágo > *ToK-, *ŋo > *oŋ, *àpo > *obu-.
In the following cases, however, we find the reflex *a: *čAm < *č῾amo,
*čar < *č῾àro, *čārba- < *č῾mro, *Kalɨm < *kălo, *KAĺak < *k῾ằĺo, *jaba < *làbò,
*jaba < *ĺábó, *jĀmčɨk < *lmo, *jAŋgak < *ńaŋo, *ajɨt- < *p῾ajo, *sag- < *săjgo,
*saja- < *sajo, *sargan < *sáro, *jala- < *ǯắlo.
It is easy to see that with few exceptions the *a-reflex is present in
the vicinity of Turkic palatals *j, *č or *ĺ.
2. Mongolian, as said above, has normally *a, but rather frequently also
the fronted reflexes *i or *e:
a) *ắmo > *ama-, *talo > *dalu, *dali, *kak῾o > *kaku-, *kălo > *kala-, *kalt῾o >
*kalta-s (but also *kelte-), *kamp῾o > *kamki-, *k῾ăbo > *kaɣur-, *k῾ằĺo >
*kal-, *k῾no > *kani, *labo > *lab / *naj, *lmo > *nambuga, *măndo >
*manǯi, *ma[k῾]o > *makiji-, *mro > *mara-, *ńằmò > *ǯaɣu-n, *p῾ádo >
*(h)adar, *p῾ajo > *haɣu-, *p῾ap῾o > *hawl-, *săjgo > *saɣa-, *salo > *sal(u)-,
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INTRODUCTION
*tago > *daɣa-, *ǯắlo > *ǯalga-. [In *kowr < *kàbro and *toɣur- <
*t῾ăp῾o(rV) we see a secondary assimilative labialization *a > *o].
b) *aǯo > *(h)iǯe, *bašo > *bisi-ɣu, *č῾abo > *čibka, *č῾amo > *čima-, *č῾aŋo >
*čiɣul-, *č῾mro > *čindaga, *kàmo > *kimur, *ńamo > *ǯim, *ńaŋo >
*ǯiɣag, *nmo > *(n)im, *sábó > *sibe-gčin, *sáŕo > *siröge, *sŕo(-gV) >
*siröge
c) *ằjbo > *ebe-sü, *àpo > *ebe-, *ŋo > *eŋge-, *člo > *del-, *kábó > *keji-d,
*ĺábó > *debeɣe, *màsò > *mese, *pap῾ó > *(h)eb, *sago > *seɣü-der, *sằŋo >
*seɣü-, *sáro > *sere-, *t῾āno > *teneji-.
A secondary labialization occurred in *bödüne < *bedüne < *bădo,
*söɣem < *seɣü-m < *sajo.
The general rules of distribution between *i and *e are the same as
in the types *CaCe, *CaCi, i.e. *i usually before *-a-, *-ö- and *-u-, while
*e - before *i, *e and *ü; thus *sibe-gčin must go back to earlier *sibö-gčin;
less clear are the examples *(h)iǯe ( < *(h)iǯö?) and *bisi-ɣu ( < *bisö-ɣu?;
note also the strange variant *busi-ɣu). The rules of choice between back
*a and front *i/*e, however, remain unclear.
3. Korean, as said above, has either *ă or, less frequently, *o/*u:
a) *člo > *čăra-, *č῾amo > *čhắm-, *č῾àro > *čărɨ-, *dalo > *tằr-, *tàńo > *tń-,
*talo > *tằr’ái, *kălo > *kắr-, *kalt῾o > *kằrằ-, *kamp῾o > *kắm-, *karmo >
*kằrmjkí, *k῾ằĺo > *kắr, *làbò > *năboi, *lmo > *nằmằčh, *ma[k῾]o > *mằi-,
*p῾ádo > *pằrằm, *pró > *phắr-, *sago > *sằ-n, *săjgo > *sắi-, *salo > *sắr-,
*sáĺo > *sằràŋ, *sáńo > *sằńí, *ǯắlo > *čằrằ-, *pát῾o > *pằtằi;
b) *gămo > *kòmá, *kàbro > *kòr-, *kábó > *kò’ắr, *k῾alo > *koraŋ, *mro >
*mòr’ái, *tŋo > *to’a-;
c) *č῾abo > *čūb-, *p῾ajo > *pūi-.
2.4.2 PA *e
PTM *e - PJ *a
This correspondence reflects PA *CeCa. Other languages have the following reflexes:
1. Turkic can have both *a and *e:
a) *bĕŕa > *bAŕ-, *dkà > *jak-, *dlp῾à > *jalpɨ, *èk῾á > *agsa-, *eńa > *ańɨg,
*ńa > *ana (but also *eńe), *eńa > *ańak, *ĕp῾a > *apa(j), *erka > *Arka-,
*ēda > *Ada, *ḗŕa > *āŕ-, *gḕnŋa > *KAŋɨr-, *kelta(rV) > *KArtal, *kéra >
*Kạrɨn, *kḕnda > *KAt, *kč῾á > *KAč-, *k῾éŕà > *Kaŕ, *k῾éma > *Kamɨĺ,
*k῾épà > *Kaptal, *k῾ta > *KAtar-, *leńa > *jAń-ka-, *mĕŋa > *baŋ-, *nèra >
*jAr-, *ŋḕrá > *jạrɨn, *pélaba(nV) > *bAlbal, *p῾ép῾a > *Apač-, *p῾ḗra > *ārɨ,
*p῾ḗta > *āt-, *sēma > *sAm-, *šek῾a > *sakak, *tēga > *dāg, *tḗla > *dāl-,
*t῾p῾a > *TAp-la-, *t῾ŕa > *dAŕ, *t῾ḕbà > *tabɨĺ-, *zèjńa > *jaŋɨ (but also
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99
*jeŋi), *zēra > *jar-, *ǯela > *jAla, *ǯèmá > *jam, *ǯḗja > *jāj, *tert῾a >
*dart-, *zela > *jạla-ŋuk.
b) *tḗma > *dēmin, *dék῾à > *jEken, *ĕbà > *ebs-, *ĕda > *ed, *ēŋa(k῾V) > *ēŋ,
*ra > *er-, *ḗjba > *ēb-, *ḗna(kV) > *ēn, *ḗra > *Ērig, *ḗt῾a > *ēt-, *gla >
*gEle-ĺč-, *gèná > *gEne, *gék῾á > *Kek-, *kéma > *Kemeke, *kemŕa >
*kEbŕe, *kḗjna > *gĒne, *kḗp῾à > *gēp, *k῾ébá > *gEbre, *k῾èpà > *kebü-,
*méŋa > *bEŋiŕ, *mḗča > *bĒčin, *nema > *jem-, *ńĕra > *jẹr, *pédá >
*bEdiŕ, *p῾ḕtá > *et, *t῾éba > *Teb, t῾èk῾á > *tek-, *t῾eŋa > *TEŋ-, *t῾ĕp῾á >
*tepö, *t῾ḕŋà > *tEŋ, *t῾èp῾à > *TEpiŕ.
Note that closed *ạ and *ẹ are very rare here and occur only before *-rand *l (*Kạrɨn, *jạrɨn, *jẹr, *jạlaŋuk).
2. Mongolian also can have both *a and *e:
a) *dlp῾à > *dalba-, *ĕda > *ada-, *èk῾á > *(h)agsa-, *eńa > *ajaga(n), *erka >
*arga-, *ēda > *(h)ada, *ḗjba > *(h)abad, *ḗra > *ar-, *gḕnŋa > *gana-,
*kelta(rV) > *kaltar, *kḕnda > *kandagaj, *k῾éŕà > *kajir(a)-, *k῾éma >
*kamgar, *k῾eŋa > *kaŋka-, *k῾épà > *kabta-su, *k῾ta > *kadaga-la, *lḗńa >
*naji-, *mék῾à > *mak-, *méŋa > *maji-kai, *nèra > *nari-n, *nèra >
*nara-su, *ŋḕrá > *naran, *pélaba(nV) > *barimal, *pép῾à > *baɣa-su, *p῾ép῾a
> *haba-kai, *p῾ḗta > *(h)ada-, *p῾ḕtá > *(h)adaska, *sēma > *samur-, *šek῾a >
*sakaɣu, *t῾ja > *tajibu-, *t῾ek῾a > *taka, *t῾eŋa > *taŋga-, *t῾p῾a > *taɣ-,
*t῾ŕa > *tarbalǯi, *t῾ḕbà > *tawlai, *zēra > *sara, *ǯela > *ǯali-, *ǯèmá >
*ǯamug, *méra > *maril, *tert῾a > *tata-.
b) *bĕŕa > *berele-, *tḗma > *demej (also with secondary labialization
*demü > *dömü-), *dék῾à > *dek-, *èbla > *(h)eɣülde, *eńa > *ende-, *ĕp῾a >
*ebej, *ép῾á > *eb-, *ra > *ere-, *ḗna(kV) > *eŋ, *ḗŕa > *ereɣü, *gèná >
*gene-, *gék῾á > *gek-, *kemŕa > *kemde-, *kèra > *kere-, *kḗp῾à > *keɣe,
*kč῾á > *keč, *k῾ébá > *keɣür, *k῾èpà > *kebe, *lèjk῾á > *neke-, *mĕŋa >
*meŋde-, *mḗča > *mečin, *nema > *neme-, *pédá > *beder, *p῾ḗra >
*herbe-kei, *séjra > *sereɣe, *sèdá > *sede-, *tēga > *deɣe-, *t῾éba > *tew-ke,
*t῾èk῾á > *teg-si, *t῾ĕp῾á > *tebeg (but also *tab), *t῾ḕpá > *teberi-, *t῾èp῾à >
*tebči-.
There are also several cases of *i (before *j: *lḕja > *niɣe-, *zèjńa >
*sine; and also *ńĕra > *ǯir(u)-, *sép῾à > *siɣüre- < *siɣöre-?). The general
distribution of *e and *i is here more or less the same as in the types
*CaCe, *CaCi (see above): *e occurs only before *e and *ü; but final *-a,
-u and *-ö (also *-i) are extremely rare in this type, so that the expected
reflex *-i- is very rare, too. It probably means that the type *CeCa was
very early transformed into *CeCe (or *CaCa), while *CaCe first changed
into *CaCi.
It is also worth noting that, unlike the type *CaCe where fronting in
Turkic and Mongolian must have been an independent process (the
correlation between Turkic *e and Mong. *e in that type is more or less
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INTRODUCTION
random), here we find a largely interdependent development: in most
cases when Mong. has *a, Turkic also has *a (25 cases against 9 cases of
Mong. *a - Turk. *e), and in most cases when Mong. has *e, Turkic also
has *e (16 cases against 9 cases of Mong. *e - Turk. *a). This probably
means that the process of splitting *CeCa into *CaCa / *CeCe started earlier than the process of splitting *CaCe (on which see above); but the
conditioning factors for it still remain unclear.
3. Korean, as always, has a double reflex: *a or *ə:
a) *bétà > *pàdắr, *tḗma > *tāmái-n, *dék῾à > *tái (?), *dĕp῾a > *tàpók-, *èbla >
*árh, *éča > *àčhắm, *eńa > *āń-, *ḗna(kV) > *ánh, *ḗra > *ar-, *kéma >
*kàmá, *kéra > *kari, *k῾ébà > *kai, *mék῾à > *màk-, *ŋḕrá > *nár, *lḕja >
*ná-, *pép῾à > *pap, *tḗla > *tarh-, *t῾ĕp῾á > *tapar, *zèjńa > *sái.
b) *ńa > *ńí, *ép῾á > *əp-, *erka > *rk-, *ḗŕa > *rjb-, *kḗjna > *ki, *kč῾á >
*kjčh, *lèjk῾á > *njkí-, *nema > *nm-, *p῾ḗra > *pr-, *séjra > *si(h),
*tēga > *tə-, *t῾ep῾à > *tph-, *t῾ḕpá > *tpr-, *zēra > *sr, *kéč῾à > *kčh,
*méra > *mr’úi.
4. Japanese, as we said above, has a uniform *a. Since PJ *a and *ə are
hardly compatible in one morpheme, almost none of the words in
question have an *ə in the second syllable here, except for one case:
PA *ǯèmá > PJ *dm(n)kui, where as a result the first vowel became
secondarily assimilated (on some similar cases < PA *CaCa see
above). Another similar case may be *čĕk῾a > PJ *təkə (although here a
reconstruction *čĕk῾o can not be entirely excluded; on the type *CeCo
see below).
PTM *e - PJ *ə
This correspondence (except for the irregular case with *ǯèmá, on which
see above), indicates PA *CeCe. Other languages have the following
reflexes:
1. Turkic uniformly has *e, with the open and closed variants distributed in the following way:
a) *me > *eme, *k῾éĺe > *keĺč, *sebe > *seb, *tp῾é > *depre-, *t῾égè(-rV) > *Tegre
b) *gle > *gẹl-, *grè(bV) > *gẹr-tü
In one case, viz. *(j)īn-čik < *p῾èjńé, we observe a narrowed *-i-reflex,
probably conditioned by the medial -j-.
After initial *j- ( < *n-) there may also appear back *a (*ạ): cf. *nmè >
*jama-, *np῾é > *jap-, *nre > *jạr-.
The distribution between *e and *ẹ, *a and *ạ here seems to be conditioned by the following consonant: closed variants appear before *r
and *l, open variants are found elsewhere.
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2. Mongolian, too, uniformly has *e, except in the position after *j(*ja-su < *jan-su < *p῾èjńé). Just as in the case of *CeCa, *-i- could be
possible, but the only attested cases here are with the vowels *-e-,
*-i- or *-ü- in the second syllable (*eme < *me, *ečige < *t῾è, *gere(-ɣe)
< *grè(bV), *kenǯe < *kènǯé, *kewü- < *k῾p῾è, *deglej < *ĺekleKV, *nebse- <
*np῾é, *nere < *nre, *selü- < *séle, *debi- < *tp῾é).
We see thus that PA *CeCe behaves exactly like the fronted variant
of *CaCe, see above.
3. Korean has reflexes similar to those of *CaCi, i.e. basically *a or *ə,
but also a number of *i and *ɨ-reflexes:
a) *me > *ám, *t῾è > *àtắ, *gle > *ká-;
b) *bè > *p-, *séle > *sr;
c) *kejbe > *kìbúr, *np῾é > *nìp-, *nre > *(n)ìrh-, *nìră-, *sése > *sìs-kú-, *sebe
> *sìp-;
d) *grè(pV) > *kr, *neč῾è > *nč-.
PTM *e - PJ *i
This correspondence reflects the type *CeCi, and other languages have
the following reflexes:
1. as in the case of *CeCe, Turkic has a more or less uniform reflex *e,
with the open and closed variants distributed in the following way:
a) *gdì > *ged, *gérki > *Kerke-, *kŋi > *geŋiŕ, *kḗči > *gēč, *ŋḗni > *ēn-,
*pk῾i > *bek, *télki > *Tel(k)-, *dḗlì > *jēl;
b) *k῾èlńí > *kẹli, *tḕrì > *dẹri, *ǯḕri > *jẹr-;
The rules of distribution appear similar to those in the type *CeCe,
i.e. closed *ẹ before *r, *l, open *e elsewhere (however, several cases of
open *e before *r,*l - *Kerke, *Tel, *jēl - are also attested).
Just as in the case of *CeCe there are some examples of -a- after *j(cf. *zep῾i > *jap-, *ǯebí > *jAb); cf. also *nébì > *jub-ga, probably a vowel
metathesis < *jab-gu.
We see that in general the type *CeCi behaves in Turkic very similarly to *CeCe; but there are a few attested cases where Turkic has a
narrow *-i- here: *bèli > *bil- (but in a derivative: *bel-gü); *dḕgni >
*(j)igne, *p῾edí > *idi; *sni > *sin-čök; *sejŋi > *siŋil.
2. Mongolian has either *e or *i:
a) *bèli > *bele-, *dlp῾i > *delbe-, *dḗli > *del, *gdì > *gede, *kŋi > *keŋ-, *kḗči
> *keči-, *ńéŋńi > *ǯeɣü-n, *ŋḗni > *neɣü-, *ségì > *seg-l-, *sḗmi > *seme-,
*télki > *deleg, *néji > *nej, *éli > *el-, *dḕgni > *ǯeɣü-wün.
b) *gérki > *girgawl, *k῾èmì > *kim, *ĺḕgì > *ǯig-, *nébì > *niɣu-n, *neji >
*ni-sa-, *peč῾i > *hiče-, *p῾edí > *hide, *pk῾i > *hike, *p῾émi > *himer-, *p῾èrì
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INTRODUCTION
> *hir-, *seri > *sireɣe, *tḕrì > *čiraj, *t῾ḗk῾í > *čig, *ǯḕri > *ǯirke-, *ǯebí >
*ǯib-.
The general distribution rules of *i and *e (*-i- before *a, *u and *ö;
*-e- before *e, *i and *ü) are somewhat violated here by a relatively
large number of CiCe (hiče-, hide, hike, himer-, sireɣe, ǯirke). The reason
for this development is yet to be established.
3. Korean has exactly the same reflexes as in the type *CeCe:
a) *ŋḗni > *nàń(ắ-), *sḗmi > *sām, *sejŋi > *sjā’òŋ, *sési > *sàsắm, *sḕmi >
*sàm-, *t῾kí > *tàhí-;
b) *ebí > *bí-, *mét῾i(-rkV) > *mrtkn, *nébì > *n-, *pk῾i > *phək, *p῾éŋi >
*pəŋ-, *ǯeč῾i > *čjči, *éli > *ər-;
c) *č῾éč῾í > *čìčr-, *kŋi > *kíń-, *neji > *ní, *sni > *sín, *seri > *sìr’i, *zep῾i >
*sìp-;
d) *bèli > *prí-, *peč῾i > *ps-krì-, *télki > *trkur.
PTM *e - PJ *u
Here it is natural to reconstruct *CeCu, with the following correspondences in other languages.
1. as in *CeCa, Turkic can have both *a and *e:
a) *ènŋu > *ạnkaj, *keju > *Kạjɨn-, *keru > *KArɨĺ-, *kru > *Kạrɨ, *kḗrdu >
*Krt-, *lélugV > *jaglɨk, *meju > *bań-, *ńéč῾u > *jačan-, *ŋḕlu > *jAl-,
*ŋḗnu > *jānu-, *p῾eńu > *Ań, *sèk῾u > *sạk(ɨ)-, *sḕgù > *sạg, *šèru > *sar-,
*t῾elbu > *tAlagu, *sèp῾ù > *sạp
b) *bdù > *bEdü-k, *bek῾ú > *bEkre, *č῾eč῾u > *čeček, *eŕmu > *eŕen, *kḕju >
*Kej-, *kēpu > *gēb-, *k῾èpù > *Kẹbi-ĺč-, *mĕlu > *bẹleĺ, *nŋu > *jeŋe (but
also *jaŋa in Yak. saŋas), *psu > *bes, *šrčú > *serče, *téŋgu > *deŋgil,
*tḕtu > *Tetig, *t῾ḗlù > *tēl, *t῾ḕŕù > *tEŕek, *zejĺu > *jElme-, *ĕĺǯu >
*Eĺčgek.
We can notice the following here: *e is almost always open (except
in *Kẹbiĺč and *bẹleĺ), but *a is for the most part closed *ạ (*ạnkaj, *Kạjɨn-,
*Kạrɨ, *Krt-, *sạk-, *sạg, *sạp). All the cases with open *a contain a palatal (*jaglɨk, *bań-, *jačan, *jānu-; *sar- < *šèru). Thus, the distribution between *a and *ạ in the type *CeCu is similar to the distribution of *a and
*o in the type *CaCo, see above.
2. Mongolian reflexes are rather complicated in this type of correspondence. We can have
a) *a: *rù > *ar(a)-su; *keju > *kajira-; *kru > *kari-; *kḗrdu > *kaǯir; *lépù >
*lab-ku (but also *lob-ku); *meju > *maji-; *nŋu > *nagaču; *ŋḗnu >
*naŋ-si-; *sedurk῾V > *sadurkaj; *sek῾u > *saki-; *seru(k῾V) > *sarku; *sḕgù
> *saji(n); *šèru > *sara-; *tēru > *dar-ta-; *t῾ḕmu > *tamara-.
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After or before a labial there usually appears a labialized reflex *o or
*u (although some cases of *a are also attested, cf. *maji- and *tamaraabove, as well as a variant reflexation *labku and lobku):
b) *o/*u: *bēǯu- > *buǯa-; *k῾èpù > *kubil-; *mĕlu > *mojil-; *psu > *(h)osu-;
*p῾eńu > *(h)ojimu; *segu > *sowsar; *t῾elbu > *tolbu.
A labialized reflex also appears in *una-gan < *ènŋù and *nolga <
*lélugV, despite the absence of labials. Here we are probably dealing
with an early vowel metathesis or assimilation *una-gan < *anu-gan and
*nol(u)ga < *nal(u)ga.
Besides the back reflexes we also observe front *e and *i:
c) *e: *bdù > *bedi-ɣün, *bek῾ú > *bekir, *déru > *derbe-, *eŕmu > *ermen,
*keru > *kereldüg, *kḕńu > *kene-ge- (but also *kinu-); *kēpu > *kebi-;
*k῾ĺú > *kerelǯegene, *méŋu > *men-dü, *méru- > *merije- (but also
*marija-), *t῾édù > *teǯije-, *t῾ḗlù > *tele-, *zejĺu > *seleme, *ĕĺǯu > *elǯigen;
d) *i: *č῾ḗp῾u > *čijigan, *mék῾ù > *mikan, *nèku > *nigu, *tḕtu > *čida, *sèp῾ù >
*sibsirga;
The distribution of *e and *i here is standard (*e before -i-, -e-, -ü-, *i
before -a-, -u-).
We may notice that here, too, as in the case of *CeCa, Mongolian and
Turkic largely coincide in the distribution of back and front variants —
Mong. back : Turkic back in 13 cases; Mong. back : Turkic front in 8
cases (interestingly enough, most of them close to labials, i.e. with the
Mong. reflex o/u); Mong. front : Turkic front in 9 cases; Mong. front :
Turkic back only in 3 cases.
It is also interesting to notice the different behaviour of *CeCa and
*CeCu both in Turkic and Mongolian: a) *CeCa yields PT *a (almost
never closed *ạ) and PM *a without any labialized variants in the vicinity of labials; b) *CeCu yields PT *ạ (with a variant *a only in the vicinity of palatals) and PM *a, with a variant *o/*u close to labials.
This all seems to indicate that the development *CeCa > *CaCa, but
*CeCu > *CạCu was a common Turko-Mongolian feature, with the
vowel *ạ preserved in Turkic (and ultimately reflected as Yak., Chuv.
-ɨ- vs. -a- in other Turkic languages), and having developed into *o(*u)
in Proto- Mongolian before or after labials (while plain *a stayed unchanged).
3. Korean can have here both standard reflexes *a/*ə and labialized
*o/*u:
a) *keru > *kar-; *késu > *kàs (but also *ks); *k῾èpù > *káps, *sèk῾u > *sàkí-,
*sḕgù > *sà’ó-náb-, *šèru > *sár;
b) *seru(k῾V) > *srk, *t῾elbu > *trb-, *t῾ḕŕù > *tr-;
c) *bek῾ú > *pok, *eŕmu > *òrmí, *keju > *kò’, *lélugV > *nòríkái, *ŋḕlu >
*nōr-ra-, *téŋgu > *thòŋ, *zejĺu > *sói;
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INTRODUCTION
d) *č῾ḗp῾u > *čjūpók, *meju > *mūi-, *nŋu > *nù’i, *t῾ékù > *tùthb-.
Occasionally, we also encounter a reflex *ɨ close to labials: *bdù- >
*pr-, *lépù > *nɨp(h).
Just as in the case with PA *a (*CaCo) there is also a fifth type of correspondence. In a number of cases when TM has *e and Jpn. either *ə or
*a (i.e. where we would reconstruct PA *CeCe or *CeCa), all other languages have quite different reflexes: Korean has *ă or *o/u (typical for
PA *o, see below, and for PA *CaCo, see above); and Turkic has predominantly closed *ạ or *ẹ. It seems probable that we are dealing here
with the PA root structure *CeCo. Let us mention at once that distribution between Jpn. *a and *ə is still unclear in this type of correspondence, but it seems hardly possible to reconstruct any additional distinctions here: the opposition *a : *ə does not seem to correlate with
anything else outside Japanese. It is possible that we are dealing with
early vowel assimilations which result in part of the *CeCo words being
assimilated to *CeCe, and another part to *CaCo.
Let us sum up the evidence for *CeCo in other languages.
1. Turkic, as in most heterovocalic stems, can have both back and front
reflexes:
a) *p῾o > *Ap (but also *Ep), *ro > *ạrɨ, *ēč῾o > *č, *ḗpo > *Āb, *gébó >
*Kạb-, *kèĺčo > *Kạĺ(č)ɨ-, *kèĺǯo > *KAĺga, *k῾ĕdò > *KAd, *k῾eńo > *Kạń,
*k῾ńó > *Kạń-, *k῾ep῾orV > *KApur-, *k῾ŕo > *Kaŕgan-, *k῾ét῾ò > *Kạt,
*k῾ēro > *Kạrga-, *néro > *jArman-, *zelo > *jạlɨŋ, *sero > *sạr-, *šéčo >
*sạč-, *tmo > *dam, *t῾èmo > *Tạm-, *t῾eŕo > *dAŕ, *ǯĕĺo > *jạĺɨ-, *ǯebò >
*jAbaĺ.
b) *béjo > *bEje, *depo > *jẹbi-, *ep῾ò > *Epej, *eso > *ẹsür-, *ḗgó > *g-id-, *ḗĺpo
> *ēĺü-, *gĕbo > *geb-, *gḗmo > *gmi, *kèro > *gErü, *kéro > *gErüĺ-, *lēmo
> *jmiĺč, *melo > *bẹl, *mét῾ò > *bẹtü(g), *pḗk῾ò > *bken-, *p῾ĺo > *ẹĺ-,
*p῾ro > *er-, *tēlo > *dl(b)ü-, *t῾erk῾o > *TẹrKe-, *zego > *jEgit.
In the majority of cases when there is a Chuvash or Yakut reflex
available, they point here to closed *ạ and *ẹ. Exceptions are *dakɨ (Yak.
taɣanɨ), *Kaŕgan- (Yak. xahān-), *dam (Chuv. tom-la-, Yak. tamma- - but
notice also the PT variant *dɨm), *dart- (Chuv. tort-); *geb- (Chuv. kavža-,
but also kъₙbъₙš < *gẹb-ĺ-); *er- (Yak. erke, but Chuv. jərgəń, probably <
*ẹrk-); *ḗĺü- (Chuv. alъk). Reflexes of open *a or *e in these few cases are
probably due to later vocalic assimilations or dialectal mixture.
2. Mongolian, too, has both back and front reflexes:
a) *a: *béjo > *bajita-sun, *bló > *balai, *ep῾ò > *aɣag, *p῾o > *(h)aba-, *ro >
*ariɣ-, *ḗgó > *aɣu-, *ḗpo > *aba, *gébó > *gawr-su, *kèro > *kari-, *kèĺčo >
*kalča-, *kèĺǯo > *kalǯa-, *k῾eńo > *kajaɣa, *k῾éńo > *kaji-, *k῾p῾ó > *kajila-,
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*k῾ep῾orV > *kabir-, *k῾ét῾ò > *kata-, *k῾ēro > *kara/ija-, *lēmo > *lamaɣa,
*néro > *narba-, *pḗk῾ò > *baka-, *sero > *sariwu, *šéčo > *saču-, *t῾erk῾o >
*tariki, *t῾eŕo > *tar-, *t῾rbò > *tarbagaj, *t῾ḕjbo > *tabi-, *t῾ébo > *tab, *zego
> *saɣaka-, *ǯĕĺo > *ǯalka-, *sèp῾ó > *saba; in *ḗĺpo > *(h)olbug Mongolian
has a secondary labialization ( < *(h)albug).
b) *e / i: *depo > *debte-, *emo > *emü-, *eso > *es-, *kéro > *kere-, *két῾ò >
*ketü, *k῾ŕo > *kerig, *mét῾ò > *med, *p῾ḕjló > *helige, *pego > *heɣü, *sèĺbò
> *selbi-ɣür; *zelo > *sildaŋ,*šero > *sira-.
The distribution of *e and *i here is standard (-e- before e, ü, i; -i- before a).
But additionally Mongolian has quite a number of labialized reflexes *ö/ü, probably developed secondarily from *e/i through regressive labialization and thus also pointing to the labialized nature of the
second vowel: *ḗbǯo > *üǯe-, *gĕbo > *güji-, *gèmo > *gömür-, *k῾ĕdò >
*küdeŋ, *k῾ńó > *köŋgen, *mèto > *möči-, *mḕnò > *mön, *pḕǯo > *böǯi-, *p῾ĺo
> *hülde-, *zelo > *sülde, *ǯebò > *ǯöɣelen.
In this case, as with *CaCe (and unlike *CeCa, *CeCu) it is difficult to
find a direct correlation between front/back reflexes in Mongolian and
Turkic. The developments *CeCo > *CạC-/*CẹC- in Turkic and >
*CaC-/*CeC-/*CöC- in Mongolian thus must have been independent
processes, already after the disintegration of Proto-Turko-Mongolian. It
can also be seen that the vowel *ạ in PT here differs from the vowel *ạ
in the type *CeCu (see above): while the latter reflects a common
Turko-Mongolian development *CeCu > *CạCu (with *ạ yielding specific a/o reflexes in Mongolian), the former is a purely Turkic development (no o/u-reflexes are attested in Mongolian in the type *CeCo).
3. Korean, as said above, demonstrates here reflexes typical for PA *o,
namely *ă or *o/*u:
a) *bló > *pằrk-, *gèmo > *kăm-, *kèĺčo > *kắr-, *két῾ò > *kằtằk-, *k῾eńo > *kń,
*k῾ńó > *kắnắr-, *k῾éńo > *kằńắi, *lēmo > *nằmằrh, *mko > *mắi-, *mét῾ò >
*mằt, *néro > *nằr-, *p῾ḕjló > *pắi, *p῾ĺo > *prb-, *p῾ro > *pắrá-, *šéčo >
*čằčhắi-, *tmo > *tằm-, *t῾eŕo > *tắrk, *t῾ḕjbo > *tằbi-, *zelo > *sằr-, *šero >
*sằrm-.
Here we should also attribute the cases *ēč῾o > *č- / *ač- and *ep῾ò >
**ap, reduplicated *páp: because in Kor. *ă could not stand in
word-initial position, it was probably early replaced by *a- / *ə-.
b) *p῾o > *opɨ(s), *gébó > *kò’i, *gḗmo > *kòmắr, *kèĺǯo > *kór(čhí), *lép῾ó >
*nòph-, *mḕnò > *móm, *nko > *nóh-, *t῾èŋo > *toŋ’ăi, *t῾ébo > *tōb-, *sèp῾ó
> *sōp
c) *kéro > *kūr-, *k῾ep῾orV > *kùprŋ, *k῾ét῾ò > *kùt-, *mèto > *mūd-, *sèĺbò >
*súr, *zego > *sú(h).
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2.4.3. PA *i
PTM *i - PJ *a
This type reflects the PA structure *CiCa. Other languages display the
following reflexes:
1. Turkic can have either back *ɨ or front *i:
a) *č῾p῾a > *čp, *iĺa > *ɨĺɨ-, *na > *ɨŋɨr, *īĺa > *ĺ(č), *kba > *Kɨbak, *kìjá >
*Kɨj(g)ak, *kŕa > *Kɨŕ-, *k῾íla > *Kɨl(k), *k῾rka > *Kɨrk-, *lgà > *jg-, *nra
> *jɨr, *p῾ìrá > *ɨra-, *sgà > *sɨgra, *siŋra > *sɨŋɨr, *sípa > *sɨba-, *símta >
*sɨmtab) *ìla > *iler-, *na > *ini, *k῾ìĺa > *Kiĺe-, *nìt῾á > *jit-, *nìt῾à > *jiti, *píńŕa >
*bińŕ, *sìlá > *sil, *sīĺa > *sīĺ (but also *sĺ), *sla > *sīl- (but also *sla-),
*t῾má > *Tiŋ(mi), *t῾ìnt῾a > *tint2. Mongolian normally has *i, but a variation i/e before the following
-e-, cf. *dísa > *ǯise-, *ìla > *ile, *t῾á > *itege-, *t῾má > *čimeɣe, but *k῾ìĺa >
*kelbe-, *kelke-, *nìt῾á > *nete-).
3. Korean has a usual variation of *a and *ə:
a) *č῾k῾à > *čjakai, *na > *àńằ, *k῾íla > *kār(h), *k῾ìĺa > *kár, *nìt῾à > *nát,
*píńŕa > *pànắr, *pmà > *pām, *sīĺa > *sár, *t῾má > *tamɨrb) *na > *ńrɨm, *nìt῾á > *njth-, *sìča > *čs, *sila > *srí, *sla > *sr-, *ǯima
> *čjmrNote that in some cases, despite the breaking of *i ( > a/ə), a trace of
it is left as -j- (čjakai, njəth-, čjəmɨr- etc.).
PTM *i - Jpn. *i
Here it would be natural to reconstruct PA *CiCi, but Turkic parallels
show that we are in fact dealing with two types of structures:
a) PTM *i - Jpn. *i - Turk. *i < PA *CiCi
b) PTM *i - Jpn. *i - Turk. *e < PA *CiCe.
Although PA *-e turns most initial vowels into PJ *ə, it evidently
behaved differently with PA *-i-, which was not assimilated (a special
development is also attested for PA *-u- before *-e, see below).
We shall start with the type *CiCe.
1. Turkic. As we said above, the normal reflex here is *e, cf. *č῾ibe >
*čebir-, *ìbè > *eb, *ìbè > *ebin, *ìmé > *em-, *k῾è > *ēke-, *nīme > *jem-kek,
*p῾ĭjk῾e > *ejekü, *sík῾e > *sekü, *t῾ĭbŋe > *debe, *t῾ŕge > *tēŕ-, *zìŋke >
*jeŋgül.
Closed *e normally appears before *r, *l (cf. a similar distribution in
types *CeCe, *CeCi) although in a few cases open *e occurs in this position as well, cf. *č῾ĭre > *čẹr, *dile > *jẹlin, *ile > *ẹl-t-, but *k῾ile > *kel-, *tire
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> *deriŋ. Closed *ẹ is also observed (for unknown reasons) in *diŋe >
*jẹŋ-, *p῾k῾è > *ke-.
2. Mongolian, like Turkic, has for the most part *e here, but can also
retain *i:
a) *bre > *ber-, *č῾ĭre > *čer, *dile > *deleŋ, *dible > *dewel, *diŋe > *dejil-,
*gibe > *gewü-n, *gire > *gere, *ìbè > *eɣüde, *ipe > *ebül, *k῾è > *(h)egde-,
*nìk῾é > *negsi, *ple > *heliɣe, *píńŋe > *beɣer, *sík῾e > *seg, *t῾ĭbŋe >
*teme-ɣen, *t῾ŕge > *terge-.
b) *č῾me > *čimöge, *če > *iču-, *ile > *ileɣe-, *ìmé > *(h)ima-gta, *re > *ire-,
*k῾ile > *kilim, *k῾régV > *kiröɣe, *spe > *siber, *zìŋke > *siŋgen-.
The distribution here is more or less usual for *e/i: *-i- before *a, *u
and *ö; *-e- before *e, *i and *ü. Just as in the type *CeCi, however, there
is a number of exceptional *-i- reflexes before the following -e-, -i(ileɣe-, ire-, siber-, siŋgen, kilim).
3. Korean, as in most rows of correspondences, can have a front reflex
(*i) or a back reflex (*ɨ):
a) *č῾ĭre > *čiri-, *ìbè > *íp, *ìmé > *ima-, *k῾è > *ìki-, *re > *irɨ-, *nìk῾é >
*nìk-, *nīme > *nìmá, *síle > *sìr
b) *píńŋe > *pńrm, *tire > *tr-.
PTM *i - PJ *i - PT *i
(reflecting PA *CiCi)
In this type, Mongolian normally also has *i, but a variation *i/*e before
the following -e- (i. e. behaves exactly like with the type *CiCa, see
above), cf. *ìtí > *(h)ideɣür, *īĺbi > *(h)ilbeɣe-sün, *šmi > *sime, *šk῾i >
*siɣe-, *tk῾i > *čike, but *bĭli > *beɣelej, *p῾ĭč῾i > *(h)ečüg-le (?*(h)ečeg-le-),
*p῾ísi(KV) > *heske-.
Korean has predominantly *i (*bilč῾i > *pìč-, *ĺi > *īr, *pĺǯi > *pìrí-,
*sidí > *sīd-, *síŋri > *sì’úr, *sít῾ì > *sìtrp-, *t῾ri > *tìr-, *ǯbì > *čìp), but
also -ɨ- in *šmi > *smi- - i.e. the same reflexes as in the type *CiCe.
PTM *i - PJ *u
This correspondence presupposes PA *CiCu. In the words of this type
other languages have the following reflexes:
1. Turkic may have back *ɨ or front *i:
a) *č῾iju > *čɨjɨk, *č῾mu > *čɨm-, *č῾mu > *čɨm-, *íru > *ɨr, *ìsú > *ɨsɨr-, *ŕu >
*ŕ (but also *īŕ), *rú > *ɨrɨm, *k῾jĺu > *Kɨjĺ-, *nk῾ú > *jɨk-, *p῾mù > *ɨm,
*p῾ĭru > *ɨr-, *sgú > *sɨg-, *sk῾ù > *sɨk-, *sìk῾u > *sɨk, *sìŋù > *sɨŋok (but
also *siŋök), *siju > *sɨ-rga, *šimuč῾V > *čɨmɨč-, *t῾[k῾]ù > *tɨkɨ-
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INTRODUCTION
b) *č῾ĺč῾u > *sīĺč, *ič῾u > *ič, *ìt῾ù > *it-, *ru > *īr-, *kìkú > *Kik-, *k῾ibù >
*Kibente, *ĺip῾ú > *(j)ip-, *slgù > *silk2. Mongolian normally has *i, but occasionally *e in front of the following -e- (as in the type *CiCa), cf. *kít῾u > *kičiɣe-, *slgù > *silgeɣe-, *sísu
> *sisegej, but *č῾ĺč῾u > *čelčeji- (but also *čili- and, quite exceptionally,
*čulčaji-), *ìt῾ù > *ete-, *kìkú > *kegǯe-, *k῾jĺu > *kelbe- (but also *kilu-).
3. Korean, as usual, can have both front (*i) and back (*ɨ) variants:
a) *č῾iju > *čī-n, *ŕu > *ìráŋ, *kít῾u > *kìtr’ó-, *k῾írù > *kìrmá, *nk῾ú > *nìkì-,
*p῾ĭru > *pīr-, *slgù- > *sir-, *t῾[k῾]ù > *tìk-, *č῾íp῾ú > *čìp-.
b) *č῾mu > *čúmkúi (probably assimilation < čmkúi), *íru > *rp-, *ìsú >
*ɨsɨr-, *ru > *ɨrɨ-, *sìŋù > *sin, *sísu > *ss-.
In a number of cases we observe the correspondence PTM *i : PJ *ə.
Turkic almost exclusively has a reflex *ɨ here, thus pointing to an original back second vowel, while Korean has variation between *ɨ and
*o/*u, and Mongolian has a uniform *i. It is natural to reconstruct here
PA *CiCo, cf.:
PA
*č῾ik῾ò
PTM
*čike-
*dlo
*kíso
*ńiro
*p῾ìlo
*sjŋo
*dilačā
*kisa*ńiru*pile*siŋu-
PT
PM
*čiɣire
*čɨgɨt
(but also
*čigit)
*jɨl
*ǯil
*kɨs*kisa*ǯirga
*hil*sɨń*süj (<
*sijü)
Kor
*čùkr
Jap
*təkusa
*torč
*ks-
*tsì
*ks(n)ká*mərəkə
*p*snàpà-
Cf. also *nbŕo > PM *niɣur, PT *jǖŕ (instead of *jbŕ with contraction),
PJ *nər-.
More frequently, however, Japanese appears to have a reflex *i in
the same row of correspondences, cf.:
PA
*číńo
*č῾k῾o
PTM
*ǯiŋ
*čiKi
PT
*dɨŋ
*čɨkanak
PM
*čineɣe
*čigta
*gijo
*gĺò
*íŋo
*kímo
*gia*gil*iŋi*kim-
*Kɨj
*Kɨĺ
*ɨŋɨra*Kɨm-
*iŋča*kima-
Kor
Jap
*čń*tínám*čítóri
*tikiri
(<*čtóri)
*ki
*kìsàra-(n)ki
*íná-nak*kímá-
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*kìro
*ŋndó
*p῾íjo
PTM
*k[i]ren*ŋinda*pia-
*sìjp῾ó
*sip-
PT
PM
*Kɨr*kira*ɨt (also *it)
*ijik
(probably a
sec-ondary
fronting <
*ɨjɨk)
*sɨjpa*sibka-
*sìmò
*sĭgò
*sim*sig-
*sɨm
*sgun
*čikŕo
*ǯik-
*Tɨgra-
*ǯip῾o
*sìpò
*sibu-
*jɨpar
*similǯan
*seɣe- ~
*siɣe*čiɣirag
*ǯiɣar
*sibür
Kor
*pu-
Jap
*kìr*ìnú
*pí
*spù*sìmpr(with reduction)
*sìmài
*sika
*čirk- (
~-ɨ-)
*súp(h)
*tíkàrà
*(d)impu*sìpì
It appears, therefore, that in Japanese, *i was more “resistant” to the
influence of second vowels than other vowels of the first syllable: it
tends to stay unchanged before the following *o and does not change to
*ə before the following *e (see above). It did, however, assimilate to the
following *a and *u (see above), yielding *a and *u respectively.
2.4.4. PA *o
Preliminary note.
The vowels *o and *u are generally hard to distinguish in Altaic because there is constant variation — probably dialectal in origin — between o and u in Tungus-Manchu, Mongolian and Korean. There are,
however, some general guidelines which still allow us to make this distinction in PA:
a) Korean *ă seems to correspond exclusively to PT *o or *ö, not to PT
*u or *ü.
b) Korean *ɨ, on the other hand, is predominantly found corresponding
to Turkic *u or *ü, not to *o or *ö (although there are some exceptions, see below).
Thus it seems reasonable to base the distinction between *o and *u
on Turkic and Korean indications, ignoring the constant o/u variation
in TM and Mongolian.
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INTRODUCTION
PTM *o/*u - PJ *a
This correlation points to the PA type *CoCa in most cases when Turkic
has *o and Korean has *ă. TM and Mongolian here have a variation of
*o and *u, cf.:
1. TM:
a) *k῾à > *ok-, *bkà > *boka-, *bóra > *borī-, *č῾ṑk῾a > *čōk(i)-,*kòŋa > *koŋna-,
*kōŋa > *kōŋā-, *k῾òbàni > *xobanī, *ŋṑla > *ŋōli-, *ŋṑŕa > *ŋōr-ča-, *òǯa >
*(x)oǯu, *pga > *poga-, *tok῾à > *dokta-, *p῾ṑńŋa > *pōnŋa-.
b) *kòna(-kV) > *kuŋge, *kṓk῾à > *kuKe-, *k῾ĺba > *xulbü-, *op῾á(rV) >
*(x)upara-, *ōt῾a > *(x)utinŋe, *sṓra > *sure, *t῾otá > *tut[a]-, *č῾ṓga >
*čuguk.
2. Mongolian:
a) *k῾à > *oki, *bòdà > *boda, *bkà > *bogoni, *č῾ōk῾a > *čoki-,*kòŋa > *koŋ-,
*kṓk῾à > *koki-, *kōŋa > *koŋku, *k῾òbàni > *koŋ-, *k῾ĺba > *kolbu-, *ŋṑla >
*nolig, *op῾á(rV) > *(h)obur, *òǯa > *oǯu-, *ōt῾a > *(h)očki-n, *pga >
*boɣo-, *sṓra > *sorib) *górà > *guri-, *kòna(-kV) > *kunar, *oĺa > *(h)ulalǯi, *ṓp῾à > *uw(u)-,
*tok῾à > *duku.
PTM *o/*u - PJ *ə
This correlation points to the PA type *CoCe when there is an indication
of a front second vowel: front *ö or *ü in Mongolian, front *ö in Turkic
or *ɨ in Korean (by the way, this is the only case when Kor. *ɨ can reflect
PA *o; in all other cases *ɨ is indicative of PA *u, see above). On PTM
*o/u : PJ *ə reflecting PA *CoCo see below.
Let us look at the reflexes in more detail:
1. TM, as always, has variation between *o and *u here (although *u is
more frequent):
a) *bke > *bokan-, *bt῾é > *botā-, *dṓne(k῾V) > *doŋka, *kŏŋe > *koŋ-, *kŏše >
*koša, *kòt῾e > *kota-, *ŋke > *oŋka, *t῾è > *(x)ot-, *ṓk῾è > *oK-, *pk῾è >
*poK-, *p῾ṓre > *pora-n, *t῾òŋke > *toŋal-, *bojĺe > *bol-, *t῾ome > *tom-ka-n.
b) *bdé > *buduri-, *čŏĺe > *ǯule, *č῾óme > *čuŋnu, *gre > *gur-, *gṑje > *gū,
*ṓč῾é > *(x)uč-, *kóčè > *kuči-, *kk῾è > *xuku-n, *klé > *kul-, *kŏp῾é >
*kupe-, *kóre > *kuri-, *kòrke > *kurke, *k῾òlke > *xulki-, *móĺe > *mul-,
*mòle > *mul-, *nóle > *nul-, *òje > *ujV-, *je > *uju-, *òk῾è > *(x)uk-t-,
*se > *us(a), *ò[k῾]è > *uKu-, *ṓt῾è > *(x)ut-, *p῾olńe > *pulńe-, *p῾ome >
*pum-te, *p῾re > *puri-, *p῾t῾è > *put-, *p῾ṓle > *pul-, *p῾ṓt῾è > *putē, *soge
> *sug-, *soke > *suku-, *t῾kè > *tuKa-la, *t῾oŋerV > *tuŋde, *t῾ŕe >
*turgun, *t῾ṓŕe > *turV, *ǯṓk῾e > *ǯuke, *ǯṓǯe > *ǯuǯa-, *boĺe > *bulu-, *dōre
> *dūr-, *póńe > *puń-
CHAPTER TWO
111
2. Turkic also has both a back reflex *o and a front reflex *ö:
a) *dṓne-k῾V > *jōnak, *gòdè > *Kodur-, *òŋè > *oŋ (but also *öŋ), *kólè >
*Kolu, *kŏŋe > *Koŋur-, *óče > *očɨg, *se > *osa-, *p῾olńe > *oń, *soge >
*soglɨ-, *šop῾é > *čopur, *t῾oŋerV > *To(ŋ)gurak, *t῾ṓŕe > *tōŕ, *ǯṓk῾e > *jōk,
*ǯṓǯe > *jōj, *dōre > *jorɨ-, *bojĺe > *boĺ, *t῾ome > *Tomar.
After labials, sometimes a narrowed reflex *u is attested: *bke >
*buk-.
b) *oŋne > *öŋ, *bògé > *bögü, *boĺe > *böĺük, *čŏĺe > *döĺ, *gre > *gör-, *gṑje
> *göjü-, *ṓč῾é > *ȫč, *kóčè > *göč-, *kk῾è > *göküŕ, *k῾òké > *kök, *klé >
*Köl-, *kŏp῾é > *göpe(ne), *kóre > *Kört, *kòrke > *Körke, *kŏše > *Kösri,
*kòt῾e > *göt, *ge > *ög-, *je > *öj, *òk῾è > *ökün-, *t῾è > *öt-, *ò[k῾]è >
*ög, *ṓk῾è > *ȫk-, *ṓre > *ȫr-, *ṓt῾è > *ȫtü-, *p῾gè > *ög-, *p῾ome >
*ömül-dürük, *p῾re > *ört, *p῾ṓle > *ȫl, *p῾ṓre > *ȫr-, *soke > *sök-, *t῾ke >
*Tök, *t῾ŕe > *töŕ, *tole > *döle-, *ōk῾e > *ȫkü.
After labials, sometimes a narrowed reflex *ü is found as well: *bdé
> *büdi-, *mòle > *bül-, *pk῾è > *bügde, *p῾t῾è > *üt-, *p῾ṓt῾è > *ǖt.
3. Mongolian can have any labialized vowel, although *u occurs relatively rarely.
a) *bògé > *bogda, *gre > *gori, *k῾òké > *kog-si-, *kòrke > *korgu, *kŏše >
*kosiɣu, *kòt῾e > *kota-gar, *òje > *oji-mu- (but also *üji-), *ò[k῾]è > *oki-n
(but also *öki-n), *pk῾è > *hoktal-, *p῾ṓre > *horaj, *šop῾é > *čob, *t῾oŋerV >
*towrai, *t῾ṓŕe > *tortag
b) *gṑje > *gujir-, *klé > *kul-či-, *òk῾è > *(h)uki-la-, *p῾t῾è > *hutuɣa, *ǯṓk῾e
> *ǯug (but also *ǯüg), *póńe > *hunic) *oŋne > *önü-, *čŏĺe > *döli, *č῾óme > *čöm, *dṓne-k῾V > *döŋ(ge), *òŋè >
*öŋge, *ōč῾é > *öče-, *kóčè > *köske, *kk῾è > *kökön, *kŏp῾é > *köb- (but also
*küb-), *kóre > *kör, *k῾òlke > *kölge, *móĺe > *mölǯi-, *nóle > *nöl-, *oče >
*öčüge, *ŋke > *öŋ, *se > *ös, *t῾è > *öči-, *ṓk῾è > *ög-, *ṓre > *ör-, *ṓt῾è >
*öte-, *p῾gè > *(h)öɣeg-si-, *p῾re > *(h)örde-, *soke > *sögüd- (but also
*sog-suji-), *t῾kè > *tögüčeg, *t῾ŕe > *töre, *kóbe > *köbsid) *bdé > *büdüri-, *bke > *büg- (but also *bög-), *boĺe > *büli (but also
*böle), *bt῾é > *büči, *gòdè > *güǯi-, *kólè > *küli-, *ge > *ügej, *je > *üje,
*p῾olńe > *hüne-sü, *p῾ome > *(h)ün-Külčig, *p῾ṓt῾è > *hütü-, *soge- >
*süji-, *ǯṓǯe > *ǯüǯig, *dōre > *dürbe-, *tole > *döli-gen.
It seems that no direct correlation can be established between back
and front row reflexes in Turkic and Mongolian. In both subgroups the
front reflexes (*ö in Turkic, *ö/*ü in Mongolian) are the most abundant,
which explains a relatively high proportion of Turk. *ö : Mong. *ö/*ü
(23 cases against just 2 cases of Turk. *o : Mong. *o); but there are also
10 cases of Turk. *o : Mong. *ö/*ü and 11 cases of Turk. *ö : Mong. *o/u which shows clearly that the distribution is random and the process of
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INTRODUCTION
fronting *CoCe > *CöC- must have operated independently in Turkic
and Mongolian.
4. Korean, as said above, in the majority of cases has the reflex *ɨ here
(otherwise typical for PA *u, see below); but it can also have labialized *o and *u reflexes:
a) *bt῾é > *pth-, *čŏĺe > *čɨrə, *dṓne-k῾V > *tŋ, *gre > *krì-, *gṑje > *ki-,
*k῾òké > *kɨh-, *kŏŋe > *kń-, *kŏše > *kìsrk (a metathesis < *ksírk), *móĺe
> *mr-, *mòle > *mɨră-, *p῾ome > *phɨm ( ~ *phum), *p῾re > *pr, *p῾t῾è >
*pth-, *p῾ṓle > *prh-, *t῾ṓŕe > *tr, *ǯṓǯe > *ččh-, *bojĺe > *pi-, *póńe >
*pńk.
b) *kk῾è > *kokăi-, *kŏp῾é > *kòp- (but also *kùp-), *ge > *ói-rằb-, *ṓre > *ōr,
*p῾ṓt῾è > *pot, *t῾òŋke > *tonkor-, *t῾ome > *tòmá.
c) *kòrke > *kúkì, *kòt῾e > *kút, *nóle > *nuri-, *ṓk῾è > *ukɨr, *soge > *sūi-.
PTM *o/u - PJ *u
This correlation may point to *CoCu (see below), but there is also a
rather large number of cases when Turkic and/or Mongolian have a
fronted reflex *ö here, pointing to a front second vowel. In such cases it
is natural to reconstruct PA *CoCi, assuming that the vowel *o in Japanese did not get assimilated to the following *i, but stayed labialized
(just like the vowel *u, see below).
The individual subgroups behave here as follows:
1. TM, as usual, has variation between *o and *u:
a) *bŏĺi > *bolgikta, *č῾ŏk῾i > *čoK[i]-, *gòlí > *goli, *goli > *gola, *k῾ŏjli >
*xolda-n (but also *xul-ŋsi), *mṓli > *mol-, *oki- > *ok-, *t῾ògì > *togar
b) *gók῾ì > *gugda, *kóšì > *kuši-pun, *kómp῾i > *kumpe(ke), *kŏt῾i > *kutu-,
*k῾mi > *xumu-, *k῾óp῾ì > *xup-, *k῾ōkí > *kūkta, *k῾ṓli > *xule-, *mók῾ì >
*muxu-, *òŋi(čV) > *uŋ-se, *p῾ìkV > *upVkte, *ti > *(x)utur-, *ṓŕì > *uri,
*p῾gí(-rV) > *pugi-, *pótirkV > *putukā, *sogì > *sugulē-n, *k῾ori > *xurē,
*ŋònŋi > *ŋunŋe, *sṓjk῾ì > *sujKu-, *k῾ōńi > *xuńa-.
2. Turkic occasionally has *o (*k῾ŏjli > *Kol, *oki > *ok-, *k῾ori > *Korum);
but *ö in the vast majority of cases: *bŏĺi > *böĺ, *bṓrk῾i > *bȫrk, *č῾ŏk῾i >
*čök-, *goli > *Köl-, *kóšì > *köse-, *kómp῾i > *gömül-dürük, *kŏt῾i > *göt-,
*k῾mi > *göm-, *k῾óp῾ì > *köp, *k῾ōkí > *kök, *k῾ṓli > *kȫl, *mók῾ì > *böktel (
~-ü-), *mṓli > *bȫl-, *òŋi(čV) > *öŋüč, *p῾ìkV > *öpke, *ti > *öt-, *ṓni >
*ȫn-, *ṓŕì > *ȫŕ, *ṓŕi > *ȫŕ (/*ǖŕ), *pgí(-rV) > *bögür, *sogì > *sögül-,
*ŋònŋi > *öŋ-ed-, *sṓjk῾i > *sȫk-, *k῾ōńi > *kȫjnek.
3. Mongolian, likewise, has both back and front reflexes, and the back
ones are also rather rare (only *ti > *oči-, *bŏĺi > *bujil- (but also
*büjil-), *sogì > *suɣumaji, *k῾ōńi > *kunija). In the vast majority of
cases Mongolian has *ö, somewhat less frequently - *ü:
CHAPTER TWO
113
a) *č῾ŏk῾i > *čökü-, *gók῾ì > *gögde-, *gòlí > *gölmi, *goli > *göle-, *kóšì > *kösi-,
*kómp῾i > *kömürge, *kŏt῾i > *kötü-, *k῾ŏjli > *köl, *k῾óp῾ì > *köb-čin, *k῾ōkí >
*kögene, *mók῾ì > *mökü-, *mṓli > *möli-, *òŋi(čV) > *öŋgül-, *p῾ìkV >
*(h)öɣe, *ṓni > *öndü, *ṓŕì > *örü, *ṓŕi > *örgü- (*ergü-), *pgí(-rV) >
*böɣere, *t῾ògì > *töɣe, *sṓjk῾ì > *sögeɣeb) *bṓrk῾i > *bürkü-, *k῾ṓli > *küjil-, *oki > *üge, *pótirkV > *büdürkei, *p῾ōki >
*(hü)gün; *k῾ori > *kür, *ŋònŋi > *üneIt is interesting to observe that *CoCi generally behaves in
Turko-Mongolian somewhat differently than *CoCe: back reflexes in the
former type are much less frequent. It is reasonable to suppose that the
fronting *CoCi > *CöCi already occurred in common Turko-Mongolian,
while the process *CoCe > *CöC- operated (as we mentioned above) already after the split of the protolanguage and did not occur in some
dialects.
4. Korean here has the standard labialized reflexes *o or *u; there are no
cases of *ɨ, and two cases of *ă (*k῾ṓli > *kằrắm and *mṓli > *mằrằ-) can
be easily explained by secondary vowel assimilation.
a) *gók῾ì > *kòkái, *k῾óp῾ì > *kòp-, *oki > *o’ăi-, *ṓŕi > *òrắ-, *k῾ori > *kòráŋ.
b) *č῾ŏk῾i > *čùk-, *k῾ŏjli > *kūi-, *mók῾ì > *muk-, *ṓni > *un-tu, *pgí(-rV) >
*pùr (with a secondary dissimilative or contractive variant *pr),
*k῾ōńi > *kùńí.
As we said above, the correspondence PTM *o/u : PJ *u can also reflect
PA *CoCu. In this case both Turkic and Mongolian uniformly have back
vowels (Turkic *o, Mong. *o/u), while Korean reveals the reflex *ă
(typical also for *CoCa and *CoCo), as well as the standard back vowels
*o/u.
1. In TM we observe, as usual, both *o and *u:
a) *dòru > *dora(n), *goblu > *gola, *kobu > *kobi, *koru > *koru, *olu > *ola-,
*óŋdu > *oŋda, *óru > *or-, *ṑlu > *ō-, *p῾mu > *pom-, *sòmú > *soma,
*sònŋu > *soŋka, *t῾ók῾u > *tokta-, *t῾ŏk῾ù > *toxan, *t῾ṑlu > *tol-, *t῾mù >
*tomka-, *t῾op῾u > *top(V)g-, *mu > *omga
b) *bŏgdu > *bugdi, *bku > *bukse, *dòru > *duru-, *kru > *kuri, *moju >
*muja-, *mólu > *mulu, *ŋṓjču > *ŋujši- ( = *ŋüši-), *rù > *(x)urī-, *pru
> *pur-, *póju > *puj(u)-, *p῾ó[k]u > *puk- (but also *pok-), *sogú >
*suge-le-, *snu > *suna, *tṓŕu > *duri, *t῾bru > *turku-, *t῾òp῾ú > *tup-,
*t῾oru > *turi-kta, *t῾olu > *tule-, *k῾oru > *xurumü-, *t῾gsu > *tuksa2. Mongolian also has back *o or *u:
a) *dòru > *doru, *goblu > *gowl, *kbú > *koɣu-su, *koru > *korbu, *k῾oru >
*koru-, *nòču > *noču-, *mu > *(h)omu, *omuŕV > *omur-, *óru > *ori(but also *uri-), *rù > *oro-, *ṑlu > *ol-, *pru > *boruɣa, *p῾mu >
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INTRODUCTION
*homba-, *sogú > *soɣoŋgu-, *tolu > *dolgi-, *t῾bru > *towr, *t῾gsu >
*togsi-, *t῾ók῾ù > *togsi-, *t῾ṑlu > *tolugai, *t῾mù > *tomu-, *t῾op῾u > *tojig
(but also *tuwkai), *t῾òp῾ú > *tob-.
b) *bŏgdu > *budu-, *dòru > *dura-, *gódú > *gudu-, *olu > *(h)ul-, *sòmú >
*sumu, *sònŋu > *sun-du-, *tṓŕu > *duru-sun.
3. Korean has *ă, *o or (less frequently) *u:
a) *kru > *kắrái, *moju > *mắin, *mólu > *mằrằ, *ŋṓjču > *nằč-, *p῾ó[k]ù>
*păk- ( ~-a-), *sòmú > *sắmái, *t῾bru > *tằràčhí, *t῾ṑlu > *tằikòr, *t῾oru >
*tắrái, *t῾olu > *tằr(b)-.
b) *goblu > *kōr, *kbú > *kō-r-, *koru > *kòrài, *k῾oru > *kòrh-, *k῾ṑmu >
*kōmá, *mu > *òmìnòi, *óŋdu > *òńắrí, *ṑlu > *ó-, *pru > *pora, *tolu >
*tór.
c) *póju > *pùthj, *tṓŕu > *turəi.
PTM *o/u - PJ *ə
This type evidently reflects PA *CoCo.
TM here has the usual split into *o and *u:
a) *kòmpo > *komba-, *mṓjno > *moŋa-n, *mónŋo > *monŋi-, *mṑro > * *mōr-,
*p῾okt῾o(rV) > *pokta, *šmo > *šom-, *lok῾o > *loxa, *ót῾ó(rV) > *utu-.
b) *kk῾ò > *kuk-pun, *sk῾o > *suK-, *sṓlo > *sula-, *t῾ro(-k῾V) > *turākī.
A similar split is, as usual, observed in Mongolian:
a) *bójĺo > *bolgu-ɣa-, *borso-k῾V > *borki, *kk῾ò > *kokir, *kòmpo > *kombo-,
*p῾okt῾o(-rV) > *hogtorgui, *sk῾o > *sogug, *šmo > *čomub) *mṓjno > *mundaɣa, *mónŋo > *mun-, *sṓlo > *sula-, *t῾ro(-k῾V) >
*turagu.
Other languages have quite uniform reflexes: *o in Turkic, *ă in Korean.
2.4.5. PA *u
PTM *o/u - PJ *a
The correspondence is quite similar to PTM *o/u : PJ *a < PA *CoCa, see
above. However, we reconstruct *CuCa in cases when Turkic has the
reflex *u, not *o:
PA
*bgà
*bkà
*bĺa
PTM
*bugar
*boKi*bolga-
PT
*būg
*bukagu
*būĺ-
PM
*baɣa-gi*bugu*bala-
PJ
*bák*bàkù
*básúrá-
PK
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*čra
*kúra(mV)
*kumba(ka)
*kúńà
*kùt῾á
*k῾úĺa
*mùńa
PTM
*ǯur*kor*kōmba
*múra
*mūńa(kV)
*p῾sa
*úgà
*t῾a
*murV*mōń(i)ka
*puse
*ug-
*kuturi
*xolda*mun-di-
PT
*dur*Kur*Kumgan
*Kuńak
*Kut
*Kuĺ
*buńur-
PM
PJ
*kor*kombuga
*kujag
*kutug
*kolta*mana-
*bura*buńgak
*us
*ugut
*ut-
*murui
*manaka
*hasaɣu*(h)aɣag
*učira-
PK
*čàrí
*tàt*kátáma
*kámá
*kámì
*kàntuá
*kásá
*màmuàr- *mòńí-,
*màńắr
*már
*muri
*pánsú
*ákú
*átá-
(*ps-)
It is important to notice that both Mongolian and Korean seem to
have some *-a-reflexes here (which they do not show in the *CoCa type,
see above). This allows us to classify several other cases as reflecting
PA *CuCa, even though Turkic may have *-o- there (this is usually in
the vicinity of labials, where *o and *u are extensively confused in
Turkic as well):
PA
*buda
*č῾upa
*guša
*kúja
*kuja
*kukata
*kúma
*guna
*k῾ùla
*kúĺap῾V
*k῾usa
*lúŋa
*múgdà
*mula
*múŋna
*mūga
*ńugńa
*pk῾a
PTM
PT
*boda*bodu*čub-rī*čubar
*goši*kujukī
*kuju-kta
*koKalta
*kumu-n *Komuŕ
*gun*Kun*xol-sa
*kolopo-kta
*xusikta
*loŋ-sa
*mugdī
*bodun
*mul*bulan
*muŋ*bunar
*mōgdi
*ńuŋńakī *jugak
*pukēn
*bokak
PM
PJ
PK
*pt
*čabidar
*gasi-ɣun
*kajil*kagda
*kaja
*kakatə
*kjú
*kài’óm
*kmnkó
*gani*kalimu
*kusi
*nagaj
*muǯi
*maral
*maŋ*maj*bakawu
*kàra*kásípà
*kasi
*ná-i
*mátì
*kàràp
*kasi
*nŋ’úrí
*màt(h)
*mah
*mákí
*nńí
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PA
*pūsa
*suda
*tuŋa
*t῾ŭja
*núra
INTRODUCTION
PTM
*pūski
*doŋota
*tuju*nora-
PT
*sud*doŋ
*toj
PM
*busu*sadara*daɣara*taɣu*norum
PJ
*pásí
PK
*pàsk
*nárámp- *nar-
In many cases, however, the type *CuCa is very difficult to distinguish from *CoCa, basically because the TM and Jpn. evidence is the
same for both types.
PTM *o/u : PJ *ua
This is a very specific type of correspondence and the only one where
PJ reveals a diphthong (in numerous other cases the PJ diphthongs *ua,
*ia, *ai go back to contractions after the disappearance of some intervocalic consonant). It must be said that Turkic regularly has *ü here,
while Mongolian, too, may have *ü or *ö, and Korean *ɨ: this all points
to an original front vowel in the second syllable. Therefore we may
choose here between reconstructing PA *CuCe or *CuCi. However,
*CuCi must be reconstructed for the type PTM *u : PJ *u (with front reflexes in Turkic and Mongolian, see below), since the Japanese reflex
there is quite parallel to that of *CoCi (see above). Therefore it is most
probable that we are dealing here with a specific Japanese development
of *CuCe (probably through *CuəCe). Details of the development of PA
*CuCe:
1. TM, as usual, has variation of *o and *u, although *u is encountered
more frequently:
a) *dle > *dolba; *kup῾e > *kopu-, *luke > *loka-, *muŋĺe > *moŋla, *mk῾é >
*mōk-, *puse > *pos-, *p῾ske > *poske-, *p῾gé > *pōg-, *ǯjbe > *ǯoba-,
*kure > *kora-, *uge > *oksari, *tĺe > *dōlā
b) *bté > *butu-; *bŋe > *būni-; *gŭjŕe > *guǯej; *kúbé > *kub-, *kúk῾è >
*kuKu-; *kúmle > *ku(l)maka; *kúńe > *kuńī-kta; *kúŋe > *kuŋ-; *k῾ude >
*xuda, *lŭge > *luksi, *múbè > *mub(up)-, *mùč῾e > *muči-kta, *múk῾è >
*muK-, *nk῾é > *nuK-, *nure > *nur-, *ŋje > *ŋūjelse, *ūre > *ūri, *p῾úńe
> *puń-, *pne > *punŋe-, *p῾uje > *puju-, *p῾ujme > *pume-, *p῾úńe >
*puńe-, *p῾ùŋké > *puŋk(u)-, *suk῾e > *suK-, *súme > *sumu-, *t῾úbé >
*tuba, *t῾ŭge > *tuge-, *t῾ule(kV) > *tulge, *ùč῾e > *uč-, *úk῾è > *(x)uKu-,
*ūĺpe > *ulgu-kī, *uŋt῾e > *(x)unda-, *uŋe > *uŋ-, *uk῾è > *(x)uKu-, *t῾ŋe
> *tuŋke, *nŋe > *(x)uŋ(ia)-.
2. Turkic usually has *ü, but occasionally also *ö:
CHAPTER TWO
117
a) *bté > *büt-, *gŭjŕe > *güŕel, *gure > *Kürüĺ, *kúbé > *güb-, *kude >
*güde-, *kúmle > *Külmüŕ, *kúńe > *güńe (but also *guńa), *kune >
*güni, *k῾ude > *küdüg, *lŭge > *jügen, *luke > *jükün-, *mùne > *bün,
*muŋĺe > *büŋüĺ, *púre > *bür, *pne > *bǖn, *p῾uje > *üjük, *suk῾e >
*süksük, *súme > *süm-, *t῾ŭge > *tüge-, *t῾ŋe > *tüŋ-, *t῾ule(kV) > *tülki,
*ùč῾e > *üčün, *ĺpe > *ǖĺ, *uŋe > *üŋ-, *nŋe > *ǖn, *kure > *Küre-, *uge
> *ügi
b) *bŋe > *böŋre-, *kúŋe > *göjŋ-il, *k῾ùńe > *köń-, *ŋje > *öjek, *ūre > *ör
( ~ *ür), *puse > *bös-, *p῾uŋké > *öŋ (but also *oŋ), *uk῾è > *ökte.
Back *u is attested only in one case: *ǯjbe > PT *jub-ka.
3. Mongolian can have any labialized vowel, just as in the type *CoCe:
a) *bùjre > *buruɣu, *gure > *guril, *kude > *kuda, *k῾ude > *kuda-ldu, *luke >
*nugu-, *múk῾è > *muku-, *mùne > *mun-du-, *pne > *hunu-, *p῾uje >
*hujil-, *p῾gé > *(h)ug- (but also *(h)üg-), *suk῾e > *sukaj, *sume >
*sumun, *t῾ŭge > *tuji-, *ùč῾e > *učir, *úk῾è > *(h)ukaɣa, *nŋe > *uŋ-si-,
*kure > *kur(u)-, *uge > *uɣuli, *ubre > *(h)uwr, *tĺe > *dul
b) *bté > *bodu(ɣa), *tújpè > *dobu (but also *döbe), *gŭjŕe > *goju, *lŭge >
*logtu, *púre > *bor-, *p῾ùŋké > *(h)oŋgu-, *sre > *sori-, *t῾úbé > *tojigun,
*ĺpe > *olbo, *uŋt῾e > *(h)ona-, *uŋe > *oŋgi, *ǯjbe > *ǯoba-, *t῾ŋe >
*toɣuna, *ūre > *orai
c) *bŋe > *büŋsi-, *dle > *düli-, *múbè > *müjide, *p῾úńe > *hünir, *p῾úńe >
*hü-sü, *uk῾è > *(h)üki
d) *kúbé > *köw- (but also *küw-), *kup῾e > *köbü-, *mùč῾e > *möčir, *mk῾é >
*mök-, *nk῾é > *nögči-, *nure > *nör-, *ńūje > *ǯöɣe-, *ŋje > *öjekeji,
*p῾nte > *hötün, *p῾ske > *(h)öskil-, *súme > *sömü-sü.
4. Korean can have here *o (pointing to an original labialized vowel),
but *a/*ə reflexes are also rather frequent, which links together the
Korean and Japanese (see below) reflexes of *CuCe. It is worth noting that *-u- is very rare (but cf. *ǯjbe > *čubɨr-).
a) *bùjre > *ōi-, *gŭjŕe > *kò’í-, *kúk῾è > *kòkí, *múk῾è > *moka-, *pne >
*pòm-nor-, *ubre > *órh-, *uŋe > *òŋ-táŋ- (but also *ùŋ-tŋ-).
b) *kúŋe > *kà’ón-tắi, *kup῾e > *kàpắi-, *nure > *nàrhó-, *p῾nte > *pántó,
*suk῾e > *sak-, *súme > *sàm, *t῾úbé > *tàbàkí, *ùč῾e > *áčh.
c) *kúńe > *kńúi, *p῾ùŋk῾é > *pŋkr-, *p῾gé > *phí-, *uŋt῾e > *əŋtəŋ’i, *ǯjbe
> *jbi-, *múbè > *mbi- (but also *mbi-), *sre > *sr-.
5. Japanese normally has *-ua-, but *-a- after labials:
a) *dle > *duà, *gŭjŕe > *kuà-p-, *gure > *kua, *kúbé > *kuámp-, *kúk῾è >
*kuaku-mi, *kúmle > *kuáma, *kune > *kuanami, *luke > *nuaki ( ~ -ə-),
*nk῾é > *nuànkà-, *nure > *nuarua- ( ~ -ə-), *súme > *sua, *sume >
*suama, *sre > *suarasi, *t῾úbé > *tuámpí ( ~ -ə-), *t῾ule(kV) > *tuara,
*ǯjbe > *duàwà-, *k῾ùre > *kuà, *t῾ŋe > *túa;
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INTRODUCTION
b) *bùjre > *bàr-, *bté > *pàtákài, *bŋe > *bamia-, *múbè > *mápí-rə(n)ka-,
*mùč῾e > *màtú, *múk῾è > *mák-, *mùne > *màntù-, *muŋĺe > *masu-,
*mk῾é > *mànkúrúa, *p῾úńe > *páná, *pure > *pá, *puse > *pansa-, *pne
> *pana-, *p῾úńe > *pánái, *p῾ùŋké > *pànká-, *p῾ske > *pànsìk-, *p῾gé >
*pànk-.
A special situation ariseis when the first consonant is absent or
dropped in PJ. In such a case early PJ must have had a regular reflex
*uaC- > OJ uoC-; but since the diphthong -uo- in OJ can only occur after
consonants, it is regularly replaced by wo-. In fact we are not able to
distinguish PJ *bəC- < PA *bVCV from PJ *uaC- < PA *uCe:
*ŋje > PJ *b ~ *uà (OJ wo), *ūre > PJ *bətə ~ *uatə (OJ woto-), *úk῾è > PJ
*bkà ~ *uákà (OJ woka), *ĺpe > PJ *bəsə ~ *uasua (OJ woso), *ubre > PJ
*bətu ~ *uatu (OJ wotu), *uk῾è > PJ *bəkə ~ *uakə (OJ woko).
Note that in several cases OJ has variation wo- / u- here (woso ~ uso,
wotu ~ utu, woko ~ uko).
PTM *u : PJ *u
This correspondence points to PA *CuCi in cases when Turkic and/or
Mongolian have front reflexes, indicating a front second vowel.
Details of *CuCi reflexation:
1. TM has the usual split into *o and *u, although *u is a more frequent
reflex:
a) *gurgi > *gorgakta, *gŭri > *gora, *gùri > *gori-, *kuri > *kori, *k῾ŭli > *xol-,
*p῾ukǯi > *pogǯV, *sùjli > *sol-gi, *tldi > *dōldī-, *tti > *dodo-ka(n),
*t῾mi > *tōma, *znti > *sōn-dab) *bli > *bul-, *č῾uli > *čulbi-, *dŭŕi > *dur-, *dli > *dulbu-, *guči > *gusi,
*gŕi > *gurē-, *glì > *gūle, *gldi > *gulde-, *kŭŋi > *kuŋā, *kut῾i >
*kuta, *kūči > *kusǖ-, *k῾ùdì > *xudekī, *k῾uli > *xulē-, *mújŋi > *muŋi,
*mùsi > *musun, *mt῾ì > *mute-, *p῾ri > *pur-, *p῾ūji > *pū-, *p῾ŭdi >
*pude-, *p῾li > *pule-, *p῾ĺi > *pule-, *p῾k῾ŋi > *puŋku, *sri > *suru-,
*tgì > *dug-, *túŋì > *duŋ-, *turi > *duru-n, *t῾p῾i > *tupi-, *t῾ut῾i >
*tute-, *t῾ĺi > *tulī-, *uĺi > *ulē-, *zŭli > *suli-, *ǯugi > *ǯugū-.
2. Mongolian has either *ü or *ö (but normally no back reflexes):
a) *bli > *büli-, *dli > *dülei, *gurgi > *güreɣe, *gŭri > *gür, *gldi >
*güldi-, *kuri > *kürijen, *kūči > *küči-n, *k῾ŭli > *küjilen, *p῾ri > *hüre,
*p῾ri > *(h)üre-, *p῾k῾ŋi > *hüŋgü-, *tgì > *tügsi-, *tumi > *düŋgür,
*turi > *düri, *t῾ùji > *tüjit-, *uĺi > *(h)ülte-, *č῾i > *üǯüɣür, *zŭli >
*sülbe-,*znti > *sünde-sü, *p῾ŭdi > *hüdeb) *č῾uli > *čölü-, *dŭŕi > *dörü, *gŕi > *görü-, *gùri > *gör-, *kŭŋi > *köw,
*k῾ùdì > *ködü-sü, *mújŋi > *möɣer-sü, *mùsi > *mösü(n), *mt῾i > *möči-,
*nuli > *nölüɣe, *p῾ūji > *(h)öjeɣe, *p῾ukǯi > *(h)ögǯeg, *p῾li > *(h)ölmej,
CHAPTER TWO
119
.*sùjli > *söl, *tūri > *dörseji-, *t῾ukì > *tögüs-, *t῾ĺi > *tölöb, *t῾mi >
*tömü-sün, *úŕi > *öri, *ǯugi > *ǯöɣe3. Turkic may have a back *u or a front *ü:
a) *bli > *bulga-, *gurgi > *Kurgak, *kuri > *Kur-, *k῾ŭli > *Kula, *mújŋi >
*bujŋuŕ (but also *büjŋüŕ), *mùsi > *bus, *nuli > *julɨ-, *p῾ri > *urug,
*p῾ūji > *ujɨ-, *p῾ŭdi > *ud-, *p῾ri > *ur-, *sùjli > *suli (but also *süli),
*t῾ùji > Tujug, *t῾ĺi > *dūĺ, *t῾mi > *tum-gu-, *uĺi > *uĺa-, *č῾i > *ūč,
*znti > *junt
b) *č῾uli > *čülik-, *dŭŕi > *jüŕ-, *dli > *jǖl-, *gŭri > *gür, *gŕi > *güŕ-, *gùri
> *Kür, *glì > *gül, *gldi > *gǖl-, *kŭŋi > *güŋ, *kut῾i > *Küte(re), *kūči
> *gǖč, *k῾ùdì > *küdiŕ > (with assimilation) *kidiŕ, *p῾ĺi > *üĺ-, *p῾k῾ŋi
> *ǖk-, *sri > *sǖr-, *mt῾i > *büt-, *tgì > *düg-, *tumi > *düm-, *túŋì >
*düŋür, *turi > *dür, *tĺdi > *düĺ-ün-, *tūri > *dǖr-, *tti > *dǖtük, *t῾ukì
> *tüke-, *t῾p῾i > *tübkür-, *t῾út῾i > *tüt-, *t῾ut῾ì > *Tüt-, *úŕi > *üŕ-, *zŭli
> *jül-, *ǯugi > *jü-.
4. Korean may have *o/*u or *ɨ:
a) *dli > *tor (but also *tur-), *kūči > *kóčắk, *mt῾i > *mòt(á)-, *p῾ri >
*pòrì, *uĺi > *ori-.
b) *č῾uli > *čūr-, *gŭri > *kūrk-, *nuli > *nùr-, .*sùjli > *súi, *t῾ut῾i > *tùtrí-,
*č῾i > *učuk.
c) *gŕi > *kr-, *gùri > *kr-, *mújŋi > *mi’ìm, *p῾li > *prhằi, *p῾ĺi >
*phr-, *sri > *sr-,*tĺdi > *td-, *t῾út῾i > *tt-, *ǯugi > *čì- (probably <
*čɨj- < *čɨg-).
PTM *o/u : PJ *ə
This correlation points to PA *CuCo when Turkic and Mongolian have
back vowels (PT *u, PM *u/o); Korean in these cases also has *o/u or *ɨ.
1. TM:
a) *plo > *polo-kta, *k῾úlo > *xol- (but also *xul-), *mro > *mō, *pt῾o >
*pota, *ùjò > *oji-.
b) *bĺo > *bulī-, *gno > *gūn-, *kúro(mV) > *kurumV, *k῾ul(g)o > *xulgu-,
*luko > *luke-, *pgo > *pūg-, *p῾lo > *pul-, *č῾o > *(x)uča-, *ùso > *usī-.
2. Mongolian:
a) *plo > *boli-, *kúro(mV) > *kormaj, *k῾úlo > *kolkida-, *luko > *nogtu-,
*mro > *mo-du.
b) *gno > *guni-, *kùp῾ŕó > *kuɣur, *k῾ul(g)o > *kulu-su, *pt῾o > *buta,
*pgò > *bug, *p῾lo > *hurul, *lo > *uli-.
3. Korean:
a) *kúro(mV) > *korɨm, *k῾ul(g)o > *kōr, *mro > *mòró, *p῾lo > *pór-, *ùso >
*ós.
b) *k῾úlo > *kùbr- (?), *lo > *ūr-.
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INTRODUCTION
c) *bĺo > *pr-, *gno > *knr-, *luko > *nɨktai.
PTM *u/o : PJ *u
This correlation may point, as we noticed above, to PA *CoCi, *CoCu
and *CuCi. However, in cases where PT has a back *u (corresponding
to PTM *u/o and PJ *u) it seems possible to reconstruct PA *CuCu.
Other languages have the usual labialized reflexes here (*o/u in TM,
*o/u in Mongolian, *o/u in Korean):
1. TM:
a) *kušu > *košikta, *múnu > *moŋ-nV-, *sku > *soka-, *ùkú > *oKa-, *úk῾u >
*(x)oksa-, *úmu > *omu- (but also *umu-);
b) *gt῾ù > *gutu-, *kmu > *kum-, *kgù > *kūku, *luŋu > *luŋur, *nŋu >
*nuŋari, *ŋju > *ŋu(j)a, *p῾uču > *pusi(-kV), *tuju > *duja, *tjk῾ú >
*duKū-, *t῾ŭmu > *tumŋu-, *uĺukV > *ulēk, *zūru > *suru.
2. Mongolian:
a) *nŋu > *nowur-, *ŋju > *nojir, *tjk῾ú > *doki-, *t῾ŭmu > *tom-;
b) *č῾ùgù > *čug-, *gt῾ù > *gutu-, *kmu > *kumi-, *kušu > *kusiga, *múnu >
*mun-, *sku > *sugu-, *tuju > *duɣul-, *uju > *uj, *ùkú > *ugtu-, *úk῾u >
*uka-, *uĺukV > *ulig, *úmu > *(h)umaj.
3. Korean
a) *č῾ùgù > *čòk, *kgù > *kòhài, *sku > *sok-kori;
b) *ùkú > *ùhi-, *úmu > *ūm.
In a couple of cases (usually in the vicinity of labials) Kor. has an
unexpected reflex -a-/-ə- here, possibly due to dissimilation: *kmu >
*kàm-, *p῾uču > *pčm, *tjk῾ú > *tjk-.
Since PA *CuCu and *CuCo are kept distinct only in Japanese (and in
a few cases where Korean has *CɨC- < *CuCo), it is generally difficult to
distinguish those two types of root structure from each other.
2.4.6 Diphthongs
Among subgroups of Altaic, diphthongs are present in Turkic (only
*ia), Tungus-Manchu (*ia and *iu; the latter is usually noted as *ü in the
reconstruction of Benzing and Tsintsius which we follow, but was
probably phonetically rather something like *u), Korean (-ja-, -jə-, -ju-)
and Japanese (*ua, *ia, *ai, *ui, *əi). All Japanese diphthongs usually
originate from various contractions after the loss of intervocalic consonants (see above); the only exception is *ua which can go back to PA *u
in the context *CuCe. Korean diphthongs are generally unstable and
may also reflect various contractions, but in some cases do represent
original diphthongs (see below). We shall see, however, that most
121
CHAPTER TWO
original diphthongs can also be represented by Korean monophthongs,
due to the general instability of Korean vocalism.
The reliable sources for reconstructing the PA system of diphthongs
are thus Turkic and Tungus-Manchu.
We find the following rows of correspondences involving diphthongs in PT and PTM:
2.4.6.1. PTM *ia : PT *ia
PA
*bĺča
*gla
*àk῾ì
*ánti
*kamp῾a
*káta
*kàdi
*k῾rà
*k῾p῾a
*mali(k῾V)
*p῾àká
*sjri
*sk῾a
*t῾ak῾a
*t῾àsá
PTM
*bial*giala*iaKu
*iandaku
*kiam/pa
*kiata
*kiade-le*(x)iarū-n
*xiap*mia(l)*piaKa
*siarū*siaK*tiaku
*tias-
PT
*biāĺč
*Kiāl*iak*(i)anduk
*K(i)am/pak
*K(i)atɨr*K(i)adɨ*K(i)arɨĺ
*K(i)āpan
*b(i)alk*iagɨr
*siarɨg
*siāk*tiakɨgu
*t(i)as
PM
*bilčaɣu
*gal-
Kor.
Jpn.
*bánsá-pápí
*kára*ìkà-i
*jń
*kàmá
*kadaraŋ
*kaǯi
*kjd*kari
*kab*mel*mằrk*sira
*seke*takija
*tasu
*kàm(p)*kátú*kárà
*pànkiá*hắi*sìruà(*skắi-) *sákà*tàsí-
In some cases Turkic may have *e as an old (dialectal?) variant of
*ia:
PA
*mat῾i
*ńàŕì
*p῾àlbí
*sgi
*ssa
PTM
*miata
*ń(i)ari
*pialakī
*siakta
*siasi-n
PT
*bĕt
*jeŕne
*jelbe
*següt
*ses
PM
*metü
*ǯer-me-
Kor.
Jpn.
*nắr-ná-
*mìtù
*pìmpárí
*siɣer
*sàsà
To these examples we may add a number of others where Turkic
has initial *ja-, because the sequences *ja- and *jia- are not distinguished
there:
PA
*dari
PTM
PT
*ǯ(i)arami *jar-
PM
*ǯirke
Kor.
*tằràmí
Jpn.
*(d)ìtàti
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INTRODUCTION
PA
PTM
*gi
*iag-ǯakta
*p῾ắnč῾i *pianči*nála *nial*nańa *ńiani*ńama *niama
*nĺi
*ń(i)ali*ńàmi *ńiam*p῾àlk῾i *pialki*p῾àŋk῾i *piaŋkV
*zni *sian*ǯàjnà *ǯian*ǯak῾a *ǯiaka
PT
*jāg
*jạnč*jAl-kɨ*jań*jAmač
*jāĺ
*jam
*jAlkɨ*jAŋak
*jạŋak
*jan*jaka
PM
*eɣükü
*niča*naliɣur
Kor.
Jpn.
*pínták-
*nằrằ
*nama*mama
*nam
*nilaɣu
*ǯim
*nằr
*pnkái
*pìkàr*pìnkùrái
*čắi
*dànì
*(h)enike
*sinaɣa
*ǯaki-
We can see the following regularities here:
1. Japanese can have here only *a or *i, which would point to a distinction of two types: *CiaCa and *CiaCi.
2. In cases when Jpn. has *a, Mongolian usually has *a (*gal-, *kadaraŋ,
*kari, *malu, *tasu-, *nam; exceptions are only *bilčaɣu and *seke-),
whereas in cases when Jpn. has *i, Mongolian only has *e/*i (*sira,
*ǯirke, *niča-, *(h)enike)
3. Korean frequently has *ă here (but also a number of *a/ə cases, with a
distribution not yet clear).
There is a special group of cases where all the correspondences are
basically the same, but TM has *i instead of the expected *ia:
PA
*k῾ằda
*sắŕi
*šằĺì
*zăbsa
*k῾ăli
*zălVbi
PTM
*xidar
*siru*šilki
*sibsV
*xilŋü
*silba-
PT
*siaŕ
PM
*siraɣu
*silbi
*jasɨmuk *sisi
*Kele- *kele*jẹlbi- *silbe-
Kor.
*kằráb*hằrk
*sắrh
*kằró*sjrb-
Jpn.
*kàjù*situ
*sìsì
*sasa(n)kai
*sìrà(m)p-
It can be easily seen that all these cases involve words with initial
fricatives and short vowels, as opposed to cases with all other initial
consonants or with fricatives and long vowels. We may therefore safely
postulate a rule according to which the short diphthong *-ia- changed
to *-i- in PTM after fricative consonants.
Thus, the correspondence rules for PA *CiaCa and *CiaCi are:
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*ia-a
*ia-i
PTM
*ia/*Sĭ
*ia/*Sĭ
PT
*ia(/ja-)/e
*ia(/ja-)/e
PM
*a(/e)
*e/i
Kor.
*ă/*A
*ă/*A
Jpn.
*a
*i
But these are not all correspondences involving diphthongs. We
also find a number of cases where Turkic has the same as above, viz. *ia
or, sometimes, *e, corresponding to PJ *ə. In these cases TM has not *ia,
but usually *i, while Mong. has a variation of i/e and a, and Korean, a
variation of *i and *a/*ə (sometimes *jə). Here we reconstruct PA
*CaCe:
PA
PTM
*č῾āk῾e *čiK*ằré(KV) *irki
*k῾ăk῾e *(x)igǯa*năke *nikimna
*náme *nim(b)a
*ńáme *ńim*nắŋe *niŋī*ńăŕe
*ńiru*ńằrke *nirku*pằt῾è *pita*pt῾e *pit(a)
*p῾ằge *pigi-n
*tre
*ǯir*zàre
*sir*ǯap῾e *ǯipu-
PT
*čiāk*Erin
*K(i)ak
*jaka
*jAm
*jem-ür*jAŋɨl
*jạŕ*jarkak
*b(i)at
*biāt
*jag*d(i)ār
*jara
*jạpɨtak
PM
*čag
*eriwü*kagda*nigur-su
*namaɣa
*ǯime
*niɣül
*ǯiru*ǯirge*hataɣa
*bat*(h)aɣa-
Kor.
*čək
*nìmắr
*namɨra
Jpn.
*tkì
*t(n)kapi
*mmá*nnsír-
*nìrk*m(n)k*ptp*patɨk
*pí
*tjr-
*sirka
*ǯajidaŋ
*sr-
A quite complicated problem is involved in reconstructing PA sequences *CaCo and *CaCu. There is a significant number of cases
where Turkic has a *-ia-diphthong, Japanese shows *a, Korean, *ă or
*o/u and Mongolian, *e/i. The correspondence is therefore quite similar
to *CaCo (see above), and it seems plausible to reconstruct here *CaCo.
PTM, however, quite unexpectedly has here a labialized vowel (*o/u):
PA
*kằmò
*kájo
*kăro
*k῾áčo
*k῾no
*măk῾ó
PTM
*kum*koja
*kori
*xusu*xuŋī-kta
*muxa-
PT
*Kiam
*K(i)ajɨr
*K(i)arga
*K(i)ača
*Kiān
*b(i)ak
PM
*keme*kej
*kerije
*kičir
*mekeji-
Kor.
*kằr*kòčái
Jpn.
*kàmù*kái*kara-su
*kasunkapi
*manka
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PA
*mk῾o
*p῾č῾o
*sbo
*salo(-kV)
*zà[k῾]ó
*t῾árko
*t῾lo
INTRODUCTION
PTM
*moKo(lV)*pč*sōba
*solüki
*suka*turki
*tōli
PT
*b(i)āka
*iāčɨ-g
*sialɨk
*T(i)alk-
PM
*meke-lej
Kor.
*mkúrí
(*pčắ-)
*seɣül
*sileɣü-sü (*sɨra-)
*segle*suk*terge
*tằrkó
*telej
*tắr-
Jpn.
*sàwùa
*sànka*tàra-
As for *CaCu, we would (by analogy with other vocalic developments) expect here PT *ia and PJ *u. Such a correspondence, however,
is completely absent. Instead we find a number of cases where the reflexes are quite similar to PA *CaCu (*a in Turkic, *a or *o/u in Mongolian, *u in Japanese, *o/u in Korean), but TM has a labialized reflex *o/u,
just like in the case with *CaCo. Turkic additionally can have here *e,
and Korean - (j)ə. We tentatively reconstruct the type *CaCu for this
correspondence, although none of the languages (except perhaps Korean in a few cases) has preserved a diphthong here. In TM, the type
*CaCu must have early coincided with *CaCo and lost the diphthong
because of vowel labialization; in Turkic, the words of the type *CaCu
must have early undergone an assimilative change > *CɔCu > *CöCand gave the same reflex as *CoCe (see below).
Here are examples of the hypothetic *CaCu type:
PA
*čtu
*gălu
*gĺu
*ámu
*ap῾u
*aru
*kč῾ù
*kàjú
*kằmù
*kaǯurV
*ktu
*kăru
*k῾bu
*mák῾ù
*malu
*nàŋu
PTM
*ǯutī
*gulukun
*goldi
*umu*upa
*ora*kuči-n
*kuje
*kuma
*kuǯur*kota
*kor-pi*xū(be)
*muKa
*molori
*ŋuŋi
PT
*dāt
*Kalɨŋ
*K(i)āĺ*(i)am
*(i)apɨl
*(i)arkun
*KĒčir
*K(i)aj
*Kạma
*Kạjɨr
*gēt
*gẹrge*K(i)ab
*bAkan
*b(i)ala*(i)aŋɨŕ
PM
*dadu*goli*(h)uma*oɣuli
*(h)ori
*kačir
*kuj
*kuǯir
*godoli
*kara
*kaɣul*majila*nuntug
Kor.
*kòrhói
*ùmùk
Jpn.
*kusirə
*úmá-
*rí*kùrì*kōm
*kari*kjə[b]*mòk
*nón
*kútí
*kùjúr*kùmà
*múk*murua
(*nùa)
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
PTM
*ŋk῾u
*ŋōKe
*p῾áru
*por*šmu
*šūm*šábu
*šoba*šk῾ù
*šoKa*t῾ăru
*turē*t῾ku
*tōkī
*zsu
*suse
*ǯaru(kV) *ǯugde-n
*sắp῾ú
*sup-
PT
*eker
*ar*s(i)amar
*seb-re*s(i)ākɨ*tẹrk*teke
*jās
*jẹrük
*sep-
PM
*nokaj
*hor*sumal
*saɣa*sokar
*tarki*togij
*(h)us-
Kor.
*nəkori
*pòròkí
*sjm
*sjōkjŋ
*ssk*dunturi
*saw-ga
Jpn.
*súmp*súk-
*súsá*súmpa-
2.4.6.2 PA *o
Above we have considered a number of forms which point to PA
*CaCo. There is, however, also a very similar row of correspondences
where Mongolian has a back reflex *a or *o/u. Here we tentatively reconstruct PA *CoCa, since Jpn. *a may reflect both PA *-o and *-a. But
since Mongolian vocalism is not the most stable and indicative one, we
cannot exclude that the reconstructions *CoCa and *CaCo should be
reversed. The relevant cases are:
PA
*bga
*bŏla
*blà
*bòsá
*góra
*komga
*kosa
*koĺa
*k῾ŏŋa
*k῾óŕa
*k῾ǯa
*lŏga
*pka
*soga
*sóga
*šṓča
*zoĺa
PTM
*buga
*bule
*boloka
*bosoga
*gurbi
*kumga
*kosi*kola
*xoŋa*(x)or*xoǯa-n
*ĺog*puka
*sug*sogda*šušu
*sulū-n
PT
*b(i)aldak
*bạl-gɨn
*basɨg
*K(i)argɨ
*K(i)amgak
*Kasɨ
*K(i)aĺaŋ
*K(i)aŋ*Kaŕɨlgan
*K(i)aj*jạgɨŕ
*bakɨr
*s(i)agun
*sagrɨ
*siāč
*jạĺ(č)-
PM
Kor.
*baɣu*pá
*bol-/*bul*bal*puro
*kamkak
*kasi*kula-gai
*ka[m]ar
*karg*kaǯiwu
*nogoɣan
*(h)agi
*saɣali
*sajir
*čas
*soloŋga
Jpn.
*bà
*bàrà(m)pì
*bàsái
*kántúrá
*kasum*kóh
*kaN-k*kátúrá
*kằč*kajər*nò-nắ*nà
(*phá)
*pàkuá*hoar
*sa
(*hŋŋùr) *sá*sằr-
*sas-
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INTRODUCTION
We can also see here another important distinction: although Turkic
has one *-ia- case here (*siāč), it is in the vicinity of the palatal *č, and
the normal reflex appears to be non-diphthongized *a (or *ạ), cf. *bạlgɨn,
*basɨg, *Kaŕɨlgan, *jạgɨŕ, *bakɨr, *sagrɨ, *jạĺ(č)-, *Kasɨ-.
There is also a quite similar row of correspondences where Japanese
displays not *a, but *i, and Mongolian also has a front reflex *e/i (but
sometimes also labialized *ö). Here it seems plausible to reconstruct the
PA sequence *CoCi:
PA
*ōt῾ik῾V
*k῾óŋi
*ĺki
*mójńi
*móri
*mót῾i
*p῾ṑrí
*sóti
*sòmì
*sṑmi
*šóbi
*tōĺi
PTM
*ōkta
*(x)uŋ*luktu*munī-
*purki*soti
*sumu
*sōm*šoba*ǯola
PT
PM
*K(i)aŋ
Kor.
*òtắi
*kù’i
*ǯigutu*b(i)ańɨl
*bar*mör*möči
*ār-t
*hörö-ne
*sido
*simarga
*sima*diāĺ
*čilaɣu
*mằi-b*mōr*mằtằi
(*stà(h))
*tōrh
Jpn.
*ìtí(n)kuà
*kímí
*nìnká*mín-r*mítí
*pìntárí
*sítá
*sìm
*sìmàr*síwá
*(d)ísì
The only reliable case of a diphthong in PT here is *diāĺ ‘stone’, i. e.
again in a position before the palatal *ĺ.
A third similar row of correspondences where we reconstruct
*CoCe, differs from the preceding one in that Japanese here has either
*ə or a narrowed reflex *u. Korean may have a labialized *o/u or a
diphthong *jə (/*(j)a), sometimes monophthongized to *i:
PA
PTM
*bt῾è
*čobe
*ǯuba*č῾op῾è *čup-/*čop*gṓp῾e
*oĺe
*ulī*òpe
*upsi
*kòt῾è
*kotoran*k῾ŏbe
*xub(u)te
*k῾óp῾e *xupu*k῾óše
*xuše
*k῾ṑt῾ekV *xūkte
PT
*bạt
PM
*büte-
Kor.
Jpn.
*pútá
*təwə
*čap-čak *čöɣerüm *č(j)apa- *tpî
*Kāp- *göb-/*güb- *kòpóm- *kəp(u)i
*(i)aĺ
*öl
*ibeɣe(*p-s-) *p*Kat*kete
*ktài
*K(i)ab *köbdü
*kua
*Kạp*kúmpá*Kas
*kisu*ksà-/*kùsà*Kạtkuč *kedgene *kúitkí
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*lòŋè
*moje
*móńde
*móre
*nŏŋe
*ŋōle
*p῾ŏlge
*sōje
*sṓĺe
*sp῾è
*srme
*šòče
*tṓle
*ǯṓke
*ǯók῾è
*ǯṑŋè
PTM
PT
PM
*loŋ*neɣüne
*mujē*mejeɣe*mundu-kān *b(i)ańɨ- *möndele
*mur*mereji*noŋ*jaŋɨŕ
*nige(n)
*ŋule*(i)āl
*öle
*pulga*ạlkɨ*(h)ergül
*sū*sā(j)- *siɣü*sulu
*siāĺ*sila*supti*s(i)ap*sumu*sirmö*šoša*s(i)ač
*ǯō(l)
*d(i)ālak *deliɣün
*ǯuku*jāk
*ǯüg
*ǯuke
*ǯike-ɣün
*ǯōŋi*jaŋ
*ǯeɣü-
Kor.
Jpn.
*nmì
*mùi*mm*mútúm*njn(k) *nəmi
*nùr- *mùrà*pə(n)k*hji*hār*ssír*sp*hím
*číčh
*tira
*(d)ə-i ( ~-u-,-i-)
*dk
*dúkì
*čá(ŋ)- *dùmài
In a rather large number of cases Turkic may also have a front reflex
*e in the same row of correspondences:
PA
PTM
*čoke
*ǯuku-n
*č῾ṑk῾e *čūKa
*de
*(x)odinsa
*òre
*ur
*kòrtème *kutumi*k῾ome *xumā-n
*móle
*mula*ńṑgè
*ńōg*ńoŋe
*ńuŋ-de*p῾ole
*pul-sa
*sobe
*subgu
*sòge
*sogi*soŋre *soro-ptun
*t῾olge *tolga
*t῾p῾é *tubu*t῾ór(g)e *turga*t῾ṑre
*tōrī-
PT
*dEgiŋ
*čekin
*ed*ẹr-kek
*gErtme
*kEmük
*bẹlek
*jEgin
*jEŋ
*Eldiri
*seb*s[e]göl
*sEŋir
*TElgen
*tep*Terki
*ter
PM
*(h)ideɣe*(h)üreɣe
*kedemen
*kemi
*melǯe*ǯeɣe
*ǯiŋ-de*helde*seb
*söɣel
*seɣer
*telegen
*teɣe*terki*türije-
Kor.
Jpn.
*čúi
*soksăi *tùkúsi
*òràpì *tə
*kù(n)tàmn
*mūr- *mráp*mù-kuâ
*pərə
*hók
*tjap*tòrí
*túmpú*túrí*tùtuà-ma-
128
INTRODUCTION
We see that in reflexes of PA diphthongs that we have been dealing
with so far two basic principles are observed:
1. The correlation “Turkic *ia : TM *ia/*i” points to PA *a before
non-labialized vowels
2. The correlation “Turkic *ia or *a : TM *o/*u” points to PA *a before
labialized vowels or *o before non-labialized vowels.
But there are also two other rows of correspondences where Turkic
has labialized *u or *o, whereas Tungus-Manchu has *i or *ia. Japanese
here has *ə (less frequently *a) or *u, thus indicating that the second
vowel was *o or *u. It seems therefore natural to reconstruct here the
two missing sequences: *CoCo and *CoCu, assuming that in TM there
occurred a labial dissimilation in the first syllable, whereas in Turkic,
conversely, labialization was retained because of assimilation to the
vowel of the second syllable. The evidence is following:
*CoCo
TM has here *i; Turkic - *o/u; Mongolian - any labialized vowel; Japanese - usually *ə (but sometimes also *a); Korean - a variation of *i and
*(j)ə.
PA
PTM
PT
PM
Kor.
Jpn.
*bólò
*bila*bolǯu*brì
*bóro
*bir[u]-kan
*borgija
*pìr/*pjr
*č῾k῾ó
*čixa
*čok*čoku*tnká*gkó
*gik*Kog*güji*kàká*gòlo
*gil*Kol*golu*krápá*końo
*Konak *köɣene
*kìńm
*kmài
*k῾omo(lV) *ximŋe-kte *Kumlak *kömeli
*kamira
*k῾ójŋo
*xiŋü*Kujaŋ *köji*kjńí
*kəju*k῾ṑk῾o
*xīkeri
*kokima*kakurai
*k῾ṓro
*xirga*Kūrt
*koro-kai
*ĺmo(ŋa) *nim-ŋā- *jom(ŋak) *dom(ak)
*nì’jàkì
*ná(N), *nəm*molk῾o
*milkü*mölki*miK*məkə-jəp*mólo
*mila*bol*möl-(/*mel-) *mīr*mr*mojo
*mija*boj*mì*majua*pltorV *pilti*buldɨr- *bolǯir*pìtùrí
*pàtuâ
*pṓro
*piregde *bōr*burga*p῾ṓlo
*pile*jōl
*pjər*p῾ĺo
*jul-duŕ *ho-du
*pjər*pəsi
*sŏlo
*silu-kta *solak
*söl*šogo
*šig*sogɨ-k
*sik*səjə-
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*t῾so
PTM
*tisū-
PT
PM
*Tusu(g) *tüsi-
Kor.
*thas
Jpn.
*tàsùkà-
*CoCu
TM here has *ia or *i, with the usual distribution (normally *ia, but *i
for short *o after sibilants; Turkic - *o/u; Mongolian - *u/o, but also
non-labialized *e/i; Japanese has *u; Korean - *ă or *u/o (but sometimes
also *jə).
PA
*č῾olu
*ŋŏbu
*kójbu
*kopu
*kóru
*k῾sú
*móńù
*ńoru
*sgdu
*sgu
*sōku
*sk῾ù
*sōlu
*sŏp῾u
*sṓjru
*t῾òlgu
*zgtu
*ǯòǯu
PTM
*čial*ńiabe-ri*kiaba*kiaba*kiaru
*xisi*miańam
*ńiara*sigde
*sigūn
*siaKu
*six*siali*sip*siaraŋ
PT
PM
Kor.
Jpn.
*čoluk
*čile*črk,*čjəri- *tur*ju(b)*jeɣü*nūb*Kuba/*Koba *kubakaj
*kúi
*Kobga
*kob*Kur
*kiri
*kòrằ*kúrá
*kusu*kùsú
*mằńằm
*múnà*jur*ǯur*sudal
*sùntí
*hắi
*suà-rá
*segel*suki
*suk*sekeɣe (*skí-)
*súk*sila*húrí*sura*supɨ
*sibo*sūrɨk
*surgaɣag *hjə
*tergel
*tắr
*tùkùi
*sigdi-pu *jo(g)ta
*seɣüǯi
*ʒ(i)aǯi- *jogan
*ǯuǯaɣan *čằč*dùtá-ka-
2.4.6.3 PA *u
The simpliest cases where one may reconstruct a PA *u-diphthong are
those where PTM has *ü (which may also be phonologically treated as
*u). In all those cases Japanese has a variation of *u or *ə, and Korean,
of *a/ə (sometimes preceded by -j-, and thus also pointing to a diphthong) or *u/o. Turkic and Mongolian can have either front or back
labialized vowels (ö/ü, u/o). We may note, however, that there is a clear
correlation between Turkic and Mongolian here: when Turkic has a
back vowel, Mongolian has one, too; and, reversely, when Mongolian
has a front vowel, Turkic also has a front one. It seems therefore possible to reconstruct two different PA sequences with the diphthong *-u-
130
INTRODUCTION
distinguished from each other in Turko-Mongolian. We reconstruct
them as *CuCe and *CuCo respectively (reasons for determining the
final vowels will be given further below):
1. *CuCe
PA
*CuCe
PTM
*ü
PT
*ü/*ö
PM
*ü/ö/*u/*o
Kor.
*(j)A/O
Jpn.
*u/ə
Here Turkic may additionally have a delabialized reflex *i before
liquids (*r, *l), frequently in variation with *ü. Cf.:
PA
*bure
*gube
*ude
*úle
*úse
*ge
*t῾e
*kúne
*kure
*k῾ube
*k῾ge
*k῾ujk῾e
*k῾up῾e
*k῾ŭrpe
*k῾úsè
*k῾le
*k῾re
*k῾se
*ŋŋt῾è
*sùŋe
*súŋe
*sŕe
*tùke
*t῾ŕe
PTM
*güb*ül(k)e*üse*ǖ(g)*üt*kün*kürekte
*xǖ(b)*xǖkte
*xüj(k)e
*(x)üpi*xürbe
PT
*bürče
*Küb*öd-kün*öl-č*ös*ög*ȫt*Kün
*Körtük
*kü(b)
*Kögme
*kök
*Küpi*körpe
*küs*kȫle
*gīr*kǖse-
PM
*bürge
Kor.
*pjrók
Jpn.
*kuwa*əja-(n)si-
*üli*ös*uɣur
*öte*küɣün
*kur
*küw*köɣeme
*rkùr
*ìsàk ( < *jə-)
*kúní
*kubɨi*khúm
*kòkri
*kwaî
*k(ù)i
*kùkùi
*köbe*körbe
*kosiŋ
*kúsài
*xül*kölü-sü
*xür*kür*kūr*kúrá*xüse
*küse*kəs*ŋǖŋte
*ündü-sün
*mt
*süŋü- *s[i]ŋ
*söŋ
*səŋ-/*sən-/*san- *sùnsù*süŋkē- *söŋüĺ/-ü*súmápú
*sür*söŕ
*sür-/*sur- *sòrắi
*dök*tahi*tùk*türē-kse *dīŕ
*türej
*tàrí
We see that among the listed examples, words with TM initial labials are completely lacking. In fact there are several examples with the
same correspondence after labials, where PTM appears to have *u, not
*ü (so that the rows are in complementary distribution):
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*bge
*bule
*ble
*buk῾e
PTM
*bug*bulin
*bula
*buKu-
PT
*bögür
*bilik
*bile-
PM
*böɣerüg
Kor.
*pàhói
Jpn.
*bə
*büle-
*pjró
*pàk
*pùkù(m)pái
2. *CuCo
PA
*CuCo
PTM
*ü
PT
*u/o
PM
*u/o
Kor.
*(j)A/O
PM
*gulda*(h)olugaj
*ubaj
*kudurga
Kor.
Jpn.
*u/ə
Cf.:
PA
*gŭldo
*ùlò
*upo
*k῾údo(rgV)
*k῾ŭso
*muŋo
*p῾ukò
*špo
*šjò
*t῾úgo
*t῾p῾o
*ńūno
PTM
*gülde*ül*üb*xürgü
*xüse*müŋnī-( ~-i-)
*püKV
*šǖba
*šǖje
*tüksa
*tüpa
*ńüŋ-
PT
*Kula*oluk
*ubut
*Kudruk
*Kus*buŋ
*oka
*sub-luk
*sojagu
*Tugur
*tubńak
*jōn-
Jpn.
*ùruà
*əpəpə-
*s-kòrí
*muŋ
*(h)ugulǯa
*subu*sojuɣa
*sāi
*tuɣurga
*tù’i
*tuwra
*tòph
*ǯoma-gul
*munkua*puki
*sjà
*tu-i
*túmái
By analogy with other vocalic rows of correspondences, one would
also expect the existence of *CuCa, *CuCi and *CuCu in PA. However,
the correspondences to PTM *ü are exhausted by the two correspondences described above. On the other hand, there are exactly three
rows of correspondences left which involve labialized vowels in
Turkic, Mongolian, TM and Korean and which have as Japanese reflexes *a, *i and *u respectively. It is therefore natural to assume that
these are the rows reflecting PA *CuCa, *CuCi and *CuCu, and that
the diphthong in those sequences was lost in TM, being preserved only
before neutral (mid-high) vowels of the second syllable, i.e. in sequences *CuCe and *CuCo. These system considerations, apart from
natural phonetic plausibility, are in fact the basic reason for reconstructing *CuCe for the correspondence TM *ü - Turkic *ü/ö and *CuCo
for the correspondence TM *ü - Turkic *u/o.
132
INTRODUCTION
3. *CuCa
Here TM has the usual variation of labialized *u/o. Mongolian has
the same, but in some cases also a fronted *i-reflex. Turkic quite systematically displays non-labialized *ɨ, while Korean and Japanese have
*a-like reflexes (*a in Japanese, *a/ə in Korean).
PA
*bura
*gla
*uda
*kta
*k῾ńa
PTM
*burī*gōl*udī*kōta
*xuńi-
PT
*bɨrak*Kɨl-
PM
Kor.
*pri-
*gulbi-
*Kɨt
*Kjn
*könüɣe- (<
*kinüɣe-)
*nùmà
*ńume- *jɨm-ĺčak *nomu-/*nima*nra
*ńūrikte
*norakai
*narot
*luga(rV) *lug*jɨgur- *ǯiɣura*nhr(*jugur-)
*pč῾a
*puče*bɨč*biči(*pčč-)
*p῾úsa
*pusi*hisuge
*pàs*suga
*sog*sɨgɨrčɨk *sojir
*sāi
*sna
*sn
*sonos*s(j)ən*súsa
*susē*sɨs
*sàsắr
*sra
*sori
*sr*sur
*sàrằ*zuĺa
*suli*jɨĺ
*sili
Jpn.
*parap*kàrú*aja
*kàta*káná*nàmia
*nàir*pàtùr*pásám-
*sása
*satu-i
*sasu
4. *CuCu
This sequence behaves quite similarly to *CuCa in TM, Turkic and
Mongolian (although in Turkic we occasionally also find a front reflex
*i), but is reflected as *u in Japanese and as *u/o (occasionally also *ɨ, *i)
in Korean.
PA
*čnu
*dlu
*ùbú
*ŭdu
*úmu
*umu
*ujŋula
*ùru
*úrù
*ču
PTM
*ǯun*dūl*(x)ob*(x)odu
*uma-kta
*umī*uru*urū*ōs-
PT
*dn
*jɨlɨ-g
*ɨduk
*imit( ~ɨ)
*im*ɨjŋala*ɨra
*irk*ɨčgun-
PM
*či-su
*dulaɣan
*öje*id*öm*ujila*urma*ir-
Kor.
*īb-
Jpn.
*t(u)i
*dù
*ùwá*i/ju
*úmái
*umur*ùnàr*ur-
*ùrià*ú(n)tì
*us-
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CHAPTER TWO
PA
*t῾udu
*kuču
*kūč῾ú
*kudu
*kùp῾u
*kùp῾ù
*kúŕu
*k῾ùčù
*k῾ŭnu
*k῾úŋu
*k῾ŕu
*k῾ùru
*k῾rú
*k῾ĺnu
*ĺp῾ù
*múdu
*murgu
*núdurgi
*nuru
*ńŋńu
*púŋu
*šŭŕu
*suču
*súnŋu
*sùŋu
*sútu
*sbu
*šŭk῾u
*šúp῾u
*šŭru
*tŭm(k)u
*zŭldu
*ǯúbù
PTM
PT
*Tɨdɨn
*kusi*Kɨč-gɨr*koči*Kč*kudē
*Kɨdɨg
*kupen
*Kɨp
*kob-ta
*Kɨpɨ*kur*Kɨŕak
*xosī-kta *Kɨč*(x)on*Kɨn*xuŋke- *Kɨŋ*xuri*Kŕ*xur-ge
*Kɨr*xura-kta *Kɨrtɨĺ
*xulŋu
*kīn
*lup*jip
*muduri
*murgi
*nurga
*jɨdruk
*ńur(g)a- *jɨr*ńōŋńa
*jɨn / *jin
*poŋdV *bɨŋɨt
*šurgī*sɨŕ*sosa*sɨč*suŋnī*soŋa*siŋ*sut*sube*sīb-ri
*šuK*šupa*sɨp*šuri*sɨrɨčga*duŋk*dɨm*suldu*jɨldɨŕ
*ǯubu
PM
Kor.
*tuǯi
*kuča*kìčh-m
*koči
*kùčíčh*kiǯaɣar
*kib
*kīp
*kuji*kür-dün
*kučil*kóč
*kina
*kiji- / keje*küre*kùrí
*kórắ*körü-sü *kúr
*köjil-sü
*ǯeɣeg
*nupi*mìr
*mír(h)
*nidurga
*nürgi*nòr*ǯuŋgag
*nu(ŋ)*boŋčiliki *pì’út
*sir*čiča-ga
*ččhi*sinaɣa
*side*seɣü*süke
*siɣü*sirü*düŋ*šülde-sü
*ǯüj
*sòt*sìbúr
(*sp-)
Jpn.
*tùnaî
*kusam(*kùntk-)
*kui
*kùpá
*kùpà*kúrúmá
*kùsì
*kunank*kúnkúm*kúrá*kùrù-sì*kùrí
*nùp*múi
*mùnkí
(*nínkír-)
*ùmì
*pùnâ
*súná
*sùnà*súta*súwá-i
*súkí
*súp-
*dúwài
5. *CuCi
In this type of correspondence both TM and Japanese have *i, but
TM - just as in the type *CuCe - has *u after labial consonants. Turkic
has front *ü (with occasional delabialization > *i) or *ö, Mongolian - any
134
INTRODUCTION
labialized vowel, also repeating the behaviour of PA *CuCe. Korean
has predominantly *ɨ/i, but can also have a labialized reflex *u/o.
PA
*buri
*būgi
*bk῾í
*čùmi
*č῾p῾ì
*umi
*nì
*kùtí
*kdi
*k῾ŭli
*k῾č῾i
*muĺi
*mri
*púnri
*pbi
*pk῾ì
*p῾ŭŋi
*p῾ri
*sbi
*sni
*st῾i
*sŕi
*t῾up῾i
*t῾ni
*zupi
*ǯúgi
*ǯuŕi
PTM
*bugu-tuna
*buk*čip[u]
*(x)im*īn*kitiri
*kidu*xil(i)*mul*mū
*ponda
*pubu*poKa*puŋtu
*purkē*sīb*sī*site*sir*tip*tīnu*sibe*ǯija-
PT
*bir
*bȫg
*bük*Tümen
*čüɣe*(i)öm
*gǖd*kül*kȫče
*bij-
PM
*büri
*böɣe-sü
*bök-
Kor.
*pìr-
*čmn
*čòp*ömü*ün-ǯi*küderi
(*nūi)
*ìn-tí
*kìtúnái
*kìrí*küli*küč*mulga*mören
*(h)üji*hokar
*kìčàŋ
*mòrắ*mr
*pìnr
*pjàpắi-
*öŋi
*sȫn*sǖt
*süŕ*tüpi
*tün
*jib
*jügür*jüŕ-
Jpn.
*pitə
*pìw*pìnkàm*ti
*tìpì-sà
*hurin
*söɣe*sönü*ü-sün
*sür*tüne
*sübe
*ǯor
*sùb-
*misu*mí*pírái
*piwa*pìkù*pina
*pìrù-m*siwa*sín-
(*st-)
(*sp-)
*čòh
*čɨrɨ-
2.5. Prosody in Altaic
Above we repeatedly mentioned prosodic factors as reasons for certain
phonetic changes in Mongolian (voicing *p > *b) and Japanese (voicing
/ prenasalization). The general outline of prosodic reconstruction for
the first syllable was given in Starostin 1995. Here we shall confine ourselves to a brief table of correspondences.
135
CHAPTER TWO
PA
*
*
*
*
PTM
*
*
*
*
PT
*
*
*
*
PM
*V
*V
*V
*V
Kor.
*Ỽ
*Ỻ
*Ỽ
*Ỻ
Jpn.
*Ỻ
*Ỽ
*Ỻ
*Ỽ
A few comments:
1. The table above describes the behaviour of vowel length / tones only
in the first syllable. As for the second syllable, it appears to have
had no length distinctions, but a distinction in pitch should be
probably reconstructed, on the basis of Japanese tones and voi cing
of the initial consonant of the second syllable in Japanese and Mongolian, see above. The reflexes of second syllable pitch in other languages are as yet unclear.
2. Proto-Tungus-Manchu has preserved vowel length in initial syllables
with original vowel length + low pitch. PTM occasionally also has
vowel length on vowels of the second syllable, but its origins are as
yet unclear.
3. Proto-Turkic has preserved vowel length in initial syllables with
original vowel length + high pitch. Whether PT preserves any prosodic distinctions in non-initial syllables is as yet unclear.
4. Proto-Mongolian has lost all traces of the original prosody except for
voicing *p > *b in syllables with original high pitch (see above).
5. Korean and Japanese appear to reflect original pitch distinction (in a
contrasting manner, Japanese high tone usually corresponding to
Korean low tone, and vice versa), but do not reflect vowel length. It
must be said that Korean has vowel length, but it appears to have
developed secondarily, due to contractions (see Ramsey 1978). Some
traces of Proto-Japanese vowel length may also be preserved in
Ryukyu dialects, but it is as yet unclear how the Ryukyu length correlates with Turkic or TM.
6. While evaluating tone correspondences one should keep in mind
that several secondary metatonic processes happened in Japanese
(on the second syllable, see above) and in Korean, basically in the
verb subsystem: all verbs have a strong tendency towards low pitch
on the first syllable.
7. The phonetic interpretation given above is certainly not definitive.
While there is little doubt that length should be reconstructed where
it is reconstructed, the entities marked as high (*ỻ) and low (*v)
tones are phonetically not quite clear and their places can in fact be
exchanged.
CHAPTER THREE
COMPARATIVE AND HISTORICAL PHONOLOGIES OF
ALTAIC SUBGROUPS
The phonological section of this introduction would be incomplete
without an account of phonological developments in each of the Altaic
subgroups. Although for the most part we use traditional reconstructions and correspondences, there are also some innovations presented
and some points to discuss. Therefore we give below a short outline of
the comparative-historical phonology for each of the subgroups of Altaic, as currently perceived by the authors of the dictionary.
3.1. Turkic [by A. Dybo]
The system of Proto-Turkic accepted in this dictionary looks like this:
Consonants
p
t
č
k
b
d
j
g
s
-m-n-ń-ŋ-
-r-, -l-ŕ-, -ĺ-
Vowels of the first syllable:
i
e
e
ü
ö
ɨ
ạ
a
u
o
All the vowels could be short or long.
Vowels of other syllables:
I
U
O
A
The row of any non-first vowel (front or back) depended on the row
of the vowel of the first syllable, thus producing seven (eight?) vocalic
allophones:
CHAPTER THREE
i
e
ü
ö
ɨ
a
137
u
(o)
The back -o- is actually not attested, but it may be perhaps reconstructed in some auxiliary morphemes.
Thus, the reconstruction is almost completely traditional, with only
the following modifications:
1. The distinction of initial voiced/voiceless consonants is primarily
based on Oghuz evidence, as was already shown in Иллич-Свитыч
1963, 1965, accepted in EDT and additionally elaborated in АПиПЯЯ
6-10, Дыбо 1991 and РР 70-85. We should mention that the distinction
of *g- vs. *k- is reliably reconstructed only before front vowels; before
back vowels we can only reconstruct a “hyperphoneme” *K-.
2. Medial voiced/voiceless consonants: reconstruction is for the most
part traditional. Details of development can be summarized as follows:
the original voiced labial and velar stop are fricativized and/or lost in
most languages and in most combinations with preceding and following vowels. Original voiceless consonants are regularly voiced in intervocalic position in Siberian languages and in Chuvash. In the Oghuz
languages, voiceless consonants become voiced after originally long
vowels; the new voiced labial becomes fricative, and even disappears
in some positions, in a part of the Turkmen dialects, in Khorezmian
(Oghuz) dialects of Uzbek and in Salar (details see in РР 36, 61). In the
Karluk languages the voiceless labial and velar stops are regularly
voiced after original long vowels, and occasionally after short ones. A
similar reflexation is observed in Kypchak languages, where additional
morphological analogies tend to obscure the situation: all Kypchak
languages demonstrate a morphological voicing of labials and velars in
an intervocalic position on a morpheme boundary.
3. O. Mudrak (Мудрак 1989, Мудрак Дисс.) has reconstructed a separate phoneme, *-j1-, reflected as -j- in Chuvash, but coinciding with *-din other languages. Since the examples of it are not very numerous, and
it does not seem to have any specific Altaic origin, we have not
adopted this reconstruction in the dictionary.
4. On the reconstruction of *-ń- and its distinction from the clusters
*-jn-, *-jŋ- see РР 85-87 (where *-ń- is denoted as *--). Clusters are reflected as such in Oghuz languages (with a permitted vowel insertion
in word-final position, and with -j- frequently lost after front vowels);
Kypchak languages reveal a different development of clusters after
original long and short vowels, cf. *Kojn ‘sheep’ > koj, *bejŋi ‘brain’ > mɨj
as opposed to *Kājnat ‘wing’ > kanat, *Kjn ‘punishment’ > kɨjɨn, *Kōjn
‘armpit’ > kojun, *bōjn ‘neck’ > bojun.
138
INTRODUCTION
5. The problem of *ŕ and *ĺ is treated in the classical “zetacism-sigmatism” spirit, with an additional modification by O. Mudrak,
who has shown (see Мудрак 1989, Мудрак Дисс.) that in Chuvash, *ĺ >
l in syllable-final position, but > š (ž) between vowels; *ŕ > r, but *ŕs > s.
6. For Chuvash it has been shown that dentals and velars were palatalized not only in front of original diphthongs (čul < *diāĺ ῾stone’, jur <
*Kiār ῾snow’), but also in front of *i, *ɨ - earlier this palatalisation was
only noticed on morphemic boundaries; details see in Мудрак 1988,
Мудрак Дисс.
7. For a detailed account of the reflexes of Turkic vowels in Chuvash
see Мудрак 1993, Мудрак Дисс.
8. Long vowels are reconstructed on the basis of Turkmen and Yakut
reflexes, taking into account also the voicing of stops after original long
vowels in Oghuz languages. Short vowels are also reflected as pharyngealized in Tuva and Tofalar, as opposed to non-pharyngealized original long vowels (pharyngealization is well recorded in Бичелдей 2001,
Рас. ФиЛ, Рассадин 1995); this reflexation was first formulated in Иллич-Свитыч 1963. On the preservation of long *ā and *ō in Gagauz see
in РР 23-24. Besides, the distinction of *ē vs. *e is preserved in Azerbaidzhan as a distinction of close vs. open e; in Turkmen the long and
short vowels also give different qualitative reflexes in some environments (e.g. *ab > ov, but *āb > āv). We prefer to regard the opposition of
short vs. “half-long” vowels in Khalaj as non-distinctive (probably just
phonetic variants, as can be seen from numerous variations between
short and half-long in G. Doerfer’s records), but the plain long (“super-long”) vowels appear to be reasonably well derived from original
long vowels.
9. One of the most complicated problems in Turkic reconstruction is the
distinction of open/close *e vs. *ẹ, *a vs. *ạ.
Close *ạ was reconstructed by O. Mudrak (see Мудрак 1993, Мудрак Дисс.) for the correspondence Turk. a - Chuv. ɨ, Yak. ɨ. Let us mention that Yak. can also have a secondary -ɨ- < *a in front of -j-, cf. ɨj
῾moon’, kɨat ῾wing’, ɨj- ῾show, describe’.
As to the reconstruction of *e and *ẹ, no final agreement has been
reached so far. In the dictionary we have adopted the reconstruction of
O. Mudrak (as proposed in Мудрак 1993, Мудрак Дисс.), but A. Dybo
still keeps her own views, presented in Дыбо Дисс., РР 39-44. Both researchers agree that the Oghuz distinction of open *e : close *ẹ is not
original. The distribution of e (=ä) and ẹ (=e) in Azerbaidzhan is complementary, e occurring after j-, in front of š, č and the Common Oghuz
*j (not in front of the secondary j < *g), and ä occurring in all other
cases. The Azerbaidzhan situation is thus secondary compared with
CHAPTER THREE
139
Turkmen where short open and close e are not distinguished at all.
Thus, for short vowels we have two sets of correspondences:
*e : Oghuz *e, Yak. e, Chuv. a
*ẹ : Oghuz *e, Yak. i, Chuv. i (before nasals and r, as well as after ś ĕ)
As for the long vowels, O. Mudrak regards the Proto-Oghuz distinction (based on the correspondences between Turkmen and Azerbaidzhan) as secondary, with a rather complicated formulation of conditioning rules. The distinction *ē vs. * is reconstructed only on the basis of
the correspondences *ē > Yak. ie, Chuv. a; * > Yak. ī, Chuv. i. O.
Mudrak additionally introduces a “labialized” e, which yields complicated reflexes in Chuvash (in particular, i in front of l), while the Oghuz
languages reflect it as e independent of neighbouring consonants; examples of this eₙ are few and this phoneme has not been adopted in the
dictionary.
According to A. Dybo, the opposition of *ē vs. * in Oghuz goes
back to Common Turkic and is additionally reflected in Khalaj:
*ē : Oghuz *ē, Khal. ǟ, Yak. ie, Chuv. a
* : Oghuz *, Khal. īe (ä after initial h-), Yak. ie, Chuv. a
For a small number of examples where Oghuz, Yakut and Chuvash
have a variation of close and open reflexes (and Chuvash sometimes
j+vowel) she reconstructs PT *e (or *ẹ) followed by *-j- as the first element of a consonant cluster. In Chuvash initial *ej- of this type apparently gave rise to a rising diphthong; the following reconstructions are
proposed:
*ẹj : Oghuz *ẹ, Yak. e, Chuv. -i-/jə-, i-, Khal. ä
*ēj : Oghuz *ē, Yak. ie, Chuv. -i-, Khal. īe
*j: Oghuz *, Yak. ī, Chuv. -i-/ja-, Khal. īe.
The details of the reconstruction, as well as precise origins of this
Proto-Turkic distinction are yet to be established.
9. In reconstructing the diphthong *-ia- (long and short) we follow Владимирцов-Поппе 1924, relying on the correspondence of Turkic a (ā)
to Chuv. ju- word-initially and -u- (-o-) with palatalization of the preceding consonant in a postconsonantal position. Its Mongolian parallels
are, however, not as straightforward as proposed in that paper (see
above on Altaic vowel correspondences).
10. Difficult, and not completely solved yet, is the problem of reconstructing vowels of non-initial syllables. Proto-Turkic probably lacked
labial vowel harmony and had a distinction of labialized vs. plain vowels in non-initial syllables, independently of the features of the first syllable. This can be proved by the material of MK, as well as by Runic
Turkic evidence, see e.g. Meyer 1965. This distinction is additionally
140
INTRODUCTION
reflected in some vowel-consonant combination reflexes in the Oghuz
and Kypchak languages, see details in РР 44, and in the “o”-dialect of
Yakut and in Uyghur, where the original second labialized vowel
causes labialization of the vowel of the first syllable (as opposed to the
second non-labialized vowel, causing the Uyghur Umlaut), e. g.: Uygh.
xotun, Yak. xotun ῾woman’, Orkh., OUygh. qatun (*Katun), as opposed
to Yak. balɨk, Uygh. belik ῾fish’, MK balɨq (*balɨk), Osm. jarum, Yak. jarɨm,
Uygh. jerim ῾half’, MK jarɨm (*jarɨm) etc.
As to reconstructing the PT labialized low vowels, we tend to accept
the hypothesis of G. Clauson (EDT), who reconstructs *o/*ö in
non-initial syllables in the cases where daughter-languages reveal a
variation in labialization of the first syllable and a variation between
high and low reflexes of the second syllable (which may itself lose labialization): cf. the reconstructions *sigöl ‘wart’ and *süŋök ῾bone’ in EDT.
At least in Common Oghuz the reflexes of this *-ö- were redistributed:
high vowel in a closed syllable, low vowel in an open one, cf. *s[e]göl
‘wart’: sögöl (OUygh.), sigil (MK), Tur. sigil, Az. zijil, Turkm. siŋŋil;
*siŋök ‘bone’: süŋök (Orkh.), süŋük (OUygh.), süŋük (MK, KB), Tur.
süŋük, Az. sümük, Turkm. süŋk, süjek; *sinčök ‘ankle-bone’: Tur. dial.
sinǯik; but *tepö ‘hill, top’: töpü (OUygh.), tepe (Tefs.), töpü (KB), Tur.
tepe, dial. depe, Az. täpä, Turkm. depe; *tikö ‘piece, part’: tikü (MK), Tur.
tike, Az. tikä, Turkm. tike. See РР 45.
11. Proto-Turkic and most modern Turkic languages possess the socalled vowel harmony: all words are subdivided into “front” (with
vowels *i, *e, *ẹ, *ü, *ö) and “back” (with vowels *ɨ, *a, *ạ, *u, *o). The
vowel of any non-initial syllable has to be “harmonized” with the
vowel of the initial syllable.
Below is a table of basic consonant correspondences between Turkic
languages:
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof
b-1
Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh
h
h
k
b-
b-
b- b-/p- b-/p- p-
k
Uzb
h
p-
b-
b-
Kaz., Nog
Bashk Tat
Kum
Balk
KKalp
b-/p-
b-
b-
b-
b-
b- (Sib. b-, p- b-
Karai Turk Az
m
m
b-
b-/p- b-/p-
l
p-)
p/ p
-p-,
-b-, V”v V”pV, -b-, -b-, -b-, -p-, p
-b-, -p -p V,
-“p
-p
-p
-p
p
p, -b- p, -b-2 p, -b- p, -b- p, -b- p, -b- p, -b- p
Gag Tur Kha Chuv
p
b-/p b-/p b-
-
p
p
-b-2,
hV-,
p-
-b-, -b-,
-p
-p
-p
-“p
p/ -p-b- b
-p-,
-b-, VvV, VbV, -b-, -b-, -b-, -b-, p
-b-, -p -p -p
-p
-p
v
-b-
-b- -b-
b
-v-
/04 /-0-4, /-0-4,
-g
-g
-p
-p
-p
b/06 -b-
/-0-4, /-0-4,
-g/-
-g5/-
b
p
/-j-
m,
m, m,
)
-n
-n
-n
-n
t
t
t
t
t-
t
t
t
t/ t
t
t9
t/ t
t
t9
d-
t
t
t, d7 t, d7
V”d V”tV, -d-,
-d-10, -d-,
d
d
δ
t
-p
b/v/g/j/ v/g/j/ b/w/j/0 b/w/j/0 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/05 v/j/05
-p
-p
-p
v/04 v/j/0 v/04 v/04
05
05
m, -n
m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n
t
t
t
t
t
t
t, d
t
t
t, d7
t, d7
t, d7 t, d7 t
t8
t11
t
t
t
t
t
t
t
t
-d-12,
t11
4
5
4
V, -“t -“t
-t
m, m, m, m, -n
-n
-n
t
t
t
VdV, VdV, -d-, -d-10, -d-, t
t
t
t11
t
t
t
t
t
d, -t
d
d, -t d, -t t
t
t
t
t, (d-) t, (d-) t
t
t, d
t
t
d
d, t13
d, t7 d, t7 t
t8
j14 j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
-r-
-t
t, d7 t, d7
-t
t
-n
t11
-t
t
-b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -b-, -b-, -b-,
-p/b3
/-0-4
-m(- m, -n M, -n m, m, -n m, -n m,
-n
-v-,
t
-t
-t
-t
-t
t
t
t
VdV, VdV, z, -s z, -s ,
-t
-d-12,
-t
j
j
j
d
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof
s-
h
h
k
s
s
0
s/ s
s
Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh
k
-t
-t
s
s
-h-, -“z-, “s
s
z
Uzb
h
s
z
s
z
s
s
Kaz., Nog
Bashk Tat
Kum
Balk
KKalp
s
s
s
s
s
s
s
s
h
ϑ
s
s
s
s
s
s
Karai Turk Az
Gag Tur Kha Chuv
m
m
l
s
ϑ,s15 s
s
s
s
s16
s
ϑ,s15
s
s
s
-s-
s
-s, -“s
(=-z-)
-t17
s/V s
s
18
-h-, -z-, -s -z-, -s z
z
z
s
s
s
s
s
ϑ
s
s
s
s
ϑ,s15
s
s
s
s
-s,
-s(=-z-)
-t17
18
n
n
n
n
n19
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n21
n
n
n
n, m
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r, -j/-0- r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
č-
č
č
s
š
š
s
š
č
č
č
č
š
š
s
č
č
č
č
č
č
č
č
č
ś8
č/ č
č
-h-, -“ž-, -“ǯ-,-“ -ǯ-, -ǯ-, č
č
č
č
š
š
s
č
č
č
č
č
č
č
č
č
ź12
č/ č
č
č
č
č
š
š
s
č
č
č
č
-ǯ-, -č ǯ
-ǯ-, -ǯ-, č
ź12
-s -“š
š
-s
j-
j
j
-s
-š
-h-, -ž-, -š -ǯ-, -š -ǯ-, -ǯ-, č
s
č
č
-s
-š
č
č
d’, ǯ
-č
-č
j20
j21
ž
j
j
j, ǯ22
j, ǯ
ǯ
j
j
j
j
j
j
ś
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
d
j/v/04
j14
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
d’, j
j14
j1
d
δ
t
VdV, VdV
z
z
-j- j
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof
h
h
k
Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh
k
>
Uzb
h
Kum
Balk
Karai Turk Az
m
m
Gag Tur Kha Chuv
l
j/ñ
j
j/ j/
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j/v/04
ŕ
z
z
-h-, -z-, -s -z-, -s -z-, -z-, -z-, z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
r, s
š
š
s
s
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
l, š
š
š
s
s
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
š
l, š
k, q28
k, q28 k, q26 k
k, g,
k, g,
k
k, G26 k, G26 k
k
k,
k, x29
q26
q26
-g-
-g-
g-, -k-, k, q26 k, x26
/-ɣ-,
-k
-s
>
-s
j24 j
Bashk Tat
KKalp
ń23
-s,
j24
Kaz., Nog
-s
-t17
ĺ/ š
š
-h-, -“ž-, -“ǯ-,
-z-, -ž-, -ž-, š
-s, -“š
-s
-“š
-š
-š
-t17
l’/ š
š
-h-, -ž-, -š -ǯ-, -š -z-, -ž-, -ž-, š
-s,
-s
-š
-š
k-25 k, q26 k, q26 k, k, x17 k, x17 k,
k,
k
-t17
x27
k/ k, q26 k, q26 g, -“g-, -“h-,
ɣ26
-“k
-“k/”q
x26
q26
g,
g,
ɣ26
ɣ26
g
26
k/ k, q26 k, q26 g, -g-,
ɣ26 -k
-g-,
g,
-k/q26 ɣ26
g,
ɣ26
g
k
-g-, k, q28
k, q28 -g-
-k-2,
/-ɣ-,
-k
-k-
-g-, k, q28
/-q-2,
-k/-q26
k, q28 -g-
-g-,
-k-2,
k, q26 k
-g-k /-ɣ-,
-g-,
-k-2,
-k-
-g-,
-k /-ɣ-,
-k-
-k-
/-q-,
/-q-,
/-q-,
-k/-q26
-k/-q26 -k/-q26
-g-
-k-2, -k /-ɣ-,
-g-,
-g-
-k-2, -k /-ɣ-,
q26
k
k
k,
-g-
g-, -k-, -g-
-g-/-ɣ-, -g- -ɣ-, k,
/-ɣ-,
-k
-k/-x/- /-0-7 -k
-k-2,
/-ɣ-,
-k
-k-
-k-
-k-
-k-
/-q-2,
/-q-,
/-q-,
/-q-,
-g-, -k
q26 /-x29
/-ɣ-,
-k/q26 G7
, -k
-g-, -k
q26 /-x29
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof
h
h
k
Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh
k
Uzb
h
Kaz., Nog
-k/-q26
g-30 k
g
g,
k
ɣ26
g,
k
ɣ26
0
k, x17 k, x17 k
k
k
k
k
-0-,
-0-,
-0-, -0-,
0/j/g 0/j/g4 g,
-g
-g/-ɣ26
-g
6
/-ɣ26
-g
ɣ,
-k/-q31
/-ɣ26 /-ɣ26
k
k
g, ɣ,
-w-/
-k
-j-,
/-q31
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ, 033 ŋ, 033 -g- -g/-0-, /-0-,
-ŋ
-ŋ
ŋ34 ŋ
Kum
Balk
ŋ, n35
-k/-q26
k
k
-w-/
-w-/
-j-,
-j-,
k
-w-/
-j-,
-k/-q26
-k/-q26
k, g
k, g
-w-/
-j-,
Karai Turk Az
m
m
k
g
g
g-
ɣ/w ɣ/w ɣ/w v/04
/j6, /j6, /j8,
-w-/
g/w/j/ ɣ/w
ɣ/w/j6,
-j-,
04
-032
/j6
j4
j4
ŋ, -j-, ŋ, -j-,
ŋ, -j-
ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ36
n35
n35
-g-, n35 -g-, n35 n35
n35
j4
j4
Gag Tur Kha Chuv
l
-0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/j4
ŋ
Bashk Tat
KKalp
g-
k
k
-032 -032 -032
j4
-g-, n35 -g-, n15
n, j
n,
n,
ŋ, j , n, m4
m, m, j6 g,
j6
n37
CHAPTER THREE
145
Notes.
1. In most languages (except Tur. and Gag.) > m- before a following
nasal, with slightly differing rules. The same is true for (*-p-) > *-b- >
*-m- in the second syllable.
2. Voicing occurs on morpheme boundaries and occasionally - in cases
of morphological reanalysis (cf. cases like Tat. sɨpɨr- / sɨbɨr- ῾to
sweep’, where -ɨr- could have been re-analysed as a causative suffix).
3. Probably dialectal variants, occasionally rendered in orthography.
4. Depending on vocalic environment.
5. After labialized vowels.
6. Depending on vocalic environment and with dialect variation.
7. See more details in РР.
8. *t-, *d-, *č- > č- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
9. -d- in the intervocalic cluster *-rt- and in the beginning of auxiliary
morphemes.
10. Occasionally recorded as voiceless in Verbitskiy’s materials.
11. -d- in the beginning of auxiliary morphemes.
12. *-t-, -č- > -ǯ- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
13. *d- > t- before the following voiceless -x-.
14. Variation in dialects and recordings.
15. Variation in dialects.
16. *s- > š- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
17. Distribution unclear.
18. *-s- > -ž- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
19. In some dialects lost with compensatory vowel nasalization.
20. In dialects also ǯ-.
21. In dialects also variants ǯ-, ž- before narrow vowels.
22. Normally j before a, o, ö, u, ü, ɛ; ǯ before e, i, ɨ; but the distribution
may be additionally somewhat confused because of dialect variation.
23. In most languages is not distinguished from *-j-, but causes nasalization of initial *b- > m-.
24. Frequently causes nasalization of initial *j- > n-.
25. Before back vowels voiceless *k- and voiced *g- cannot be distinguished in PT; in this position we usually write *K-.
26. Depending on whether the following/preceding vowel is front or
back.
27. Depending on whether the following vowel is wide or narrow.
28. Depending on whether the original following/preceding vowel was
front or back.
146
INTRODUCTION
29. Depending on whether the original following/preceding vowel was
front or back. *K- > j- before an original diphthong.
30. Reconstructable only before front vowels.
31. Devoicing of final *-g is a characteristic feature of the Karluk languages; however, both in Uzbek and in Uighur it occurs irregularly,
depending probably on morphological derivational analogies.
32. In the end of a polysyllabic word. Details see in РР.
33. Variation in dialects; in case of disappearance nasalization is preserved on the preceding vowel.
34. In dialects also -g- or -0-.
35. In some combinations and in the end of a polysyllabic word.
36. In combinations with palatals - n, in some vocalic environments - j.
37. Distribution not quite clear.
Basic vowel correspondences between Turkic languages
PT OUygh Karakh Yak Tuva Tof Khak Shor Oyr Kirgh Uygh Uzb Kaz, Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karaim Turkm Az Gag Tur Khal Chuv
KKalp
i
i
i
i
i
i
ə
i
i
ī
i
i
ī
i
i
ə
i
i
ẹ
(i)
(i)
i
e
e
i
e
e
i
i
i
i
i
e
e
i
i
i
i
i
i
i
i
e
e
i
i
i
e
e, ä39 e
e
e
i
i
e
e
e
i
i
i
ī
i
i
e
ä,
e
i
i
ə, ъ38
i
īi
ə, ъ38
e
ä
i
e40
e
(i)
(e)
(i)
(e)
ī
e
e
e
e
e
i
i
e
e
e
e
e
e, ä39 e
e
ä39
e,
e,
a41
e
e
i
i
e
e
e
ī
e
e
e
īe
i
e
e
i
i
e
e
e
e
ä,
e
e
ä
a42
e
e
ǟ
a42
e41
ē
(e)
(e)
ie
e
e
i
e
e
e
e, ä39 e
e
e
i
i
e
e
e
ǟ
ä,
e41
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a,e43
a, ɔ44 a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
o45
ā
a
a
ā
a
a
a
a
a
a
a, e43 a, ɔ44 a
a
a
a
a
a
a
ā
a
a
a
āa
o45
e43
a,
ɔ44
ạ
a
a
ɨ
a
a
a
a
a
a
a,
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
ɨ
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a, e43 a, ɔ44 a
a
a
a
a
a
a
ā
a
a
a
āa
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
i
i
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
i
ə, ъ46
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
i
i
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
ɨ
īi
ə, ъ46
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
o
o
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
ъₙ47
ū
u
u
ū
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
u
o
o
u
u
u
ū
u
u
u
ūu
ъₙ47
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
ŭ
o
o
u
u
o
o
o
o
o
O
o
o
vɨ-,
-u-48
PT OUygh Karakh Yak Tuva Tof Khak Shor Oyr Kirgh Uygh Uzb Kaz, Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karaim Turkm Az Gag Tur Khal Chuv
KKalp
ō
o
o
uo
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
ŭ
o
o
u
u
o
o
o
ō
o
O
o
ūo
vu-,
əₙ50
əₙ50
-u-48
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
u
ü
ü
ö
ö
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü/i49
ǖ
ü
ü
ǖ
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
u
ü
ü
ö
ö
ü
ü
ü
ǖ, üj
ü
ü
ü
ǖü,
īi49
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ŭ
ö
ö
ü
ü
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
Ö
ö
ö, e49 vi-,
-u-/-ü-51
ȫ
ö
ö
üö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
ŭ
ö
ö
ü
ü
ö
ö
ö
ö
ö
Ö
ö
īe
va,
-ъₙva
149
CHAPTER THREE
Notes.
38. Before and after š.
39. The closed variant - in the position of the so called Uyghur Umlaut
(before ä, i in the second syllable).
40. The closed variant - after j-, before back affricates and sibilants (š, č),
the Common Oghuz *j (not before the secondary -j < *g) and v; otherwise - ä.
41. -a- is a rather rare, probably dialectal, variant.
42. > e in the vicinity of palatals.
43. The variant e - in the position of the so called Uyghur Umlaut (before ä, i in the second syllable).
44. Details see in Мудрак 2002.
45. In the Upper dialect o, in the Lower dialect and in literary Chuvash
- u; u in all dialects adjacent to the reflexes of *g and *b.
46. ъ - before and after š; in Anlaut - jъ. Details see in Мудрак Дисс.
47. *ubC > *uvC > uC. Labialization of ъ is present in the Upper dialect
(but one should mention that before and after labials this labialization is automatic).
48. vụ- in the Malokarachin dialect.
49. Dialectal variation.
50. Labialization of ə is present in the Upper dialect (but one should
mention that before and after labials this labialization is automatic).
51. In the vicinity of velars *ö merges with *u.
3.2. Mongolian [by O. Mudrak]
Unlike Turkic, all modern Mongolian languages can be sufficiently
well derived from the attested Middle Mongolian language. Attempts
to reconstruct for Proto-Mongolian any features absent in the written
records have so far been unsuccessful. Thus, the Proto-Mongolian system reconstructed so far is practically identical with Middle Mongolian
and has the following phonemes:
Consonants
t
č
k
b
d
ǯ
g
m
n
s
h/ɣ
w
r
j
l
ŋ
Of these consonants, w, r and ŋ occur only word-medially; w is distinct in Written Mongolian orthography and was probably distinct
from -ɣ- in Middle Mongolian, but the actual orthographic systems of
150
INTRODUCTION
Middle Mongolian do not make a difference between -w- and -ɣ(u)-.
On the other hand, h- occurs only word-initially and is in clear complementary distribution with -ɣ-.
A general process characteristic of Southern Mongolian languages
was the voicing of intervocalic stops and transfer of their original
“voicelessness” to the preceding consonant: *ZVCV > CVZV. All
Southern Mongolian languages reveal, to a larger or lesser extent, the
working of this general rule, which was first formulated in Helimski
1984. This “voicelessness” phonetically was probably realized as aspiration, which - in cases when there was no initial consonant - resulted
in the emergence of secondary h- in Southern Mongolian: *VCV >
hVZV. This h- is to be carefully distinguished from the original *h- preserved in MMong. and Dagur.
Vowels
i
e
ü
ö
u
o
a
In non-initial syllables only i, e, ü, u and a are attested; there are,
however, some indications that *-ö and *-o could originally also occur
in this position.
Like Turkic, Proto-Mongolian and Middle Mongolian possessed
vowel harmony, which has to a large extent disintegrated in modern
languages, especially in Southern Mongolian. All words were subdivided into two types: “front” (with the vowels *i, *e, *ü, *ö) and “back”
(with the vowels *i, *u, *o, *a): the vowel *i, therefore, was neutral in
respect to vowel harmony.
In the chart below we give only correspondences of the vowels of
the first syllable: although the non-initial vowels are well enough recorded in MMong. and preserved in WMong., in all modern languages
they became hopelessly reduced, and their quality may for the most
part only be restored on the basis of the behaviour of the initial vowel.
Below is a chart of phonetic correspondences between Mongolian
languages.
PM
WMong. MMong.
Khalkha Kalm. Bur. Ord.
*b1
b
b/-v(-)
b
b/
Dag.
Mongor
S.-Yugh.
Dong.
Bao.
Mog.
b
b/-w(-) B/-v-/-r
b-/p-/-w-/b
b-/p-/-w-
b-(v-)/p-/-v(u)- b-(v-)/p-/-v(0)-/-b
b/-f
m,
m,
M, -m/n
m
m
m, -n
m
m
0
0
0
t
-w(-)
*m2
*w3
m
-u(-)
m
m, -m/n m,
-m/n
-m/n -m/n
Vu (Chin.-Mong.) 0
0
0
0
0
0
0
*t4
t
t
t
t
t
t/d-
t
t/d
t/d
t/-d~t-/č
t
*d5
d(=t)
d, -t (Chin.-Mong.) d
d
d
d
d,-r
d-/t-, d
d
d/ǯ
d
d
*n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n/-ŋ
n
*r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r
r, -0
r
r
*l6
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l, -r
l
l, -n
l
l
*č7
č
č, (ǯe Chin.-Mong.) c/č
c/č
s/š
č/ǯ-
č
ć-/--
č/ǯ
č/-ǯ-
č/-č- ~ -ǯ-
č
*ǯ8
ǯ
ǯ
ʒ/ǯ
z/ǯ
z/ž
ǯ
ǯ
(ǯ)/ć(č)
ǯ/č
ǯ
ǯ
ǯ
*j9
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j/0
j
j
j/0
j
*s10
s
s/š
s/š
s/š
h/š, s/š
s/š, -r
s/ś(š)/ʒ
s/š
s/š
s/š
s/š
x/G-/-G-
x/G-/-ɣ-/-G- q/G-/-G(~ɣ)-
x/G-
q
n
-t
*kA11 q
x (~ q-) (HY), q/-x- x
x, ki
x
x/G-, ki x, k
(SH), q (Middle
Asia Mong.)
*kE12
k
*gA13 ɣ
k (gu Chin.-Mong.) x
k
x
k/g-
k
k/g-/-g-
k/g/-ɣ-/-g-
k/g-/-g-
k/g-
k
q, -x (Chin.-Mo.),
g
g
g
g
G/x-
G/x-/-ɣ-
G/q-
G/x-
ɣ
q/-ɣ- (Middle Asia)
g
152
PM
WMong. MMong.
Khalkha Kalm. Bur. Ord.
Dag.
Mongor
S.-Yugh.
Dong.
Bao.
Mog.
*gE14
g
g
g
g
g
g
g
g/k-
g/k-/-ɣ-
g
g
g
*ŋ15
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ, -n
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
*h16
0
x (Chinese-Mong.), 0
0
0
0
x/š (Tsitsikar,
x/f/ś(š)
h
h/x/f/š
h/x/f/š
0~ʔ
h- (IM, MA, PS)
(ZM)
Butkhas), 0
(Khailar)
*ɣ17
-ɣ-/-g-
-‘- (Chin.-Mong.),
0
0
0
0
0
0
*a18
a
a
a
a/ä
a
*u19
u
u
u
u/ü
u
a
a
a/0-/ā/i
u
o/wa-/-(u)a-/u u/0-/o/ə
*o20
o
o
o
o/ö
o
o/u
*i21
i
i
i/V
i/V
e/i/V i/V
*e22
e
e (~u)
e/i/ö
e/i/ö
e/ü
e/i/ö/ü e/ü
*ü23
ü
u
ü
ü
ü
ü
ü
*ö24
ö
o (Chin.-Mong.), u ö
ö
ü
ö/ü
ü
0
0
0
0
-0- (Mid.-As.)
(Mid.As.)
a
a/ə
a/e/i
a/o/ō
u/0-/ə
u
u/e/a/o
u
o/wa-/-(u)a-
u-/0-/o,u/ō
o/ō
o-/o~u/-uaN
o-/o~u
o/u
i/V
i/V
i/V
i/ə/V
i/V
i/V
0-/i-/e/ə/a/i/u e,i-,0-/o-
je-/ie/e/ü
e/-iN, -aN
e/ü
u-(~0-)/u/ə/i
u-(~0-)/u/ə
u
u-/u,e/-oŋ
ü
0-/o-/o/u/ō
ö(o)/ȫ(ō)
o-/o~u/-uaN
o-/o~u
ü, ö
CHAPTER THREE
153
Notes.
1. Voiceless variants in Southern Mongolian languages appear before a
voiceless consonant of the next syllable. *-b- is not fricativized after
nasals; in Khalkha, Ord. and Dag. also after -l-.
2. Northern languages and Dagur have a variation -m/-n at the end of a
non-initial syllable.
3. In all modern languages and Middle Asiatic MMong. sources not
distinguished from *-ɣ-. A difference may be observed, however, in
WMong. and in Chinese MMong. sources, where the sequence -Vwtends to be rendered by a single character as opposed to the sequence
-Vɣu-, usually rendered by a pair of characters.
4. In Ord. d- before the following voiceless stops. In Mongor d before
following fricatives ( < *s, *č) and intervocalically; voicing did not occur, however, if the initial syllable started with a resonant or 0-. In
S.-Yugh. *t- > d- before the following *-k-; intervocalic voicing occurred
more or less in the same positions as in Mongor. Dong. also usually has
voiced -d- between vowels, although dialectal variation is observed; *t> č- before *-e-.
5. Occasional intervocalic devoicing can be observed in Dong. (motu
῾tree’) and Baoan (hotoŋ ῾feather’). Mongor usually (although not completely consistently) has a devoiced t- in cases when the next syllable
started with a voiceless consonant (thus *ZVCV > *CVZV). In Dong. *d> ǯ- before *-e-.
6. Syllable-final -l yields -r in Mongor, but is preserved in some dialects.
7. In Ord. - ǯ- before the following voiceless stops. In Northern Mongolian languages front (“hissing”) reflexes are observed before all vowels
except *i, and occasionally also before *i - in combinations like *čiɣa-,
*čiɣe-, as well as before the syllables with labial *-u- or *-ü-. Mongor
and S.-Yugh. have a voiced intervocalic reflex; in a few cases initial
voicing (probably assimilative) or spirantizantion are also observed.
Dong. and Bao. also have intervocalic voicing of *-č-, but here it appears to be restricted to a position after initial voiceless consonants and
*h-, with some dialectal variation.
8. Devoicing is observed in Mongor and S.-Yugh. before some originally voiceless consonants (which may become voiced themselves, thus
*ZVCV > *CVZV). In Northern Mongolian languages front (“hissing”)
reflexes are observed before all vowels except *i, and occasionally also
before *i - in combinations like *ǯiɣa-, *ǯiɣe-, as well as before the syllables with labial *-u- or *-ü-.
154
INTRODUCTION
9. In most modern languages *j is lost before a following *-i-, frequently
resulting in vocalic contractions.
10. Mongor has voicing *-s- > -ʒ- in the nominal suffix -su; it occurs,
with few exceptions, after initial voiceless consonants and *h-, as well
as after initial nasals and *j-. Palatalization *s > š occurs in all languages
before the vowel *i; in Dong. also before *e.
11. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *k before or
after back vowels (or *i in back-row words). Ord. has a voiced reflex
before the following voiceless stop. Mongor and S.-Yugh. have initial
G- before the following -(r)d-, -ǯ-. Between vowels *-k- is usually
voiced in these languages (in S.-Yugh. also fricativized: -ɣ-), but it can
stay voiceless if the first syllable starts with a resonant (therefore in
situations when the “transfer of voice” - *ZVCV > *CVZV - was impossible). In Mongor *k is palatalized ( > ć) before *i. Dong. and Bao. have
voicing in basically the same positions as in Mongor, but initial voicing
may also occur before following resonants, and intervocalic voicing
may sometimes occur even after a syllable starting with a resonant.
12. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *k before or
after front vowels. The distribution of voiced / voiceless reflexes is similar to *kA.
13. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *g before or
after back vowels (or *i in back-row words). In Mongor and S.-Yugh.,
voiceless x- appears before an original voiceless consonant in the next
syllable (*ZVCV > *CVZV); in Mongor *k is palatalized ( > ć) before *i.
Dong. and Bao. have voiceless reflexes in monosyllabic stems before a
liquid (also in a few other cases, like *gasi-ɣun, probably due to assimilation).
14. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *g before or
after front vowels. In Mongor and S.-Yugh., devoicing occurs according
to the same rules as for *gA; other Southern Mongolian languages,
however, do not have devoicing here.
15. In most cases *ŋ is just a variant of *n in combinations with velar
consonants; it never occurs word-initially or between vowels. However, there is a distinction between *-n and *-ŋ in syllable-final position.
16. Initial *h- is well preserved in Dagur and Southern Mongolian languages. The distribution of reflexes in Mongor, Dong. and Bao. depends on following vowels. Generally (omitting some subtle details),
the labial reflex is found before *u, *ü, sibilant reflexes before *i, laryngeal and velar reflexes elsewhere.
17. Intervocalic *-ɣ- is in complementary distribution with *h- (and may
in fact be reconstructed as *-h-). It is rendered as -ɣ- (in the back row)
CHAPTER THREE
155
or -g- (in the front row) in WMong., reflected as -0- (or a laryngeal) in
MMong. and is lost in all modern languages, usually causing vowel
contractions.
18. In Kalm., ä before a following *i. In Mongor the basic reflex is a; after palatal affricates and j before a lengthened second vowel the reflex
is i. In a number of disyllabic and trisyllabic words the initial *a- is lost;
on the other hand, *a is lengthened > ā in disyllables with *-u in the
second syllable. Dong. and Bao. have a reduction (*a > ə) in a number
of disyllabic words, and Bao. has -i- after affricates. Mog. has -o- before
liquids, and a lengthened reflex before *u, *i of the second syllable.
19. In Kalm. ü before a following *i. Dag. has a diphthong before a
short -a- of the second syllable (the sequence *bu- in such case > *bua- >
ba-), but -u- before a lengthened second -ā-. Bao. has -o- after G-, -aafter b-. Mongor has a frequent reduction *u > ə > 0, following a rather
complicated system of rules. In S.-Yugh. the reduction occurs before
liquids, in non-initial syllables the usual reflex is ə.
20. In Kalm. ö before a following *i. The distribution of reflexes in Dag.
is similar to *u. Ord. has u in an open syllable before *-u- in the following syllable; a similar distribution is observed in Mog. Mongor has
lengthening o > ō before the following *-u-; in Anlaut u- is preserved
only before liquids, otherwise a reduction *u- > 0- occurs; in Inlaut
Mongor has -o- or -u-, with a rather complicated distribution of reflexes. S.-Yugh. has long ō in the same context as in Mongor (i.e. before
-u- of the second syllable); next to *m *o is sometimes reflected as ū.
The rules of variation o~u in Dong. and Bao. are not quite clear.
21. *i is the least stable vowel in all Mongolian languages. It usually
becomes assimilated to the vowel of the second syllable (the so called
“breaking of the vowel *i”). The particular rules of “breaking” differ
from language to language; see the description, e. g., in Poppe 1955.
22. In Khalkha, i before back affricates and clusters of -l-+affricates. In
Kalm., i after j- and before back affricates. In Ord., i after j-, č-, ǯ-. In
Mongor, a complicated distribution of reflexes (usually u after labials,
and a variety of reflexes before liquids *r, *l, depending on preceding
consonants). Dong. has -e- after affricates and j-, otherwise usually a
diphthong -ie-. Labialized reflexes in all languages usually occur in
Anlaut before an *-ü- of the next syllable. A labial u- (=ü-) is regular in
Chinese MMong. transcriptions, MA and in Mogol; Ord. has ö- before
labials, otherwise ü-; Dag. has e- before labials, otherwise ü-; Dong.,
Bao. and Mongor have 0- before labials, otherwise u-; S.-Yugh. has 0before labials, otherwise o-.
156
INTRODUCTION
23. The distribution of reflexes in Mongor and S.-Yugh. is similar to *u.
In Southern Mongolian languages one has to assume an early merger
of front and back labialized vowels in many contexts.
24. Ord. has ü in open syllables before the following *-ü-. The reflexes
in Southern Mongolian languages are generally the same as those of *o.
3.3. Tungus-Manchu [by A. Dybo and S. Starostin]
While dealing with the TM protoforms, we have basically adopted the
classical reconstruction of V. Tsintsius (Цинциус 1949) rather than its
somewhat reduced version in Benzing 1955; some modifications were
also introduced in Иллич-Свитыч 1965, in АПиПЯЯ and Дыбо 1990.
Consonants
p
t
č
k
b
d
ǯ
g
s
š
x
l, r
j
m
n
ń
ŋ
The resonants *r and *j are reconstructed only word-medially.
All TM languages distinguish velar and uvular consonants; both,
however, go back to a single row of velars, split according to the position adjacent to front or back vowels. In the table below we give only
velar reflexes, but one should keep in mind that they are always split
(k/q, g/G, x/ɣ, χ/ʁ).
Vowels
i
e
ü
u
o
a
One diphthong (*ia) is also reconstructed, although it is possible
that the phoneme reconstructed as *ü could have also been a diphthong
(*iu or *ui). All vowels could be short or long.
All vowels except *o could occur both in the first and the following
syllables. Unlike Turkic and Mongolian, Proto-Tungus-Manchu appears to have had no vowel harmony. Some restrictions on the coexistence of different vowels in adjacent syllables were, however, present:
the back vowels *a, *o could not be combined with the front vowel *e;
*u could not follow *o, *ü could not follow *i.
All modern languages have developped a specific variety of vowel
harmony (probably under Mongolian influence): every word may be
157
CHAPTER THREE
characterized as “back” or “front”, depending on the particular combination of vowels. Words with -a- or -o- in the first or second syllable
are always “back”; words with -e- in the first or second syllable are always “front”. The -i- and -u- vowels are neutral, i. e. they may occur
both in “back” and “front” words (but frequently have different allophones, depending on the row of the word). The *-ü- vowel usually
occurs in “front” words, but combinations *aCü and *oCü seem also to
be attested. Velars shift to uvulars in “back” words, but are preserved
in “front” words. It should be mentioned that the combinations of the
neutral vowels -u- and -i- are usually treated as “back”, with velars
shifting to uvulars in combinations *CiCi, *CuCu, *CiCu and *CuCi,
although there may be occasional variation.
Basic correspondences of TM consonants:
PTM Evk
p-
h-1
Evn
h-2
Sol
0-
Neg Oroch
x-
x-3
Ud
x-4
Ulcha
p-
Orok
p-
Nan
p-/f-5
Man
f-
Jurch
f-
p6
p/w/0 b/w/0 b/w/g p/w/0 p/w/0 f/w
p/b
p/b
p/f/b
f/b
f
b-
b-
b-
b-
b-
b-
p-
b-
b-
b-
b-
b-
b7
w/0
w/0
w/0
w/0
b/w/0 b/w/0
b/w/0 b/w/0
b/w/0 b/f/w/0 b/w
m-
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m8
m
t9
t9
t9
t10
t10
t10
t-
t
t
t
t
t9
t
t
t
t
t
t9
t9
t9
t9
t10
t10
t10
d11
d11
d11
d12
d12
d12
d12
d12
d12
d-
d
d
d
d
d11
d
d
d
d
d
d11
d11
d11
d11
s-
s-13
h-14
s-15
s-
s-
s-
s-
s-
s-
s-/š-
s-
s
s13
s16
s15
s
s
s, h
s
s
s
s
s
n-
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
l-17
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l/n
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
l
r
r
r
r
j, 0
j, 0
j, 0
r
r
r
r
r
č-
č-
č-
š-
č-
č-
c-
č-
č- > t-
č-18
č-
č-
č
č
č
š
č
č
s
č
č>t
č
č
č
ǯ-
ǯ-
ǯ-
ǯ-
ǯ-
ǯ-
ʒ-
ǯ-
ǯ-> d
ǯ-19
ǯ-
ǯ-
ǯ
ǯ
ǯ
ǯ
ǯ
ǯ
ʒ
ǯ
ǯ>d
ǯ19
ǯ
ǯ
š-20
č
č
š
č
č
c
č
č>t
č
š/s
s, c
š20
č
č
š
č
č
s
č
č>t
č
š/s
s, c
ń-21 ń
ń
n
ń
ń
ń
ń
n
ń
ń
ń
ń
ń
n
ń
ń
ń
ń
n
ń
ń
ń
ń
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INTRODUCTION
PTM Evk
022
j,
Evn
Sol
Neg Oroch
022
022
j,
022
k-
j,
Ud
j,
022
Nan
Man
022
022
022
k-
k-
k-/x-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-/x-
k-
k23
k
k
k/x/ɣ/0 k/x
k/x/0
k/x/ɣ/0
k/0
k/0
k/0
k/x
k/x
g-
g
g
g
g
g
g
g
g
g
g
g24
ɣ
ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0
ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w
x-
0
0
0
x26
k
k
k/x/ɣ/0 k/x
ŋ-
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋ
j,
j, 022
0
0
x/s4
x/s4
x/s4
0/x25
h
k/x/0
k/x/ɣ/0
x/0
x/0
x/0
k/x
k/x
ŋ, ni- ŋ/ń/m22 ŋ/ń/m/w22 ŋ/ń/m/ ŋ/m/w27 ŋ/m/w g/w29 g/w/ŋ29
w27
ŋ
j,
Jurch
k-
ŋ
j,
Orok
j,
0
j,
022
Ulcha
j
g
j,
022
ŋ
ŋ, 0
ŋ, 0
/028
ŋg, 030 ŋg, 030 ŋg, 030 ŋg, m ŋ, m
Notes
1. 0- in the North Baikal dialect.
2. 0- in the Kamchatka and Arman dialects.
3. Sporadically - s- before -i-.
4. s- before *-i- and *-ia-.
5. p- in literary Nanai and in the Naikhi dialect; f- in the Bikin dialect;
in Kur-Urmi usually x-, but some examples of f- are also attested, obviously because of interdialectal borrowings (the Kur-Urmi dialect historically belongs rather not to Nanai, but to the Northern subgroup of
TM).
6. Intervocalic *-p- is rather stable in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai, where it is
usually preserved (but occasionally can be voiced > -b-; in Bikin Nanai
the standard reflex is -f-). Evenki and Even have either a stop (Evk. -p-,
Evn. -b-) or a resonant (Evk. -w-/-0-, Evn. -w-/-0-). In АПиПЯЯ we reconstructed *-p- for the former, but *-b- for the latter row of correspondences. It appears, however, that they are in complementary distribution, the Evk.-Evn. -w-reflex appearing for the most part between identical vowels (in sequences *apa, *epe, *upu, *ipi, *iapa, also *opa >
*opo); in a number of exceptions, where Evenki and Even have -p- between identical vowels, we are probably dealing with later vocalic assimilations.
7. All languages except Manchu usually have -w-/-0- here; Manchu has
a variation -b-/-w- (occasionally also -f-). Languages of the Southern
branch can also occasionally have -b- here: for the most part we may be
dealing with Manchu loanwords, but a genuine dialect variation also
cannot be excluded. In Northern languages (in Even, much less frequently in Evenki dialects) the reflex -ɣ- is also sometimes observed,
usually before the following -u-.
CHAPTER THREE
159
In this row of correspondences, Tsintsius 1949 and Starostin (АПиПЯЯ) reconstructed PTM *-w-; in the dictionary we have adopted
Benzing’s reconstruction *-b-, thus eliminating PTM *-w- from the system altogether. Note that the only reliable case where initial *w- can be
reconstructed, PTM *wā- ῾kill’, should also be rather emended to *Vbā(probably *ebā-, cf. eb- in Manchu eb-te ǵaxun ῾hunting bird’ = *῾killing
bird’).
PTM *-b- is usually well preserved in all languages in clusters with
consonants (*-rb-, *-lb- etc.).
8. > ń in the position of palatalization.
9. Sporadically > č before -i-.
10. > č before -i- and -ia-.
11. Sporadically > ǯ before -i-.
12. > ǯ before -i- and -ia-.
13. The Evenki dialects are classified into s-dialects, š-dialects,
h-dialects and s/h-dialects, see details in Вас. In the s-dialects *s > s; in
the š-dialects *s > š; in the h-dialects *s > h; in the s/h-dialects *s- > s-, -s> -h-.
14. 0 in the Kamchatka dialect, s in the Arman dialect.
15. > š before -i-, -ia-; c or č in some old recordings.
16. On the development in Even dialects see details in РЭС. In the
Kolyma-Omolon dialect *-s-, *-s > š; in the Indigir dialect *-s- > -h-; in
the Arman dialect *s > č in consonant clusters.
17. All languages reveal (in various degrees) the tendency of shifting *l> n-.
18. In the Bikin dialect: č before i, otherwise c.
19. In the Bikin dialect: ǯ before i, otherwise ʒ.
20. The reconstruction of *š was introduced in АПиПЯЯ, following a
suggestion of O. Mudrak. We must add that a fricative reflex, besides
Manchu, is also present in the Bikin dialect of Nanai; all other languages have completely merged PTM *š and *č.
21. Initial *ń- may develop into j- between front vowels and *-ia-, although exact rules are not yet quite clear, because of a great deal of
confusion between *n- and *ń- (sometimes also *ŋ-) in this position.
22. Depending on the vocalic environment.
23. Intervocalic *-k- is usually preserved. It can, however, yield -0- in
trisyllabic words in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai, and occasionally also gives
-0-reflexes in Oroch and Udehe (very rarely - in Even). A fricative reflex
(with a not quite clear distribution) is also attested in Negidal, Solon,
Udehe, Manchu and Jurchen. In a few cases in disyllabic and trisyllabic
160
INTRODUCTION
forms variants with -G- are attested in Southern languages, being
probably just misrecordings for a weakened intervocalic uvular -q-.
24. Intervocalic *-g- is extremely unstable. In this position it is usually
articulated as a fricative -ɣ- (in the back row alternatively recorded as
-G-, -ɣ- or -ʁ-) and is best preserved in Evenki. The most frequent reflexes in other languages are -w-, -j- or -0-, depending on vocalic environment.
25. The basic reflex in Manchu is 0- (occasionally j-, sometimes nasalized to n- in front of the following nasal). The reflex x- is, however, also
not unfrequent (unlike Northern languages that only have 0- here).
Note that in all attested cases, Jurchen, which is actually an old Manchu
dialect, still has h- (that was possibly pronounced as x-), thus a number
of words with x- < *x- in Manchu may be a result of old interdialectal
mixture.
26. Intervocalic *-x- is an innovation in PTM reconstruction, first proposed in Дыбо 1990. It is based on the distinction between -k- and -xin Ulcha, Orok and Nanai. Northern languages, as well as Oroch,
Udehe and Manchu have completely merged the reflexes of *-k- and
*-x-. Such a reconstruction seems probable for two reasons: 1) the languages that preserve the distinction between *-k- and *-x- are exactly
the same languages that preserve initial *x-; 2) the distinction between
*-k- and *-x- seems to reflect the Altaic distinction *-k- : *-k῾- (see
above), thus exactly parallelling the distinction *k- : *x- in word-initial
position.
27. Depending on the vocalic environment; w- before a diphthong.
28. ŋ- or m- depending on the vocalic environment; w- before a diphthong; 0- before a following nasal.
29. w- before a diphthong.
30. ŋ in *Ciŋi; 0 in trisyllabic suffixed forms and in disyllables ending in
a nasal (see Цинциус 1949, 44).
The Tungus-Manchu languages have also a rich system of consonant clusters, frequently yielding rather complicated reflexes. Here is
the basic system of correspondences for non-standard TM consonant
clusters:
PTM Evk
pk pk
pt pt
rp rp
lp lp
lb lb
Evn
Sol
pk
kk
pt
kt, tt
rp
rp, pp
Neg
pk
pt
tp
lb
lb
lb
Oroch Ud Ulcha
pp
kp pp
tt
pt, tt
pp
kp lp
lp
bb
gb lb
Orok Nan Man
kp
kp
x
rp
lp
lb
rp
lp
lb
p, rf
lf,p
lb, b
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CHAPTER THREE
Sol Neg Oroch Ud
PTM Evk Evn
rb rb
rb
rb
lb, db bb
gb
rk rk
rk
rk,kk jk,
kk
k
tk,sk
g
rg rg
rg
rg, gg jg,dg, gg
ǯg
gd gd
d
dd
gd
gd
gd
kt kt
t
kt, tt kt
kt
kt
ks ks
s
kč, čč, ks, xs ks
k-h
rč
ls
ll, lr, lr, ld ld
l
kt
l-h
ld
ns nn, nr, nd nd
n
s
-hnr,
nd
ms mn, mr,md nd
mn ms
m-h
mr,
md
lg lg
lg
lg
lg
gg
g
lk lk
lk
lx
lk
kk
k
ld ld
ld
ld
ld
gd
gd
lt
lt
lt
lt
lt
kt
kt
ng ŋg, ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
ŋn
ńg nŋ, nŋ
nŋ, ŋ
ŋ
ńŋ
ńŋ
ńŋ nŋ, nŋ
ŋ, ń
nŋ, ŋ
ŋ
ńŋ
ńŋ
nŋ nŋ
nŋ
nŋ
ŋ
ŋ
ŋt
ŋd
ŋt
ŋd,
ŋn
ŋn ŋn
ŋń ŋń
ŋm ŋm
ŋt
n
ŋs
ŋk
ńk
ŋr, ŋs ŋs
ŋk
ŋk
ŋn
ŋk
ŋk
ŋn
ń
ŋm
ŋ
ŋ
mm
Ulcha Orok Nan Man
rb, lb lb
rb, b b
č
tt
jk
č
ǯ
d
gd
kt
ks
gd
kt
sk
lt
lt, l-s- lt
x
(n)t
t
(n)t
ng/x
ms
ps
ms
ng/x
ld
lč
ld
lt
ŋg
lǯ
lt
ld
lt
ŋg
lg
lk
ld, lǯ
lt
ŋg
lg
jg, g ǯ, nč,
nǯ
gd
d
kt
x
ks
x
nd, nǯ
lč
ŋg
ŋg,ńd, nd
ńǯ
ń
n
ng, ng, nǯ
nǯ
jŋ, ŋ ń
ŋg, nǯ ŋg,
nǯ
ŋt
ŋd
ŋd
ŋg,
ŋǯ
ŋt
ŋd
ŋt
ŋn
ŋt
ŋn
ŋt
ŋd
ŋn
ŋń
ŋm
ŋn
ŋń
mm
ŋn ŋn
ŋń ŋń
ŋm ŋm
ŋn
ŋk
ŋk
ŋn, ŋs ŋd
ŋk
ŋk
ŋk
ŋk
ŋd
ŋk
nd
ŋn
ŋn
mŋ
nd
kk
nd
ŋn
ŋń
ŋm,
mŋ
ŋs
ŋk
nǯ
nǯ
nt
ŋd, ŋn
ŋǵ
ŋg
ŋs, nn
ŋk
nč
162
INTRODUCTION
PTM Evk
nt nt
nd n
nb m
mg mg,
mŋ
lm nm
rm nm
lŋ nŋ,
ńŋ
Evn
nt
n
m
mŋ
Sol Neg
nt
nt
n
n
m
m
mm
Oroch Ud
nt
nt
n
n
m
m
mm ŋm
nm
nm
nŋ
nm
mm
ŋ, ń
nm
rm
ŋ
nm
nm
nŋ,
ńŋ
Ulcha
nt
nd
mb
ŋb
nm lm
m lm
ŋ
ń
Orok Nan Man
tt
nt
nt, nd
nd
nd
nd
mb mb
mg mb ŋgg
nm
lm
n
nm lm
rm lm
jŋ, ŋ lŋ
Basic correspondences of Tungus-Manchu vowels:
PTM Evk
i
i
ü2 i
u3 u
e
e
o
o
a
a
ia4
Evn
i/ị1
i/ị1
u/ụ1
e
o
a
ǟ
Sol Neg
i
i/ị1
i
i/ị1
u
u/o1
e
e
o
o
a
a
‘a, ǟ ǟ
Oroch Ud
i/ị1
i/ị1
i/u1 i/u1
u/o1 u/o1
e
e
o
o
a
a
ǟ
ǟ (eä)
Ulcha
i/ị1
u/o1
u/o1
e
o
a
ia
Orok Nan
i/ị1 i/ị1
u/o1 u/o1
u/o1 u/o1
e
e
o
o
a
a
ia
ia, ǟ
Man
i
u
u
e
o
a
‘a
Jurch
i
u
u
e
o
a
‘a
Notes
1. Depending on the row of the word
2. Since *ü is very rare in “back” words, the reflexes like Evn. ị or Nan.
o are only rarely found.
3. In non-initial back-row syllables in Southern languages we usually
meet the notation -ụ-, not -o-; occasionally it also occurs in initial syllables. In Even, the notation ụ alternates with ö (in Cyrillic sources ө).
4. Notation for the reflexes of *-ia- varies significantly in Southern languages: we meet (probably synonymic) notations ia and ǟ, in Udehe
also frequently eä. In polysyllabic forms this diphthongs sometimes
tends to merge with *-i-.
5. Most languages tend to reduce vowels in non-initial, especially final
syllables. Evenki and Nanai are the most conservative languages in this
respect; Manchu and Even - the least conservative. Even, in fact, can
have a special neutral reduced vowel replacing all vowels in non-initial
syllables; in “front” words it is transcribed as ъ, in “back” words - as .
6. All languages except Manchu and Jurchen preserve the distinction
between short and long vowels (although in the case of *ia it is somewhat obscured because of the monophthongization *ia > ǟ). Long vow-
163
CHAPTER THREE
els in Manchu are secondary, going back to contractions after the loss
of medial consonants.
However, in existing sources for most languages length is marked
extremely irregularly, with a great deal of confusion. Our reconstruction is therefore primarily based on the evidence of two most extensively and accurately recorded languages: Evenki and Nanai, the evidence of which is in most cases mutually concordant.
7. All vowels in non-initial syllables are frequently subject to reduction
and morphological adjustments. In Manchu and Jurchen initial vowels
are also frequently modified under the influence of non-initial ones: the
rules are too abundant and detailed to be layed out here.
3.4. Korean
Korean is one language with a set of very close dialects. The earliest
attestations (the Kirim wordlist) are from around the 10th century, but
the wordlist is short and Chinese transcriptions seem to be applied
unsystematically, so that proper phonetic interpretation is difficult
(and perhaps impossible). Accurate recordings start only from the 15th
century, and the language of that period (15th-16th centuries) is usually
called Middle Korean.
The phonology of Middle Korean is basically used as
“Proto-Korean” in this dictionary, with some additional reconstruction
based on morphophonemics: the alternations -p- / -w- and -t- / -r- in
verbal stems indicate the existence of special intervocalic stops *-b- and
*-d- in Proto-Korean (as opposed to *-p- and *-t- that did not result in
any alternations). The system of PK consonants is thus presented as
follows:
p
t
č
k
b
d
m
n
ń
ŋ
r
j
‘(0)
s
h
The voiced phonemes *b and *d, as said above, were not preserved
in Middle Korean: they yielded voiceless reflexes (p, t) syllable-finally,
and changed to -w-, -r- respectively intervocalically. The Middle Korean system therefore lacks a distinction in voice. This is one of the basic reasons why we interpret the Middle Korean ń (orthographic “triangle”) as a nasal (based primarily on the Kor. values of Chinese loanwords), not as a voiced fricative z: voiced consonants were certainly
absent in Middle Korean. This solution was already accepted in АПи-
164
INTRODUCTION
ПЯЯ; see also Vovin 1993 and Robbeets 2000. As for the reco nstruction
of non-initial voiced consonants, we accept here the basic reconstruction proposed in Ramsey 1986, rather than the poorly grounded theory
of intervocalic voicing *-VCV- > *-VZV- put forward in Martin 1996.
Voiced consonants and resonants except *m and *n did not occur
word-initially.
Middle Korean already possessed aspirated consonants (ph, th, čh,
kh), but they still were relatively rare and most probably go back to PK
plain stops influenced by the *-h- of the next syllable (thus khɨ- ῾big’ <
*kɨh- etc.), or of the preceding syllable (thus manh-ta ῾many’ > mantha,
but with both variants still attested in MKor.). The process of forming
aspirates was still not completed in MKor.: besides khɨ- ῾big’ we have,
e.g. ko ῾nose’, with the endings added to the stem koh-; all modern dialects already have kho. It generally appears that the aspiration process
operated earlier in verbs and adjectives than in nouns.
Already in MKor. texts there was a pronounced tendency of confusing syllable-final -s, -č(h) and -t, although they are still frequently distinguished. In modern Korean dialects those consonants completely
merged in -t.
In modern Korean dialects this system is basically preserved, but
with the following transformations:
1. Voiceless consonants have usually become voiced in intervocalic position.
2. A new series of “tense” consonants (p:, t:, k:, č:, s:) has arisen, due
basically to simplification of MKor. consonant clusters (sp > p:, st, pt >
t:, sk, pk > k:, pč > č:, ps > s:).
3. The nasal ń changed into j, 0 or s - with considerable variation between dialects and in different positions.
4. The laryngeals ‘ and h disappeared everywhere except
word-initially. -h- disappeared completely, but left an occasional trace
in the aspiration of preceding or following consonants (see above). -‘also disappeared completely; the only trace of it may be seen in the development of the combination -r’- yielding tense l: (r:).
5. The only Korean liquid r is usually articulated as r intervocalically,
but as l at the end of a syllable - although the actual reflexes may differ.
The system of MKor. vowels is the following:
165
CHAPTER THREE
i
ɨ
ə
ă
u
o
a
The phonetic nature of ə and ă is debatable: it is most probable that
ə was originally a front *e, while ă was a mid-high vowel like ə or ʌ (it
is also worth mentioning that ă is the only MKor. vowel that did not
occur word-initially). Throughout the dictionary we use the traditional
transcription.
Like Turkic and Mongolian, Middle Korean possesses vowel harmony. Within a polysyllabic word only the vowels a/ă/o or ə/ɨ/u could
be combined with each other (with a few orthographic variations); the
vowel i was neutral and could occur in any of the word types. This information can be used for trying to interpret the Proto-Korean system:
one of the possible interpretations is, e.g., treating o as *u, ă as *o, ə as
*e, ɨ as *ö and u as *ü. Such a treatment, however, would be only speculative: while rendering of Chinese characters gives indeed good reason
to think that ə goes back to *e, there is no evidence from Sino-Korean
that ă and ɨ were labialized. In many cases, ă and ɨ do indeed go back to
Altaic labialized vowels (see above), but by no means always: ɨ can also
go back to *i, and ă to *ia, see above. It is thus best to regard the MKor.
(and PKor.) system as a result of a number of different phonetic processes and restructurings, and we preserve the above system of symbols
for “Proto-Korean”.
All MKor. vowels could be long or short, and it was convincingly
demonstrated by Ramsey 1978 that the long vowels should have originally resulted from contractions and a reduction of the vowel of the
next syllable. In many individual cases, however, this is not quite clear,
so we preserve the feature of length for “Proto-Korean” - although it
certainly is not of Altaic origin.
Finally MKor. (and probably Proto-Korean) possessed diphthongic
combinations: ɨi, əi, ăi, ui, oi, ai, jə, ja (in loanwords also ju, jo).
All modern Korean dialects have significantly restructured the
MKor. system. Thus, in literary Korean falling diphthongs are usually
monophthongized (ɨi > i, əi > e, ai, ăi > ä, ui > wi, oi > we); ă disappears (
> a or ɨ, with considerable variation); ə is preserved, but already as a
back unrounded ʌ. Length is preserved in many dialects (e.g., literary
Seoul), but is usually not rendered orthographically.
In MKor. orthography, length was marked by two dots and thus
perceived as a prosodic feature of a syllable, opposed to one dot ( = rising, or high tone) and to no dots (= falling, or low tone). Some of the
modern dialects have completely lost all prosodic distinctions; some
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INTRODUCTION
have merged the two tones, but preserve length as a prosodic feature;
some appear to have preserved all distinctions. However, no systematic recordings of modern dialect prosody (except for the notation of
length in S. Martin’s KED) is known to us, so we base ourselves almost
exclusively on Middle Korean evidence.
In Proto-Korean and Middle Korean the high and low tone are certainly distinctive; however, as was shown by Ramsey 1978 and Ramsey
1991, there is a very strong tendency in Middle Korean towards low
tone on verbal and adjectival stems.
3.5. Japanese.
Japanese, like Korean, is a single language. However, it is attested considerably earlier (major literary monuments already since the 8th century), and has a much larger dialectal diversity than Korean.
The phonology of all modern dialects (including the Ryukyu dialects) can be derived from the system attested in Nara texts and known
as Old Japanese (a debatable question is whether some of the Ryukyu
dialects - the Amami dialects - reflect the distinction of e vs. je after
front (dental) consonants, the distinction that was certainly already lost
in Old Japanese). However, some phonetic features of the Ryukyu dialects - such as preservation of labial *p-, *b- and dental *d- - may be actually archaic and preserve the situation preceding that of Old Japanese. Additionally, we are able to establish some pre-OJ phonological
system on the basis of verbal and nominal morphophonemics.
A general outline of the Proto-Japanese (PJ) reconstruction was already put forward in the seventies (see Старостин 1975), and we still
keep this system, with a few modifications (notably, a reinterpretation
of the OJ i-ji distinction, see below). A very similar system can be found
in the works of other authors, e. g., in the largest ever compendium of
Japanese historical phonology, S. Martin’s JLTT.
The periodization of Japanese adopted in the present volume is like
this:
1. PJ - Proto-Japanese. A reconstructed language that must have been
spoken during the first centuries of our era.
2. OJ - Old Japanese. The language of the 7th-8th centuries, as reflected
in early inscriptions and in the earliest Nara texts: Kojiki, Nihon shoki
and Man’yōshū.
3. MJ - Middle Japanese. A rather vague term referring to all post-Nara
and Pre-Meiji attested stages of Japanese. Various stages of MJ are re-
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ferred in literature as Late Old Japanese, Middle Japanese, Early Modern Japanese, with variously drawn chronological borders.
4. Modern Japanese - Japanese dialects attested in the 19th and 20th
centuries.
The PJ system of consonants can be reconstructed as follows:
p
t
k
b
d
w
j
m
n
r
s
In the system outlined above members of the pairs b-w and d-j are
actually in complementary distribution, *b and *d occurring only
word-initially, and *w and *j only intervocalically. For this reason some
authors, e.g., S. Martin, prefer to reconstruct only *b and *d. However,
no sources or modern dialects have any reflexes of intervocalic stops
here, as opposed to word-initial position, where at least some of the
Ryukyu dialects have b- (Hateruma, Yonaguni) and at least one dialect
(Yonaguni) appears to have preserved d-. Historically, there certainly
are cases where -w- and -j- do not go back to earlier *-b- and *-d- but
are rather filling a hiatus after some consonant losses (e.g. *-g- > -0- >
-w-, -j-); *-j- in some cases evidently reflects PA *-j-.
In fact, although PJ *b- and *d- in very many cases reflect PA *b- and
*d-, some authors (e.g. Murayama 1978) have expressed doubts in the
plausibility of such reconstruction for PJ. The arguments concern
mainly the reflex d- in Yonaguni: Murayama attempted to show that
old records of this dialect actually reveal j-. Additionally, Old Japanese
does not have a distinction of j- : 0- before the following i-vowel. In
cases like isi ῾stone’, obviously an early development *disi ( < PA *tṓĺì)
> *jisi > isi had taken place. But Yonaguni has here always 0- instead of
d-; it only has d- in cases where it directly corresponds to OJ j-. Still,
since the only source of OJ w- and j- are PA *b-, *d- (*t-), and since the
nature of Ryukyu reflexes is debatable, we keep the notation *b-, *d- for
Proto-Japanese; in cases like isi ῾stone’ we shall write *(d)isi, because
there is no evidence from within Japanese whether the form was actually *disi or *isi.
Besides voiceless intervocalic stops, OJ also had voiced -b-, -d-, -g-.
The general consensus now is that in most cases these voiced stops reflect PJ clusters *-mp-, *-nt-, *-nk- which are the only consonant clusters
possible in PJ and may have actually been pronounced as prenasalized
stops. In some cases these clusters actually reflect original PA clusters;
but, as we tried to show above, in many more cases they go back to
plain voiceless or voiced consonants in syllables with high pitch. It is
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INTRODUCTION
therefore also possible to regard the OJ situation as original, or possibly
as resulting from a merger of clusters *-mp-, *-nt-, *-nk- and voiced *-b-,
*-d-, *-g- (from earlier plain stops).
Below we give a chart of correspondences between PJ consonants,
OJ consonants and modern standard Japanese (to avoid confusion, we
list the modern reflexes in standard modern romanization, where ch =
/ć/, j = //, sh = /ś/, ts = /c/, z = /ʒ/). We do not list correspondences in
other dialects, because they are basically the same (except for occasional different behaviour of vowel sequences originating from intervocalic consonant loss).
PJ
*p1
*b2
*-mp*-w-3
*m
*t4
*d5
*-nt-6
*-j-7
*n
*-r*s8
*-ns-9
*k
*-nk-
OJ
p
w
-b-wm
t
j
-dj
n
r
s
z
k
-g-
Tokyo
h-/f-, -w-/-0w/0
-b-w-/-0m
t/ch/ts
y
-d-/-j-/-z-j-/-0n
r
s/sh
z/j
k
g
Notes.
1. f- before -u-, h- elsewhere; -w- before -a-, -0- (with vowel contractions) elsewhere.
2. *b- is not reconstructed before *-u-; in Tokyo w- before -a-, 0- elsewhere.
3. -w- before a, -0- (with vowel contractions) elsewhere.
4. ch before i, ts before u, t elsewhere.
5. *d- is not reconstructed before i (see above).
6. j before i, z before u, d elsewhere.
7. 0 before i, e, y elsewhere.
8. sh before i, s elsewhere.
9. j before i, z elsewhere.
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CHAPTER THREE
Vowels
The Proto-Japanese system is reconstructed as consisting of four vowels:
i
u
ə
a
and five diphthongs: ia, ua, ui, əi, ai.
There may be some indications in Ryukyu (basically Okinawa) dialects of the existence in PJ of a vocalic length distinction; the problem is,
however, far from clear and requires further investigation.
The diphthongs (except *ua in some cases) themselves have evolved
from earlier contractions, see above, and the discussion in Старостин
1975 and JLTT 57-64. Below we give a chart of vocalic correspondences
between PJ, OJ and standard modern Japanese:
PJ
i1
u
ə
a
ia2
ua3
ui
əi
ai
OJ
(j)i
u
o
a
(j)e
(w)o
i
i
e
Tokyo
i
u
o
a
e
o
i
i
e
Notes.
1. OJ ji is distinguished from i after velar and labial consonants; the distinction is neutralized after dentals.
2. OJ je is distinguished from e after velar and labial consonants; the
distinction is neutralized after dentals.
3. OJ wo is distinguished from o after dental and velar consonants; the
distinction after labials also existed, but was already disappearing during the Nara period, and in most cases is difficult to be recovered from
the writing system.
Prosody
The reconstruction of the PJ accentology is based on the accented Middle Japanese (11th century) dictionary “Ruijumyōgishō” (RJ) and on
modern dialect data. RJ regularly marks high pitch (Ỻ) with a single
upper dot, and low pitch (Ỽ) - with a single lower dot. The system of
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INTRODUCTION
OJ accents is unknown, but a good guess is that it was close to the system attested in RJ. A discussion of the phonetic interpretation of the
Middle Japanese and PJ accent system see in АПиПЯЯ 64-67, 136-137.
With the exception of the Kyoto “circumflex” pitch, all dialectal accent
systems are well derivable from the RJ accents, with the following correspondences:
a) Monosyllabic nouns
PJ
RJ
Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
*Ỻ,
kó,
kṓ, -gá kò, -ga kó, kó-gà
*A ké
k
*Ỻ-nká -gá
‘hair’
‘child’
*Ỽ,
tà, -gá tā, t-gá tá, -ga tà, tà-gá
*B
t
t
*Ỽ-nká ‘field’
The first type here corresponds to Martin’s 1.1 or H(H), the second to Martin’s 1.3a or L(L). Martin (JLTT 179-182, 600-602) reconstructs
two more accent types for monosyllabic nouns, namely 1.2 or H(L) and
1.3b or L(H). We should say that the number of words in the two latter
classes is quite insignificant, and the correspondences far from clear.
The type 1.3b is most probably just a collection of irregularities, while
the type 1.2 may have some reality, since Kyoto has a distinct pitch pattern here (marked by Hirayama as 1;25). However, the number of
words in this class (of which the most common one is n ῾name’) is
quite small and it may well be an innovation in Kyoto-type dialects. It
seems not quite probable that monosyllabic nouns had possessed more
than two distinctive types of pitch.
b) Disyllabic nouns
PJ
RJ
Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR
1.*ỺỺ,
túmé, -gá tsúmé, tsùme, tsúmè,
*A
-nká
῾claw’
-gá
-ga
tsùmé-gà
2.*ỺỼ,
ísì, -gá
íshì,
ishí,
íshì, ìshí-gà *A
-nká
῾stone’
-gà
-ga
3.*ỼỼ,
ìnù, -gá
ínù,
inú, -ga ìnú, ìnù-gá *B
-nká
῾dog’
-gà
4.*ỼỺ,-nká kàtá, -gá kàtá, káta, kàtá,
*B
῾shoulder’ kàtà-gá -ga
kàtà-gá
5.*ỼV,-nká jòrú, -gá jòrû, jóru, jòrú,
*B
῾night’
jòrú-ga -ga
jòrù-gá
Shuri Hateruma
tšímì sɨmì
ʔíšì
ʔìšì
ʔíń
ʔìnú
kátá
kàtá
júrú
jùrú
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CHAPTER THREE
Here type 1 is Martin’s 2.1 or HH(H); type 2 is Martin’s 2.2b or
HL(L); type 3 is Martin’s 2.3 or LL(L); type 4 is Martin’s 2.4 or LH(H);
and type 5 is Martin’s 2.5 or LH(L). Martin also lists a type 2.2a or
*HH(L) which differs from type 2.2b in Tokyo-type dialects (instead of
VỺ - ỼV), but he himself expresses doubts about its existence (JLTT
162); most of the words of this type probably just exhibit occasional
irregularities or are a result of interdialectal influence. Type 5 no doubt
exists, but differs from type 4 only in Kyoto-type dialects and is not
reflected in RJ - which is certainly a recording of the old Kyoto-type
dialect. Therefore one also cannot exclude here a later Kyoto innovation - although its origins are not yet clear. It has been argued that
nouns of this type go back to an earlier structure *CVCVN, with a
word-final nasal, but the arguments in favour of such a solution are
clearly insufficient.
c) Trisyllabic nouns
PJ
RJ
Kyoto
1.
kébúrí, kémúrí,
*ỺỺỺ, -gá
-gá
-nká ῾smoke’
nàmìdá, námìdà,
2.
*ỼỼỺ, -gá ῾tear’ -gà
-nká
3.
sùzúmé, sùzùmé,
*ỼỺỺ, -gá
-gá
-nká ῾sparrow’
4.
kàtànà, kátànà,
-gà
*ỼỼỼ, -gá
-nká ῾knife’
5.
kàbútò, kàbútò,
*ỼỺỼ, -gá
-gà
-nká ῾helmet’
Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
kèmuri, kèmúrì,
*A kìbúšì kipus
-ga
kèmùrí-gà
námida, nàmìdá,
*B
-ga
nàmìdà-gá
nádá
nàndá
sùzume, sùzùmé, *B
-ga
sùzùmè-gá
ʔúsádží ʔùsàgí
῾hare’
kataná, kàtàná,
*B
-ga
kàtànà-gá
kágáŋ kàtàná
῾mirror’
kábuto, kàbùtó,
*B
-ga
kàbùtò-gá
gúdžírá gùdzrá
῾whale’
Here type 1 is Martin’s 3.1 or HHH(H); type 2 is Martin’s 3.5b or
LLH(H); type 3 is Martin’s 3.6 or LHH(H); type 4 is Martin’s 3.4 or
LLL(L); and type 5 is Martin’s 3.7b or LHL(L).
Although other accent patterns are also possible (Martin also lists:
3.1a or *HHH(L); 3.2a or HHL(L); 3.2b - also HHL(L), but with different
behaviour in Tokyo type dialects; 3.3 or HLL(L); 3.5a or LLH(H), but
with different behaviour in Tokyo type dialects; 3.7a or *LHH(L)).
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INTRODUCTION
However, the above five types represent the absolute majority (more
than 90%) of all trisyllabic nouns.
d) Verbs
PJ
*Ỻ-
RJ
Kyoto
ják(ù) ῾to ják(ú)
burn’
*Ỽ- kàk(ú) kák(ú)
῾to write’
*ỺỺ- kórós(ù) kórós(ú)
῾to kill’
*ỼỼ- fìkàr(ú) híkár(ú)
῾to
shine’
*ỼỺ- àrík(ù) àrùk(ú)
῾to walk’
Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
jàk(u)
ják(ù)
A jàtšúŋ
jàgùŋ
kák(u)
kàk(ú)
B
kátšúŋ
hàkùŋ
kòros(u) kòrós(ù)
A
kùrúsùŋ kùràsùŋ
hikár(u) hìkàr(ú)
B
fitšájúŋ pikàrùŋ
arúk(u) àrùk(ú)
B
ʔáttšúŋ ʔàrùgùŋ
Martin (JLTT198-204) distinguishes only two verbal accent classes:
type A (corresponding to our *Ỻ- and *ỺỺ-) and type B (corresponding
to our *Ỽ- and *ỼỼ-); the type *ỼỺ- is labelled as B . It contains only a
few verbal stems and Martin may be right in regarding it as secondary.
e) Adjectives
PJ
RJ
Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR
Shuri
Hateruma
*ỺỺ- ámá(sì) ámà(i) àma(i) ámà(i)
A
ʔàmá(sàŋ) ʔámà(háŋ)
῾sweet’
*ỼỼ- tàkà(sí) tákà(i) taká(i) tàká(i)
B
táká(sáŋ) tàkà(hàŋ)
῾high’
These two types correspond to Martin’s type A and type B respectively. RJ contains also a few adjectival stems with the accent ỼỺ-, the
origin of which (just as of the verbal *ỼỺ- type) is not quite clear; their
reflexes coincide with the type *ỼỼ- in all dialects.
CHAPTER FOUR
ELEMENTS OF A COMPARATIVE MORPHOLOGY OF
ALTAIC LANGUAGES
4.1. Derivation in Proto-Altaic
A dictionary is not a proper place for a comprehensive comparative
grammar. However, knowledge of derivational morphology is absolutely necessary for evaluating proposed etymologies: in a vast number
of cases we are faced with the inevitability of comparing different suffixed word forms. Here is the list of basic suffixes, with an explanation
of their functions and examples.
4.1.0. PA *-0Although parts of speech, at least nouns and verbs, are clearly distinguishable in all Altaic languages, 0-derivation (conversion) is also not
an uncommon phenomenon. It is especially frequent in TM languages
(cf. numerous cases like *idu- ‘to command’: idu ‘order’, *xila-ga ‘flower,
ornament’ : *xila-ga- ‘to adorn’ etc.), rather common in Mongolian
(*kele- ‘to speak’, *kele ‘tongue, speech’, *čimki- ‘to pinch’, *čimki ‘a
pinch’ etc.). The phenomenon is less common in Turkic and Korean,
and is absent in Japanese (in the latter case because a derived noun always ends in *-i and is thus formally distinct from the verbal stem; this
-i, however, may be a late addition, so that in pre-Proto-Japanese
0-conversion could have been quite normal).
4.1.1. PA *-bThe basic function of this suffix, as described in EAS 2, 157-160 (cf. also
Vovin 1997, 8), is passive / causative, and it is quite productive in TM
(see Benzing 122-123). A *-b- (-p-/-w-) suffix is widely attested in Korean, and a *-p- suffix - in Japanese, although their function is less obvious here: in Japanese the suffix is frequentative or just stem-forming,
in Korean it is basically used in politeness forms, probably reflecting
the original passive semantics. In Mongolian, as Ramstedt writes, this
suffix - due to its phonological weakening - can be clearly detected only
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INTRODUCTION
in clusters with preceding liquids, and has lost productivity. We must
add that the suffix may be in many cases preserved as -ɣe- / -ɣi- > -ji-,
but without external evidence it would be difficult to trace it to *-b-.
Finally, in Turkic, there are just a few cases when *-b- is preserved
as -b- after liquids; in some cases it disappears without a trace, leaving
only vowel labialization (*-Vb- > -u), and is generally rather poorly preserved.
PA *ărV ‘witchcraft, craft’ (PT *ar- ‘to deceive, make magic’; PTM *ar‘to come to one’s senses; appear in one’s imagination’): PT *ar-ba- ‘to
make magic; deceive’, PTM *ar-bu- ‘shape, form’
PA *bójĺo ‘to learn, be attentive’ (not attested suffixless, see under *-gV):
PM *bol-ba- ‘trained, educated’, PJ *bsí-pa- ‘to teach’
PA *č῾uli ‘to grow less, shrink’ (PK *čūr-): PM *čölüji-, Evk. čul-biPA *dure ‘to burn, set fire’ (Bur. düre-, Evn. dur-): PM *dür-be- ‘to blaze,
flame’, Man. do-bu- ‘to set fire’
PA *ḗŕa ‘to go astray, mistake’ (PT *āŕ-, Evk. ere- ‘to be mistaken’, PJ
*árá- ‘to behave violently’: PM *ere-ɣü ‘torture, crime’, PTM *eru- (=
*eru-bu-) ‘bad, torture’, PK *rj-b- ‘to be difficult, in distress’
PA *gla ‘thin, short’ (Nan. Gōl- ‘rare (with intervals)’, PJ *kàrú- ‘light’):
PT *Kɨl-bɨ- ‘thin, short’, PM *gul-bi- ‘be thin, lean’
PA *iĺa ‘to rub, smear’ (PT *ɨĺɨ-, PM *(h)ili- ‘to rub, stroke’, PTM *ile- ‘to
lick’): PM *(h)il-bi-, PK *ər(b)u- ‘to rub’
PA *ile ‘to go away, drive away’ (Mong. ile- ‘go away’): PM *ile-ɣe- ‘to
send’, PTM *il-be- ‘to drive’
PA *òpe ‘to cover, to wear’ (PM *ibe-, PJ *p-): PM *ibe-ɣe-, PJ *pə-pPA *ru ‘to be ashamed, shy, hostile’ (PT *īr ‘shame, to be ashamed’,
Kor. ɨrɨ- ‘to scare, threaten’): PM *(h)ir-ba- ‘discontent, cranky’, PJ
*útúa-(m)p- ‘to shun, neglect’
PA *k῾úlo ‘to roll, turn’ (PT *Kula- ‘to roll down, fall’, PTM *xol- / *xul‘walk round, turn round’, Jpn. koro ‘round log’): PM *köl-be- ‘to lie
on one side’, PK *kur-b- > *kubr- > kuwɨr- (?) ‘to roll’, PJ *kr-mp- id.
PA *máro ‘to roll, bend’ (PTM *mari- ‘to turn, return’, PK *mằr- ‘to roll
up’): PM *mari-ja- ‘to crawl, be in ambush’, PTM *mari-b- ‘to bend,
curl’, PJ *mátuá-p- (-p-) ‘to roll up, wrap’
PA *nḗ ‘to lie, put’ (PTM *nē-, PJ *ná-): PM *ni-ɣu- ‘to hide, conceal’, PK
*nū-b- ‘to lie’
PA *olu ‘to be startled, annoyed’ (PTM *ola- ‘be afraid, startled’): PM
*ulba-ji-, *ülbe-ji- ‘be weak, dizzy’, PTM *olba-n- ‘to be bored’
PA *p῾ĺo ‘walk, run’ (PT *ẹĺ-, PTM *peli-): PTM *pel-bu- ‘to lead’, PK
*prb- ‘to tread’
PA *t῾édù ‘transmit’ (PTM *tedē-): PM *teǯi-je-, PTM *tedē-b-, PJ *tútá-p-
CHAPTER FOUR
175
PA *t῾ja ‘be calm, quiet’ (PTM *teje-, PJ *tàjá-): PM *taji-bu-, PTM
*teje-ba-n-, PJ *tàjù- (with a regular development *-b- >-w-(-u-) after
-j-)
As noted by Ramstedt, at least in some cases (Evk. duku- ‘write’,
duku-wu-n ‘smth. written, letter’) the same suffix may form Nomina
actionis, and indeed, it is probable for forms like PTM *ar-bu- or PM
*ere-ɣü. Cf. also the following cases where -b-nouns may go back to
original verbal stems:
PA *li ‘to deceive; be angry’ (PT *Āl ‘deceit, trick’; PTM *ali- ‘to be angry’): PM *(h)ali-ɣa ‘frolic, tricksy’, *albi-n ‘devil, evil spirit’, PK
*ìrbń- ‘to steal’, PJ *ira-p- ‘to play, sport’
PA *ùme ‘to tie, strap, belt’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *(x)üme-nse
‘strap’, *(x)üme-le- ‘to girdle’): PM *(h)umu-ji- ‘to tighten, shrink’, PK
*ùm-i- ‘to pucker, close up’, PJ *m-pí ‘belt’
PA *t῾ắk῾ì ‘to sacrifice, respect’ (PM *taki-): PT *toku ‘ceremony’, PTM
*taKu(b)-, PJ *tíká-p- ‘to take oath’
PA *dle ‘to spend the night’ (PM *düli- ‘to spend the night’): PTM
*dol-ba ‘night’, PJ *duà ‘night’ (the development of *-lV-b- > -0 in Jpn.
is similar to cases of *-RVg-, *-RVŋ- > -0, see below)
In a few cases, *-b- seems to be denominative, but this is probably
due to secondary nominalization of the original verbal stem in Turkic:
PA *áĺa ‘female; to seduce’ (PT *eĺi ‘woman’): PK *r-bù- ‘to seduce, be
flirty’, PJ *ásuá-mp- ‘to play’
PA *rV ‘open space’ (PT *(i)āra ‘space, distance’): PM *arba- ‘to stretch
(of fingers)’, PTM *ar-bu- ‘space between two river branches’
However, in a small, but significant number of cases *-b- seems to be
purely denominative, forming nouns from nouns, with not quite
clear semantic differentiation (originally collective?):
PA *ătV ‘horse’ (PT *ăt): PM *adu-ɣu- ‘cattle, horse’, PTM *abdu- ‘cattle,
herd’
PA *grè ‘word, name’ (PM *gere ‘witness’, PK *kr ‘poetry, letter’, PJ
*kt ‘word, speech’): PM *gere-ɣe ‘witness’, PTM *ger-bǖ ‘name’, PK
*kr-b-r ‘poetry, letter’, PJ *kt-pà ‘word, speech’
PA *kádù ‘a k. of harness’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *kada-la, -ra):
PM *kada-ɣa-r ‘bridle’, PK *kùr-bi > *kùr’i id., PJ *kútú-wá id. (note
the -w-reflex here - either reflecting a form like *kádù-j-bV, or else a
result of contamination with PJ *ba ‘ring’)
PA *níre ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (PJ *níra-i): Evk. ńirāwi ‘a k. of poplar’, PK
*nr-p ‘elm’
PA *p῾ḗra ‘bee’ (PT *ārɨ, PJ *pátí): PM *her-be-kei, Evk. herē-p-ti-n
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4.1.2. PA *-p῾Because of the similarity of reflexes, it is difficult to distinguish the PA
*-b- and *-p῾- suffixes. A deverbative instrumental suffix *-pu-n is,
however, well established for PTM (see Benzing 63), and it seems to
have clear external correlates at least in a number of cases:
PA *t῾ùŋo ‘staff, pole, lean on a pole’ (PTM *tüjŋe-, both nominal and
verbal): PM *tuji-ban, PTM *tüjŋe-pun, PJ *tùmìpá
PA *kóšì ‘lever’ (PM *kösi- ‘to prop, lever’): PTM *kuši-pu-n ‘pole, lever’,
PJ *kúsàpì ‘wedge’
PA *módè ‘bend, circle’ (PTM *moda- ‘bend’): PK *mùrV-p ‘knee’, PJ
*mt-pə-r- ‘to turn round’
PA *pbi ‘to mince, saw’ (PT *bij-, PTM *pubu-, PJ *piwa-): PTM
*pubu-pu- ‘saw’, PK *pjàpắi- ‘to mince’
In the last two examples we see a secondary noun->verb conversion
in Japanese and Korean. Similar verbal semantics is observed in:
PA *nìbi ‘to smoke, smell’ (PK *nắi ‘smoke’): PTM *nibu-p- ‘to smoke’,
PJ *nìp-p- ‘to smell’
PA *ǯrVko ‘courage, joy’ (PM *ǯirga-, PTM *ǯurga-): PK *črk-p-, PJ
*drk-pPA *ǯē ‘to eat’ (PT *jē-, PK *čā-si-): PM *ǯa-ɣu-g ( > *ǯoɣog) ‘food’, but
PTM *ǯe-p- ‘eat’, PJ *da-pa- ‘hungry’
PA *íru ‘sing, song’ (PT *ɨr, PJ *útà): PM *ira-ɣu ‘melodious sound, harmony’ [but possibly < PT *ɨragu]; PK *r-p- ‘to chant’, PJ *útá-p- ‘to
sing’
On verbal *-p(u)- in TM see Benzing 117, 122; this suffix has become
extremely productive in Japanese.
In all of these cases it is in fact possible to suppose original verbal
semantic and nominal passive/instrumental derivation (“smth. which is
X-ed” or “smth. with which one X-es”), with subsequent noun/verb
conversions.
4.1.3. PA *-mRamstedt (EAS 2, 104-114) gives numerous examples of the usage of
PA *-m- as a nomen verbi, still quite productive in Turkic and Korean
(Turk. alɨm ‘taking’ etc.). Because of productive noun/verb conversion,
in many cases we can observe further verbalization of such nouns; in
Japanese, in fact, the suffix is predominantly verbal (while the *-m-i
nouns appear already secondarily derived). Vovin (1997, 3) regards the
PJ circumflex pitch as reflecting the same suffix (*kùrâ ‘dark colour’ <
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*kúrá-m), but there does not seem to exist enough evidence to corroborate such a development. In the same paper (p. 6) he reconstructs a
“gerund” in *-mye (PJ *-mi, Kor. -mjə, Man. -me) which is in fact a
combination of the deverbative *-m- with the gerund suffix *-jV (on
which see below).
Consider the following cases:
PA *gằju ‘sorrow, be sorry’ (PM *gaj): PK *kəi’ə-m ‘envy’, PJ *kùjà-m- ‘to
feel sorry, regret’
PA *rú ‘omen, divination; to divine’ (PJ *ùrá): PT *ɨrɨ-m ‘omen’, PTM
*īr-me- ‘to ask’
PA *kălo ‘to change, borrow’ (PM *kala- ‘to change’, PK *kắr- id., PJ *kár‘to borrow’): PT *Kalɨ-m ‘ransom’, PTM *kalma-gda ‘rich bride’
PA *kara ‘to look, observe’ (PM *kara-): PM *kara-mu-l ‘sight’, PTM
*kara-ma- ‘to guard, protect’, PK *kàr-m- ‘to keep, preserve’
PA *kuču ‘to cry, cough’ (PM *kuča- ‘to bark’): MMong. xuča-m ‘barking’, PK *kìčh-m ‘cough’, PJ *kusa-ma- ‘sneeze’
PA *núra ‘to pile, stack’ (Man. nora-): Chuv. śorъm ‘stack’, PM *norum
id.
PA *sk῾ù ‘hollow, crack; to stick into’ (PT *suk- ‘stick in, insert’, PTM
*sixa- ‘hollow vessel’, PK *skí- ‘to insert, sheath’, PJ *súk- ‘be hollow’): OT suqɨm ‘hollow wood’, PK *sk-m ‘crack’ (cf. also Jpn.
suki-ma)
PA *tál[u] ‘be together’ (PK *tằrí-, PJ *túrá-): PT *deli-m, PM *dali-m, PK
*tăr-mThis *-m- should probably be distinguished from the optative *-m-,
observable in several branches of Altaic (see below).
Another function of PA *-m- (see EAS 2, 218-220) is denominative
adjectival, well preserved in TM (*-ma, see Benzing 66, 90 and *-mi, see
Benzing 90) and Mongolian (*-maj), and observable in a large number
of Common Altaic derivatives:
PA *zejĺu ‘metal’ (PTM *sele, PK *sói, PJ *sunsu): PT *jel-me, PM *sele-me
‘sable’ ( = PTM *sele-me ‘metallic’)
PA *č῾ēk῾V ‘a k. of cloth’ (PT *čēk ‘cotton shirt’, Man. čeke ‘upper short
clothes’): PT *čēk-me-n ‘a k. of upper cloth’, Man. čeke-mu ‘velvet’
PA *dărV ‘back, waist’ (PT *jarɨ-n ‘shoulder, shoulder-blade’, PM *dere
‘pillow’): PM *dere-m-deg ‘pillow’, PTM *dara-ma ‘waist, back’
PA *kàra ‘thin stick, rod’ (Evk. kar(i) ‘rod, thin branch’): PT *Kar-ma-k
‘fishing rod, hook’, PK *kár-mó ‘axle’, PJ *kàri-m ‘id.’
PA *kúra ‘sheath, basket’ (PM *kor ‘quiver’, Evk. kor ‘dish made of birch
bark’): PT *Kur-ma-n ‘wooden vessel, quiver’, PM *korum-(saga)
‘quiver’, PTM *kor-ma-ki ‘sheath’, PJ *kátá-ma ‘basket’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *kúro ‘a k. of clothes’ (PT *Kur ‘belt’): PM *kor-ma-j ‘lap. skirt’, PTM
*kuru-mV ‘a k. of upper clothes’, PK *korɨ-m ‘clothes string, lace’, PJ
*kr-m ‘clothes’
PA *k῾ge ‘palate, jaw’ (PJ *k(ù)i ‘fang’): PT *Kög-me ‘gum (of tooth)’,
PM *köɣe-me ‘throat, pharynx’, PK *khú-m ‘jaw’
PA *móńù ‘heart; breast’ (PJ *múnà-): PTM *miańa-m, PK *mằńằ-m
PA *t῾à ‘top of head, head’ (PK *utu): PTM *utu-mu-k ‘back of head’, PJ
*àtàmà ‘head’
PA *sela ‘bolt, hinge’ (PTM *sele ‘arrow, cross-bow’, PJ *saru ‘bolt’): PT
*sal-ma ‘horse noose’, PTM *selu-mi ‘cross-bow’
PA *p῾èrì ‘edge’ (PM *hir, PTM *pere, PJ *piàrì): PM *hir-meg, PTM
*pere-mǖ
PA *p῾orV ‘trace’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *oru-k ‘path, road’): PM
*horu-m ‘trace’, PK *pòróm ‘sign’
In TM nouns in *-m- could be verbalized, giving rise to specific derivatives like *xulukī-m-a- ‘to hunt for squirrels’ etc. (see Benzing
116-117).
Note also the usage of *-m- in some animal and plant names:
PA *dari ‘a small animal’ (suffixless in PT *jar-Kiajnat ‘bat’): Orok
daramị(n) ‘otter’, PK *tằràmí ‘flying squirrel’
PA *kàrà ‘a k. of weed, cockle’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *kara-ɣu
‘darnel grass, smut’, Kor. kara-ǯi ‘Setaria viridis’): PT *KAra-mu-k
‘cockle’, (?) PM *kar-ba-ɣur ‘a k. of shrub or weed’, PJ *kàrà-mù-sì ‘a
k. of hemp’
PA *sera ‘a k. of garlic’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *sara-na): PT
*sarɨ-m-sak, PM *sar-mu-g
In some of the examples above, as well as in the following, *-m- appears in a combination with further suffixes:
PA *ṓre ‘to plait, weave’ (PT *ȫr-, PM *ör-, PK *ōr, PJ *r-): PT *ör-mek,
PM *ör-mege ‘woven cloth’
PA *k῾áru ‘a k. of cloth’ (PK *kòró ‘satin, ornamented silk’): PT *KAr-s
(probably by contraction < *KArm-s- = PM *kor-mu-su-) ‘a k. of upper
clothes’, PM *kor-mu-su- ‘thin silk kerchief’, PTM *xara-mu-sa ‘thigh
covers, stockings’
4.1.4. PA *-dThis suffix is found in a large number of stems, and its primary function seems to have been adjectival / adverbial when used as a denominative (sometimes, through conversion, yielding nouns or verbs again;
on the denominative verbal *-dā- in TM see Benzing 116). Cf.:
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PA *ămV ‘quick, timely’ (PT *(i)am ‘now’, PTM *am(a) ‘quick’, PK *ām
‘surely, certainly’): PT *(i)am-dɨ ‘now’, PM *(h)am-ǯi- ‘to be on time’
PA *ḗgó ‘big, many’ (PM *aɣu- ‘large, very’, PK *há- ‘to be great, many’):
PM *aɣu-da- ‘large, wide’, PTM *eg-di ‘big, many’
PA *gók῾ì ‘high, peak’ (PK *kòkái, PJ *kúkì ‘peak’): PM *gög-de- ‘high,
lofty’, PTM *gug-da ‘high’
PA *ámu ‘hole, pit’ (PT *(i)am ‘vulva’, PTM *umu- ‘hole, nest’, PJ *úmá‘to dig’): PM *(h)uma-da-g ‘lower part of belly’, PTM *um-de-k- ‘hole,
nest’
PA *méŋu ‘whole’ (PJ *mú-i): PM *men-dü ‘healthy’, PTM *meŋ-de‘whole’, PJ *mui-(n)tuPA *muk῾u ‘blunt, hornless’ (PT *muk-, PM *mökü): PM *mug-ǯi-, PTM
*mug-de-ke, PK *mìth
PA *mùne ‘defect, lack’ (PT *bün): PM *mun-du- ‘to become insufficient’,
PJ *màn-tù- ‘poor’
PA *ńoŋe ‘cold’ (PT *jEŋ ‘frazil’): PM *ǯiŋ-de- ‘to suffer from cold’, PTM
*ńuŋ-de- ‘cold’
PA *ṓni ‘high’ (PT *ȫn-): PM *ön-dü-, PK *un-tu [if *-nt- can reflect
*-nd-], PJ *un-tu
PA *sago ‘old, age’ (PK *sằ-n ‘grown up’): PM *seɣü-de-r ‘age’, PTM
*sag-da- ‘senior, old’
PA *soga ‘arrow’ (PJ *sa): PM *saɣa-da-g ‘quiver’, PJ *sà-já ‘sheath’
PA *p῾ole ‘blanket, skin (as covering)’ (PJ *pərə): PT *El-di-ri ‘skin of kid
or lamb’, PM *hel-de- ‘to dress (leather)’
This *-d- may originally have represented the same morpheme as
the locative case marker *-dV (on which see below).
Due to adjective->noun conversion, PA *-d- has in many cases become just a nominal stem-marker without any specific meaning - especially in Mongolian where we have a rather large class of nouns ending
in -du(n). Cf.:
PA *k῾p῾à ‘bark, skin’ (PJ *kapa): PM *kaw-da- ‘bark; page’, PTM
*xab-da-(nsa) ‘leaf’, Kor. dial. kəp-te-gi ‘bark, skin’
PA *p῾ĺo ‘star’ (PK *pjr, PJ *psí): PT *jul-du-ŕ, PM *ho-du etc.
Cases of deverbatives in *-d- are rare, but also attested:
PA *múnu ‘be wrong, mad, uneasy’: (PT *bun-, PM *muna- ‘to become
mad’): OT munduz ‘mad, foolish’, PM *mun-dur ‘shame’, PJ
*mún-tú-ka- ‘difficult’
PA *šk῾i ‘urine, urinate’ (PT *sīk, PTM *šiKē-): PT *sīg-d- > *sīd-, PM
*siǯi-ŋ, PTM *šikte-, PK *stò-ŋ, PJ *sitə
PA *t῾ukV ‘fall, drop’ (PTM *tüK-): PTM *tüg-de ‘rain’, PK *td-
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INTRODUCTION
PA *t῾ula ‘to intend, reason’ (PM *tula-, PTM *tul-): PT *Tɨl-da, PM
*tul(a)-da
Since in these cases the suffixless stem may be both verbal and
nominal, it seems reasonable to assume that here we are also in fact
dealing with *-d- in an original adjectival function (see above) (e.g.
*’rain (n.)’ -> *’rainy (adj.)’ > *’rain (n.)’ again).
4.1.5. PA *-t- (intransitive ~ passive)
The assumption of a suffix *-d- in Turkic monosyllabic verbal stems
(*tod-, *jod-, *kod- and *jüd-) led Ramstedt (EAS 2, 162-163) to reconstruct a “continuative” verbal suffix *-d- (also reflected as Mong. *-d-,
but, significantly, never within exact Turk.-Mong. lexical matches). It
seems, however, that such a *-d- suffix in Turkic does not exist (all the
above verbal stems have more plausible whole-root etymologies),
whereas there is a number of cases where Turkic verbal *-t- corresponds to Mong. *-d-, e. g.:
PA *ăĺi ‘to know, to hear’ (PT *ala- ‘to tell’, PK *ār- ‘to know’): PT *ẹĺi-t‘to hear’, PM *al-da-r ‘fame’
PA *ĕju ‘to speak, sound’ (PT *ajɨ- ‘to say’, PM *aji ‘sound, voice’, Evk.
ejē ‘demand’): PT *ạjɨ-t- ‘to say, demand’, PM *aji-da- ‘to cry, recite’,
PTM *ejē-t- ‘to ask’
This is exactly the correspondence that reflects PA *-t- (see above);
we may note, however, that if preceded by resonants, PA *-t- here
rather gives a voiced reflex in TM (in Turkic, where *-lt-/*-ld- and
*-rt-/-rd- are very difficult to distinguish, we usually have *-ld-, but
*-rt-):
PA *li ‘to deceive; be angry’ (PT *Āl ‘deceit, trick’; PTM *ali- ‘to be angry’): PT *āl-da- ‘to deceive’, PJ *ira-t- ‘to be nervous, angry’
PA *enV ‘pain, sickness’ (PTM *enū ‘illness, pain, to feel pain’): PT
*eni-t- ‘to become confused, suffer’, PTM *enū-t- ‘to feel pain, be
sick’
PA *gno ‘to think’ (PM *guni ‘be sad’, PTM *gūn- ‘to think; to say’):
Ord. Guni-d- ‘be sad’, PTM *gūn-de- ‘to say, think’.
PA *ùbú ‘to be hungry, exhausted’ (Man. uba- ‘to become spoiled (of
meet)’, PK *īb- ‘to wither, dry up’, PJ *ùwá- ‘to be hungry’): PM
*öje-de- ‘to be exhausted’, PTM *(x)ob-da- ‘to be exhausted, become
spoiled (of meat)’
PA *uju ‘sad, ashamed’ (PM *uji, PJ *u-): PT *uja-t- (also with a strange
variant *ujad- in Old Turkic), PM *uji-d-
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PA *dḕ ‘to lie’ (PTM *dē ‘bed’): PT *jạ-t- ‘to lie’, PTM *dē-du- (with assimilation) ‘to lie’, PJ *dà-nt-r- ‘to spend the night’
PA *làku ‘dirt, dregs’ (PM *lag): PM *lag-da- ‘to become sticky, dirty’,
PTM *lak-ti- ‘to be burnt (of food)’
PA *more ‘to hurt, damage, wound’ (PM *mer, PJ *miar-): PT *bEr-t-,
Evk. mur-du-lPA *p῾re ‘fire, burn’ (PTM *puri- ‘to dry over fire’, PK *pr ‘fire’): PT
*ör-t ‘flame’, PM *(h)ör-de- ‘to burn, flame up’
PA *bāla ‘child, young’ (PT *bāla): PT *bāl-dɨŕ ‘wife’s younger sister’, PM
*bal-či-r ‘very young, infant’, PTM *bal-di- ‘to bear, be born’
We see that the verbs with the -t-suffix are usually intransitive, thus
the original meaning may have been reflexive or even passive (if passive *-t- was opposed to causative *-b-, on which see above).
In a few cases, however, the same suffix is used denominatively and
semantically exactly duplicates the PA adjectival *-d- (on which see
above):
PA *k῾ŏbe ‘touchwood, tree fungus’ (PT *K(i)ab ‘tree fungus’, PJ *kua
‘mushroom’): PM *köb-dü ‘moss’, PTM *xub(u)-te ‘touchwood’
PA *k῾ŏjli ‘limb, extremity’ (PT *Kol ‘arm’, PM *köl ‘foot’): PT *Kol-tuk
‘armpit’, PTM *xol-da-n ‘side, thigh’
PA *púŋu ‘a k. of fish’ (PJ *pùnâ): PT *bɨŋɨ-t, PM *boŋ-či-liki, PTM
*poŋ-dV, PK *pì’ú-t
PA *ǯap῾e ‘bare, saddleless’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *ǯipu-čān
‘fur coat worn on bare body’): PT *jạpɨ-tak, PM *ǯaji-daŋ ‘saddleless’.
4.1.6. PA *-t῾Proto-Turkic *-t- is more frequently transitive (and even causative), and
in this function it continues PA *-t῾- (on Turk.-Mong. matches see
Ramstedt 1912, 21-23). Cf. the following cross-language matches:
a) denominative and deverbative transitive
PA *nda ‘to do wrong’ (PM *(h)anda- ‘to err, mistake’, PTM *(x)an(d)u‘to accuse’): PTM *(x)an(d)u-t- ‘to tease’, PJ *áná-t-ur- ‘to despise’
PA *pi ‘to enjoy, rest’ (PTM *ā(b)- ‘to sleep’): PT *(i)abɨ-t- ‘to comfort’,
PK *ìpà-tí ‘feast’
PA *ắmo ‘mouth; taste’ (PT *um- ‘to hope for, desire’; PM *ama(n)
‘mouth’; PJ *ámá- ‘tasty, sweet’): PM *am-ta ‘taste’, PTM *am-ta- ‘to
taste’, PJ *ántí ‘taste’.
PA *k[ā]p῾á ‘to cover’ (PT *Kāp- ‘to cover’, *Kāp ‘sack’, PTM *kupu- ‘to
cover’, *kupu ‘covering’): PM *kab-ta-ga ‘sack’, PTM *kup-tu- ‘to
cover’, *kup-tu- ‘covering, hat’, PJ *kàmpú-tua ‘helmet’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *màga ‘glory, praise’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Orch. magui- ‘to
shamanize’, PK *mā-r ‘speech’, PJ *màw-s- ‘to speak’): PT *bAga-tu-r
‘hero’, PM *mag-ta- ‘to praise, glorify’, Evk. mig-di - ‘to be noisy’
PA *pŋa ‘to separate, emit’ (PK *pɨŋɨ- > *ph-): PTM *piŋ-ta-, PJ *pànà-tPA *p῾ăp῾a ‘shaman, to shamanize’ (PM *hab): PM *hab-taj, PTM *pap-taPA *umuŋo ‘to forget’ (PTM *omŋa-): PT *umnɨ-t, PM *um-tab) verbs of motion:
PA *ǯi ‘to come’ (PTM *ǯi-): PT *jẹ-t-, PM *ǯi-d-küPA *ḗjba ‘to hurry’ (PT *ēb-): PM *(h)aba-d ‘at once, instantly’, PJ *áwá-tá‘to hurry’
PA *ĺki ‘to run away’ (PJ *nìnká-): PM *ǯigu-tu- ‘to run away’, Evk.
luk-ti-n- ‘to run some distance’
PA *nk῾é ‘to pass’ (Evk. nök- ‘to loose way’): PM *nög-či- ‘to pass’, Nan.
nuk-te- ‘to move to another location’
PA *t῾ja ‘to float, slide’ (PT *tāj-, PTM *tia-): PM *taji-tu-, PJ *taju-ta-pJust as with *-t-, there seems to be a number of suffixed denominative (less frequently deverbative) *-t῾-cases with adjectival ( ~
->nominal) meaning, and it would seem to be natural to equate this
suffix with Mong. (productive) adjectival -tu and Japanese -tu id.:
PA *bolo ‘all, completely’ (PT *bile / *bula): PM *bul-tu, PTM *bil-[t]iPA *bugu ‘joint’ (PTM *bogi-ja- ‘cuff, wristband’, PJ *pu ‘joint, knot’):
PM *bog-tu ‘collar bone, shoulder bone’, Ud. bog-do-lo ‘shoulder’
PA *k῾épà ‘side’ (PJ *kápá): PT *Kap-ta-l ‘side’, PM *kab-ta-su ‘side boards
on saddle’, Evn. ewu-t-le ‘side’
PA *láp῾ì ‘flat, broad’ (PK *nàp- / *np- ‘level, wide’, PJ *nípá ‘yard’):
Tuva čɨ῾pɨ-t ‘flat’, PM *lab-ta- ‘to be flat, level’, PTM *lap-ta- id.
PA *p῾ŭŕi ‘to crush’ (PT *üŕ-, PM *hürü-, PTM *puru-, PK *pur-): PM
*(h)ür-te-sü- ‘rags’, PTM *pur-te- ‘crumbs’
PA *s[ú]ŋu ‘to sink’ (PT *siŋ-, PM *siŋge- ~ *siŋgu-): PTM *suŋ-ta ‘deep’,
PJ *sín-tú-mPA *luko ‘wild pig’ (PTM *luke ‘boar’): PM *nog-tu-mal ‘wild male boar’,
PTM *luk-te ‘wild boar’
However, because of lack of Mongolian data or because of a neutralized -č- reflex in Mongolian, PA *-t῾- is in very many cases impossible
to distinguish from *-t-, cf.:
PA *bli ‘arm muscles’ (PTM *bola- ‘cuff’, PK *pằrh ‘arm’): PT *b(i)al-tɨ-r
‘calf of leg’, PM *bul-či- ‘muscles of arms and legs’, PJ *pín-tì ‘elbow’
PA *kăp῾è ‘to squeeze, press together’ (PT *Kɨp- ‘to press together’, PTM
*kap ‘together’): PT *Kɨp-tu ‘scissors’, PM *kaji-či id.
PA *kēńa ‘elbow, angle’ (PM *ka(j) ‘front legs’, PJ *kana-i ‘rule, gusset’):
PT *Kiajna-t ‘wing’, PT *keńe-tu ‘shin; stockings’
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PA *t῾ékù ‘become thick (of liquids)’ (PK *tōi-, PJ *túka-): PTM *tek-ti, PK
*tùthbPA *zìŋke ‘light, quiet’ (PM *siŋge-n): PTM *siŋku-ti, PJ *sìntúka- ( <
*sìnkú-ta-)
And there is further a functionally quite similar PA nominal suffix
*-kt῾-, which is clearly seen in the following examples:
PA *úmu ‘a k. of fruit or berry’ (PJ *úmá- ‘plum’): OT imi-ti (ɨmɨ-t) ‘a k.
of hawthorn’, PTM *uma-kta ‘brier, cornel’
PA *kumi ‘eyebrows, hair on temples’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*kömü-ske ‘eyebrow’): PTM *kumi-kte ‘eyelid’, PK *kùmì-t ‘hair on
temples’
PA *kure ‘woodcock, woodpecker’ (PM *kur) : PT *Kör-tük, PTM
*küre-kte.
PA *k῾re ‘a k. of insect’ (cf. PK *kằr-kmi ‘a k. of spider’): PM *küri-d
‘moth larva’, PTM *xīrü-kte ‘ant’
PA *k῾rú ‘bark, shell’ (PM *körü-sü ‘bark’, PK *kúr ‘shell, oyster’): PT
*Kɨr-tɨ-ĺ ‘bark, surface’, PTM *xura-kta ‘bark’
Benzing 72 regards this PTM *-kta as collective; it is interesting to
note that it is paralleled by verbal iterative *-kta- (see Benzing 119). The
latter usage, however, seems to be absent outside Tungusic.
In many of the cases listed above it could be in fact also possible to
reconstruct *-kt‘-:
Ud. bog-do-lo may go back to PTM *bogo-kta-, Evn. ewu-t-le to PTM
*xebu-kte-, PTM *luk-te can be a crasis of *luku-kte and *suŋ-ta, of
*suŋu-kta. This will leave us with only *lap-ta- and *pur-te- as reflexes of
“adjectival” *-t῾-. No matter how we shall explain these two examples,
it seems quite possible that no PA “adjectival” *t῾ existed, while all
such cases should be explained as reflecting PA *-kt῾-. We can add a
number of other examples:
PA *č῾k῾o ‘pivot, bolt’ (PTM *čiKi): PM *čig-ta ‘lock, bolt’, PK *čí-tó-ri
‘pivot, hinge’
PA *k῾ằkú ‘doll’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *KAgu-r, PTM *xaku-kan):
PK *koāŋ-tai, PJ *kùnkù-tú
PA *sgi ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *siɣe-r ‘nut
tree’): PT *segü-t, PTM *siak-ta (like *lukte, most probably a crasis <
*siagV-kta)
PA *sagu ‘a k. of vessel’ (PT *sagu): PT *sAgu-t, PK *sòth.
Note that in a few cases when this suffix was preceded by a consonant cluster, Korean and Mongolian reveal different reflexes (losing the
second element -t῾- instead):
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INTRODUCTION
PA *ńam(ń)e ‘a k. of tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jɨmu-rt, PM
*ǯimu-ɣu-): PTM *ńamńi-kta, PK *nàmò-k, PJ *mmìti
PA *sirp῾a ‘thick hair, bristle’ (PM *serbe ‘crest, bristle’): PT *sɨrt ‘bristle’,
PM *sir-ke-g id., PTM *sirpa-kta id.
To sum up this rather difficult topic of dental suffixes in
Proto-Altaic, the original situation emerges as follows:
1. adjectival/adverbial denominative *-d-, *-t- and *-kt῾2. intransitive (passive?) deverbative *-t3. transitive and motional denominative/deverbative *-t῾It should also be borne in mind that PT *-t and Mong. *-d can in
some cases actually reflect the original plural suffix *-t῾V (reflected also
in PTM as *-ta, in Korean as *-tɨ-r and in Japanese as *ta-ti). The suffix
*-kt῾- in fact may be characterized broadly as “collective” (this is how
Benzing 72 qualifies the PTM *-kta) and perhaps containing this very
suffix (PA plural *-t῾V).
4.1.7. PA *-nAs noticed in EAS 2 (pp. 168-169, 220-223) this suffix occurs in two
functions:
1. as a deverbative with intransitive (reflexive) usage, cf.:
PA *pi ‘to enjoy, rest’ (PTM *ā(b)- ‘to sleep’): PT *(i)abɨ-n- ‘to enjoy oneself’, PTM *ābun- ‘to entertain’
PA *m[ù]k῾è ‘to suck’ (PT *bök- ‘be satiated’, PM *meke- ‘female breast, to
suck’, PK *mk- ‘to eat’): PTM *muKu-n- ‘fill mouth with liquid’, PJ
*màkà-nà-p- ‘to feed’
PA *pḗk῾ò ‘to contrive, think of’ (PM *baka- ‘to covet, wish’): PT *bken‘to appreciate’, Ul. peken- ‘be embarrassed’
PA *saru ‘be worn out, torn’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *suta-r-): PT
*sara-n, PM *sar-n-iIt should be mentioned that in Japanese this suffix occurs only
within the compound -na-p- (besides maka-nap- cf. also soko-nap- ‘to
harm’ < *sk῾o; ura-nap- ‘to divine’ (ura ‘divination’, *rú); usi-nap- ‘lose’
< *ču; noga-nap- ‘to pass’ < *nk῾é etc.), and because of this -p- (originally causative, see above) has acquired rather a transitive usage.
On the usage of this suffix as (re)iterative *-na- in TM see Benzing
120.
The derivatives in *-n- in PA could also have a nominal usage (like
OT tütü-n ‘smoke’, PTM *xebī-n ‘play’ etc., see Benzing 58, Gabain 73
etc.), but this seems to be a secondary nominalization.
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2. as a denominative with a rather loose semantics, frequently in
a) body parts:
PA *bk῾a ‘thigh’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *boka-ɣur ‘behind, buttocks’) : PT *bɨkɨ-n ‘thigh’, PTM *bōKa-n id.
PA *bkà ‘rib, breast bone’ (PJ *bàkì ‘side of body’): PT *boka-na ‘false
ribs’, PM *bogo-ni ‘first rib’
PA *č῾ăǯV ‘cheek, cheekbone’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *ǯaǯi-ɣur
‘part of cheek’, *ǯaǯi-la- ‘to chew’): PT *čAj-na- ‘to chew; jaw, cheek’,
Man. ǯaǯi-n ‘cheekbone’
PA *kòt῾e ‘hole’ (PT *göt ‘anus, buttocks’, PK *kút ‘hole’): PT *göte-n(e)
‘stomach’, Evn. qotańa ‘concave, cavity’
PA *seŋa ‘fringe, hair lock’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *sAŋak, *sAŋat,
PM *saŋ-maj): PM *saŋ-na ‘forelock’, PTM *seŋ-ne ‘gill, fringe’
PA *sḕgù ‘health, blood’ (PT *sạg ‘healthy’): PM *saji-n ‘good’, PK
*sà’ó-ná-b- ‘strong, valid’
b) animal names:
PA *ăŋu ‘wild game’ (PT *Ăŋ ‘wild game, hunt’, PTM *aŋa ‘wild game’):
PM *(h)oɣu-na ‘male mountain antelope’, PTM *aŋa-nV ‘mountain
ram; enclosure for deer’
PA *gúri ‘deer, game’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *görü-ɣe-): PTM
*gur-na- ‘squirrel, ermine’, PK *kòrá-ní ‘deer’
PA *k῾uŕe ‘a k. of furry animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *xur-ka- /
*xur-ga- ‘bear’): PT *Küŕe-n ‘ferret, weasel’, PM *küre-ne id.
PA *sĭgò ‘deer, horned animal’ (PJ *sika): PT *sɨgu-n, PM *seɣe-n-ek
PA *ebVrV ‘worm, snake’ (PTM *ūre): PT *ebre-n, Ul. were-n.
c) plant names:
PA *buk῾e ‘vessel; gourd’ (Kor. pak): Evk. buku-n ‘birch bark put into
cradle’, PK *pàkòní ‘bamboo basket’
PA *dŭlgu ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *dulgi-kta
‘alder’): PT *jɨlgu-n ‘tamarisk’, PM *doluga-na ‘hawthorn’
PA *tagù ‘root’ (PTM *daga): PT *TAg-na, PM *deg-ne-/*dag-na-, PJ
*tuku-nai
d) but also not infrequent in other semantic groups:
PA *báku ‘pole, pillar’ (PK *pò ‘beam’): PT *bak-na ‘rung of a ladder’, PM
*baga-na ‘central pole’
PA *emo ‘front’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *öm-ge-n ‘upper part of
breast’): PM *emü-ne ‘front, South’, PTM *ume-n ‘one’
PA *t῾udu ‘a period of time’ (PM *tuǯi ‘always’): PT *Tɨdɨ-n ‘time, appointed time’, PJ *tùnâ- ‘longlasting, always’)
PA *lébù ‘swamp’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *lab-ku, PK *nɨp-h):
PTM *lebē-n-, PJ *númà ( < *núbà-n-)
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INTRODUCTION
PA *moju ‘all, whole’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *muja-kin): PK
*mắi-n, PJ *múi-na
PA *nlpá ‘tin, lead’ (not attested suffixless): PTM *ńālba-n ‘tin’, PJ
*nàpá-n(r)i > *nàmári
PA *ńàŕì ‘man, young man’ (PTM *ń(i)ari): PT *jeŕ-ne ‘son-in-law’, PK
*nắr-ná- ‘brave’.
PA *p῾árà ‘cross-beam, constructing piece’ (PJ *párì): PT *ara-n, PM
*(h)aran-ga, PTM *para-n
PA *p῾là ‘field, level ground’ (PJ *pàrà): PT *ala-n, PTM *pāla-n
PA *p῾àlk῾i ‘lightning, thunder’ (PT *jAlkɨ-, PTM *pialki-): PT *jAlkɨ-n,
PTM *pialki-n- (perhaps also PK *pnkái < *plkán-?)
PA *sebV ‘strange, supernatural’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*sebe-ɣün, PTM *sebe-ki): PTM *sebe-n, PK *sòn
PA *sgu ‘sun; sky’ (PK *hắi ‘sun’): PTM *sigū-n ‘sun’, PK *hànă-r ‘sky’
(also PJ *suà-rá < *suàn-rá)
The original function of this *-n- is not quite clear (unlike Ramstedt,
we do not compare it with the TM diminutive in *-ńa, both for phonetic
reasons and because of the lack of direct lexical matches). But this suffix has become extremely productive in Mongolian and TM (in the
shape of final -n; on its further verbalization as -n-a- in TM see Benzing
116) and can be qualified as a general nominal determinative. It can
perhaps be compared with the nominative -no, very frequent in Old
Japanese. Since in Mongolian and Turkic words in -n lose it before the
plural -d (-t), its original function may have been “singulative”, i.e.
specifically expressing the singular number of a noun.
The suffix *-n- can sometimes occur in conjunction with other suffixes, cf. cases like:
PA *k῾úrgo ‘intestine, belly’ (PK *kùri ‘stomach’): PT *Kurg-sa-k
‘belly, stomach’, PTM *xurke-n-se ‘belly (of fish)’
A “collective” suffix in -n- is sometimes observed in TM (see
Benzing 73, based on Menges 1952), but it is basically found in complex
formations like *-na-r, *-n-il or *-na-sal where the original “collective”
meaning is actually expressed by other morphemes, so that the “collective” function of PA *-n- is extremely dubious.
4.1.8. PA *-lThe suffixed *-l- is very widely spread in all Altaic languages (although
in Korean and Japanese it has, for obvious phonetic reasons, merged
with *-r-), both by itself and in combination with other suffixes.
Two basic functions of *-l- can be established.
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a) a deverbative nominal suffix, as in:
PA *nắŋe ‘to curse, swear’ (PTM *niŋī- ‘to curse’): PT *jAŋɨ-l ‘mistake,
fault’, PM *niɣü-l ‘sin’, Sol. niŋī-l ‘curse’.
The derived noun in *-l- can be an abstract noun (as in the above example), but very frequently also an attributive (participial) noun, like
in:
PA *se ‘to be bad, guilty’ (PM *ösi ‘revenge, hate’, PTM *usa ‘bad’, *usē‘be sick, unable’): PT *osa-l ‘careless, dilatory’, MMong. ösü-l ‘revenge, hate’, PJ *s-r- ‘to be scared, afraid’
The verbal meaning of -r- in PJ *s-r- reflects further verbalization
of the nominal stem in *-l-, which is observed in a great number of
cases and was obviously present already in Common Altaic.
The precise semantic definition of PA *-l- is rather difficult. In
Turkic, it is involved in forming the passive voice in -l- (as well as, of
course, deverbative nouns and verbs in -la-/-le-); in TM, it participates
in building inchoatives (duku-l- ‘start to write’, see Benzing 120); in
Mongolian, it is rather transitive (qaɣa-l- ‘split, divide’ as opposed to
qaɣa-ra- ‘be split, divided’). The possible starting point here could be a
transitive participle, with a secondary development into passive in
Turkic (which is still to be explained, and is probably the result of
completely restructuring old voice categories in Turkic). See the discussion of the *-l-suffix in Ramstedt 1912.
Cf. the following cross-language matches:
PA *čĭŋV ‘to listen, consider’ (not attested suffixless; with different suffixes cf. PTM *ǯiŋi-re- ‘to understand’, *ǯiŋ-k-si- ‘attentive’): PT
*dɨŋ-la- / *diŋ-le- ‘to listen, hear’, PM *čiŋ-la- ‘to listen’
PA *č῾amo ‘to suffer hardships’ (PT *čAm ‘fine, claim’): PT *čAm-la- ‘to
be insulted, angry at’, PM *čima-la- ‘to be dissatisfied’, Neg. čamu-lị‘to be unwilling to share’, Jpn. tamar- ‘to endure’.
PA *ka ‘bad, weak’ (PTM *eke- ‘to decrease; evil’, PJ *àk- ‘to be bored,
satiated’): OT egi-l ‘common, ordinary’, PM *(h)ege-l ‘low, uneducated, not very good’, Nan. exe-le ‘bad, low’
PA *ēŋV ‘to think, understand’ (PT *āŋ ‘intelligence’): PT *āŋ-la- ‘to understand’, Evn. eŋē-li- ‘to peer, investigate’
PA *g(j)t῾ì ‘to go, come’ (PT *gē(j)t- ‘to go’): PM *getü-l- / *gatu-l- ‘to
cross over’, PJ *kítá-r- ‘to come, arrive’
PA *gḕnŋa ‘to bend’ (suffixless perhaps in Man. gen ‘horse’s counter’):
PM *gana-l-ǯa- ‘to be bent’, PTM *gē(n)ŋe-l- id.
PA *č῾ĭk῾a ‘to rise, sprout’ (PT *čɨk- ‘to go out, come out’, PM *čiki‘sprout’, PK *čhí- ‘to rise, raise’): PM *čiki-le- ‘to sprout’, Evk.
čiki-l-tu- id.
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INTRODUCTION
PA *gùri ‘to slander, go mad’ (PT *Kür ‘trick’, PM *gör ‘slander, deceit’,
PTM *gori- ‘to go mad’, PK *kr- ‘to be mistaken’): OT kür-lü-k
‘trick’, PM *gör-le- ‘to slander’, Ud. guleäla- ‘to go mad’
PA *idV ‘to follow, lead, arrange’ (PM *iǯi ‘set, complete set’, PTM *idu
‘order (n.); to command’): PM *iǯi-l ‘equal, identical’, Nan. idu-le- ‘to
arrange in order’
PA *kṓr[i] ‘to roll, churn’ (PT *Kiār- ‘to mix’): PM *kuru-l- / *küri-l- ‘to
whirl’, Evn. kuru-l-dāwna ‘churn-staff’
PA *kč῾ú ‘to slander, swear’ (PM *koči ‘nickname, slander’): Kalm.
xoč-l- ‘to slander’, Nan. qoča-lị- ‘to harm (of an evil ghost)’
PA *k῾p῾ó ‘become wet, overflow’ (PTM *xep-): PM *kaji-la- ‘to melt’, PJ
*kmp-ra- ‘to overflow’
PA *k῾p῾è ‘to dry out, become fragile; to break’ (PT *kEp(i)- ‘to dry out,
disappear’, PTM *xepe- ‘to break, destroy’): PM *kewü-l- ‘to break, be
fragile’, PTM *xepe-le- ‘to break, destroy’, PJ *kp-r- ‘to break’
PA *k῾bu ‘to peel, skin’ (PT *K(i)ab ‘peeled skin’, PTM *xū(be) ‘membrane scraper’, PK *kj ‘rice husks’): PM *kaɣu-l- ‘to peel off, skin’,
PK *kì’ú-r ‘bran’
PA *k῾ókì ‘to bind, wrap’ (PM *kög ‘wrapper, curtain’, PTM *xuku- ‘to
wrap’): PTM *xuku-lī- ‘to wrap’, PJ *kúkú-r- ‘to bind, tie’
PA *mójńi ‘to become overripe, rot’ (PTM *munī-): PT *bAńɨ-l, PJ
*mín-rPA *òk῾è ‘to grieve, be angry’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *ökün-, PTM
*(x)uk-t-): PM *(h)uki-la- ‘to weep, sob’, PJ *k-r- ‘to be angry’
PA *óru ‘to cry, shout’ (PT *orɨ ‘cry, shout’, PM *uri- ‘to invite’, PTM *or‘roar, shout’): PT *or(ɨ)-la- ‘to shout’, PM *ori-la-, Nan. oral ‘echo’)
PA *p῾ap῾o ‘to attack’ (PT *op-): PT *opla-, PM *haw-lPA *p῾t῾à ‘to strike, hit’ (PT *ạt-, PK *pat-): PM *(h)ata-l-ga ‘adze’, PTM
*pāti-la- ‘to strike, hew’
PA *ségì ‘to litter, mat’ (PTM *seg(i)-, PJ *sík-): PM *seg-l-, PK *skắ-rPA *zà[k῾]ó ‘hang, droop’ (PTM *suka-, Kor. suk-, PJ *sànka-): PM *seg-le-,
PJ *sànka-rPA *soge ‘breathe’ (PTM *sugī, PK *sūi-): PT *sog-lɨ-, PM *süji-lePA *t῾ằp῾è ‘go through’ (PT *top, PTM *tap-): PT *topu-l-, PM *tawu-l-, PJ
*tp-rPA *t῾ik῾V ‘to fear, hate’ (PT *tik-): PM *čiku-l, PTM *tiKu-lPA *t῾úmu ‘clever, understand’ (PM *tomi-): PM *tomi-la-, PJ *túm-rPA *ut῾à ‘to be able, understand’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*(h)ud-ka, PJ *ata-p-): PTM *uti-l-, PK *tì-r-
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b) a denominative attributive suffix (often with further nominalization,
less frequently with further verbalization; on denominative verbal
*-lā- in TM see Benzing 116):
PA *ăgu ‘uninhabited place, wilderness’ [not attested suffixless; with a
different suffix PTM *agī- ‘to walk without a road’]: PT *ag-la-k ‘wilderness’; PM *aɣu-la ‘mountain’; PTM *agu-lā-n ‘meadow’
PA *gódú ‘down, to lower’ (PT *Kodɨ): Chuv. xər-lə ‘bowing the head’, PJ
*kúntá-r- ‘to lower, go down’
PA *ìbè ‘door, yard’ (PT *eb ‘house’, PK *íp ‘door’): Chuv. av-la-n ‘to
marry’, PTM *ib-le ‘yard, dwelling’
PA *ap῾u ‘adze’ (PTM *upa): PT *Apɨ-l ‘hoe’, PM *oɣu-li ‘adze’, Nan.
ofa-li id.
PA *kḗp῾V ‘belly’ (PT *gĒpe ‘swollen (of belly)’): PM *kewe-li ‘belly,
pregnancy’, PTM *kepe-l- id.
PA *kopu ‘a k. of vessel’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *Kob-ga ‘pail,
bucket’): PM *kobi-l / *kobu-l ‘groove, gutter, trough’, PTM *kiabi-l-de
‘bobber’
PA *k[a]ŋe ‘a k. of board’ (PT *K(i)aŋ ‘vehicle, skis’): PT *K(i)aŋ-lɨ id.,
PTM *küŋi-le ‘skis’
PA *k῾omo ‘a k. of fragrant and edible plant’ (not attested suffixless, cf.
PTM *xim-ŋe-kte ‘bird-cherry’): PT *Kum-la-k ‘hop’, PM *köme-li ‘a k.
of wild onion or garlic’, PJ *kami-ra ‘a k. of garlic’
PA *k῾ŕu ‘red, brown’ (PJ *kúrá- ‘dark’, PK *kùrí ‘copper’): PT *Kɨŕɨ-l
‘red; gold’, PM *küre-l ‘bronze’
PA *lap῾V ‘spleen’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Orok lip-če): Tof. ča῾p῾a-l,
PM *niɣa-l-ta id.
PA *mék῾ù ‘meat; part of body’ (PM *mika-n ‘meat’): Neg. mexi-le ‘fat
under bird’s skin’, PJ *múkú-rua ‘body, dead body’
PA *mák῾o ‘frog’ (PT *b(i)āka): PM *meke-lei, Evk. moko-lo-čī ‘bat’, PK
*mkùrí ‘toad’
PA *ŋaji ‘lower side’ (Chuv. aj, PTM *ŋia(j)-): PTM *ŋia-la ‘lower’, PK
*nằrí- ‘to go down’
PA *òŋi ‘windpipe, part of neck’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *öŋü-č,
PTM *uŋ-se, PJ *ùnà-nsi): PM *öŋgü-le-ɣür, PTM *uŋe-le-.
PA *ṓt῾è ‘old’ (Chuv. vadъ, PTM *ute): PM *öte-l- ‘to be old, old’, PTM
*ute-le- ‘earlier, before’
PA *pk῾í ‘a k. of insect’ (Evk. heke ‘nit’): PT *böke-le-k, PJ *pínkú-rá-sí
PA *p῾ugu ‘tinder, excrescence’ (Chuv. ъₙvъₙ): PM *huɣu-la, PTM
*pug(u)-la id.
PA *soga ‘arrow’ (PJ *sa): PM *saɣa-li ‘cross-bow’, PK *hoar ‘bow’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *sábó ‘service’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *sibe-gčin ‘fem. servant’, PTM *sab(u)-ka- ‘to get accustomed’): PTM *sabu-li- ‘to serve,
present gifts’, PJ *sámpú-rapPA *sogì ‘a k. of meat dish’ (PJ *suki-): PT *sögü-l-, Evk. suɣu-lē-n
PA *šuga ‘bucket’ (PT *sugu): PM *saɣu-l-ga, PTM *šug-lePA *t῾ŭge ‘storm, dust’ (PTM *tuge): PT *tüge-le-, PM *tuji-lPA *t῾ukV ‘calf, lamb’ (PTM *tuKu-): PT *tok-lɨ, PM *tugu-l
The attributive suffix *-li- is still quite productive in TM, see
Benzing 90.
This suffix is often combined with following velar suffixes, as in:
PA *k῾óŕa ‘a k. of tree with red berries or red bark’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *(x)or-b-, *(x)or-aŋ-): PT *Kaŕɨ-l-gan / *Kar-lɨ-ga-n ‘currant’, PM *kar-gi-l ‘viburnum’, PJ *kátú-rá ‘Cereidiphyllum japonicum’
PA *k῾àp῾e ‘a k. of insect, butterfly’ (PM *kibe ‘moth’): PT *kepe-lek ‘butterfly’, PJ *kprnkí ‘cricket’
PA *lemV ‘meat, fat (of animals)’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jamɨ-ŕ,
*jam-du ‘groin; pubic hair’): PM *lami-l-ka-j ‘meat on sheep’s rump’,
PTM *lemu-k ‘fat (under the skin of animals)’
Such suffix combinations have become quite productive in Mongolian (*-lga-) and especially in Turkic (*-lɨk, *-lɨg).
It seems in fact possible to unite both usages of PA *-l-, by assigning
it a general original attributive (denominative or deverbative) meaning.
But we must stress that only with the latter meaning did the suffix become a part of the Common Altaic inflectional paradigm. In some
daughter branches it has penetrated the nominal paradigm as well (cf.
the Mong. comitative in -luɣa, generally after verbal nouns, and the TM
nominal affixes as -l-un, -l-ken - see EAS 2, 40-43), but this seems to be
a later development.
4.1. 9. PA *-rPA *-r- appears to be even more frequent than *-l-. In Turkic, it is the
general aorist suffix, used both as a finite form and as a participle. In
this function it is compared (in EAS 2, pp. 87-89) with the Mong. supinum in -ra and the “preparative converb” in -ru-n, as well as with the
participia futuri in TM and Korean. Its quite probable Japanese match
is the general attributive -ru in the verbal paradigm.
When it comes to derivation, one should note that in Mongolian,
-ra-/-re- is basically an intransitive verbal suffix, as opposed to -l(a)-,
see EAS 2, 194, 199 (see also above). If this is indeed the same mor-
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pheme, then we might be able to reconstruct the Common Altaic verbal
opposition *-l- ‘transitive participle’ : *-r- ‘intransitive participle’, subsequently passing into the domain of word-derivation. We can also
note the usage of -r- as an intransitive morpheme in Old Japanese
(which expanded later and led to the formation of the present-day passive in -r-), as well as the reflexive usage of -r- in Korean; since, however, these languages merged *-l- and *-r-, the origin of these inflectional morphemes cannot be firmly established. Ramstedt (1912, 32-37)
characterizes PA *-r(a)- as ‘verbum neutrale oder inchoativum’.
It seems, however, important to stress the modal function of -r- as
an inflectional morpheme (meaning “in order to”, “necessary to” in
Mong., TM and Korean), which seems to be lacking in case of *-r- as a
derivational suffix.
But one should be cautious while reconstructing PA *-r-. It should
be borne in mind that the only group preserving the original distinction *-r- : *-ŕ- is Turkic, and Turkic has a quite different - causative *-ŕ-suffix, also corresponding to -r- in other Altaic languages. The situation is further complicated by an alternation -ŕ- / -r- within Turkic
(“Helimski’s rule”), due to which *-ŕ- becomes *-r- in a postconsonantal
prevocalic position (so that *CVC-ŕV- > *CVC-rV-). Therefore, some of
the following matches with an apparently transitive usage of *-r- may
in fact reflect PA *-ŕ-, on which see below.
PA *èbà ‘join, meet’ (PJ *àp-): PTM *ebu-re- ‘join, meet’, PK *àbór- ‘join’
PA *ắk῾è ‘to advance gradually, slowly’ (PM *(h)aki-): PT *aku-ru‘slowly’; PJ *kú-rá- ‘to be, come late’
PA *àpo ‘to wear out, be spoiled’ (PJ *àpà- ‘weak, faded’): PT *obu-ra- ‘to
wear out, decay’, PM *ebe-re- ‘to weaken’
PA *bdé ‘to jump, trot’ (PT *büdi- ‘to dance, jib’, PK *ptùi- ‘to jump’):
PM *büdü-ri- ‘to stumble’, Nan. budu-ri- ‘to hurry’, PJ *bnt-r- ‘to
jump’
PA *bĺa ‘confusion, fright’ (PT *būĺ- ‘to be bad-tempered, irritable’): PT
*būĺ-ur-ga- ‘to be worried, confused’, PJ *bású-rá- ‘to forget’
PA *bŋe ‘to howl’ (PTM *būni-): PT *böŋ-re-, PM *büɣü-rePA *č῾ukV ‘to jump, trot’ (PM *čogi-; PK *čhú- ‘to dance’): Bur. sojo-r-,
Evk. čuke-rēPA *gèmo ‘to complete, fill in’ (PTM *gemu ‘all’, PJ *km- ‘to be filled
in’): PM *gömü-r-ge ‘storage’, PJ *km-r- ‘to be filled in’
PA *gòdè ‘to be diligent, persistent’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ
*ktà-pa- ‘to endure’): OT qoδu-r- ‘to take trouble, make efforts’, PM
*güǯi-re- ‘to be energetic, persistent’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *gno ‘to think’ (PM *guni ‘be sad’, PTM *gūn- ‘to think; to say’):
Dun. Guni-ra- ‘be sad’, PK *knr- ‘to tak care of’
PA *íŋo ‘to neigh’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *iŋ-ča-, PJ *íná-naketc.): PT *ɨŋɨ-ra-, Nan. iŋgiriPA *idV ‘to follow, lead, arrange’ (PM *iǯi ‘set, complete set’, PTM *idu
‘order (n.); to command’): PT *Ede-r- ‘to follow’, Man. idu-re- ‘to arrange in order’
PA *umu ‘to help, gather’ (PM *öme ‘help’): PT *ime-r- ‘to gather, work
collectively’, PM *öme-r- id., PK *umu-r- ‘to crowd, cluster’
PA *kăpi ‘to break, fragile’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *kab-Vk-): PT
*geb-re- ‘to become weak, fragile’, PM *kebe-re- ‘to break down’
PA *kăt῾e ‘to knock (of hooves), trot’ (PTM *kete- / *kata- ‘knocking, trotting’, PK *kthí- ‘to stumble’): PT *Kɨtɨ-r- ‘to walk, go round’, PM
*kata-ri- ‘to trot’, PTM *kata-r / *kete-r
PA *kk῾i ‘to belch, choke’ (PM *kaka- id., PTM *kaxa- ‘to choke’): PT
*gēki-r-, PM *kaki-ra- / *keki-re- ‘to belch’
PA *kijmV ‘vapour, steam; anger’ (PK *kīm ‘steam, vapour’, PT *Kɨjm‘to move’): Khak. qɨjmɨ-ra- ‘to move’, PM *kimu-ra- ‘to be in disorder,
conflict’, Nan. kīmu-r ‘enmity’
PA *k῾uŋgo ‘to freeze, snow’ (PJ *kənkə-): PM *kuŋga-r ‘snow-drift’, PJ
*kənkə-r- ‘to freeze’
PA *lép῾ó ‘to rise, high’ (PT *lepū- ‘to move out, jump out’): PTM
*lepu-ru- id., PJ *nmp-r- ‘to rise’
PA *mók῾[ú] ‘to bow’ (PT *bok-): PTM *miaxu-rV-, PJ *mánká-rPA *nìt῾á ‘weak, quiet’ (PT *jit- ‘to get lost’, PTM *nita- ‘weak, faded’):
PM *nete-re- ‘to become worse, deteriorate’, Man. nita-ra- ‘to
weaken, diminish’, PJ *nàntà-rà-ka ‘quiet, peaceful’
PA *ti ‘to move, change place’ (PT *öt- ‘to pass by’, PM *oči- ‘walk,
move, go’): PM *oči-ra ‘along’, Evk. utu-r- ‘to reel, turn round’, PJ
*ùtù-r- ‘to move, change place’
PA *pắdà ‘to spread; flag’ (PJ *pátà): PT *bAd-ra-k, PM *bada-ra-, Evk.
hada-r-ga.
PA *p῾ó[k]u ‘to swell’ (PTM *puk- / pok-): PT *ok-ra ‘pimple, pustule’,
PTM *poko-ri- ‘to be cracked (of skin)’, Kor. pagɨ-l ‘boiling, bubbling’,
PJ *púkú-rà- ‘to swell’
PA *sábà ‘to be hindered, obstruct’ (PT *sab-): PT *sab-ra-, PM *saɣa-ra-,
PJ *sápá-rPA *sèjV ‘be thin, rare’ (PM *seji-, PJ *sài-): PT *sed-re-, PM *seji-re-, PTM
*sē-r
PA *sēma ‘get lost, deviate’ (Evk. sēm- ‘to be lost’): PT *samu-r(a)- ‘to be
in a complicated position’, PM *samu-ra- ‘make disorder’
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PA *sgà ‘sigh, holding breath’ (PTM *sigu- ‘stop crying, breathing’):
PM *seɣü-re- ‘sigh, pant’, PJ *sàkù-rì ‘hiccough’
PA *t῾a ‘to meet’ (PT *ut-, PJ *átá-): PT *ut(a)-r- ‘opposite’, PM *uči-ra‘to meet’, PJ *átá-rPA *ǯebí ‘bad, to suffer’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jabɨ-ŕ, *jab-laetc.): PT *jab-rɨ-, PJ *(d)impi-rPA *-r- also functions as a denominative suffix, forming adjectives
(sometimes, as usual, with further nominalization or verbalization). It
is probably quite different in origin from the verbal *-r- and must have
had an original meaning ‘pertaining to’ or ‘located in the region of’,
whence the well known usage of *-r- as a locative suffix in Turkic,
Mongolian and Korean, see EAS 2, 38-39.
Examples of this Common Altaic suffix are given below (note the
frequent usage of *-r- in color names, animal/plant names and body
parts):
PA *bagu ‘white, grey’ (PK *pùhi- ‘grey’, Evn. bāwụ- ‘clear (of sky)’):
PM *buɣu-ru-l ‘grey’, Evk. baɣu-ri-l ‘clear (of sky)’
PA *č῾upa ‘green, blue’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *čabi-dar ‘yellowish’): PT *čuba-r ‘variegated’, PTM *čub-rī- ‘green, blue, yellow’
PA *k῾V ‘light, white’ (PT *Āk, PJ *áká-): PTM *ixe-re ‘candle, light’,
Kor. igɨl- ‘bright, burn’, PJ *aka-r(u)- ‘bright’
PA *kádì ‘strong, oppressive’ (PJ *kítú- ‘strong, brave’): PT *Kadɨ-r ‘hard,
strong, cruel’, PM *kede-r ‘angry, inobedient’, PTM *kada-ra-ku ‘courageous, diligent’
PA *kòŋa ‘brown, black’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *koŋ-na‘black’): PT *Koŋu-r ‘dark brown’, PK *kắnắr ‘shadow’
PA *mṓŋi ( ~ -e) ‘round’ (Kor. muŋi ‘round thing’): PM *möɣer ‘wheel,
hoop’, Man. mumu-ri ‘blunt, rounded’, MKor. mūŋrí- ‘round
(stone)’
PA *p῾àká ‘mighty, heavy’ (PTM *piaKa, PJ *pànkiá-): PT *iagɨ-r ‘heavy’,
Evn. hịqār ‘brave’
PA *săŋe ‘yellowish, greyish’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Evk. siŋa-ma):
PM *saɣa-r-, PTM *siŋa-riPA *t῾ŏk῾V ‘curved’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *Toku-j, *Tokɨ-m, PTM
*tok-čika-): PM *toki-r, PTM *toKa-rCf. further:
PA *bădo ‘a k. of bird’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *bödü-ne ‘quail’):
PT *budu-r(čin) ‘quail’, Evk. bada-ra ‘dun-bird’
PA *bắja ‘happiness, joy’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *bAj-ga ‘feast’, PJ
*bái-m- ‘to smile’): PT *bAj-ra-m ‘feast’, *bAj-ra-k ‘prize’, PM *baja-r
‘joy, feast’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *bge ‘rock, hill’ (PTM *buga / *buge ‘hill, mound’, PK *pàhói ‘rock’,
PJ *bə ‘hill’): PT *bögü-r ‘mountain slope’, PM *böɣe-rü-g id.
PA *č῾aju ‘resin, juice’ (PJ *tuju ‘juice’): PT *čAjɨ-r ‘resin, tar’, PK *č-r‘slushy, watery’
PA *dagV ‘shoulder bone, back’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM
*daga-ńa ‘hip, hip-bone’): PT *jagɨr ‘back, shoulderblade’, PM *daji-ra
‘withers’
PA *debV ‘young (of birds or animals) (PM *deɣü ‘younger sibling’): PT
*jab-rɨ ‘young of birds and animals’, PTM *debe-re- ‘young of birds’
PA *ép῾á ‘breast, rib’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *eb-či-ɣü-n ‘bosom’):
PM *ebü-r ‘breast’, PJ *ámpá-rá ‘rib’
PA *gaŋu ‘wild onion’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *k(u)i <
*gaŋ(u)-gV): PT *gEmü-r-gen, Evk. guŋu-r
PA *kámsa ‘wind, whirlwind’ (PJ *kánsá- ‘wind’): PT *Kasɨ-r-ku ‘whirlwind’, PM *kabsa-ra- ‘to blow (of a cold wind)’
PA *kábó ‘enclosure’ (PTM *kaba ‘tent covered with bark’, PJ *kámpiá
‘wall’): PTM *kaba-ra- ‘fence, enclosure’, PK *kò’ắ-r ‘district’
PA *kami ‘a k. of cloth’ (Orok qāmị ‘women’s belt’): PM *keme-r-lig ‘a k.
of silk’, Evk. kam-rā- ‘to hem a garment’
PA *kùtí ‘a k. of fox’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *kìtúnái ‘fox’): PM
*küderi ‘musk-deer’, PTM *kitiri ‘a k. of fox’
PA *kŏše ‘edge, protrusion’ (PTM *koša ‘angle, river bend’): PT *Kös-ri
‘wind-screen, sides of the chest’, PK *kìsrk ‘protrusion, edge of roof’
PA *kek῾V ‘palate, throat’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *kekü-ɣe ‘throat,
cavity’): PT *gekir, *gekir-dek ‘throat, trachea’, PM *kekü-re-g (/
*kekü-deg) ‘thorax’, PTM *kexe-re ‘hard palate’
PA *kekŋV ‘breast, chest, rib’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *keŋ-tire
‘breast, chest’): PT *gEg-re-k ‘lower soft ribs’, PM *keŋgi-r-dek ‘chest’
PA *káč῾ù ‘hole; mouth’ (PJ *kútí): PT *KEči-r ‘trachea’, PM *kači-r
‘cheek’
PA *kōŋa ‘bell’ (PJ *káná-i): PT *Koŋ-ra- ‘to ring, toll’, *Koŋ-ra-k ‘bell’,
PTM *kōŋV-r ‘ringing sound’
PA *kumi ‘a k. of insect’ (PK *kmi ‘spider’, PJ *kùmuâ id.): PT *Kumɨ-r‘ant’, PM *kömö-re-ge ‘a k. of insect’
PA *k῾ébá ‘corpse’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *kámpá-nái): PT *gEb-re,
PM *keɣü-r, Man. eo-re-n
PA *k῾íbà ‘ash tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *xiba-gda): PT
*Keb-r-üč, PM *küji-r-sü-, PJ *kápià-ru-(n)tai
PA *k῾ṑk῾ò ‘spine, skeleton’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *koki-ma‘skeleton, skull’): PTM *xīKe-ri ‘spine’, PJ *kaku-rai ‘coccyx’
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PA *láčà ‘a k. of plant with drooping branches’ (PJ *násì ‘pear’): Man.
lasa-ri ‘drooping branches’, PK *nčhú-r id.
PA *lako ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (PT *jöke ‘lime-tree’): PM *nüge-r- ‘a k. of
alder’, Man. laχa-ri ‘a k. of oak’
PA *ĺeŋgV ‘a k. of predator’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Orch. liŋga-pu
‘wolverine’): PM *ǯiŋge-r ‘bitch’, PTM *leŋgu-r ‘wolf; cat’
PA *lúŋu ‘morning or evening dawn’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ
*núN-si ‘rainbow’): Evk. luŋu-r ‘evening, dusk’, PK *nò’-r ‘morning
or evening dawn’
PA *mk῾é ‘a k. of fish’ (Evk. mekē ‘crucian’): WMong. mökü-rü ‘female
carp’, Orok mokkiri ‘a k. of small fish’, Jpn. maguro ‘tuna-fish’
PA *nŋu ‘wool, down’ (PT *juŋ id., PJ *núnuá ‘fabric, cloth’): PM
*nowu-r-(su) ‘wool, down’, Man. nuŋɣa-ri id.
PA *ŋk῾u ‘dog, wolf’ (PTM *ŋōKe): PT *eke-r ‘hunting dog’, Man.
nuxe-re ‘puppy’, PK *nəko-ri ‘badger’
PA *píńŋe ‘scar, pimple’ (PTM *pinŋa): PT *beńir, PM *beɣer, PK *pńrm
PA *pgí ‘kidneys, testicles’ (PTM *pugi-n): PT *bögü-r, PM *böɣe-re, PK
*pr, PJ *púnkúri
PA *pgV ‘male deer’ (PT *bugu): PT *bugu-ra ‘camel stallion’, PM *boji-r
‘male (of animals)’
PA *p῾émi ‘thread, twist a thread’ (PJ *pím): PM *hime-r-, Evn. hemъrPA *p῾okt῾o ‘environs’ (PT *pokta ‘way’): PT *ota-r ‘pasture, far environs’,
PM *hogto-r-gui ‘environs’, PJ *pətə-ri id.
PA *sak῾u ‘a k. of stinging insect’ (PM *sag ‘insect eggs, nits’): PT
*sakɨ-r-tka ‘tick’, PJ *su(n)ka-ru ‘digger wasp’
PA *sigo ‘rain, snow storm’ (PTM *siga-): PM *siɣu-r-, *siɣu-r-ga, PJ
*sinkú-rai
PA *sórka ‘blossom, blossoming plant’ (PK *sằrkó, PJ *sák-): PM *surga-r,
PJ *sákú-ra
PA *sóga ‘back, back skin’ (PJ *sa-): PT *sagrɨ, PM *saji-r / *saɣa-ri, PTM
*sog-daPA *spe ‘rib’ (PTM *subi-n): PT *sabar, PM *sübe-r-gen.
PA *suga ‘a k. of bird’ (PK *sāi): PT *sɨgɨ-r-, PM *soji-r
PA *sbu ‘end’ (PJ *súwá-): PT *sīb-ri, PTM *sube-rē
PA *sku ‘scoop, bucket’ (PTM *soKa-): PT *sogu-r-, PM *sugu-raPA *t῾égè ‘edge, border’ (PM *teg, PK *th): PT *Teg-re, PTM *tegē-r, PJ
*tk-r
PA *t῾úgo ‘cover’ (PK *tù’i, PJ *tu-i): PT *Tugu-r, PM *tuɣu-r-ga
PA *t῾t῾u ‘rash, scabs’ (PT *tāt): PM *tači-r, PTM *tuta-ri-lPA *ùč῾e ‘reason’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *üč-ün, Evn. ụčịq, PK
*áčh): PM *uči-r, Man. uču-ri
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INTRODUCTION
PA *uŋe ‘hollow, pit’ (PT *üŋ- ‘to dig’): PT *üŋü-r, PM *oŋga-r-kaj
PA *ót῾ó ‘bushes, low trees’ (cf. Evk. utu-n): PT *ot-ru-g ‘island’, Orok
ute-ri-kte ‘low trees’, PJ *nt-r ‘bushes’
PA *ǯip῾o ‘perfume, fumes’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *(d)impu-s-): PT
*jɨpa-r, PM *ǯiɣa-r, PJ *(d)impu-rThis “attributive” *-r- often appears followed by other suffixes (diminutives etc.):
PA *-r-dV-k῾V, *-r-k῾V
PA *jbi ‘a k. of duck’ (PJ *û): PT *Ebür(d)ek, Evn. āwụldụqa (reflecting
*-l-dV-k῾V)
PA *č῾ēk῾V ‘a k. of cloth’ (PT *čēk ‘cotton shirt’, Man. čeke ‘upper short
clothes’): OUygh. čekrek ‘cotton shirt’, PM *čege-deg ‘a k. of cotton
shirt’
PA *úmu ‘to bear’ (PTM *umu-, PK *ūm, PJ *úm-): PT *(j)umur-tka ‘egg’,
PM *öm-dege, PTM *umū-kta id.
PA *-r-č῾V
PA *č῾me ‘knuckle, cartilage’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *čimöge
‘marrow’): PT *čEmi-rči-k ‘cartilage, gristle’, Evk. čīme-či-n ‘knee-cap,
fat under knee-cap’
PA *k῾aŋa ‘hair, long hair’ (PJ *kàmì): PM *koŋgu-rča-g ‘cluster, bunch’,
PK *k’ú-č ‘moustache, beard’
PA *k῾àp῾à ‘a k. of vessel, box’ (PJ *kàpì ‘scoop, ladle’): PT *Kapɨ-rča-k
‘box, basket’, PM *kaɣu-rča-g, *kaji-rča-g id.
PA *-r-gV
PA *ătV ‘horse’ (PT *ăt): PT *ad-gɨr ( < *at-rɨg) ‘colt’, PM *aǯirga id.
PA*bdù ‘thick, large’ (PT *bedü- ‘to become thicker, grow’, PK *pr(**pd-) ‘thick, satiated’, PJ *pùtuà- ‘thick’): PM *bedi-ɣü- ‘thick’, PTM
*burgu- ( < *budu-r-gu-) ‘thick’
PA *k῾údo ‘tail’ (PK *s-kòrí): PT *Kud-ruk ‘tail’, PM *kudu-rga ‘tail strap’,
PTM *xü-r-gü ‘tail’
PA *núdu ‘fist, strike with the fist’ (PM *nidu-): PT *jɨd-ruk ‘fist’, PM
*nidu-rga ‘fist’, PTM *nu-rga ‘fist’, PJ *ní-nkír- ‘to hold in the hand’
PA *sudu ‘hoof deformation’ (PTM *sudu, PJ *sia): PT *sɨdɨ-r-ga-k, PM
*södü-r-ge
PA *-r-k῾V
PA *bắĺmi ‘knee, ankle’ (PJ *pínsá ‘knee’): PT *bAĺma-k ‘boot, shoe’, PM
*belbe-r-kej ‘ankle’, PTM *b[i]leb-ki ‘knee, knee cap’, Kor. palma-k ‘a k.
of footwear’
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PA *k῾uǯV ‘part of stomach’: PM *kuǯi-rkaj ‘thick part of stomach’, PTM
*xuǯü-k ‘urinary bladder’
PA *mét῾i ‘bird’s crop or navel; pudenda’ (PJ *mitua ‘pudenda’): PT
*böte-ke ‘bird’s crop, craw; kidneys of animals; vulva’; Evk. motoko
‘vulva’; PK *mrtkn ‘bird’s navel’
PA *-r-sV
PA *bk῾ù ‘a sharp instrument’ (PM *baki ‘tongs’): PT *boku-rsɨ ‘wooden
plough’, PJ *puku-si ‘digging stick’
PA *-r-t῾V
PA *ăbu ‘interior of the mouth’ (not attested suffixless; cf. Neg. aw-ǯan‘to gape’): PT *ăbu-rt; PM *ow-či
4.1.10. PA *-č῾We find both nominal and verbal suffixes with *-č῾a) denominative diminutive (cf. EAS 2, 215-218, Benzing 60), cf.:
PA *č῾p῾[ú] ‘small bird’ (PTM *čipi-, PK *čjpì ‘swallow’): PT *čɨp-čɨ-k
‘sparrow’, PM *čuw-ča-li ‘snipe’, Evk. čipi-čā ‘small bird’
PA *káŋV ‘dog’ (PK *kàŋí > *kà(h)í): PT *KAŋ-čɨ-k ‘bitch’, PTM *ka-či-kā‘puppy’, PK *kàŋ’á-čí ‘puppy’
PA *lmo ‘a k. of bag’ (PTM *lam(b)a ‘bag, saddlebag’): PT *jĀm-čɨk
‘pocket, sash, bag’, PK *nằmằ-čh ‘small bag, pocket’
Originally diminutive forms with *-č῾- are also:
PA *bŭkrV ‘pea, nut, cone’ (PTM *boKari ‘pea’): PT *bur-ča-k ‘pea’, PM
*buɣur-ča-g id., PK *phắ-s id.
PA *dlo ‘year; sun, sun cycle’ (PT *jɨl, PM *ǯil ‘year’): PTM *dila-čā ‘sun’,
PK *tol-č ‘anniversary’, PJ *tsì ‘year’
PA *k῾āp῾a ‘bladder, film’ (OT qap ‘caul’, PTM *xap[a] ‘fish bladder’, Kor.
kapo id.): PT *Kāp-čɨ-k ‘scrotum, bladder’, PM *kabi-ča-k ‘groin’
PA *págò ‘box, vessel’ (PT *bog, PTM *paga): PT *bog-ča, PTM *paga-ča.
PA *sni ‘heel, ankle’ (PK *sín ‘footwear’): PT *sin-čök ‘ankle-bone,
hip-bone’, Neg. seńočhi ‘heel’
PA *sna ‘crest, hairlock’ (Nan. sōno): PM *san-čig, PTM *sōno-ča
This suffix is expressive and must have had an unaspirated variant
*-č-: cf. the reflex in PJ *tsì, as well as the following case, where both
TM and Japanese point to *-č-:
PA *òŋi ‘windpipe, part of neck’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*öŋgü-le-ɣür, PTM *uŋe-le-): PT *öŋü-č, PTM *uŋ-se, PJ *ùnà-nsi
A similar case of expressive *-č- may be:
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INTRODUCTION
PA *k῾re ‘a k. of insect’ (cf. PK *kằr-kmi ‘a k. of spider’): PT *K(i)arɨ-nčɣa ‘ant, tick’, PJ (reduplicated) *kìrí(n)-kíri-su ‘grasshopper’
b) verbal intensive, usually denominative, but also deverbative (on
PTM intensive *-či-, *-ča- see Benzing 119):
PA *ńe ‘to be quiet, sit’ (PM *eje ‘peace’, PTM *āńi- ‘to enjoy, feast’): PT
*En-č ‘tranquil, at peace’, PK *àn-č- ‘to sit’, PJ *n-tà-(ja-ka)- ‘quiet,
peaceful’
PA *ni ‘not, negative verb’ (PT *en, PTM *ān-, PK *an-, PJ *nà-, -an-):
PTM *ān-či ‘not’, PK *à-čhj-d- ‘not to like’
PA *mónŋo ‘to knead, press, stroke’ (PT *boŋ ‘mallet’, PM *muna id.,
PTM *monŋi- ‘to squeeze’, PJ *mm- ‘to knead, rumple’): PM *mun-ča
‘mallet’, PTM *monŋi-ču- id., PK *mằn-čí- ‘to stroke, rub’
PA *pasi ‘run, hurry’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *hesü-re-, Evn.
hasụ-l-): PTM *pasi-č-, PK *pàs- / *pàčPA *p῾ba ‘to crawl, squat’ (PJ *pàp-): PM *(h)oji-či-, Evk. hewi-čPA *p῾ŏk῾i ‘to trample, kick’ (PTM *peK-/poK-): PT *ök-če ‘heel’, PTM
*pok-či-.
PA *sŕi ‘to flow, drip’ (PT *süŕ-, PTM *sir-): PM *sür-či-, PJ *sìtà-tRamstedt (1912, 29-32) regards the suffix -č(a)- in Mong. as ‘reciprocal’ and corresponding to PT *-ĺ(č)-, but the actual evidence does not
appear to support this point of view.
In cases like PM *mun-ča ‘mallet’ or PT *ök-če ‘heel’, we see this suffix functioning already as a nomen instrumenti, and similar cases are:
PA *làk῾ù ‘to bend, hang’ (PM *naki- ‘to bend’, TM *laxu- ‘to hang’, PJ
*nuki ‘cross-beam’): Evk. laku-ča ‘loop’, PK *nák-s ‘hook’
PA *krV ‘to cut out, sharp’ (PTM *kōri- ‘to delve, carve out’): PT *Kur-č
‘sharp, hard (of steel)’, PM *kur-ča ‘sharp’ (probably originally ‘cutting instrument’ > ‘sharp’)
In TM the suffix *-č- with this function can become further verbalized (“to treat with...”, like Nan. okto-či- ‘to treat with herbs, medicines’
etc., see Benzing 116).
4.1.11. PA *-ǯ1. Nominal
The suffix *-ǯ- is well preserved in TM languages, basically as an
adjective suffix (*-g-ǯ-: *sēg-ǯe- ‘red’, *sō-g-ǯa- ‘yellow’, *ĺog-ǯa- ‘green,
dark’, *šāk-ǯa- ‘white’, *(x)ig-ǯa ‘grey, yellow’, *xur(i)-gǯa ‘grey’,
*kuku-gǯa ‘blue’), but also in other cases (*gul-ǯa ‘hearth’, *seg-ǯe- ‘wild
deer’, *saji-ǯa ‘sieve’ etc.) . Mong. has a number of nouns in -ǯ-, mostly
with preceding -l- (*bagal-ǯa-ɣur ‘throat’, gal-ǯa-ɣur ‘wild, rabid’,
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*haji-ǯa-ɣan ‘ship’, *uga-lǯa ‘male mountain goat’, *kija-ǯa ‘sedge’,
*kubi-lǯa ‘tick’, *simi-lǯe ‘a k. of bird of prey’; *guran-ǯu ‘whetstone’,
*an-ǯu ‘fine’ etc.). In Turkic and Japanese one would expect a *-j-, and
indeed there exists an adjectival *-ja-ka (OJ niko-ja-ka ‘mild’, suku-ja-ka
‘healthy’ etc.).
In several cases this suffix can be traced to Common Altaic:
PA *sḕgù ‘health, blood’ (PT *sạg ‘healthy’): PTM *sēg-ǯe- ‘red’, PJ
*sùkù-ja-ka- ‘healthy’.
PA *ńabĺu ‘to be born, child’ (PJ *mus-): PM *ǯul-ǯa-gan, PTM *ńab(ul)-ǯa
PA *k῾ĺú ‘a small wild animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ
*kùsá-(m)pú, PT *Küĺü-l): PM *kerel-ǯe-gene, PTM *xelde-gǯe ( ~ -gde).
In Turkic, however, the situation is complicated. No cases of a *-j- :
*-ǯ- correspondence in suffixed morphemes have been attested; there
is, however, a number of cases when Turkic has an unexpected -č-:
PA *ni ‘to hold, present’ (TM *anī- ‘to present a gift’, PK *ān- ‘to hold
in the arms’): PT *ēn-čü ‘gift, fief’, PM *an-ǯu ‘fine’
PA *ìbè ‘door, yard’ (PT *eb ‘house’, PK *íp ‘door’): PT *eb-či ‘housewife,
woman’, PTM *ib-ǯe ‘relative-in-law’
The last case suggests that the very widely attested PT suffix of
nomina agentis *-či may in fact go back to PA *-ǯ-; but more evidence
would be needed to make it a certainty.
The original function of PA *-ǯ- remains not quite clear: it can be
characterized broadly as “adjectival” (Benzing 60 qualifies PTM *-ǯ(u)
as diminutive, which is not at all secure).
2. Verbal We find a similar, but quite isolated case of Turk. -č-: Mong.
-ǯ- in:
PA *kìkú ‘to bite; rub, scrape’ (PT *Kik- ‘to rub, grind’, PTM *kik- ‘to
bite’): OT kik-čü-r- ‘to rub, grind (at each other)’, PM *keg-ǯe- ‘to
scrape off, incise’.
This may be a secondary (assimilative?) development in Mong. of
the PA intensifying *-č῾-, on which see above.
There is, however, evidence for a PA verbal *-ǯ- as well. In TM, the
suffix -ǯ- occurs as an intransitive (or, perhaps, reflexive / medial, in
the sense of doing smth. for or by oneself), cf. *deg-ǯe- ‘burn’, *sine-ǯi‘be poor, distressed’, *seb-ǯe-n- ‘to have fun’, *gob-ǯa- ‘to hunt’ etc.
(there is also a *-ǯa-, marking imperfective or durative aspect, see
Benzing 118, but it is not completely clear whether it is the same morpheme). It again has a quite probable direct match in PJ *-ja-, the standard Old Japanese passive suffix.
In Mong. we only find verbal -ǯ- in combination with a preceding
-l-: *aɣu-lǯa- ‘to meet’, *taji-tu-lǯa- ‘drag one’s feet’, *koru-lǯa- ‘whirl’,
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*naji-lǯa- ‘shake, sway’, *melme-lǯe- ‘become full’, *gurba-lǯa- ‘move
creeping’, *delbe-lǯe- / *dalba-lǯa- ‘shake, sway’, bol-ǯa- ‘agree upon time’,
dürbe-lǯe- ‘to blaze, flame’, *gana-lǯa- ‘be bent’ etc.
In Turkic, this -lǯ- would normally correspond to *-ĺ(č)-, and we indeed find Turkic *-ĺ(č) as an intransitive (reflexive) suffix; but it seems
mainly to correspond to Mongolian *-ld- in the same function, so that
the Turkic evidence remains uncertain.
To sum up: Proto-Altaic probably had an intransitive (medial?) verbal suffix *-ǯ-, preserved in PTM as *-ǯ-, in Japanese - as -j- and in
Mongolian as -ǯ- (with an addition of -l-, probably on analogy with the
similar -ld-suffix). The absence of direct lexical matches with this suffix
suggests, however, that it could have been not a derivational, but a
purely inflectional morpheme, which it has remained in Japanese: indeed, the perfectly possible OJ passive jaka-ja- ‘to be burnt’ is in fact a
precise match of PTM *deg-ǯe-.
4.1.12. PA *-ńA diminutive in *-ńa exists in TM (see EAS 2, 220), and a possible case
of *-ń- in PA could be:
PA *t῾p῾o ‘nail, hoof’ (PTM *tüpa): PT *tub-ńa-k (with a different suffix
order = PTM *tüp-ken < *tüp-ke-ń?), PJ *túmá-i.
The evidence for this suffix is, however, extremely limited, and its
existence in PA is dubious (the actual form underlying PT *tub-ńa-k
could be, e.g., *tup-ni-gak or the like).
4.1.13. PA *-ĺA verbal reciprocal suffix *-ĺ(č)- is widely represented in Turkic. It has
its closest match in Mongolian -ld- and TM *-ld- (see Benzing 121) with
the same meaning, which is historically a combination of *-ĺ- with the
intransitive/passive *-t- (on which see above). The question remains
open whether Turkic *-ĺ(č)- reflects just *-ĺ- or a similar combination
*-ĺd- or *-ĺt-, which would phonetically yield the same result. However,
available TM parallels show just -l- here, and there are also archaic
cases of reciprocal -l- (without -d-) in Mongolian, so that PA reciprocal
*-ĺ- can be safely reconstructed.
Direct lexical comparisons for forms incorporating *-ĺ- with Korean
and Japanese are not numerous (just as in case with *-ǯ-, because the
morpheme was originally not just derivational but rather inflectional),
but they seem to show standard reflexes (*-r- in Korean, *-s- in Japanese). This -s- in Japanese is, however, very difficult to distinguish
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from the reflex of PA *-s- (see below), with which it of course completely merged; it is probable, however, that Jpn. -s- goes back to *-ĺ- in
the following direct lexical matches:
PA *ṓč῾é ‘bad, anger’ (PT *ȫč ‘revenge, anger’, PJ *nt- ‘to fear’): PT
*ȫče-ĺ(č)- ‘to take revenge’, MMong. öče-ldü- ‘id., be inimical’, PJ
*nt-s- ‘to intimidate’
PA *kéro ‘to fight, kill’ (PM *kere- ‘to quarrel, fight’, PK *kūr- ‘to curse,
deprecate’, PJ *kr- ‘to curse’): PT *gErü-ĺ(č)- ‘to quarrel, fight’, PM
*kere-l-dü- id., Man. keru-le- ‘to fine’, PJ *kr-s- ‘to kill’
PA *t῾ḕbà ‘to run’ (PTM *tēb- with different suffixes): PT *tabɨ-ĺ-, PM
*taw-li-, PJ *tapa-si-rThe original meaning of *nts- and *krs- in Japanese must have
been “fear each other > intimidate” and “fight with each other > kill”.
The reciprocal meaning was lost after PA reciprocal *-ĺ- merged with
the general causative -s- in Japanese (note, however, that *krs- within
Japanese cannot be explained as a causative from *kr- ‘curse’, so that
only the Altaic etymology provides an explanation of this form’s structure).
Further examples of direct lexical matches involving PA *-ĺ- are:
PA *ădV ‘to fit, be equal’ (PTM *ada-): PT *ădaĺ ‘friend, companion’; PM
*adali ‘equal, similar’
PA *bĕŕa ‘peace’ (PT *bAŕ ‘peace’, PTM *bere ‘peaceful’): PT *bar-ɨĺ(č)- ‘to
establish peace’, PM *bere-le- ‘to be shy; to do a favour’
PA *čŏge ‘to give, exchange’ (PT *dẹg- ‘to cost, be worth’, PM *düji- ‘to
buy or sell wholesale’, PK *čú- ‘to give’, PJ *tai ‘goods for exchange’): PT *dẹgi-ĺ(č)- ‘to change, exchange’, PTM *ǯugē-l- ‘to exchange’
PA *kāmV ‘to be weak, oppress’ (PT *KĀma- ‘to become blinded, dumb;
to set teeth on edge’, PM *kama- ‘to be mangy’, PTM *kama- ‘to oppress’): PT *KĀma-ĺ(č)- id., PTM *kama-li- ‘to oppress’
PA *k῾no ‘match, other side’ (PM *kani ‘friend, mate’): PT *Konu-ĺ(č)
‘friend’, MMong. qani-l-qa- ‘to compare’
PA *ṓk῾è ‘to put, heap; to give’ (PT *ȫk-, PM *ök-, PJ *k-): PT *ȫkü-ĺ
‘many’ (*’put together’), Kor. ugɨ-l - ugɨ-l -ha- ‘to congregate, be numerous’
PA *kàdi ‘seam, to sew, lace’ (PT *K(i)adɨ-, PM *kaǯi-, PK *kjd-): PT
*K(i)adɨ-ĺ ‘leather belt’ (*’sewn together’), Evk. kelē- ‘to lace, befringe’
PA *p῾áru ‘to spin, plait, wrap’ (PT *ar-, PTM *por-): PT *arɨ-ĺ ‘woven
stuff’ (*’woven together’) , PTM *porV-l- ‘to spin, turn round’
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There also seems to have existed a nominal (diminutive? attributive?) *-ĺ-. It occurs in several nouns with a hardly definable semantic
sphere, but also, probably significantly, in a number of words denoting
plant world, cf.:
PA *kuma ‘a blood-sucking insect’ (PTM *küme ‘flea, gnat’): PT
*Kum-ĺu-j ‘louse, tick’, PK *kmrí ‘leech’
PA *p῾ărV ‘thill’ (PTM *para): PT *arɨ-ĺ, PM ((h)ara-l.
PA *gure ‘flour’ (PK *kằrằ): PT *gürü-ĺ(č), PM *guri-l
PA *lēmo ‘fresh, raw’ (PJ *nàmâ): PT *jmi-ĺ-č ‘vegetables’, PK *nằmằ-rh
id.
PA *mĕlu ‘a k. of berry’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *m[e]li-kte): PT
*bele-ĺ(č) ‘rowan’, PM *moji-l-(su)- ‘bird-cherry’
PA *malu ‘a k. of evergreen tree’ (PJ *murua ‘juniper’): PT *bAla-ĺ(č) ‘fir
tree’, PM *maji-la-su ‘cypress’
Just as in the case with *-ŕ- (see below), however, it cannot be excluded that Turkic *-ĺ- in these cases actually reflects a combination
*-l-s- and we are actually dealing with the reflexes of plain *-l- here: cf.
the two very suspicious (in this respect) Turko-Mongolian matches:
*bele-ĺ(č) - *mojil-su- and *bAla-ĺ(č) : *majila-su.
4.1.14. PA *-ŕThe evidence of Turkic, where *-ŕ- is a well known causative morpheme, suggests that PA *-ŕ- was a transitive (causative) marker, and
identical in this function to Mong. -r-, -ri- and the transitive -r- occurring in TM and Korean (see Ramstedt 1912, 23-29, with some confusion
of *-ŕ- and *-r-; EAS 2, 176-177). The situation, however, is rather complicated by the facts that only Turkic distinguishes between *-ŕ- and
*-r-, that Turkic *-ŕ- sometimes also appears as *-r- (due to Helimski’s
rule, see above; in such cases the causative therefore may also have the
shape of -r-), and that PA *-r- by itself was rather an intransitive marker
(see above), so finding direct matches for PT *-ŕ- is rather difficult.
The same morpheme is used in Turkic for forming deverbative
nouns (adjectives or action results), and following direct lexical comparisons may be quoted:
PA *gt῾ù ‘to deteriorate’ (PM *gutu- ‘to deteriorate’, PTM *gutu- ‘to
rage, disgrace’, PJ *kutu- ‘to rot’): PT *Kūtu-ŕ ‘mad, enraged’,
*Kūtu-r(a)- ‘to become mad, enraged’, PM *gutu-ra- ‘to deteriorate,
become spoiled’
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PA *kúbé ‘to wish, hope, like’ (PM *köwü ~ *küwü ‘wish, profit’, Man.
keo, keb ‘friendly, lovingly’, PJ *kuámp- ‘to flatter’): PT *gübe-ŕ
‘proud’, PM *köɣe-r (*köwe-r) ‘joy, happiness’, Evk. kuwe-r ‘bride’
PA *kàmo ‘to brew alcohol’ (PJ *kàm- ‘to brew sake’): PT *Kumɨ-ŕ ‘fermented milk’, PM *kimu-r(a-ɣa-) ‘fermented milk with water’
PA *keju ‘to boil’ (PK *kò’-): PT *Kā-ŕ-ga-n ‘kettle’, PM *kaji-ra- ‘to burn,
roast’, *kajir-su- > *kaji-su- ‘kettle’, PTM *kej-re- id.
PA *kṓk῾à ‘to be deficient, damaged’ (PT *Kōk- ‘to decrease, diminish’,
PM *koki- ‘to be damaged’, PJ *káká- ‘to be deficient’): PT *Kōku-ŕ ‘deficient, empty’, PM *koki-r ‘deficient, humble’, *koki-ra- ‘to become
deficient’
PA *k῾ăbo ‘to deceive, slander’ (PT *Kobu ‘slander’, PK *k- ‘lie, deceit’):
OT qovuz ‘conjuration, exorcism’, PM *kaɣur- ‘to deceive’
Note that the intransitive meaning in cases like PM *gutu-ra- or
*koki-ra- may be either due to the secondary influence of the intransitive
-ra- (see above), or in fact reflect a different PA formation with an
*-r-suffix.
The following cases may in fact reflect PA *-ŕ-, although the Turkic
reflex is absent or is transformed to -r- due to Helimski’s rule:
PA *č῾éč῾í ‘to press, squeeze’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *tíntí-ma-,
*tíntí-k-): Man. čeče-re-, PK *čìčr-.
PA *dlp῾i ‘to burst, break’ (PJ *timpə- ‘to become worn out’): PM
*delbe-re- ‘to burst, break through’, Evk. delpe-r-ge- ‘to split’
PA *bè ‘to carry on the back’ (PTM *ebe-, PK *p-, PJ *p-): PM *eɣü-re-,
Nan. ịwa-rị- ‘to unload’
PA *ĕbà ‘to winnow, fan’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *eb-s- ‘to winnow’): Nan. ebi-ri- ‘to shuffle, hoard’, PJ *apu-r-, *apu-t- ‘to blow, fan’
PA *ìsú ‘to crush’ (PTM *(x)ise- ‘to crush’, PJ *ùsú ‘mortar’): PT *ɨsɨ-r- ‘to
bite’ (= *ɨs-r- < *ɨs-ŕ-), Kor. ɨsɨ-r- ‘to grind, crush’
PA *udi ‘to choose’ (PM *ödü- ‘to conceive, instigate’): PT *üdü-r- (=
*üd-r- < *üd-ŕ-), PJ *iá-r- ‘to choose, select’
PA *kòt῾è ‘to singe, heat’ (PT *Kat- ‘to heat’, PM *kete ‘fire steel’, PJ
*ktà-i ‘soldering iron’): PT *Katɨr- (= *Kat-r- < *Kat-ŕ-) ‘to heat, bake’,
Evk. kotoron- ‘to singe, burn’
PA *k῾et[o] ‘to tear apart, rip’ (PM *kadu- ‘to mow; to sever ribs from the
spine’, PTM *xetü- ‘to tear apart’): PT *Kota-r- ‘to tear out, break’ (=
*Kot-r- < *Kot-ŕ-), PM *kadu-ra- ‘to rip with fangs’
PA *màlt῾e ‘to bend, twist’ (PTM *maltu-): PM *möltü-r- / *multu-r- ‘to
twist, contort’, PJ *mntì-r- ‘to twist, bend’
PA *ńáme ‘to curse, harm’ (PM *ǯime ‘guilt’, PTM *ńum- ‘to weaken, be
sick’, PJ *mmá- ‘to argue, conflict’): PT *jemü-r- ‘to crush, curse, re-
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INTRODUCTION
proach’ (= *jem-r- < *jem-ŕ-), PTM *ńime-r- ‘shame’, PK *namɨ-ra- ‘to
curse, swear’
PA *săp῾í ‘sprinkle, scatter’ (PT *sep-): PM *sabi-r-, *sibe-re-, PK *sprí-,
*spắr-.
PA *sidu ‘to rub off, peel off’ (PTM *sidu-): PT *sɨdɨ-r- ( = *sɨd-r- < *sɨd-ŕ-),
PM *sidu-rPA *sidí ‘to suspend’ (PK *sīd- ‘to load’): PT *süd-re- ( < *süd-ŕe-) ‘pull,
tug’, PM *sidu-r- ‘pull the reins’, PJ *sinta-r- ‘to hang down’
PA *sìjp῾ó ‘to press, knead’ (PT *sɨjpa-): PT *sɨjpɨ-r- (= *sɨjp-r- < *sɨjp-ŕ-),
PTM *sipe-r-, PJ *sìmpò-rPA *šĭp῾V ‘sweep’ (Evk. čipi-): PT *sipü-r- ( < *sip-r- < *sip-ŕ-), PM *siɣü-r-,
PK *ps-rPA *sép῾à ‘to grip’ (PM *siɣü-, PK *spă-): PM *siɣü-re-, Man. sefe-re-, PJ
*sápá-rPA *t῾ằkù ‘to repair’ (PTM *taku-): PT *Tag-ra- ( < *Tag-ŕa-), PJ *tùkùrPA *-ŕ- is also used as a denominative suffix, very similar in sphere to
*-r- (see above), cf.:
PA *gébó ‘shell, husk’ (PK *kòbi ‘bamboo bark’, PJ *kámpí ‘rice ear’): PT
*Kạbɨ-ŕ ‘husk, shell’, PM *gaw-r-su ‘chaff, straw’
PA *goŋV ‘a k. of insect’ (PTM *guŋgu ‘big fly’): PT *Koŋu-ŕ ‘beetle’, PM
*guwu-r ‘larva of a gad-fly’
PA *kŋi ‘hollow, empty’ (PK *kíń- ‘nest, to nest’): PT *geŋi-ŕ ‘nasal cavity’, Evk. keŋ-re ‘hole, ice-hole’
PA *kúmle ‘a k. of ungulate’ (PJ *kuáma ‘foal’): PT *Külmü-ŕ ‘male chamois’, Evk. kuma-ra-n ‘Siberian stag’
PA *óŋdu ‘a k. of small wild animal’ (PTM *oŋda, PJ *uni): PT *utɨŕ, Orok
onnorị, PK *òńắrí.
PA *pédá ‘spot, ornament’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *pede-ne- ‘to
mark, dirty’): PT *bedi-ŕ, PM *bede-r, PJ *panta-ra
PA *p῾át῾à ‘uncultivated land, field’ (PJ *pátà): PT *Atɨ-ŕ, PM *(h)ata-r
PA *p῾ŏk῾i ‘ox, cow’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Evn. höken): PT *ökü-ŕ,
PM *hüke-r, Evk. huku-r
PA *p῾ŏŋe ‘mildew, slime’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *puŋ-da [ or <
*puŋ-ra?]): PT *öŋe-ŕ, PM *(h)öŋgü-r
PA *uge ‘river’ (PTM *ugē): PT *ügü-ŕ, PM *üje-r, Man. we-re-n, PK
*jh-r, PJ *ùrà
The archaic nature of this *-ŕ- is dubious: it is not excluded that in
these cases Turkic actually reflects a combination of the plain *-r-suffix
with a subsequent -s- (cf. the match PT *Kạbɨ-ŕ = PM *gaw-r-su), which
phonetically yielded *-ŕ.
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There are, however, several specific cases, where *-ŕ- occurs in
words meaning ‘two’ or ‘pair’ and in some paired body parts:
PA *kk῾è ‘breast’ (PM *kökö-n, PTM *kuku-n): PT *gökü-ŕ ‘breast’, PJ
*kkr ‘heart’
PA *mújŋi ‘horn’ (Evk. muŋi ‘tendon’): PT *bujŋu-ŕ ‘horn’, PM *möɣer‘cartilage’
PA *p῾òk῾e ‘pair, couple’ (PT *ẹki ‘two’, PJ *pká ῾other’): PT *ẹki-ŕ, PM
*(h)eki-re ‘twins’
PA *tubu ‘two’ (PTM *ǯube, PK *tū): PT *TVbVr ( ~ -ŕ), PM *ǯui-ri-n, PK
*tū-rh
This may in fact be an archaic dual marker; whether it corresponds
to the Japanese plural in -ra is not quite clear (the latter may be rather a
match for the plural reflected in PT *la-r, PM *na-r and TM *-l).
4.1.15. PA *-jIn a number of nouns we encounter a final *-(a)j or *-e in Turkic, apparently corresponding to *-i in Mongolian and to a long final vowel (*-ī or
*-ǖ) in TM (on the PTM “Koseform” -ī see Benzing 66), cf.:
PA *ge ‘lonely’ (with different suffixes cf. PT *ögü-n, PK *ói-rằb-): PT
*öge-j, PM *ügej, PTM *ugī.
PA *sgó ‘thick growth’: PM *sigu-j, PTM *sigǖ, PJ *sìnkàiPA *ačV ‘woman, elder female relative’: PT *ăčaj / *ĕčej, PTM *asī
PA *t῾ari ‘a k. of water bird’ (with a different suffix cf. PTM *tar-mī): PT
*tara-ka-j, PM *čirü-ke-j
PA *t῾ku ‘a horned animal’: PT *teke, PM *togij, PTM *tōKī
PA *kúńe ‘moth, worm’: PT *güńe, PTM *kuńī-kta, PK *kńúi
PA *mūko ‘snake’ (cf. PK *mək-, PJ *múká-tai): PT *böke, PM *mogaji,
PTM *mǖkǖ
PA *k῾ge ‘palate, jaw’ (with different suffixes cf. PTM *xǖk-te, PJ *k(ù)i,
PK *khú-m): PT *Kög-me, PM *köɣe-mej
PA *úmu ‘to bear, give birth’ (PTM *omu-/umu-, PK *ūm, PJ *úm-): PT
*umaj ‘placenta’, PM *(h)umaji ‘womb’
On the basis of these matches it seems possible to reconstruct a
common Altaic suffix *-j-, probably diminutive or expressive. One
should also note that *-kī is a very widespread suffix in TM (see
Benzing 66-67), and it seems to correspond to Mongolian *-kai, Turkic
*-kaj with the same function. In many cases, though, the suffix is different to recover: in Turkic it tends to disappear after all vowels except *-a
(and even in those cases is rather rare), while in Mongolian it is impossible to distinguish from original *-gi.
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INTRODUCTION
From a few examples above it would seem that Japanese and Korean also may reflect this suffix as *-i. In fact, *-i is a very well-known
suffix in the Korean-Japanese area (cf. Martin 1995, 142, Vovin 1997, 9),
where it forms both deverbative nouns (Jpn. kak- ‘write’, kak-i ‘writing’,
*anka- ‘raise’, *anka-i > age ‘raising’) and (in Japanese) often serves as a
direct stem marker: *pə-i > OJ pi ‘fire’, in compounds pə- etc. However,
this *-i seems rather to be a later addition. In the case of ‘fire’, e.g., this
suffix was obviously added after the disappearance of the medial *-r(PJ *pə- ‘fire’ < *p῾re+gV). It is perhaps more appropriate to regard it as
a continuation of the PA demonstrative pronoun *i, serving as a nominative suffix (and indeed attested in this function both in Korean and
Old Japanese).
A verbal *-j- may have also existed, although it is difficult to find direct lexical matches, due to the very unstable phonetical nature of *-j-.
Proto-Japanese has verbal stems in *CVCa-, *CVCu- and *CVCə-, but no
stems in *CVCi-. One may suspect that Pre-Proto-Japanese stems in *-ihad lost their final vowel and thus gave rise to numerous verbal stems
in *CVC-. At the same time, PJ has numerous alternations like *tuk- ‘be
attached’ / *tuka- ‘attach’ or *dak- ‘burn’ / *daka- ‘be burnt’. They can
thus be reconstructed for an earlier stage as *tuki- / *tuka-, *daki- / *daka-;
*tuki- here could actually go back to *tuka-ji- (with a very early contraction > *tuki-, because it was not affected by the regular later Old Japanese development *ai > e), the suffix *-ji- acting as what Vovin 1997
calls ‘transitivity flipper’. The Altaic source of this *-ji- is, however, not
quite clear. It may be related to the causative (or ‘transitivity flipper’)
*-g- (on which see below), but the development *-g- > -j- here would
require a special explanation, since normally it only occurs after diphthongs (or should one reconstruct *-jg- here?). Another possible solution would be to trace this PJ *-ji- to a PA suffix *-ji-, preserved in
Mong. -ji- forming “verba status” (qumi- ‘to bind together’ : qumi-ji- ‘to
be bound’; Ramstedt 1912, 56-58 derives them as well from PA *-gi-,
which seems somewhat dubious).
4.1.16. PA *-s1. A deverbative *-s- is attested in all branches of Altaic. In Turkic and
Mongolian there is a desiderative -se- (both deverbative, like OT kel-se‘want to come’, and denominative, like OT suv-sa- ‘want water’ = ‘become thirsty’), see EAS 2, 187-188. Although Ramstedt separates this
suffix (tracing it back to *se- ‘do, say’ - a rather dubious derivation)
from -s- in cases like Mong. ölü-s- ‘become hungry’ or Nan. puli-si-
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‘walk’, they seem to be essentially the same affix with an original desiderative or inchoative meaning (‘want to...’ or ‘begin to...’), and as
such probably identical to the optative in -s-, widely attested in Turkic,
Mongolian, TM and Korean (see EAS 2, 84-85). In Korean and Japanese
the same -s- is used (since the oldest written texts) as a marker of politeness (see Vovin 1997, 9), also a quite understandable semantic development from an original desiderative.
Japanese is unique in having this morpheme functioning as a transitive (in pairs like kuda-r- ‘to be lowered’ : kuda-s- ‘to lower’). This may
be a result of several morphological and phonological developments:
a) a fusion of the verbal stem with the separate verb *sV- ‘to do, make’,
resulting in a general transitive/causative suffix formation; similar
compounds with hă- are widely attested in Korean. The same formation may be reflected in TM as intensive / frequentative *-su- (*-si-),
on which see Benzing 119.
b) a development of *-ĺ- > -s- that led to the inclusion into this category
of several old reciprocal formations (see above on *krs-, *nts-);
c) in a few cases like PM *gudu-s ‘downward’ = PJ *kúntá-s- ‘to lower’
this -s- may have still another origin, going back to the PA directional suffix (see below)
The following cross-language matches can illustrate the PA deverbative (desiderative/inchoative) *-s-:
PA *ắmo ‘mouth; taste’ (PT *um- ‘to hope for, desire’; PM *ama(n)
‘mouth’; PJ *ámá- ‘tasty, sweet’): PT *um-sa- ‘to hope for, long’, PM
*am-sa- ‘to taste’, PK *má-s ‘taste’ (PA *ắmo-s- ‘want to taste’)
PA *bke ‘to lie in ambush’ (PT *buk-, Kalm. büg-): PM *büg-si- id., PJ
*bká-s- ‘to attack, assault’ (PA *bke-s- ‘start lying in ambush, position oneself in ambush’)
PA *ebí ‘to be weak, to wither’ (PK *bí- ‘to be exhausted, hungry’): PK
*p-s- ‘to lack, be insufficient’, PJ *impu-sia- ‘in bad spirits’ (PA *ebí-s‘become exhausted, insufficient’)
PA *èk῾á ‘to paw, hit with hooves’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM
*ek-te-, PJ *ànkà-k-): PT *ag-sa- ‘to hobble, limp’, PM *(h)ag-sa- ‘to
have fits, convulsions’ (PA *èk῾á-s- ‘start pawing’)
PA *òpe ‘to cover, to wear’ (PM *ibe-, PJ *p-): PTM *up-si ‘clothes, belt’,
PK *p-s- ‘to put on (hat)’ (PA *òpe-s- ‘get clothed’)
PA *tp῾é ‘wave, flap, fly’ (PM *debi-, PJ *tmp-): PM *debi-s-, PTM
*dep-si- / *dap-si- (PA *tp῾é-s- ‘start flying, soar up’)
PA *t῾ja ‘to float, slide’ (PT *tāj-, PTM *tia-): PM *te-si-, PTM *ti-sa- (PA
*t῾ja-s- ‘start sliding’)
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PA *t῾ŋe ‘admiration; condolence’ (PT *tāŋ): PT *taŋ-su-, PM *taŋ-si(PA *t῾ŋe-s- ‘become admiring’)
PA *t῾ukì ‘to come to an end’ (PT *tüke-): Yak. tüksü, PM *tögü-s-, PJ
*tuku-s- (PA *t῾ukì-s- ‘become exhausted’)
Note that the Japanese forms here (*bká-s- ‘attack’, *tuku-s- ‘exhaust’) synchronically contain the transitive marker -s-; historically,
however, they match well PM *büg-si- and *tögü-s- and thus reflect PA
*bke-s- ‘start lying in ambush’ and *t῾uki-s- ‘start being exhausted’.
2. An adverbial directive suffix -s(i) is attested in Mongolian and Tungus (see EAS 2, 48-49), and this may have left a trace in some derived
verbs, cf.:
PA *gódú ‘down, to lower’ (PT *Kodɨ): PM *gudu-s ‘downward’, PJ
*kúntá-s- ‘to lower’
PA *úgu ‘up, above’ (PT *jüg-, PM *öɣe-, PTM *ug-, PK *ù(h)): PT
*jüg-se- ‘to rise’, PM *ög-se- id., PTM *ugV-si ‘above, up’; one is also
tempted to add PJ *k-s- ‘to rise’, which may reflect a merger of this
root with PA *ŋṑk῾è ‘top, above’.
3. A “general-purpose” nominal suffix -s- is widely attested in Mongolian (usually as -su(n)) and TM (usually as -su- or -sa, often in a compound -k-sa), see EAS 2, 225-227, 239 (although separating the Mong.
-su- and attempting, strangely enough, to derive the TM -su from Chinese shou ‘hand’; on the TM -su-/-sa- see Benzing 89). This suffix became quite obsolete in Turkic (although some traces of it after *-l- and
*-r- may still be observable as *-ĺ- and *-ŕ-, see above), while in Japanese
it may have been preserved as the finite form of adjectives (-si), frequently incorporated into the adjective stem as a derivational morpheme (utuku-si- ‘beautiful’ etc.).
This suffix may in fact be nothing else than the pronominal *sV of
the 3d person, preserved in Turkic as *-sɨ-, the pronominal suffix of the
3d person, and in Japanese as the demonstrative *sə / *si. This would
explain its apparent disappearance in Turkic: the suffix has not disappeared at all, but preserved its original function, while in Mongolian
and TM it was desemanticized. Benzing (69-70) regards PTM *-sa as a
collective suffix, so in fact we may be dealing here both with a PA pronominal *-sV and collective *-sa, which are rather difficult to keep apart
in individual cases.
Some examples of this *-s- in cross-language matches:
PA *č῾ṑk῾e ‘grass, weed’ (PTM *čūKa): PK *sok-săi, PJ *tùkúsi ‘horse-tail’
PA *k῾àp῾à ‘a k. of vessel, box’ (PJ *kàpì ‘scoop, ladle’): PT *KAp-sa-k
‘basket’, PTM *xap-sa ‘box’
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PA *sūli ‘gall’ (PTM *sī): PM *söl-sü, PTM *sīl-se
PA *šṑgV ‘juice’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PK *skú-r ‘honey’): PM
*siɣü-sü, PTM *šūk-se
PA *šuba ‘water’ (PT *sɨb, Man. so- ‘sprinkle’): PM *u-su, PTM *šobī-ksa;
cf. also PT *sɨb-sɨ-, *sɨb-sa-, containing the verbal *-s-suffix (see
above).
In combinations with velar suffixes:
PA *p῾ḕtá ‘meat; skin’ (PT *et, PJ *pàntá, PTM *pētē): PM *(h)ada-ska, PTM
*pētē-ske
PA *t῾ŕe ‘leg, knee’ (PT *dīŕ, PK *tàrí): PT *tir-sge-k ‘elbow’, PTM
*türē-kse ‘boot-top’
4.1.17. PA *-gThe suffix *-g- is known as a causative marker in TM (see Benzing 122),
Mongolian and Korean (where it is reflected as -0-), see EAS 2, 170-175.
It is, however, not attested at all in Turkic and Japanese. On the other
hand, there is a number of Common Altaic verbal stems in *-g- which
can rather be classified as intensive or factitive and are not necessarily
causative (“do or undergo smth. repeatedly”), see Ramstedt 1912,
10-20. Cf.:
PA *bójĺo ‘to learn, be attentive’ (also attested with the causative/passive *-b-, see above): PT *boĺ-gu- ‘to learn’, PM *bol-gu-(ɣa)‘to be cautious’, PK *pằi-hó- ‘to learn’
PA *èmi ‘to avoid, taboo’ (PJ *ìm-): PT *em-ge- ‘to suffer, be tortured’,
PM *emi-ɣe- ‘to be timid, shy away’
PA *gṓŕV ‘to move, be irritated’ (Evk. gori- ‘to move, stir’): PT *Kōŕ-ga‘to be irritated, agitated’, PTM *gur-ge- ‘to move, stir’
PA *k῾ēro ‘to shout, speak’ (PTM *xērī- ‘to shout, call’): PT *Kạr-ga- ‘to
swear, curse’, PM *karija- / *karaɣa- id.
PA *p῾ĭru ‘pray, bless’ (PK *pīr-): Yak. ɨrā ( < *ɨra-ga), PM *hiru-ɣe-, PTM
*piru-gēPA *šŭŕu ‘leak, ooze’ (PT *sɨŕ-): PM *sir-gü-, PTM *šur-gīPA *t῾ḗlù ‘string, spreader’ (PT *tēl, PM *tele-, PJ *túrù): PM *tel(i)-ge-,
PTM *tel-gePA *č῾amo ‘to suffer hardships’ (PT *čAm ‘fine, claim’): OT čam-ɣ-uq
‘slanderer’, PM *čima-ɣa- ‘queasy’, PK *čhắm- ‘to endure, bear’.
Vovin (1997, 3-4) characterizes this morpheme as “transitivity flipper” (thus analogous to PA *-b-, see above) and, besides Kor. -0- and
TM *-g-, relates here also the PJ verbal suffix *-i- (*tuk- ‘be attached’ /
*tuka-i- ‘attach’, *dak- ‘to burn’, *daka-i- ‘to burn (intr.)’). There are prob-
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INTRODUCTION
lems with this solution, however: we would correct those pairs to *tuk/ *tuka- and *dak- / *daka-, while the -i in OJ forms like tuke < *tukai, jake <
*dakai should rather be regarded as a gerund suffix, just like the -i in the
respective matches tuk-i and jak-i. But the forms of the type *tuk- themselves may go back to earlier *tuki- < *tuka-ji-, where *-ji- might reflect
an earlier PA *-jV-, but hardly *-gV- (see above)
One can also note a rather common TM suffix *-gā-n denoting the
result of an action (see Benzing 58), having probably the same source.
It thus seems that the causative meaning of *-g- in TM, Mong. and
Kor. is secondary, being derived from an original factitive / intensive
meaning.
However, the main function of PA *-g-, attested in all branches (although in Korean it is somewhat difficult to find its traces - due to loss
of intervocalic *-g-), is the formation of derived nouns and adjectives
(both from verbal and nominal stems). The number of cross-language
parallels here is huge, and vowels after *-g- may differ due to secondary affixation, but essentially this is a single derivational type:
PA *ŋo ‘right’ (PT *oŋ): PM *eŋ-ge ‘south; front’, PTM *āŋ-gi- ‘right’
PA *àŕì ‘thorn, fang’ (PJ *ìrà ‘thorn’, cf. also Manchu ar-sun id.): PT
*aŕɨ-g ‘fang’, PM *ari-ɣa- ‘fang, molar tooth’
PA *rV ‘open space’ (PT *(i)āra ‘space, distance’): PM *ara-ɣu ‘spaced,
thin’, PTM *ara-gan ‘open space’
PA *bằt῾í ‘dirt’ (PTM *batu- ‘frozen soil’, PJ *pìntì ‘dirt’): PT *batɨ-g
‘swamp, marsh’, PM *bat-ga ‘dirt’ (perhaps also PK *ptắi ‘dirt’)
PA *bujri ‘well, spring’ (PTM *bira ‘river’, PK *ù- ‘well, spring’): PTM
*bira-ga- ‘spring’, PJ *bì ‘well’
PA *bure ‘flea’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *bür-če): PT *bür-ge, PM
*bür-ge, PK *pjró-k
PA *bka ‘chain, rim’ (PJ *bàkù): PT *buka-gu ‘fetters, chain’, PM *bugu-ji
( < -ɣi) ‘bracelet, noose’
PA *bĺa ‘confusion, fright’ (PT *būĺ- ‘to be bad-tempered, irritable’): PT
*būĺV-gu ‘sadness’, PM *bala-g ‘guilt’, PTM *bol-ga- ‘to be afraid,
worry’ (secondary verbalization)
PA *čḕlV ‘to split, hole, crack’ (PT *dil- ‘to split’): PM *čilü-ɣe ‘space between’, PTM *ǯēl-ge ‘crack, narrow passage’
PA *číńo ‘power, ability’ (PK *čń ‘shape, appearance; to make, produce’): PT *dɨŋ ‘very, strongly’, PM *čine-ɣe ‘force, ability’, PTM *ǯiŋ
‘very, extremely’
PA *č῾ḗp῾u ‘ulcer, furuncle’ (Evk. čepe ‘ulcer, pustle’): PT *čp-ga-n ‘furuncle’, PM *čiji-ga-n ‘tumour, albugo’, PK *čjūpó-k ‘ulcer, furuncle’
[*-kV?]
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PA *dlu ‘warm’ (PTM *dūl- ‘to warm (of sun)’, PT *jɨlɨ- ‘to be warm’):
PT *jɨlɨ-g ‘warm’, PM *dula-ɣa-n ‘warm’, PJ *dù ‘warm water’
PA *ḗra ‘rough’ (PJ *árá- ‘rough’, Kor. al- ‘bare, simple’): PT *Ēri-g
‘rough’, PM *ar-gu- ‘dry, hard, rough’
PA *ro ‘clean’ (PT *ạrɨ - ‘to be clean’): PT *ạrɨ-g ‘clean’, PM *ari-ɣu-n
‘clean’
PA *gòjńu ‘dawn, daylight’ (PT *gün ‘sun’, PK *kúi ‘dawn’): PM
*gege-ɣe ‘dawn, daylight’, Man. geŋ-ǵe ‘light’, PJ *ka(i) ‘day’
PA *guša ‘bitter, sour’ (PTM *goši): PM *gasi-ɣu-n, PTM *goši-g-di
PA *unu ‘cow’ (with a different suffix cf. PT *in-ken ‘female camel’): PT
*in-ge-k, PM *üni-ɣe-n
PA *kàma ‘to unite, gather’ (PM *kamu-): PT *KAmu-g ‘all, together’, PM
*kamu-g id.
PA *kāmV ‘to be weak, oppress’ (PT *KĀma- ‘to become blinded, dumb;
to set teeth on edge’, PM *kama- ‘to be mangy’, PTM *kama- ‘to oppress’): PM *kama-ɣu ‘scab, herpes’, PTM *kama-ga ‘loss, trouble’
PA *kàpì ‘depth, edge’ (PT *kiabu- ‘bottom of boat’, PJ *kìpà ‘edge, side’,
PM *köb ‘depth’): PM *köbe-ɣe ‘edge, side’, PK *kìp-hí- ‘deep’
PA *kăro ‘crow, raven’ (PTM *kori ‘a mythical bird’): PT *KAr-ga ‘crow’,
PM *keri-je id.
PA *kŭŋi ‘child’ (PT *güŋ ‘female slave’, PTM *kuŋa ‘child, childhood’,
PM *köw ‘child’): PM *köw-ɣü-n ‘child, son’, PJ *kúa ‘child’
PA *koči ‘nasty’ (Oyr. kača-; Man. kušu-n ‘hate, uneasyness’): PM
*keče-ɣü ‘difficult, unpleasant’, PK *kùčh(ɨ)- ‘nasty’
PA *kuri ‘wattle, fence, enclosure’ (PT *Kur- ‘to erect, build’, PTM *kori
‘blockhouse, cage’): PT *Kur-ga-n, PM *küri-je-n ‘enclosure’
PA *kudu ‘shore, border’ (PTM *kudē ‘shore, land’, PJ *kui ‘fortress’): PT
*Kɨdɨ-g ‘edge, border’, PM *kiǯi-ɣa-r ‘border’.
PA *k῾ádí(-rV) ‘to scrape off, scraper’ (PT *KEdir- ‘to skin (a sheep)’, PJ
*káintúr- ‘to scrape off’): PM *kedir-ge ‘scraper’, PTM *xar-ga-n ‘chock
(for processing fish skins)’
PA *k῾ăpra ‘to scrape, plane’ (PT *K(i)arba- ‘to grope; rake up’): PM
*kawra-ji ‘file’, PTM *xarpu-gda ‘plane, knife’
PA *k῾eńo ‘edge’ (PT *Kạj ~ -ń, PK *kń): PT *Kạjɨ-g ( ~ -ń-), PM *kaja-ɣa
id.
PA *k῾ŕo ‘to remunerate, repay’ (PTM *xeri- ‘price, payment’): PT
*Kaŕ-ga-n- ‘to acquire, win’, PM *keri-g ‘miserly’, Nan. xer-gẽ ‘wake,
ritual celebration’
PA *k῾éma ‘a k. of reed or leek’ (PJ *kámá ‘reed’): PM *kam-ga-r ‘wild
leek’, PTM *xeŋ-gu-kte ‘wild onion’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *k῾íla ‘hair’ (PT *Kɨl): PM *kil-ga-su ‘horse’s hair, tail hair’, PK
*kār(h)-, PJ *kái ‘hair’
PA *k῾ílo ‘stalk, stem’ (PTM *xila- ‘to blossom’): PT *Kɨl-ga ‘beard (of
grain, awn’, PM *kil-ga-na ‘meadowgrass’, PTM *xila-ga ‘flower’, PK
*kr(h) ‘stubble; stump’
PA *k῾ĭrma ‘snow, hoar-frost’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *xima-ŋsa
‘snow’: PT *Kɨra-gu ‘hoar-frost’, PM *kirma-g ‘first snow’
PA *k῾óp῾ìra ‘rift (in a river), bridge’ (PT *köpür ‘bridge’, PTM *xupuru
‘rift (in river); bridge’, PJ *kápárá ‘shallow place’): PT *köpürü-g
‘bridge’, PM *köɣür-ge id.
PA *k῾[ú]ŕa ‘pole; finger’ (PTM *xurū ‘hoof; handful’): PT *K[a]ŕ-gu-k
‘pole, peg’, PM *kuru-ɣu ‘finger, toe’, PK *kàrà-k ‘finger; pole’
PA *lằŋi ‘dirt, slime’ (PM *laji): PTM *laŋ-ga ‘cloggy, slimy substance’,
PJ *nìn-k-r- ‘be dreggy, muddy’
PA *ĺábó ‘a k. of plant’ (PT *jaba, PJ *náimpú): PM *debe-ɣe ‘meadow, pasture’, PTM *labi-k-ta ‘a k. of moss’
PA *lúŋa ‘a k. of furry animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *loŋ-sa
‘lynx, sable’): PM *naga-j ‘female tarbagan’, PJ *ná-i ‘rat’
PA *ĺul[o] ‘to ransom, ask’ (PT *jul- ‘to ransom’, PM *doli- ‘to barter,
ransom’): PT *julu-g ‘ransom’, PJ *na-i ‘price’
PA *nuru ‘song and dance’ (PT *jɨr ‘song’, PK *nor- ‘to amuse oneself’):
PM *nür-gi- ‘noisy discussion’, Evn. nörgъ- ‘to dance and sing’
PA *ńaŋo ‘nut’ (PJ *mama-i ‘bean’): PT *jAŋ-ga-k ‘walnut’, PM *ǯiɣa-g
‘walnut’, PTM *ńaŋu-kta ‘cone, nut’
PA *ńíkrV ‘a k. of thorny tree’ (PJ *míkúri): PM *ǯeɣer-ge-ne, PTM
*ńikri-k-ta
PA *óče ‘late, evening’ (PJ *s-): PT *očɨ-g ‘youngest, latest’, PM *öčü-ge
‘yesterday’, PK *či id.
PA *ŏŕe ‘other, one of two’ (PTM *urē- ‘to be similar’): PT *öŕ-ge ‘other’,
PM *örü-ge-l ‘one of two’
PA *pala ‘tooth’ (PK *par): Nan. paloa, PJ *pa
PA *puli ‘red’ (PTM *pula- with different suffixes): PM *hula-ɣan, PTM
*pula-gi- (PK *prk- reflects rather *puli-k῾V)
PA *púre ‘leaf, bud’ (PT *bür): PM *bor-gu-, PJ *pá.
PA *p῾adV ‘be sober, attentive’ (PM *haǯi-): PT *adɨ-g, PM *hada-ɣu /
*haǯi-g ‘sober, attentive’
PA *p῾èrì ‘edge’ (PM *hir, PTM *pere, PJ *piàrì): PM *hiru-ɣa, PTM
*pere-g-, *per-gī)
PA *p῾ri ‘seed’ (PM *hüre ‘seed’, PTM *puri ‘family, children’, PK *pòrì
‘wheat’): PT *uru-g ‘seed; kin’, PJ *pú ‘growth’
PA *p῾li ‘root, foundation’ (PT *ul): Man. fulexe, PK *prhằi, PJ *pú-.
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PA *p῾sa ‘plan, reason’ (PT *us, Evn. huse, PJ *pánsú): PT *usu-g, PM
*hasa-ɣu- (secondary verbalization).
PA *sắŕi ‘earth, sand, marsh’ (PT *siaŕ, PJ *situ): PM *sira-ɣu, PTM
*siru-gi
PA *šjò ‘thorn, needle’ (PTM *šǖje, PK *sāi, PJ *sjà): PT *soja-gu, PM
*soju-ɣa.
PA *tri ‘thick, plenty’ (PT *dīr-, PTM *dir-, PJ *(d)ita-): PM *čir-ga-ɣu-,
PTM *dir-gaPA *tṓle ‘spleen’ (PTM *ǯō(l)): PM *deli-ɣü-n, PJ *(d)i
PA *t῾òra ‘to cultivate (earth)’ (PT *TArɨ-): PM *tari-ja-n ‘crops’, PJ *tà
‘field’
PA *ǯắlo ‘fasten, hang’ (PT *jala-, PTM *ǯala-n, PK *čằrằ-): PT *jala-gu,
PM *ǯal-ga- (secondary verbalization), PJ *dá-i
PA *ǯebí ‘bad, to suffer’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jabɨ-ŕ, *jab-laetc.): PT *jab-ga-n, PM *ǯibe-ɣüThe precise meaning of this PA *-g-, next to being a general noun
marker, is not quite clear; Benzing (68-69) regards PTM *-g as collective, which seems possible but not ultimately proved.
4.1.18. PA *-kUnlike *-g-, the PA voiceless unaspirated *-k- was in the vast majority
of cases only building denominative nouns, cf.:
PA *ămV ‘quick, timely’ (PT *(i)am ‘now’, PTM *am(a) ‘quick’, PK *ām
‘surely, certainly’): PT *(i)am-kɨ ‘recent’, PM *(h)ama-gaj ‘sudden,
quick’, PTM *ama-kā- ‘quick’
PA *nta ‘oath; comrade’ (PT *Ānt; PM, PTM *anda ‘friend’, PJ *ánta ‘enemy’): PM *anda-g(a) ‘oath, to take an oath’, PTM *anda-ka- ‘friend,
follower’; here the derivative is also secondarily used as a verb in
PTM and PT *Ānt-ɨk- ‘to take an oath’
PA *bóro ‘bank, rift’ (PK *pìr ‘bank’): PM *bor-gi-ja ‘river rift’, PTM
*bir[u]-ka- ‘precipice, mountain’
PA *budu ‘down, feather; curly’ (with a different suffix cf. PM *buǯi-ji‘to be curly’): PT *bɨdɨk ‘moustache’, PM *buǯi-gir ‘curly’, *boǯi-gu
‘(bird) down’
PA *bru ‘dust; smoke, whirlwind’ (PT *bur): PT *buru-k ‘whirlwind,
puff of smoke’, PM *bur-gi- / *bür-gi- ‘to rise (of dust, smoke)’ (secondary verbalization), PTM *bure-ki ‘dust; fresh snow’
PA *č῾ṓli ‘grey, light’ (PT *čĀl ‘grey, light’, PM *čil ‘clear, cloudless’):
PM *čil-ge- ‘clear, cloudless’, PTM *čol-ka ‘grey, white’
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PA *ép῾V ‘grandfather’ (PTM *epu ‘grandfather, elder relative’, PK *pí
‘father’): PM *ebü-ge- ‘grandfather, ancestor’, Orok epe-ke ‘grandfather’
PA *t῾è ‘elder relative’ (PT *Ata / *Ete ‘father’, PK *àtắ ‘man’, PJ *tətə, *ti
‘uncle’): PT *Ata-ka- / *Ete-ke- ‘uncle’, PM *eči-ge ‘father’, PTM
*eti-(r)kē- ‘old man’
PA *ḗna ‘middle, width’ (PT *ēn): PM *eŋ ‘breadth, width’, PTM
*(x)ene-kǖ ‘sheath, scabbard’, PK *án-h ‘middle’, PJ *nà-ká id.
PA *gŭri ‘wide, broad, thick’ (PT *gür ‘thick, broad’, PTM *gora ‘far’,
PM *gür ‘wide, broad’): PM *gür-ge-r ‘thick’, PK *kūr-k- id.
PA *t῾á ‘to rely, trust’ (PTM *(x)iti ‘custom, order, occasion’):
PTM *(x)iti-ka- ‘custom, order’; a secondary verbalization is observed in
PM *ite-ge- ‘to hope, believe, trust, reason’, PJ *àntù-kà- ‘to take upon
oneself; to trust smb. with’
PA *aru ‘deer, antelope’ (PTM *ora-n): PT *Ar-ku-n ‘a cross-bred horse’,
PM *(h)oro-ŋgo ‘a k. of antelope’
PA *òre ‘male’ (PTM *ur, PJ *tə): PT *ẹr-ke-k ‘male’, PTM *uri-k-čān ‘elk
(2 y. old)’
PA *ŭdu ‘wonder, supernatural’ (PM *ide ‘sacred energy’, Evk. odu
‘wonder’, PJ *i / *ju ‘sacred’): PT *ɨdu-k ‘sacred’, PM *idu-gan ‘female
shaman’
PA *ùlò ‘hollow, hole, intestine’ (PT *ülV ‘fistula’, PJ *ùruà ‘hollow, hollow tree-trunk’): PT *olu-k ‘hollow tree-trunk’, PM *(h)olu-gaj ‘thick
intestine’
PA *t῾e ‘thick liquid’ (PT *ȫt ‘gall’): PM *öte-ge- ‘thick (of liquids)’; secondarily verbalized in Evk. it-ke- ‘to ferment bread’
PA *kàra ‘opposite, enemy’ (PT *Karu ‘opposite’, PM *kari ‘foreign,
alien’)”: PT *Kara-k ‘bandit’, PJ *kàtà-ki ‘enemy, adversary’; secondarily verbalized (or else reflecting the factitive in *-g-) is PM
*kar-gu/a- ‘to meet’
PA *kòt῾e ‘hole’ (PT *göt ‘anus, buttocks’, PK *kút ‘hole’): PT *götü-k >
*gütü-k ‘tailless’, PM *kota-ga-r ‘hollow’, Evk. koto-ko-n ‘concave, cavity’
PA *kòŋa ‘brown, black’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *koŋ-na‘black’): PM *koŋ-gu-r ‘light brown’, PJ *kàn-kâ- ‘shadow’.
PA *kušu ‘nut’ (PJ *kusi): PT *Kusɨ-k, PM *kusi-ga, PTM *koši-k-ta
PA *k[a]ŋe ‘a k. of board’ (PT *K(i)aŋ ‘vehicle, skis’): PT *K(i)aŋa-k id.,
PM *kaŋ-ga ‘a k. of board, cross-bar’
PA *k῾pri ‘fan, bellows’ (probably secondary verbal usage in PT *kȫrü‘to use bellows’, PTM *xarpu- ‘to sweep’): PT *kȫrü-k ‘bellows’, PM
*keɣür-ge id., PTM *xarpu-kī ‘fan, broom’
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PA *k῾ăra ‘tide, flood’ (PJ *kátà): Turk. qarɨq ‘ditch’, PM *kar-gi ‘rapids,
overfall’
PA *k῾ōt῾e ‘a k. of knife or arrow’ (Evk. utu ‘a k. of arrow’): PM *kitu-ga
‘knife’, PTM *(x)utu-ke ‘knife on a shaft’
PA *k῾ńó ‘light, thin’ (suffixless cf. perhaps Turkm. Gaj ‘стать стельной
(о верблюдице)’): PM *köŋ-ge-n ‘light (not heavy)’, PJ *kmá-ka‘small, thin’
PA *k῾ṑrV ‘dung, excrements’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Kor. kərɨm): PM
*kor-gu-l , PTM *xōri-k-ta.
PA *ĺp῾V ‘bifurcated pole’ (PT *jāpa ‘wooden fork, shovel’, PTM *lapa‘bifurcated pole’): Turkm. jāba-q ‘wooden fork’, PM *daɣa-ga-n ‘horizontal bar in a yurt’, Evk. lapki ‘branch inserted between branches’
PA *nála ‘shallow’ (Nan. nịala ‘overflowed place’, PK *nằrằ ‘ford’): PT
*jAl-kɨ- ‘shallow’, PM *nala-gar ‘declivity, overflowed plain’, Evn.
ńala-kụ ‘shallow’)
PA *ṓt῾è ‘old’ (Chuv. vadъ, PTM *ute): PM *öte-gü ‘old man’, Evk. uta-kān
‘old age’
PA *pósò ‘stairway, step’ (PJ *pásì): PT *bAs-kɨ-č, PM *bosu-ga, PTM
*pise-ku
PA *p῾r[e] ‘bank’ (PT *jr): PM *her-gi, Evk. hirki
PA *sańV ‘bird dung’ (PTM *sańa): PT *saŋ-k, PM *saŋ-ga-.
PA *sápa ‘brace, vice’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *sab-salga): PT
*saba-k, PTM *sab-ga, PK *sàpó-k
PA *sáŕo ‘fence, village’ (PTM *saru ‘tent in a boat’, PJ *sátuá ‘village’):
PT *soŕa-k ‘village’, PM *sirö-ge ‘fence’, Orok sarụ-qa id.
PA *sằp῾í ‘long hair, offshoot’ (PJ *sìmpá-i ‘pistils, stamens’): PT *sapa-k
‘branch, bunch’, PM *saba-ga ‘yak wool’.
PA *sŏp῾u ‘oval-shaped’ (PT *supɨ): PT *supɨ-k, PM *sibo-ga-r
PA *sṓru ‘pole’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *siara-ŋ): PT *sru-k, PM
*sur-ga-ɣag
PA *sīĺa ‘sharp stick, tooth’ (PT *sīĺ, PTM *sila-, PK *sár, PJ *sàs-): PT
*sīĺe-k, PM *sile-gü ‘toothed animal’
PA *ǯeŕV ‘edge, row, front’ (PT *jeŕe-, probably secondary as a verb in
OT; PTM *ǯeri-n): PT *jeŕe-k, PM *ǯer-ge
A very consistent group among those derivatives is represented by
names of small animals (PT *-k, *-kaj, PM *-gan(a), -ga-li, PTM *-kī ,
*-ke-n, *-ku (see Benzing 66-67), PJ *-ki):
PA *balu ‘sable’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Evk. balini): PM *bula-gan
‘sable, game’, PJ *puru-ki ‘sable’
PA *ènŋù ‘young of an ungulate’ (PJ *ùmà ‘horse’): PT *ạn-kaj, PM
*una-ga-n, PTM *(x)enŋe-kēn
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INTRODUCTION
PA *k῾ŏŕo ‘lamb, deer’ (PT *Koŕɨ ‘lamb’): PM *kuri-ga-n id., PTM *xir-ki
‘wild deer’
PA *k῾ĺa ‘sable, squirrel’ (PT *kīĺ ‘sable’): PM *kul-ga-na ‘mouse’, PTM
*xulu-kī ‘squirrel’
PA *ĺep῾a ‘feather, down, wool’ (PT *jAp ‘a mass of hair or wool’): PT
*japa-k, PM *daɣa-ga-n ‘foal’ (‘hair fading’)
PA *pt῾e ‘louse, biting insect’ (PT *bɨt): PM *bata-ga-na, Evk. hānte-ku
PA *p῾ani ‘hen, chicken’ (PJ *pina): PM *jaŋ-ga-li ‘a k. of small bird’,
PTM *pinu-kī
PA *p῾un[e] ‘a small wild animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM
*pün-čül- ‘hedgehog’): PT *enü-k ‘young of a wild animal, puppy’,
PM *hüne-gen ‘fox’, PTM *püńe-kī ‘jerboa, weasel’
Only in a very small number of cases do we encounter PA *-k- as a
deverbative verbal suffix, cf.:
PA *úrù ‘to gather, crowd’ (PM *ir- id., Kor. ul ‘clan’, PJ *ú(n)tì id.): PT
*ir-k- ‘to gather’, PM *ir-ge-n ‘people’
PA *kāšu ‘to tickle’ (PT *gīči-): PT *Kčɨ-k, PM *giǯi-ge, PTM *kaša-ka-, PJ
*kúsú-nkú-rPA *k῾úŋu ‘to bend, bow’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *Kɨjŋɨ-r-, PM
*keji-ǯaŋ, *keje-de-): PT *Kɨjŋɨ-k ‘curved’, PM *keji-ge ‘oblique, slanting’, PTM *xuŋ-ke- ‘to bow’, PJ *kún-kú-m- ‘to be curved, bent’
PA *ńlo ‘to pluck, pick out’ (PT *jol-; PTM *ń[u]li- ‘to exuviate, fade’, PJ
*mr- ‘to pluck, tear off’): PM *ǯul-ga- ‘to pick, pluck’, PTM *ń[u]li-ki‘naked’
It may well be so that in all these cases Mongolian (the only language actually pointing to *-k-) has an innovation: the original verbal
stem developed a nominal usage through conversion, and the derivative in *-k- was built already from this secondary noun; and in the case
of ǯul-ga- we may actually be dealing with PA factitive *-g-, and not
with *-k-.
4.1.19. PA *-k῾Unlike PA *-k-, the aspirated *-k῾- is quite well attested in building derived verbs from verbal stems, cf.:
PA *bló ‘pale’ (PM *bala-ji ‘blind’, PTM *beli ‘pale’, PJ *pàrá- ‘to clear
up’): Neg. bel-ki- ‘to whiten’, PK *pằr-k- ‘bright’
PA *blò ‘to soak, gush forth’ (Kor. pul-li- ‘to wet’, PJ *pùr ‘bath’): PT
*bula-k ‘spring, well’, PM *bul-ka- ‘to soak’, PTM *b[ü]l-kü- id.
PA *č῾mu ‘to pinch, pluck’ (PM *čim ‘a pinch’, PJ *túm- ‘to pluck’): PM
*čim-ki- ‘to pinch’, PK *čùm-kúi ‘fist, handful’
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PA *enu ‘to beware, attention’ (PM *(h)ana- ‘to beware, PT *anu- ‘to get
ready’): PT *anu-k ‘ready’, PM *(h)aŋ-ka- ‘to pay attention’
PA *ằpV ‘to bend, turn’ (not attested suffixless; cf. PT *ebi-r- ‘to turn’):
PM *eb-ke- ‘to bend, fold’, PTM *obo-ka ‘hook’, PJ *àpù-kuà ‘stick with
a hook’
PA *kup῾e ‘light, floating’ (PM *köbü- ‘drift on the surface’): Bur.
xübxe-lze- ‘drift on the surface’, PTM *kep(u)ke- id.
PA *k῾óp῾i ‘foam’ (PT *köp- ‘to swell’, PM *köɣe- ‘to foam, swell up’, PTM
*x[o]pu- ‘foam’): PT *köpü-k ‘foam’, PM *köb-ke-ji- ‘to swell’
PA *k῾úlo ‘to roll, turn’ (PT *Kula- ‘to roll down, fall’, PTM *xol- / *xul‘walk round, turn round’, Jpn. koro ‘round log’): PM *kol-ki-da- ‘to be
restless, go round and round’, Jpn. koro-g- ‘to roll, rotate’
PA *lalV ‘weak, exasperated’(PM *nala-ji- ‘be slow, sluggish’, PTM *lali‘be hungry, weak, exasperated’): PT *jal-k- ‘to suffer pain, be nauseated’, PM *nal-ka-ji- ‘be faint, drowsy, weak’
PA *p῾ísi ‘break, cleave, peck’ (PTM *pis-, PK *ps-, PJ *písí ‘fish-fork’):
PM *hes-ke-, PTM *pis-k-, PK *ps-k-r, PJ *pisi(n)kPA *t῾ăru ‘to curse’ (PTM *turē-) : PT *tẹr-k-, PM *tar-kiAs we see, in many of the above cases nominalization of the derived
form in *-k῾- also occurs (cf. PT *bula-k, *anu-k, *köpü-k, PTM *obo-ka, PK
*čùm-kúi, *ps-k-r, PJ *àpù-kuà), and in some of the cases all available
derivatives are only nominal, cf.:
PA *kopV ‘to plane, whet’ (PTM *kuba-): PM *kobi-ki ‘a k. of chisel’, Orok
qụwaqụ ‘plough’
PA *ri ‘to cover’ (PTM *ora- ‘become covered’, PK *òrái ‘door’): PM
*örü-ke ‘cover of roof window’, PTM *ur-ke ‘door’
PA *p῾áru ‘to spin, plait, wrap’ (PTM *por-): PT *ar-ka-g ‘weft, woof’, PK
*pòrò-kí ‘swaddlingclothes’)
The deverbative instrumental suffix *-ku is rather widely attested in
TM (see Benzing 1011), and it is this suffix that corresponds to PM *-ki
in Orok qụwa-qụ = PM *kobi-ki (see above); one can thus suspect that
this usage was already present in PA. The same form seems also to be
reflected in PJ *-ku ‘adjective and verb nominalizer’ and MKor. -ko
‘subordinative gerund marker’ (see Vovin 1997, 9).
But the largest group of derivatives here, just as in the cases with
PA *-g- and *-k-, are denominative nouns, cf. the following
cross-language parallels:
PA *ắni ‘very’ (PTM *ana- ‘very’, PK *àńí ‘first, beginning’): PT *eŋ(k)
‘very’, PM *aŋ-ka ‘very, extremely; original’
PA *ằra ‘back, behind’ (PM *aru): PT *ăr-ka ‘back’, PM *aru-ki ‘back, behind’, PTM *ar-ka- ‘back’
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INTRODUCTION
PA *č῾álV ‘a k. of thorny plant’ (PT *č(i)alɨ ‘bush’, PJ *tára ‘Aralia’): PT
*č(i)alɨ-kan ‘nettle’, PM *čulu-ki-r ‘кумарчик гобийский’, PTM
*čil[u]-k-te ‘wild pear; a k. of tree with red bark’
PA *č῾ṑrV ‘pike’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *čor-tan): PM *čuru-kaj,
Man. čur-χu ‘young fish’
PA *gĕbo ‘light, empty’ (PTM *gebu-): Chag. keve-k ‘empty’, PM *güji-ke‘shallow, light’
PA *kujilV ‘a k. of bird’ (PJ *kiari ‘plover’): PM *qojilu-g ‘wild turkey’,
PTM *kilu-k- ‘goose, swan’, PK *kirj-kí ‘goose’
PA *kàbro ‘a k. of ferment’ (PT *Kor ‘ferment, yeast, bitter’, PM *kowr
‘poison, harm’, PJ *kàrà- ‘bitter’): PM *ko(w)r-ka-g ‘pus (in a wound)’,
PTM *kabu-k-ta ( < *kabur-k-ta) ‘salmon fat, salmon stomach’
PA *kōŋa ‘bell’ (PJ *káná-i): PM *koŋ-ku ‘bell’, PTM *kōŋā-k-ta id.
PA *kŭŋi ‘child’ (PT *güŋ ‘female slave’, PTM *kuŋa ‘child, childhood’,
PM *köw ‘child’): PM *kew-ke-n ‘daughter, girl’, PTM *kuŋā-kā-n
‘child’
PA *k῾jlu ‘ear, to hear’ (PK *kúi ‘ear’): PT *Kul-ka-k ‘ear’, PM *kul-ki ‘ear
wax’, PJ *kí-k- ‘to hear’
PA *ĺep῾a ‘feather, down, wool’ (PT *jAp ‘a mass of hair or wool’): PT
*jApa-k(u) id., PM *daɣa-ki ‘tangled hair’
PA *ĺm(o)ŋa ‘name, spell’ (PT *jom ‘luck, omen; medicine’; PM *dom
‘magic, legend’, PTM *nimŋā- ‘to shamanize’, PJ *ná(N) ‘name’,
*nəm- ‘to pray’): PT *jom(ŋ)a-k ‘tale, legend, riddle’, PM *doma-g ‘legend’, PTM *nimŋā-kā- ‘fairy-tale’, PK *nì’jà-kì ‘tale, story’
PA *máĺe ‘wild cat’ (OT müš): PT *bɨńĺɨ-k ‘cat’, (WMong. malu-qai), Man.
mala-xi
PA *ŋṓjč῾u ‘thin, small’ (PTM *ŋujši, PJ *úsú-, Kor. nač-): PM *öčü-ken,
PTM *ŋujši-ku-, PK *nằč-kaPA *ŋje ‘long hair’ (PJ *b ‘tail’): PT *öje-k ‘part of animal’s skin under
the neck or between legs’, PM *öje-keji ‘lower part of animal’s belly’
PA *págò ‘box, vessel’ (PT *bog, PTM *paga): PTM *paga-kī, PK *phắkái
PA *p῾ắt῾à ‘bottom, lower side’ (PTM *pata, PJ *pátá): PT *ạt-kɨ-, PM
*hat-ku, PTM *pata-ka, PK *pàtó-k
PA *sắŕi ‘earth, sand, marsh’ (PT *siaŕ, PJ *situ): PM *sir-ke, PK *hằrk
PA *t῾oŋe ‘space’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *tuŋe-r ‘lake’): PT
*Teŋe-k ‘air space’, PM *töŋ-ki- ‘hollow’, Evk. tuŋu-ke ‘backwater’, PK
*taŋh ‘hollow’
PA *t῾op῾u ‘knee, knee cap’ (PJ *tu(m)pu-): PT *topɨ-k, PM *tuw-kai
PA *ǯòp῾è ‘hollow under knee or neck, corner’ (not attested suffixless, cf.
PJ *dp-r): PM *ǯob-ki, PTM *ǯup(u)-ku
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Although the semantics of most of these derivatives is quite neutral,
we should note cases like *ŋōjč῾u ‘small’ > Mong. *öčü-ken, *kŭŋi ‘child’ >
Mong. *kew-ken, PTM *kuŋā-kān, and the well-known fact that these suffixes (Mong. -ken / -qan, PTM *-kān) are productive diminutives. It
seems thus quite probable that PA *-k῾- in its denominative function
had a diminutive meaning (which remained productive in TM, see
Benzing 58-59, and Mongolian, but can also be observed in many cases
in Turkic, Korean and Japanese).
Another source of this morpheme may be the adjectival marker
*-k῾(i)-, reflected in Mong. (-ki), Turkic (-kɨ /-ki), see EAS 2, 234; cf. also
the PJ attributive adjectival suffix *-ki.
4.1.20. PA *-ŋThe suffix *-ŋ- is not frequent, but firmly established for Altaic (see
EAS 2, 229). It only forms nouns from verbs or nouns (cases of verbal
usage of the -ŋ-derivatives are clearly secondary), and in this respect is
fully synonymous with PA *-g-. Cf. the following cross-language lexical matches:
PA *ja ‘to go, walk’ (PTM *āja- ‘to run quickly’): PM *aja-ŋ ‘journey,
travel’, PTM *āj[a]-ŋ ‘swift’, PJ *àjùm- ‘to walk’
PA *dlo ‘wing, shoulderblade’ (PT *jāl ‘counter, mane’, PM *dalu
‘shoulderblade’, *dali ‘wing’): PM *dala-ŋ ‘counter, scruff’, PK *tằrŋái
> *tằr’ái ‘wing (of a saddle)’
PA *na ‘dawn, dusk’ (PTM *ine- ‘to dawn’): PT *ɨŋ-ɨr ‘dusk’, PTM
*ine-ŋī ‘day’
PA *ìri ‘to rot, pus, be sick’ (PT *iri- ‘to rot’): PT *iri-ŋ ‘pus’, PJ *ìtà-m- ‘to
be sick’
PA *ŕu ‘trace, furrow’ (PT *īŕ / *ŕ): PM *(h)ira-ɣa- ‘ripple, riffle’, PK
*ìráŋ ‘furrow’
PA *koĺa ‘to steal, deceive’ (PTM *kola ‘cunning, deceit’): PT *K(i)aĺaŋ
‘lazy, vile’, PM *kula-ga-j ‘robber, thief’, PJ *kasu-m- ‘to steal, rob’
PA *k῾alo ‘girth, tug’ (PT *xala ‘tug, belt’): PT *Kola-ŋ ‘saddlegirth’, PK
*kora-ŋ ‘fetters’
PA *k῾č῾i ‘a k. of cereal’ (PT *kȫče ‘barley’): PM *küči-ŋ-gi ‘a leguminous
plant’, PK *kìčàŋ ‘millet’
PA *mólu ‘ridge, corner’ (PTM *mulu, PK *mằrằ): PT *buluŋ, PJ *múnáIt is not quite clear whether this suffix can be related to the productive PTM *-ŋ(u)- denoting “nicht entfremdbares Eigentum” (see
Benzing 61-62 for a discussion of this morpheme), which otherwise has
no known Altaic parallels. On the other hand, *-ŋ- in deverbatives like
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INTRODUCTION
*āja-ŋV, *ìri-ŋV etc. may be compared with the productive attested TM
suffix *-ŋa- forming “past durative actions” (“vorübergehend andauernde Handlung”), see Benzing 120.
4.1.21. Summary of PA derivational suffixes
*-b*-p῾*-m*-d*-t*-t῾*-kt῾*-n*-l*-r*-č῾*-ǯ*-ĺ*-ŕ*-j*-s*-g*-k*-k῾-
*-ŋ- -
a) deverbative verbal passive/causative
b) denominative nominal (collective?)
deverbative passive/instrumental
a) deverbative nominal
b) denominative nominal (adjectival)
denominative/deverbal adjectival
a) deverbative verbal intransitive/passive
b) denominative/deverbal adjectival
deverbative verbal transitive/motional
denominative/deverbal adjectival
a) deverbative verbal intransitive (reflexive)
b) denominative nominal
a) deverbative nominal
b) denominative nominal (attributive)
a) deverbative nominal (intransitive)
b) denominative nominal (attributive)
a) denominative diminutive
b) deverbative verbal intensive
a) adjectival
b) intransitive (medial?)
verbal reciprocal
a) deverbative transitive
b) suffix of paired body parts
denominative expressive
a) denominative nominal (=pronominal)
b) deverbative / denominative desiderative/inchoative
a) denominative/deverbative nominal
b) factitive/intensive deverbative verbal
denominative nominal; suffix of small animals
a) attributive (-> denominative nominal)
b) diminutive
c) deverbative verbal
deverbative/denominative nominal
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4.2. Proto-Altaic inflection
4.2.1. Noun
4.2.1.1. Case suffixes
Nominative 0: TM *0 (Benzing 79); Jap 0; Kor. 0; Mong 0; OT 0
Accusative *be: TM *ba / *be (Benzing 80-81); OJ wo
Partitive *ga: TM *ga (Benzing 82); OJ possessive ga; ?Kor. accusative
-ɨ-r (*-g- is lost regularly, but the source of -r is not quite clear);
?Mong. accusative *-ɣ; OT -(ɨ)ɣ/-(i)g
Genitive *-ńV: PTM *ŋi; OJ no; Kor. -ń; Mong *n; OT ŋ (forms like -ŋi
presuppose *-ń-ki)
Dative / locative *du / *da: TM dative *du (Benzing 83), locative suffix
-dā- (Benzing 61); OJ attributive/locative -tu (although this suffix
can also be compared with Mong. adjectival -tu, see below); Mong.
dative/locative -da / -du-r, attributive -du; OT locative/ablative
-ta/-da/-te/-de
Dative / instrumental *-nV: OJ dative/locative ni.OT instrumental
-(ɨ)n/-(i)n
Dative / directive *-k῾V: TM Directive *kī (Benzing 84); OT dative
-qa/-ke
Comitative / locative *lV: TM locative *lā (Benzing 84), prolative *lī
(Benzing 84); Mong. comitative *-luɣa; ?Turk. -li, -lɨ-ɣ (EAS 2, 46-47);
Kor. instrumental / lative -ro
Comitative / equative *-č῾a: OJ comitative to; Mong. ablative ča; terminative ča(ɣa); OT equative -ča/-če
Allative *-gV: TM allative *gī (also loc. suffix -gī-, Benzing 60-61);
Mong. *-(ɣ)a (arch., EAS 2, 39-40); OT directive -ɣa-ru / -ge-rü; Kor.
-‘əi
Directive *-rV: Mong. directive -ru; OT directive -ɣa-ru / -ge-rü (also
*-ra, *-rü); Kor. lative -ro (a merger of the comitative and directive
cases)
Instrumental / ablative *ǯV: TM instrumental *ǯi (Benzing 87), elative
*gī-ǯi; OJ ablative ju / jo ; (?) PT terminal dative *(j)a.
4.2.1.2 Plural suffixes
PA *-t῾-: PTM *-ta(n) / *-te(n) (basically in Manchu, in other languages
used as the 3d plur. pronom. suffix), Mong. -d, Turk. *-t, PJ *ta-ti, PK
*-tɨ-r
This is the most common and probably original PA plural suffix.
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INTRODUCTION
PA *-s-: PTM *-sa-l (Benzing 76-78), Mong. *-s
This suffix is restricted to the TM-Mong. area, and may in fact reflect the PA collective *-sa (see above).
PA *-l-: PTM *-l, PT *-lar, PM *-nar, PJ *-ra
In Turkic, Mongolian and Japanese this suffix seems to have been
originally restricted to forming plurals of animate nouns, and in Japanese it basically reflects associativity (“brothers and those together with
them, associated with them”). Ramstedt (EAS 2) suggests that it was
originally a separate noun *larV which accounts for the specific reflex
n- in Mongolian (otherwise typical for *l- in word-initial position, see
above). Turkic and Japanese already treat it as a suffix (word-initial *lis absent in Turkic, just as word-initial *r- is absent in Japanese). Loss of
*-rV in TM and Japanese, however, is difficult to account for - perhaps
one should think of an early assimilative process in a suffixed morpheme (something like *-larV > *-lrV > *-llV).
Above we have already dealt with the suffix *-ŕV which may have
had an original dual meaning. Outside Turkic the reflexes of *-ŕ- cannot
be distinguished from those of *-r-, and it seems interesting to note the
peculiar plural in *-r in TM, which occurs in nouns whose singular
ends in *-n (like Evk. beju-n - beju-r ‘wild deer’, oro-n - oro-r ‘tame deer’
etc., see Benzing 1025). We have suggested above that this *-n may
have had a special “singulative” meaning, and we may note that words
with the *-ŕV suffix often have counterparts with *-n in other languages
(cf. PT *kökü-ŕ ‘breast’, PJ *kəkə-rə ‘heart’ vs. PM *kökö-n, PTM *kuku-n
‘breast’ etc.). It is therefore tempting to reconstruct “singular” *-nV opposed to “dual” *-ŕV, “plural” *-t῾V and “associative plural” *larV. It
should be stressed that in PA, as in most modern Altaic languages, all
these suffixes need not have been obligatory, probably only used in
situations when the number of a noun had to be explicitly expressed,
and thus implementing something similar to the category of determination (note that Korean may reflect this *-n as its ‘thematic case’, see
Холодович 11):
*kk῾è ‘breast, two breasts, breasts’ (indeterm.) *kk῾è-nV ‘one breast’ :
*kk῾è-ŕV ‘two breasts’ : (*kk῾è-t῾V ‘many breasts’) (determ.)
*na ‘brother, two brothers, brothers’ (indeterm.) *na-nV ‘one
brother’ : *na-ŕV ‘two brothers’ : *na-t῾V ‘many brothers’ : *na-larV
‘brothers and those with them’ (determ.)
Such a situation would account quite well for the various plural patterns that we observe in modern Altaic languages.
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4.2.2. Numerals
Common Altaic numerals are treated as lexemes in the body of the dictionary, so here we shall just list the forms with a few additional comments:
1 *buri: PT *bir, PJ *pitə (cf. also PM *büri ‘all, each’, PK *pìr- ‘at
first’).
This seems to be the original PA numeral for ‘one’. Other languages
have innovations: PM *nige ‘one’ < PA *nŏŋe ‘single’ (PT *jaŋɨŕ ‘single’,
PJ *nəmi ‘only’, PTM *noŋ- / *non- ‘be the first, begin’); PTM *emu(/*ume-) ‘one’ < PA *emo ‘front’ (PT *öm-gen ‘upper part of breast’, PM
*emü- ‘front’; PK *hằnàh ‘one’ < PA *sóna ‘single, one of a pair’ (PT
*sɨŋar ‘one of a pair’, PM *son-du- ‘odd’, Man. soni- ‘single, odd’, PJ *sa‘together, reciprocally’).
2 *tubu: Old Bulg. tvi-rem ‘second’; PM *ǯiw-rin ~ *ǯui-rin ‘two
(fem.)’; PTM *ǯube- ‘two’; PK *tū, *tū-rh ( = *tubu, *tubu-rh) ‘two’.
Some languages have introduced innovations: PT *ẹk(k)i ‘two’ < PA
*p῾òk῾e ‘pair, couple’ (cf. also PT *ẹkiŕ ‘twins’ = PM *(h)ekire id.); PM
*gojar ‘two’ (changed to *qojar in North. Mong. under the influence of
*qo-rin ‘20’ or *qoji ‘follow, behind’) < PA *gojV ‘different, other’ (PTM
*goj / *gia, PJ *kía); PJ *puta- ‘two’ < *puč῾u ‘pair, half’ (PT *buč-uk, PK
*pča-k).
3 *ŋu: PM *gu-rban ‘three’, *gu-čin ‘thirty’, PT *o-tuŕ ‘thirty’ ( = PM
*gu-čin), PJ *mi-. PT *ü- in *üč ‘three’ may also reflect the same root, although the suffixation is not clear.
TM and Korean have interesting innovations. PTM *ila-n ‘three’
goes back to a PA root *ìlù meaning ‘third (or next after three = fourth)’,
consisting of three objects’, reflected in PT as *ölöŋ ‘song with three out
of four verses rhyming (first, second and fourth)’ and in PJ as *ùrù-pu
‘bissextile (year or month)’; PK *si(h) ‘three’ appears to go back to PA
*séjra meaning ‘an object consisting of three parts’, cf. PM *sere-ɣe ‘trident, pitchfork’ = PJ *sárápi ‘rake, pitchfork’.
Numerals after ‘three’ are well reconstructable because of precise
TM - Japanese matches, although other languages have in some cases
introduced their own innovations.
4 *tōjV: PTM *dü-gin = PJ *də-. This is one of the most stable PA numerals and it is also preserved in PT *dȫ-rt, PM *dö-rben ‘four’, *dö-čin
‘forty’. The etymology of MKor. nəi ‘four’ remains unclear.
5 *t῾u: PTM *tu-ńga, PJ *i-tu- (the prefixed i- is somewhat unclear: it
is also used as a separate word meaning ‘fifty’, but the historical root
here is no doubt *tu-). This numeral is also preserved in PM *ta-bun
224
INTRODUCTION
‘five’, *ta-bin ‘fifty’ and PK *tà- ‘five’. PT, however, has replaced this
common numeral by an etymologically obscure *bẹĺ(k).
6 *ńu: PTM *ńu-ŋu-, PJ *mu-. Also reflected in Mong. as *ǯi-rgu- ‘six’,
*ǯi-ran ‘sixty’, perhaps also in MKor. as jə-(sɨs) - although loss of initial
*ń- is not quite regular. An innovation of obscure origin has been introduced in PT (*altɨ).
7 *nadi: PTM *nada-n, PJ *nana-. The same numeral is reflected in PT
*jẹt(t)i and PK *nìr-(kúp). The relationship of Mong. *dolu-ɣan ‘seven’,
*dala-n ‘seventy’ is somewhat unclear: it may suggest an original protoform *ĺadi- or *ladi- with dissimilation (or metathesis) in Mongolian.
8 *ǯa: PTM *ǯa-pkun, PJ *da-. Problematic is the relationship of PK
*j-t- ‘eight’ (possible if we assume a dialectal development *ǯ- > *j-, like
in *jr(h) ‘ten’ < *ǯōŕo, see below). The origin of PM *naji-man and PT
*sekiŕ ‘eight’ remains obscure.
9 *k῾egVnV: PTM *xegün, PJ *kəkənə-. Other languages have introduced innovations: PT *tokuŕ, PM *je-sün ‘nine’, *ji-ren ‘90’, PK *a-hop).
10 *čobe (or *tobe): PTM *ǯuba-n, PJ *təwə. Being a direct TM-Jpn.
isogloss, this root is the most probable candidate for ‘10’ in PA. Other
languages have introduced innovations going back to roots with a general meaning ‘many, big number’: cf. *ǯōŕo > PK *jr(h) ‘ten’, but PT *jǖŕ
‘hundred’, Man. ǯiri, ǯirun ‘a very big number’, PJ *dr- ‘10000’; *p῾VbV
> PT *ō-n ‘10’, PM *ha-rban ‘10’, *ha-na ‘all’, Orok pōwo ‘a bundle of 10
squirrels’, Nan. poã ‘collection, gathering’, PJ *-pə (-pua) ‘hundred’ (in
names of hundreds).
20 *k῾ura: PTM *xori-n, PM *kori-n. This is the only numeral after ‘3’
which does not reveal a direct TM-Jpn. correspondence. Therefore we
suspect that the PJ word for ‘20’, viz. *pata-ti, may have originally
sounded like *kata-ti (which is the regular reflex of *k῾ura), but was influenced by ‘2’ (*puta-tu, see above) and consequently changed to
*pata-ti. The same root is evidently present in PT *Kɨrk ‘forty’ - perhaps
an original reduplication < *Kɨr-kɨr (‘20’+’20’); the simple *Kɨr must have
been replaced by *(j)egir-mi, a form probably derived from *ẹk(k)i ‘two’.
100 *ńằmò: PTM *ńamā, PJ *muàmuà, PM *ǯaɣu-n ( < *ńam-ŋu-). Cf.
also PT *jom- ‘big number, all’ (in the meaning ‘hundred’ replaced by
*jǖŕ, see above). Korean has introduced an innovation, *ón, of obscure
origin.
1000 *čùmi: PTM has no word for thousand (all languages reveal a
later mongolism miŋgan < PM *miŋgan = PT *bɨŋ ‘thousand’). However,
PJ *ti ‘thousand’ has a plausible parallel in PK *čmn id. and PT *Tümen
‘10000’. PA *miŋa is a local Mong.-Turk. isogloss (resembling Middle
CHAPTER FOUR
225
Chinese mwn ‘10000’) and possibly not common Altaic, so the original
root seems to be *čùmi reflected in Kor., Jpn. and Turkic.
We see thus that - despite a rather widespread misconception of
numerals being not reconstructable for PA - PA had a complete set of
numerals from 1 to 1000, and most of them are recoverable because of
significant archaisms preserved in the TM and Japanese areas. Some
individual systems were considerably modified (thus, Turkic introduced innovations for most numerals except ‘one’, ‘three’ (?), ‘four’ and
‘seven’; Mongolian introduced innovations for ‘one’, ‘eight’, ‘nine’,
‘ten’ and ‘thousand’ etc.), but the original system is nevertheless clear.
4.2.3. Pronouns
4.2.3.1. Personal pronouns
1 p. *b, pl. *ba ~ *bu (obl. *mi-n-, *ma-n- ~ *mu-n-)
For PA we can also reconstruct a stem *ŋa, reflected in some cases as
Mong. *na-d-, *na-m-, and preserved in Korean as *nà and in Jpn. as *a-.
2 p. *si, pl. *su (obl. *si-n-, *su-n-)
It seems also possible to reconstruct a second stem *na, preserved in
Kor. *n and Jpn. *ná, and possibly reflected in the PT 2d p. ending *-ŋ
(although velarization here is not quite clear).
The relationship within the suppletive pairs *bi - *ŋa and *si - *na is
not quite clear; the forms *ŋa and *na may have originally been restricted to some oblique cases (cf. the situation in Mongolian).
We must also mention the isolated Mong. 2d p. pronoun: sing. či, pl.
ta, presupposing original *t῾i, pl. *t῾a. Although Altaic parallels are lacking, the pronoun is no doubt archaic (having certain Nostratic parallels:
PIE *t, PU *ti-). The stems *t῾i and *na are thus both candidates for the
stem of PA oblique cases of the 2d p. pronoun. *na may be a Kor.-Jpn.
innovation (the Turkic parallel here is not quite secure), but one can
also not exclude a possibility that *t῾i and *na were opposed in some
other way (e.g., in number).
4.2.3.2. Interrogative pronouns
*k῾a(j) ‘who’
*ŋV ‘what, who’
4.2.3.3. Demonstrative pronouns
*sV, *kō, *la, *o (near deixis)
226
INTRODUCTION
*č῾a, *e, *i, *t῾a (*t῾e) (far deixis)
4.2.3.4. Reflexive pronouns
It can be suggested that a function similar to that of a reflexive pronoun
was fulfilled by the stem *mēno ‘self; body’ (possibly related, and partially confused, with *méŋu ‘whole’).
4.2.4. Adjectives
In Proto-Altaic, adjectives were hardly distinct from nouns or participial verbal forms. There is, however, one specific morpheme that was
probably regularly used for deriving attributes (= adjectives) from
nouns and nominal forms, viz. PA *-k῾i, well detectable in Mong. -ki,
PT *-k, PTM *-ki and Jpn. (attributive adjectival) -ki. This suffix evidently could also be joined to the genitive marker *-ńV, resulting in a
contraction *-ń-k῾i > *-ŋi, *-ŋ in TM and Turkic.
Another suffix that could form attributes (=adjectives) from nouns
was probably *-t῾u > Mong. -tu, Jpn. -tu (the latter has probably merged
*-t῾u and the dative/locative *du, see above).
4.2.5. Verbs
In all Altaic languages verbal stems may be simple or derived - either
from nouns or from verbs. In the latter case productive suffixes usually
form what is called voices or diatheses. The following verbal forms can
be reconstructed for PA:
*-b- passive / causative
*-t- intransitive / passive
*-t῾- transitive
*-n- intransitive / reflexive
*-č῾- intensive
*-ǯ- intransitive (medial?)
*-ĺ- reciprocal
*-ŕ- transitive / causative
*-s- desiderative / inchoative
*-g- factitive / intensive
All these suffixes have been described above in the section concerning derivation. Their productivity varies in subbranches of Altaic, and
it is not quite clear which of them actually formed part of the verbal
paradigm, and which were less productive and purely derivational in
Proto-Altaic.
CHAPTER FOUR
227
Some of these suffixes do not actually change the voice or diathesis,
but rather modify the character of action, and should be perhaps characterized as moods. Among the suffixes above such are the desiderative / inchoative *-s- (see EAS 2, 83) and the intensive *-č῾-. Another
common Altaic mood suffix is *-m-, originally probably optative and
reflected as optative *-ma-, *-mu- in PTM (see Benzing 121), MKor. intention marker -ma and assumptive (hypothetical) *-m- in OJ (see Vovin 1997, 7). An imperative (non-2d person) in *-nV seems to be reflected in OT *-(jɨ)n and OJ *-na. Lack of a suffix (a pure verbal stem)
was probably used for the 2d person imperative mood (see EAS 2,
81-82).
4.2.5.1 Participial and tense / aspect suffixes
Verbal stems - simple and derived - in Altaic languages are usually followed by participial suffixes, and such forms can function either as attributive ( = participles) or finite. The following participial suffixes can
be reconstructed for Proto-Altaic:
PA *-jV ‘a gerund suffix’: PT *-(j)a, PM *-ɣa, PKor. -a / -ə, PJ *-i (see EAS
2, 108-111, Vovin 1997, 5, calling the morpheme “infinitive”);
PA *-p῾V ‘a gerund suffix (probably perfective, see EAS 2, 122-124): PT
*-p, PM *-ba(j), PTM *-pī (Benzing 143), PJ *-(m)pa;
PA *-rV ‘aorist or indefinite present’ (perhaps originally intransitive,
see above): PT *-r; PM *-ra / -re (supinum); PTM *-ra ‘aorist of the
1st class of verbs’; Kor. -r indefinite present or future suffix; PJ *-r-u
(after consonantal stems *-u) ‘general attributive verbal form’ (cf.
Vovin 1997, 4, reconstructing this morpheme as attributive);
PA *-t῾V ‘past tense’: PT *-t- ‘past (or perfect) suffix’, Kor. -t- ‘past (or
regressive) suffix’, PJ *-t- ‘past suffix’ (see EAS 2, 115-117, Vovin
1997, 7);
PA *-lV transitive (?) participle, with somewhat unclear function, see
above;
PA *-k῾V ‘preterite’: PJ *-ki, PK *-kə- (Vovin 1997, 6). The suffix is lost
in Turkic, while Mong. and TM seem to preserve it within the compound suffix *-k῾sV- (PTM *-ksa-, see Benzing 140; not *-kV-, as
stated by Vovin), Mong. past gerund -g-sa-n. It is interesting to
mention that, whereas PJ *-ki is a finite morpheme (used in a sentence-final predicate), the same preterite paradigm in Japanese includes the attributive *-si (possibly related to PTM *-s-aorist, see
above); the Mong.-Tung. compound *-k῾-sV- may in fact be a combination of these two morphemes.
228
INTRODUCTION
TM languages reflect also participles ( = aorist suffixes) in *-s- and
*-d-, see Benzing 123-128, which seem to be opposed to *-r- as intransitive (medial) vs. transitive (active), but it is so far unclear whether it is a
TM innovation or an archaic feature. *-s- seems to have a parallel in
Japanese (see above), and *-d- in Mongolian (praeteritum imperfecti
*-ǯi, see Poppe 1965, 265). There may also be traces of past (or perfect)
participles in *-č῾V and *-šV (on *-šV within the dubitative *-ma-šV see
below).
It appears that the *-t῾V- and *-k῾V-, perhaps also *-sV- and *-dV(tense or aspect) morphemes directly followed the verbal stem (consisting of the root + voice / diathesis modifiers), while the *-jV, *-p῾V, *-rV
and *-lV markers acted as converbs and occupied the next position in
the verbal wordform. Many details, however, are still to be worked out.
4.2.5.2 Personal endings
Conjugation with personal suffixes is attested in Turkic, Mongolian
and TM, but is completely absent from Korean and Japanese. In most
cases the personal suffixes coincide with personal pronouns, so the
morphemes could be secondarily added to the verbal wordform in individual subbranches. An opposition of the 2d - non-2d personal endings may be, however, reconstructed for the imperative mood (see
above on the Turkic-Japanese matching *-nV marker).
4.2.5.3 Negation
There are two common Altaic negative particles: *āni (probably general
negation) and *ma (probably a prohibitive particle). The existing evidence suggests strongly that they were independent words in
Proto-Altaic (for *ma cf. Man. u-me and MKor. mō-t, functioning as
separate words; for *āni cf. Chuv. an, TM *ān-, MKor. an-, Jpn. na- functioning as separate words). In some branches, however, they tend to
become incorporated into the structure of a verbal wordform: thus PT
has generalized the negative particle *-m- (which has thus superseded
the original optative *-m-, on which see above), and Japanese, the negative particle *-an-.
The negative (prohibitive) particle *ma can perhaps be also discovered within the OJ dubitative (or irreal optative) marker -ma-si, which
A. Vovin (1997, 8) has compared with the PTM subjunctive marker
*-mča- ( ~ *-mša-), thus presupposing PA *ma-šV.
A third archaic negative particle (verb) is *e, attested in TM and
Mongolian. It seems worth mentioning that in TM it is combined with
CHAPTER FOUR
229
the aorist marker -s-, and in Mongolian it is attested as *e-se. It may
thus have been differentiated from *āni by some additional tense/aspect
feature (being, e.g., originally a past negative).
CHAPTER FIVE
CLASSIFICATION OF ALTAIC LANGUAGES AND DATING
OF PROTO-ALTAIC
To demonstrate the genetic subclassification of Altaic we shall take the
list of matches between Altaic subgroups in the realm of the basic vocabulary:
Item
all
all
ashes
bark
bark
bark
belly
belly
bite
black
blood
bone
breast
breast
burn
f.-nail
f.-nail
cloud
cold
cold
come
die
dog
drink
dry
ear
earth
Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese
Manchu
*büt*mòt*Kop
*kow
*kupukte
*hüne-sü *pulńe*Kāpuk
*kàph- *kapa
*Kaŕ
*kajir(a)*Kɨrtɨĺ
*körü-sü *xura-kta
*keweli
*kepel*pắi
*pàrá
*kem*kàm*Kara
*kara
*kùruà*či-su
*tí
*ja-su
*s-pj *pniá
*čeɣeǯi
*ča(i)ǯan *čjč
*tì(tí)
*kökön
*kuku-n
*jak*deg-ǯe-gi- *thằ*dák*kimul-su
*kom(h)
*tòph *túmá-i
*kúrùm *kùmua
*köji-ten *xiŋǖ*sogɨ-k
*šig*gẹl*k*bür-il*bu(r)*ɨt
*ŋinda
*ìnú
*um(i)*mà*Kūrɨ*kawra*káwá(ra)-k*Kul-kak
*kúi
*siraɣu
*hằrk
PA
*mt῾ì
*kŏp῾V
*p῾oĺńe
*k῾p῾à
*k῾éŕà
*k῾rú
*kḗp῾V
*p῾ḕjló
*kma
*kàru
*čnu
*p῾èjńé
*č῾àjǯV
*kk῾è
*dkà
*k῾uml[e]
*t῾p῾o
*k῾òlmV
*k῾ójŋo
*šogo
*gle
*bŭri
*ŋndó
*umV
*k῾óbarV
*k῾jlu
*sắŕi
231
CHAPTER FIVE
Turkic Mongolian TungusManchu
eat
*jē*ǯe-pegg
*jumurtka *ömdege *umūkta
eye
*ni-dü
*ńia-sa
fat
*jāg
*eɣü-kü
fat
*ximūfeather *jüg
*dektefeather
*hö-dün
fire
fish
*ǯiɣafly
*degde- *degfoot
*palga-n
full
*dōl*ǯalufull
(*čak)
full
*miltegive
*bēr*būgive
go
*ŋenegood
green *gȫk
*köke
green
*nogo-ɣan *ĺoghair
*Kɨl(k)
*xińŋahair
*hü-sü
*puńehand *el
*ŋāla
head *baĺč
hear
*dōldīheart
*miańam
heart *jürek
*ǯirüke
horn
*eber
I
*bẹ*bi
*bi
I
know
*sāleaf
*japur-gak *labči
lie
*jạ-t*dē
lie
*keblie
liver *biagɨr
*pākin
long
*ŋōlilong *uŕɨ-n
*ur-tu
Item
Korean
Japanese
*čā*nú-n
*mà-
*kìrm
*pr
*pánái
*p-i
*(d)íwuá
*pár
*pànkì
*čhắ*mìt*tā*nàń*tjōh-
*átá-pá*ín*d-
*ká-i
*mrí
*td*mằńằm
*s-pr
*nà
*bà*a*sir-
*níph
*nū-b-
*kəjə*ná*nàn-kà-
PA
*ǯē
*úmu-tki
*n
*gi
*k῾ắŕme
*d[é]gì
*p῾úńe
*p῾re
*dági
*tēga
*pằlgà
*člo
*č῾áko
*mìlt῾e
*bṓr[é]
*tá
*ŋḗni
*dòge
*lŏga
*k῾íla
*p῾úńe
*ŋli
*mĺǯu
*tĺdi
*móńù
*ǯr(V)k῾e
*op῾érV
*b
*ŋa
*sŕi
*làp῾[à]
*dḕ
*kejbe
*nḗ
*pki
*ŋṑla
*uŕo
232
Item
louse
man
many
meat
moon
mouth
name
neck
new
new
night
nose
not
not
one
rain
red
road
root
root
root
round
round
round
round
sand
say
seed
sit
skin
skin
sleep
small
small
stand
star
stone
sun
INTRODUCTION
Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese
PA
Manchu
*sirke
*sìrám(u)i *sằjrí
*ēr
*ere
*ri
*mān(h) *manai*mana
*sắrh
*sìsì
*šằĺì
*tắr
*tùkùi
*t῾òlgu
*ama-n
*am-ŋa
*ắmo
*nere
*(n)ìrh*nre
*bōjn
*moŋa-n *mjə-k *nəmpV
*mṓjno
*nebi
*nípí*nébì
*jaŋɨ
*sine
*sái
*zèjńa
*dolba
*duà
*dle
*ka[m]ar *xoŋa*kóh
*k῾ŏŋa
*ā(n)*àn*nà*ni
*e-se
*e*e
*bir
*pitə
*buri
*jag*pí
*p῾ằge
*hula-ɣan *pula*prk*puli
*mör*mítí
*móri
*ündü-sü *ŋǖŋte
*mt
*ŋŋt῾è
*hiǯa-ɣur (*puǯuri)
*poǯi
*pule*prhắi
*p῾li
*murV
*már
*múra
*toŋal*toŋkor*t῾òŋké
*tob*tùmpú-ra *t῾òp῾ú
*deg*tögörig
*tegá
*mòr’a῾i *mana-n-kua *mro
*kele*kằró*k῾ăli
*urug
*hüre
*p῾ri
*saɣu*súwá*šábu
*kàph- *kapa
*k῾p῾à
*jn
*nansa
*nne
*ū*ŋuja
*úi*ŋju
*öčü*ŋüši*ŋṓjču
*ǯiǯig
*nisi
*ńŋči
*dur*tàt*čra
*jul-duŕ *ho-dun
*pjr
*psí
*p῾ĺo
*diāĺ
*čila-ɣu
*ǯola
*tōrh
*(d)ísì
*tṓĺì
*sigū-n
*hắi
*sgu
233
CHAPTER FIVE
Item
Turkic Mongolian TungusManchu
*oji-mu*Kudruk
*xürgü
*Ti*te-re
*ta*ča*čā*e-ne
*e*gȫ
*sẹ*si
swim
tail
that
that
this
this
thou
thou
tongue
tongue
tooth
tooth *sīĺ
tree
two
warm *jɨlɨ-g
warm
water
water *sɨb
we
*bi-ŕ
what *nV
white *siarɨg
white
who *kem
who
woman
far
*ɨraheavy
near
*jạgunear
*jAkɨsalt
*dūŕ
short
snake
snake
thin
thin
thin
wind *jẹl
worm *Kūrt
*kele
Japanese
*jnk-
*s-kòrí
*tj
*kɨ
*n
*k*si
*ná
*hj
*par
*sìtá
*pa
*xilŋü
*si-dü
*mo-du
*mō
*ǯiw-rin *ǯube
*dula-ɣan
*u-su
*ba
*ja-ɣu-
Korean
*tubu
*mū
*tằ*mr
*àtà*mí-
*bue
*ú-rí
*bà*nỼ
*sìruà-
*hắi*čaga-ɣan *šāk*ken
*xia
*ŋǖ
*eme
*nú*ámh
*m-
*mía
*pàrú-ka
*m(p)-
*daga
*tìkà*dabu-su
*hokar
*poKa*mogaji
*mǖkǖ
*nari-n
*ner*nim-gen *niambu*sal-ki
*koro-kai
*pắjàm *pàim(p)V
*kắnắr- *kmá*jr-p-
PA
*òje
*k῾údo
*t῾a
*č῾a
*é
*kō
*si
*ná
*k῾ăli
*sṓjri
*pala
*sīĺa
*mro
*tubu
*dlu
*ōt῾a
*mri
*šuba
*b*ŋV
*sjri
*šk῾a
*k῾a(j)
*ŋV
*me
*p῾ìrá
*ámbe
*dắgá
*dằk῾ì
*čobeŕV
*pk῾ì
*mūko
*p῾[ò]jamV
*k῾ńó
*nèra
*nombu
*zăli
*k῾ṓro
234
Item
year
year
year
INTRODUCTION
Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese
Manchu
*oj
*ańŋa
*jɨl
*ǯil
*tsì
*sē
*sr
PA
*ńu
*dlo
*zēra
This list is basically the same as given in Starostin 1991 (pp. 25-63,
85-104), but with some additions and corrections added during the
years of work on the Altaic dictionary, which have consequently resulted in some calculational changes, albeit statistically insignificant.
The average percent of matches revolves around 20, which gives us the
date of split of Proto-Altaic at around the end of 6th millennium B.C.
We see an increase up to about 25% between Turkic, Mongolian and
TM, and an increase to 33% between Korean and Japanese, which
would speak in favour of two basic subbranches of Altaic.
However, if we look at the figures in more detail and take into account the division between 35 more stable items and 65 less stable
items, proposed by S. Y. Yakhontov, the picture appears to be somewhat more complicated.
Language Matches in Matches in Matches in
pairs
the standard Yakhontov’s Yakhontov’s
100 w.-list modified
100 w.-list 35-wordlist
TuMo
25
24
11
TuTM
25
22
10
TuKo
17
13
5
TuJap
19
19
7
MoTM
29
30
11
MoKo
18
17
8
MoJap
22
17
9
TMKor 23
23
9
TMJap
22
20
8
KorJap
33
30
11
35/65 w.list ratio
31 / 20 : 1.55
29 / 18 : 1.61
14 / 12 : 1.17
20 /18 : 1.11
31 / 29 : 1.07
23 / 14 : 1.64
26 /12 : 2.17
26 / 22 : 1.18
23 /18 : 1.28
31 /29 : 1.07
This chart shows us that while the overall 35 / 65 wordlist ratio is > 1
in all cases (the situation which indicates genetic relationship, meaning
that the rate of matches within the most stable 35 word range is higher
than the rate of matches within the less stable 65 word range), in two
cases - Mongolian-TM and Kor.-Jpn. - it is dangerously close to 1. Lexicostatistically this may indicate the borders of ancient dialect zones
within Proto-Altaic, suggesting that Tungus-Manchu does not really
CHAPTER FIVE
235
constitute a unity with Turkic-Mongolian, and throwing some doubts
on the genetic unity of Korean-Japanese.
Additionally it provides an explanation why the genetic situation
within Altaic looks somewhat different from that within, e.g.,
Indo-European - which was the main reason for the whole anti-Altaic
criticism. Altaic appears to be different from Indo-European in two
main respects:
a) it is somewhat older than Indo-European: while the split of
Proto-Indo-European (or Proto-Indo-Hittite) can be dated to the 4th
millennium B.C., the split of Proto-Altaic must have occurred at
least a thousand years earlier;
b) whereas the subbranches of Indo-European are rather old (e.g.,
Balto-Slavic may be dated around the beginning of the 1st millennium B.C, and Indo-Iranian - by the verge of the 2d and 3d millennia B.C.), the subbranches of Altaic are considerably younger:
Turkic - beginning of our era, Mongolian - around the 10th century
A.D., Tungus-Manchu - around the 4th century B.C., Japanese around the 5th century A.D., Korean - around the 11th century A.D.
Furthermore, whereas the oldest texts in ancient Indo-European
languages are attested quite early, the written monuments of Altaic
languages date back not earlier than to the 8th century A.D. This all
creates an impression of a much more distant genetic relationship
between Altaic languages than that between Indo-European languages. Consequently - basically due to the absence of archaic attestation - Proto-Altaic is somewhat more difficult to reconstruct
than Proto-Indo-European. It is also quite possible that some other
branches of Altaic might have existed, but they could have been
wiped out by later waves of migrations of Altaic (and non-Altaic)
languages.
The overall distribution of lexical isoglosses confirms the above
classification, but yields some additional information on the dialect
distribution within Proto-Altaic.
The core of the common Altaic vocabulary is constituted by etyma
reflected in Turko-Mongolian (at least in Turkic or Mongolian) and in
Korean-Japanese (at least in Korean or Japanese) - with or without
Tungus-Manchu parallels. The number of such roots within the present
volume is 1841; most of them (1553) are also reflected in Tungus-Manchu.
There are, however, two other lexical groups:
a) Turkic-Mongolian roots with Tungus-Manchu parallels (615); without Tungus-Manchu parallels (57)
236
INTRODUCTION
b) Korean-Japanese roots with Tungus-Manchu parallels (195); without
Tungus-Manchu parallels (23)
We see thus that Tungus-Manchu occupies a specific position
within the Altaic family, sharing a large number of isoglosses both with
the Turkic-Mongolian and the Korean-Japanese branches. In the dictionary we call the former “Western isoglosses” and the latter, “Eastern
isoglosses”. Historically such a situation may be explained by a “central” position of Tungus-Manchu among the Proto-Altaic dialects. At
the same time, one can also not exclude a scenario of later prehistorical
borrowings (already after the split of Proto-Altaic, but before a wide
geographical separation of Turko-Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu, on
one hand, and Tungus-Manchu and Korean-Japanese, on the other).
The position of Tungus-Manchu within Altaic thus resembles the
position of Greek within Indo-European: due to its original “central”
geographic location, Greek shares a large number of isoglosses both
with European languages (primarily Italo-Celtic) and with Indo-Iranian
languages.
The Proto-Altaic nature of almost a thousand “Western” or “Eastern” isoglosses mentioned above is questionable; nevertheless we decided to include them into the dictionary because potentially any of
them may turn out to be common Altaic - there is always a chance that,
e.g., a Korean match for a Western isogloss exists but has not yet been
recovered, or a chance that an archaic etymon reflected in Korean-Japanese has been lost in Turko-Mongolian. We must stress that
phonetically and morphologically these isoglosses behave just like all
other common Altaic roots.
To sum up: Proto-Altaic split into three branches, viz.
Turco-Mongolian, Tungus-Manchu and Korean-Japanese, around the
6th millennium B.C. Tungus-Manchu must have occupied a central
dialectal position, which explains its shared isoglosses both with
Turko-Mongolian and Korean-Japanese.
Two subbranches - Turko-Mongolian and Korean-Japanese - in their
turn, had split rather early, around the 4th millennium B.C. However,
reconstructing Proto-Turko-Mongolian or Proto-Korean-Japanese
would in fact be almost equivalent to reconstructing Proto-Altaic, because of small time span separating those units from the original protolanguage. There is still some doubt about the existence of common Korean-Japanese: the specific similarities between these two subbranches
might be due to secondary dialectal interaction.
The next splits occurred already closer to our era: first the split of
Tungus-Manchu, next the split of Turkic, Japanese and Korean dialects.
STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY AND ADOPTED
CONVENTIONS
The dictionary is presented in the alphabetical order of PA reconstructions. Each dictionary item consists of:
1. The proposed PA reconstruction. Variants are supplied in brackets:
e.g. the notation *ágà ( ~ e-) means that for PA both *ágà and *égà
can be reconstructed. Capital V denotes a vowel of unknown quality. Vowel quantity is explicitly specified; if there is neither a breve
nor a macron sign above the vowel, it means that quantity is unknown in this case.
2. The reconstructed meaning.
3. A short enumeration of subgroup reflexes
4. Detailed reflexes in subgroups (in the order: Tungus-Manchu, Mongolian, Turkic, Japanese, Korean). For each of the subgroups we
give a reconstruction and reflexes in ancient and modern languages.
The meanings are not reconstructed: rather, we enumerate attested
meanings and refer to these numbers while listing individual reflexes.
For most languages the basic sources (see below) were Russian dictionaries, which means that most meanings had to be translated into
English from Russian. To preserve semantic accuracy, we decided to
keep the original Russian meanings which are always given in brackets
after the English ones.
Each section may be completed by more or less detailed comments
and references (given in small type).
5. General comments and references (if any).
The following conventions are used in individual reconstructions:
1. In Turkic and Tungus-Manchu, only long vowels are explicitly
marked, and short vowels are left unmarked.
2. The placement of any symbol within brackets means that the presence of the denoted phoneme (sound) cannot be ascertained: this is
usual, e.g., in PT for (i)a, i.e. *ia or *a when there is no Chuvash reflex; in PTM for (x), i.e. *x- or *0- when there are no Southern Tungus-Manchu reflexes; in PM for (h), i.e. *h- or *0- when there is no
Middle Mongolian attestation or Southern Mongolian reflex; in PJ
for (d), i.e. *d- or *0- in a position before *i (in the latter case, how-
238
STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY
ever, we prefer writing just *i- when external evidence explicitly
shows that there was no *d-).
3. Capital letters (except capital G, traditionally used for denoting a
voiced uvular) are used in the following way:
A (in Turkic): *a or *ạ
E (in Turkic): *e or *ẹ
K (in Turkic): *k or *g; (in Tungus-Manchu): *k or *x
T (in Turkic): *t or *d
V: a vowel of unknown quality
Adopted transcription
Throughout the dictionary we have attempted to use a unified system
of transcription, generally accepted in the German and Moscow schools
of Altaic studies (its basic features are: using the symbols c, ʒ, č, ǯ, š, ž
for affricates and sibilants; j for the palatal resonant; ɨ for the high back
unrounded vowel). We have, however, preserved traditional orthography for romanized Modern Japanese. For Jurchen we use the phonetic
transcription proposed in Мудрак 1985, 1988a; this transcription, as
well as the transcription of Middle Mongolian works taken from HY is
based on Early Mandarin as reconstructed in Tōdō 1970 and Dragunov
1929, 1930.
Notation of length: all long vowels are marked with the diacritic ;
short vowels (if specifically marked) with the diacritic ; long (tense)
consonants - by a colon :.
Palatalization: all palatalized consonants are marked with the diacritic .
Nasalization: all nasalized vowels and consonants are marked with
the diacritic .
Closed vowels: closed e, a (in Tungus-Manchu languages also u, i, ə,
ъ) are marked with the diacritic .
Special vocalic symbols: in Chuvash, we use ъₙ, əₙ to denote specific labialized mid-high and mid-low vowels; in Kalmuck, is used to
denote the mid-low long front vowel; in Even, is used to denote the
mid-high reduced vowel.
Prosodic symbols: “ after a vowel is used to denote pharyngealization in Tuva and Tofalar; high tone (pitch) in Korean and Japanese is
marked with the diacritic ; low tone (pitch) in Korean and Japanese,
with the diacritic . In the Tokyo system, is used rather for marking the
place of accent (the pitch summit of a word); words without such a
summit (the so called “zenhei” words, articulated with a gradual rising
of pitch towards the end of the word) are marked by the diacritic on
STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY
239
the first syllable. In the Kagoshima system, where a word can also contain only one high-pitch syllable, this syllable is marked by ; the words
without high pitch are, however, marked with on each syllable. The
“rising-falling” pitch at the end of the word in Kyoto is marked by the
diacritic .
Sources
For each language, the most authoritative source was chosen. If the
form is quoted from that source and if it is an alphabetically ordered
dictionary, no references are usually given. In all other cases references
are given in brackets (without a page number if the referenced work is
an alphabetically ordered dictionary, with a page number otherwise).
Here is the list of sources utilized for each individual language:
Tungus-Manchu
For all languages except spoken Manchu, the basic source is ТМС; for
spoken Manchu we used Yamamoto 1969 (with references to the numbers of lexical items, since this is not an alphabetical dictionary). Numbered references are also given to Grube 1896 for Jurchen.
Mongolian
Written Mongolian: KW; in most cases reference is also given to L
Middle Mongolian: SH
Khalkha: МРС
Kalmuck: KW
Ordos: DO
Mogol: Ligeti 1954; references are also given to ZM and Weiers
Dagur: MGCD
Dongxiang: MGCD
Baoan: MGCD
Shira-Yughur: MGCD
Mongor: SM
Turkic
Old Turkic: EDT
Karakhanide Turkic: EDT
Turkish: ТРС
Gagauz: ГРМС
Azerbaidzhan: АРС
Turkmen: ТуркмРС
Salar: ССЯ
Khalaj: D-T
240
STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY
Uzbek: УРС
Uyghur: УйРС
Karaim: КРПС
Tatar: ТатРС
Bashkir: БРС
Kirghiz: КиРС
Kazakh: КазРС
Balkar (Karachay-Balkar): КБРС
Kara-Kalpak: ККРС
Kumyk: КумРС
Noghai: НРС
Sarɨ-Yughur: ССЮЯ
Khakas: ХРС
Shor: ШРРШС
Oyrot (Mountain Altai): ОРС
Tuva: ТувРС
Tofalar: Рассадин 1995
Chuvash: ЧувРС
Yakut: ЯРС
Dolgan: Stachowski 1993
Japanese
Old Japanese: JB
Middle Japanese: accented forms are given according to RJ (XIth c.);
all other post-Nara and pre-Meiji forms are given according to KKJ and
IKJ
Modern Japanese:
Tokyo: БЯРС (accents are given according to Hirayama 1960)
Kyoto, Kagoshima: Hirayama 1960. Data from these dialects are
given according to the Japanese accentological tradition, i.e. only
with accent differences from Tokyo explicitly noted.
Korean
Middle Korean: Nam, Liu
Modern Korean: KED
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS OF QUOTED
LITERATURE
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At. - Edib b. Mahmud Yükneki. Atebetü’l-Hakayīk / ed. Rešit Rahmeti
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Babur - Babur-nama, see Буд.
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Bartholomae - Bartholomae Chr. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg
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Bulgat. - see Zajączkowski A. Słownik arabsko-kipczacki. Warszawa,
1954. II: Verba.
Caf. - Caferoğlu A. Uygur sözlüğü. I-III. Istanbul, 1934-1938 .
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Castr. = Castrén - Castrén M.A. Versuch einer koibalischen und karagassischen Sprachlehre. SPb., 1857.
CCum = Codex Cumanicus, see Grønbech K. Komanisches Wörterbuch.
København, 1942.
242
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
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HYt - texts from HY
IKJ - Iwanami Kogo Jiten, Tokyo 1974.
IM - see 1) Battal Aptullah. Ibnü-Mühenna lûgati. Istanbul,1934. 2) Мелиоранский П.М. Араб филолог о турецком языке. СПб., 1900. 3)
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Jarr. - Jarring G. An Eastern Turki-English dialekt dictionary. Lund,
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JB - Jidaibetsu kokugo daijiten. Jōdaihen. Tokyo, 1967.
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Тит. - Титов Е. И. Тунгусско-русский словарь. Иркутск, 1926.
ТДГДС - Аразкулыев С., Атаниязов С., Бердиев Р., Сапарова Г. Түркмен
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ТМC - Сравнительный словарь тунгусо-маньчжурских языков. Л.,
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Тод. Даг. - Тодаева Б. Х. Дагурский язык. М., 1986.
Тод. Джанг. - Тодаева Б. Х. Опыт лингвистического исследования
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Тод. Дн. - Тодаева Б. Х. Дунсянский язык. М., 1961.
Тод. Мгр. = - Тодаева Б. Х. Монгорский язык. М., 1973.
Тод. ЯМВМ - Тодаева Б. Х. Язык монголов внутренней Монголии:
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ТРС - Турецко-русский словарь / Ред. Э. М.-Э. Мустафаев, Л. Н.
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Трубачев 1960 - Трубачев О. Н. Происхождение названий домашних
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BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
263
ТТДС - Диалектологический словарь татарского языка. Казань,
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ТувРС - Тувинско-русский словарь / Под ред. Э. Р. Тенишева. М.,
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ТуркмРС - Туркменско-русский словарь / Под общ. ред. Н. А. Баскакова, Б. А. Каррыева, М. Я. Хамзаева. М., 1968
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УйРС - Наджип Э. Н. Уйгурско-русский словарь. М., 1968.
УНС - Малов С. Е. Уйгурские наречия Синьцзяна. М., 1961.
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УЯ - Малов С. Е. Уйгурский язык: Хамийское наречие. М.-Л., 1954.
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УХШЛ - Узбек халқ шевалари луғати. Тошкент, 1971.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
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BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
265
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Щербак 1966 - Щербак А. М. О характере лексических взаимосвязей
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Щербак 1997 - Щербак А. М. Ранние тюркско-монгольские языковые связи (VIII-XIV вв.). СПб, 1997.
ЭСВЯ - Стеблин-Каменский И. М. Этимологический словарь ваханского языка. СПб., 1999
ЭСТЯ - 1,2,3: Севортян Э. В. Этимологический словарь тюркских
языков. М., 1974-1980. Vol. 1-3; 4: Севортян Э. В., Левитская Л. С.
Этимологический словарь тюркских языков: Общетюркские и
межтюркские основы на буквы «Ж», «Ж», «Й» / Авт. сл. статей
Э. В. Севортян, Л. С. Левитская. М., 1989; 5: Этимологический
словарь тюркских языков: Общетюркские и межтюркские основы на буквы «К», «Q» / Авт. сл. статей Л. С. Левитская, А. В. Дыбо, В. И. Рассадин. М., 1997; 6: Этимологический словарь тюркских языков: Общетюркские и межтюркские основы на букву
«Q» / Авт. сл. статей Л. С. Левитская, А. В. Дыбо, В. И. Рассадин.
М., 2000. The notation ЭСТЯ 7, ЭСТЯ 8 refers to the unpublished
parts of the dictionary, so far available only in manuscript in the
Moscow Institute of Linguistics.
ЯБТ - Дмитриева Л. В. Язык барабинских татар. Л., 1981.
ЯЖУ - Малов С. Е. Язык желтых уйгуров: Словарь, грамматика. Алма-Ата, 1957.
Яимова - Яимова Н. А. Табуированная лексика и эвфемизмы в алтайском языке. Горно-Алтайск, 1990.
ЯРС - Якутско-русский словарь / Под ред. П. А. Слепцова. М., 1972.
ABBREVIATIONS OF PERIODICAL EDITIONS
AASF - Annales academiae Scientiarum Fennicae. Suomalaisen Tiedeakatemian toimituksia. Helsinki.
ArO - Archiv orientální. Journal of the Chechoslovak Oriental Institute.
Prague.
AO - Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen)
266
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
AO (Budapest) or AOH - Acta Orientalia Hungarica. Budapest.
BSOAS - Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. London.
CAJ - Central Asiatic Journal (International periodical for the language,
literature, history and archeology of Central Asia). The
Hague-Wiesbaden.
FUF - Finnisch-ugrische Forschungen. Helsinki.
HJAS - Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. Harvard-Yenching Institute.
JA - Journal asiatique. Paris.
JAOS - Journal of the American Oriental Society. Baltimore, Maryland.
JRAS - The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. London.
JSFOu - Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki.
KCsA - Kõrõsi Csoma Archivum. Budapest.
KSz - Keleti Szemle. Budapest.
MSFOu - Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki.
NyK - Nyelvtudománi Közlemények. Budapest.
OS - Orientalia Suecana. Stockholm.
RO - Rocznik orientalistyczny. Lwów, Kraków, Warszawa.
SPAW - Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Berlin.
StO - Studia Orientalia (or: Studia orientalia fennica). Helsinki.
T’oung Pao - T’oung Pao. Archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la
géographie, l’ethnographie et les arts de l’Asie Orientale. Leiden.
UAJb. - Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher. Wiesbaden.
UJb. - Ungarische Jahrbücher. Berlin-Leipzig.
ZDMG - Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft.
Leipzig-Wiesbaden.
ВЯ - Вопросы языкознания. М. (Институт языкознания АН СССР).
ДАН - Доклады Академии Наук СССР.
ДАН-В - Доклады Академии Наук СССР. Серия В. М.-Л., 1922-1933.
ЗКВ - Записки коллегии востоковедов при азиатском Музее Академии Наук СССР. Л.
ИАН - Известия императорской Академии наук. СПб.
ИАН СССР - Известия Академии Наук СССР. Л.-М.
ИРАН - Известия Российской Академии Наук. М.
СТ - Советская тюркология. Баку (Академия наук СССР, Академия
наук АзССР).
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
267
ABBREVIATIONS OF LANGUAGE NAMES
Alb. - Albanian
All. - Allaikhi dialect of Even
An. - Aniui dialect of Udehe
Anat. - Anatolian Turkish
Arab. - Arabic
Arm. - Arman dialect of Even
Armen. - Armenian
Av. - Avestan
Az. - Azerbaidzhan (Azeri)
Balk. - Balkar
Bao. - Baoan
Bar. - Barab dialect of Tatar
Barg. - Barguzin dialect of
Evenki
Bashk. - Bashkir
Bel. - Beluj
Bik. - Bikin dialect of Nanai
Bulg. - (Old) Bulgar
Bur. - Buryat
Chag. - Chaghatay
Chin. - Chinese
Chmk. - Chumikan dialect of
Evenki
Chul. - Chulym dialect of Shor
Chuv. - Chuvash
Crim.-Goth. - Crimea Gothic
Dag. - Dagur
Darkh. - Darkhat dialect of
Buryat
Dolg. - Dolgan
Dong. - Dongxian
Drav. - Dravidian
Evk. - Evenki
Evn. - Even
Finn. - Finnish
FU - Finno-Ugric
Gag. - Gagauz
Gr. - Greek
H - Halitsk dialect of Karaim
Hung. - Hungarian
IE - Indo-European
Il . - Ilimpi dialect of Evenki
Iran. - Iranian
Ital. - Italian
Jpn. - Japanese
Jurch. - Jurchen
K - Krym (Crimea) dialect of
Karaim
Kach. - Kachinsk dialect of
Khakas
Kag. - Kagoshima
Kalm. - Kalmuck
Kam. - Kamas
Kamn. - Kamen-Tungus dialect
of Evenki
Karag. - Karagas
Karakh. - Karakhanide Turkic
Kas. - Kasan Tatar
Kashg. - Kashgar dialect of Uyghur
Kaz. - Kazakh
KBalk. - Karachay-Balkar
Kirgh. - Kirghiz (Qyrghyz)
Khad. - Khadi dialect of Oroch
Khak. - Khakas
Khal. - Khalaj
Khant. - Khanty-Mansi
Khor. - Khorezm ( = Oghuz)
dialect of Uzbek
Khorch. - Khorchin dialect of
Ordos
Khwar. - Khwarezmian
KKalp. - Kara-Kalpak
Koib. - Koibal dialect of Khakas
Kond. - Kondom dialect of
Shor
Kor. - Korean
Kott. - Kottish
268
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
Krg. - Karagas dialect of Tuva
(according to Castr.)
Krm. - Karaim
Kum. - Kumyk
Kumd. - Kumanda dialect of
Oyrot
Kurd - Kurdish
Kur-Urm. - Kur-Urmi dialect of
Nanai
Küär. - Küärik dialect of
Khakas
Kypch. - Kypchak
Kyz. - Kyzyl dialect of Khakas
Kyo. - Kyoto
Lat. - Latin
Leb. - Lebedi dialect of Oyrot
L.-Amg. - Lower Amgun dialect of Negidal
Lobn. - Lobnor dialect of Uyghur
MMong. - Middle Mongolian
Man. - Manchu
May. - Maysk dialect of Evenki
MC, MChin - Middle Chinese
MJ, MJpn. - Middle Japanese
MKor. - Middle Korean
MKypch. - Middle Kypchak
Mod. - modern (used for various languages)
Mog. - Mogol
Mong. - Mongolian
Mord. - Mordovian
MPers. - Middle Persian
Mras. - Mrassa dialect of Shor
MTurk. - Middle Turkic
Nakhich. - Nakhichevan dialect
of Azerbaidzhan
Nan. - Nanai
Naikh. - Naikhinsk dialect of
Nanai
Neg. - Negidal
Nep. - Nepsk dialect of Evenki
Nerch. - Nerchinsk dialect of
Evenki
NKor. - North Korean
Nogh. - Noghay
Nostr. - Nostratic
OC - Old Chinese
Ogh. - Oghuz
Oir. - Oirat ( = Kalmuck)
OJ, OJpn. - Old Japanese
Okin. - Okinsk dialect of
Buryat
Okh. - Okhotka dialect of Even
OKypch. - Old Kypchak
Ol. - Olsk dialect of Even
Olk. - Olekma dialect of Evenki
Olkh. - Olkhon dialect of
Buryat
ORuss. - Old Russian
Ord. - Ordos
Ork. - Orok
Orch. - Oroch
Orkh. - Orkhon Old Turkic
Osm. - (Old) Osmanian
Osset. - Ossetic
OT, OTurk. - Old Turkic
Oyr. - Oyrot (Mountain Altai)
PA, PAlt. - Proto-Altaic
Pekhl. - Pekhlevi
Pers. - Persian
PIE - Proto-Indo-European
PJ, PJpn. - Proto-Japanese
PK, PKor. - Proto-Korean
PKartv. - Proto-Kartvelian
PM, PMong. - Proto-Mongolian
PNC - Proto-North-Caucasian
Prakr. - Prakrit
PS - Proto-Samoyedic
PT, PTurk. - Proto-Turkic
PTM,
PTung.
Proto-Tungus-Manchu
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
PU - Proto-Uralic
Qyz. - Qyzyl dialect of Khakas
Rum. - Rumanian
Russ. - Russian
Sag. - Sagai dialect of Khakas
Sak. - Khotan-Saka
Sakh. - Sakhalin dialect of
Evenki
Sakk. - Sakkyryr dialect of
Even
Sal. - Salar
Sam., Samoyed. - Samoyedic
Sanskr. - Sanskrit
Selk. - Selkup
Sib., Seb., Sib.-Tat. - Siberian
Tatar
Siber. - Siberian Russian
Sino-Kor. - Sino-Korean
Slav. - Slavic
SMan. - spoken Manchu (Sibo)
Sogd. - Sogdian
Sol. - Solon
SUygh. - Sary-Uyghur
S.-Yugh. - Shira-Yughur
Sym. - Symsk dialect of Evenki
Syr. - Syrian
T - Trakai dialect of Karaim
Tadzh. - Tadzhik
Tar. - Taranchi
Tashk. - Tashkent dialect of
Uzbek
Tat. - Tatar
Tek. - Teke dialect of Turkmen
Tel. - Teleut dialect of Oyrot
Tib. - Tibetan
TM, Tung. - Tungus-Manchu
269
Tng. - Tungir dialect of Evenki
Tob. - Tobolsk dialect of Tatar
Todzh. - Todzha dialect of
Tuva
Tof. - Tofalar
Tok. - Tokyo
Tokh. - Tokharian
Tokk. - Tokki dialect of Evenki
Tott. - Totti dialect of Evenki
Tomm. - Tommot dialect of
Evenki
Tunk. - Tunkin dial. of Buryat
Tur. - Turkish
Turk. - Turkic
Turkm. - Turkmenian
Ud. - Udehe
Udm. - Udmurt
Ul. - Ulcha
Upper-Kond. - Upper Kondom
dialect of Shor
Ural. - Uralic
Urm. - Urmi dialect of Evenki
Uygh. - Uyghur
Uzb. - Uzbek
Vit. - Vitim dialect of Evenki
Vog. - Vogul (Mansi)
WMong. - Written Mongolian
Yak. - Yakut
Yen. - Yenissei Old Turkic
Yerb. - Yerbogochen dialect of
Evenki
Yon. - Yonaguni dialect of
Japanese (Ryukyu)
Yukagh. - Yukaghir
Zabajk. - Zabajkal dialect of
Russian
A
-ăbu interior of the mouth: Tung. *(x)abu-ǯan-; Mong. *owči; Turk.
*Ăburt.
PTung. *(x)abu-ǯan- to gape, open mouth (разинуть, раскрыть
(пасть)): Neg. awǯan-.
◊ ТМС 1, 9. Cf. perhaps also Nan. Naikh. aoǯan ‘a talisman against the throat disease’
(contaminated with aoǯan ‘ruff’; with a carved picture of a ruff), see Он. 44.
PMong. *owči interior side of the cheek; mouthful (внутренняя сторона щеки; глоток, количество жидкости, которое можно набрать
в рот): WMong. ouči, oɣuči L 602, 625; Kh. ōč; Bur. ōšo(n); Kalm. ōčə;
Ord. ōč῾i ‘gorgée’; Mog. ɔči- ‘to drink’ (Weiers); Dag. ūčə; Dong. oču(očɨ-); S.-Yugh. ūčə; Mongr. ōi- ‘to drink’ (SM 299), ūčiɣu ‘a drink’ (Тод.
Мгр. 369).
◊ KW 292, MGCD 523. The Mongor forms could be derived from ū- ‘drink’ (v. sub
*ṓp῾à), but the affixation in that case would be unclear.
PTurk. *Ăburt 1 cheek-pouch, inside of the mouth 2 gum 3 mouthful, gulp 4 cheek 5 molar 6 to take a mouthful, swallow (1 внутренняя
полость рта 2 десна 3 глоток 4 щека 5 коренной зуб 6 глотать):
OTurk. a[vurt] (?adurt) (OUygh., late med. texts TT II); Tur. avurt 1;
Gag. aurt 1, 4; Turkm. howurt (dial.) 1, 3; MTurk. awurt (Sangl.) 3,
(MKypch.) oɣurt, owurt 1, 3 (Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. urt (dial.) 1; Tat. urt
2; Bashk. urt 1; Kirgh. ūrt; Kaz. urt 1; KBalk. uwurt 4; KKalp. urt 1; Kum.
uvurt 1, 4; Nogh. uwɨrt 1; Khak. ōrt-a- 6; Shr. ōrt-a- 6; Oyr. ūrt ‘throat’,
ūrt-a- 6; Tv. ārt-a- 6; Chuv. urъlъ, dial. vъₙrlъₙ 5 (Ашм. V 320); Yak.
omurt 1, 3.
◊ EDT 65, ЭСТЯ 1, 407-409, Лексика 225-226, Мудрак 115. The Old Uyghur form is
poorly readable, so -δ- is dubious. Yak. -m- is irregular: could it be a trace of PA *umV
‘drink’, otherwise lost in Turkic?
‖ KW 292, Лексика 226. A Western isogloss.
-ăčV elder relative, ancestor: Tung. *asī; Turk. *ăčaj / *ĕčej; Kor. *àčă-.
PTung. *asī 1 wife of elder brother 2 woman 3 wife (1 жена старшего брата 2 женщина 3 жена): Evk. asī 2; Evn. asị 2; Neg. asī 2; Man.
aša 1; SMan. ašə, asə 3 (908); Ul. asị 3; Ork. asị 2; Nan. aśa 2; Orch. asa 2;
Ud. ahanta 2; Sol. aē, aī 2.
272
*áč῾u - *áč῾u
◊ ТМС 1, 55. TM > Dag. aškā (Тод. Даг. 123).
PTurk. *ăčaj / *ĕčej 1 old man or woman 2 mother 3 grandmother 4
sister (of woman) 5 mother (if the grandmother is still alive) 5 mother
(addr. to an elder woman) 6 aunt, sister of father 7 elder brother 8 uncle
9 ancestor 10 Father! (to the God) 11 old man, elder man 12 husband 13
younger brother of father’s father 14 grandfather 15 father (1 старый
мужчина или женщина 2 мать 3 бабушка 4 сестра (женщины) 5
мать (при живой бабушке) 5 мать (обр. к пожилой женщине) 6 тетя, сестра отца 7 старший брат 8 дядя 9 предок 10 Отче! (обр. к Богу) 11 старик, пожилой человек 12 муж 13 младший брат деда 14
дед 15 отец): OTurk. eči 7, 8 (Orkh.), ečü 9 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eči
1 (MK), ečü 10 (KB); Tur. aǯu (dial.), eǯe 11; Uzb. ɔča, ača 2, 3; Uygh. ača
6; Tat. aǯa, aǯi, ɛǯi 5 (dial., ТТДС 22, 551), azɨj, ɛzi 11, 15 (dial., ТТДС 23,
540); Bashk. äsä 2; Kirgh. ačaj 5, aǯa 11; Kum. aǯaj 5, ečiw 6; SUygh. ačɨ 4,
ača 12, 15; Khak. aǯa 7, 8; Shr. ača 7, 8; Oyr. Leb. aǯɨ, aǯa 7, ača 13; Tv. ača
15; Tof. aš’a, aǯa 7, 15; Chuv. aźa 15; Yak. ehe 14; Dolg. ehe 14.
◊ VEWT 35, ЭСТЯ 1, 231-235, TMN 2, 15, Егоров 35, Лексика 299, Clark 1977, 128,
Stachowski 43. Shortness is suggested by pharyngealization in Tofalar, so the variants
with -ǯ- are probably due to expressive gemination (*aččV / *eččV).
PKor. *àčă- 1 aunt 2 uncle (1 тетя 2 дядя): MKor. àčắmì 1, àčàpí 2;
Mod. aǯä 1, 2, aǯuməni 1, aǯäbi 2.
◊ Nam 341, KED 1076, 1077.
‖ An expressive kinship “nursery” word with the typical structure
*VCV; the root must have denoted some elder relative, both male and
female. Deriving TM *asī from a Chinese (ТМС 1,55) or Sino-Korean
(SKE 15) source is quite impossible. The Mongolian reflexes are problematic: Mong. eǯei ‘mother, elder sister’ (whence Yak. eǯīj, Dolg. eǯij,
see Кал. V 27, Stachowski 43) is probably < Turkic.; Mong. ečige ‘father’
reflects rather PA *t῾è (q.v.). One should, however, note an isolated
Dagur form ačā ‘father’ (Тод. Даг. 122), whence certainly Solon ača id.
and possibly Evk. (Vit.) ači ‘ancestor’ (ТМС 1, 59).
-áč῾u to doubt: Tung. *aču-; Jpn. *útákáp-; Kor. *ču-b-.
PTung. *aču- 1 to slander, slander 2 to answer (клеветать, клевета):
Man. ačua-da-, ačuan 1; Nan. (On.) ačōgo- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 60.
PJpn. *útákáp- to doubt (сомневаться): OJpn. utakap-; MJpn. útákáf-;
Tok. ùtaga-; Kyo. útágá-; Kag. utagá-.
◊ JLTT 780.
PKor. *ču-b- to be indecisive, irresolute (быть нерешительным,
колебаться): Mod. ǯup- (-w-).
◊ KED 1135.
*ădV - *agà
273
‖ An Eastern isogloss; not quite certain because of sparse attestation
in TM and Korean.
-ădV to fit, equal, similar: Tung. *ada-; Mong. *adali; Turk. *ădaĺ.
PTung. *ada- 1 twins 2 to unite, attach 3 close, neighbour (1 близнецы 2 соединять, присоединять 3 близкий, соседний): Neg. adaxụ 1;
Man. ada- 2, adaki 3; Ul. adaụ 1; Ork. adāw 1; Nan. ada- 2, adō 1; Orch.
adawu 1; Ud. ada῾u 1 (Корм. 204).
◊ ТМС 1, 14.
PMong. *adali equal, similar (равный, похожий): MMong. adali
(HY 51, SH), adali (MA 95); WMong. adali (L 9); Kh. adil; Bur. adli; Kalm.
ädĺ; Ord. adil, adila, adili, adali; Mog. adōli (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. adiĺ,
adili (Тод. Даг. 118), adəĺ (MGCD), adili (MD 111); Dong. adali (Тод. Дн.
110); Bao. adəli (Тод. Бн. 133), adali (Tungren); Mongr. dali (SM 42), adali
(Minghe).
◊ KW 21, MGCD 94. Mong. > Yak. atɨl, Dolg. atalɨ (Kał. MEJ 38, Stachowski 38), Evk.
adalī (cf. Doerfer MT 98, Rozycki 11), Russ. Siber. adalí (Аникин 74).
PTurk. *ădaĺ friend, companion (друг, товарищ): OTurk. adaš
(OUygh. - Buddh., Man.); Karakh. aδaš (MK, KB), ajaš (IM); Kirgh. ajaš;
Yak. atas.
◊ VEWT 5, EDT 72. A hypothesis about *adaĺ < (compound) at-daĺ with ‘name’ as the
first component is impossible (in that case we would expect *ataĺ and ‘namesake’ as the
earliest meaning). The form attaš is attested since MTurk.: attaš ‘namesake’ (Tefs.), adaš
‘namesake’ (Chag. Sangl.), ataš ‘namesake’ (CCum.) - and contaminates with *adaĺ. Modern languages for the most part reflect the compound, see ЭСТЯ I 203-204. Cf. Tuva
a’dašqɨ-lar ‘a father with his children’ (“namesakes”; NB: pharyngealization as a reflex of
*-t-). A possible reflex of *adaĺ is Chuv. ural-a-š- ‘to agree about acquiring smth. collectively, together’ and ural-a-n- ‘to form a light circle (of astronomical bodies)’: both are
semantically quite far from ura-la-n- ‘to recover’.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. several similar roots: *idV ‘to follow, lead’;
*ude ‘to imitate, simulate’, with a natural tendency towards contamination.
-agà rain; air: Tung. *aga; Mong. *agaɣar; Jpn. *àkî; Kor. *ak-su.
PTung. *aga rain (дождь): Man. aGa; SMan. ahā (2015); Jurch. ah-ga
(8).
◊ ТМС 1, 11. Cf. also *agdī ‘thunder’.
PMong. *agaɣar air, atmosphere (воздух, атмосфера): WMong.
aɣar (L 13); Kh. agār; Bur. agār; Kalm. aɣr, aɣār; Ord. aGāri ‘espace
celeste, l’aspect du ciel’, aGār métaph. ‘bonne entente entre les voisins’;
Mog. ZM ur (15-8b) ‘cloud’.
◊ KW 3.
PJpn. *àkî autumn (осень): OJpn. akji; MJpn. àkí; Tok. áki; Kyo. àkî;
Kag. akí.
◊ JLTT 379.
274
*ágà - *gi
PKor. *ak-su heavy rain (ливень): Mod. aksu, əksu.
◊ KED 1080.
‖ Lee 1958, 119 (Kor.-TM), АПиПЯЯ 291, ТМС 1, 11. The TM form
is not borrow < Mong., pace Rozycki 11. *agaɣar (cf. the length in all
dialects) < *aɣa-ɣar, with regular dissimilation. The Jpn. form may be
attributed here if it originally meant “rainy season” (cf. “rain, thunder”
in TM); autumn is not so rainy in present-day Japan, but it must have
been different in the original homeland.
-ágà ( ~ e-) mouth, to open mouth: Mong. *ag-; Turk. *Agɨŕ; Jpn. *ákúp-;
Kor. *hà-.
PMong. *ag, *aguj 1 cave, grotte, pit 2 crack (1 пещера, грот, яма 2
промежуток, пространство между): WMong. aɣui 1 (L 16), aɣ 2; Kh.
aguj 1; Bur. agɨ 1; Kalm. aɣū 1, aG, āG 2; Ord. aGₙī 1; Dag. agui.
◊ KW 3, MGCD 664.
PTurk. *Agɨŕ 1 mouth 2 lip, lips 3 mouth of a river, of a cleft (1 рот 2
губа, губы 3 устье реки, ущелья): OTurk. aɣɨz (Orkh.) 3, aɣɨz, aɣaz
(OUygh.) 1, 3; Karakh. aɣɨz 1, 3; Tur. aɣɨz 1, 3; Gag. ās 1, 3; Az. aɣɨz 1, 3;
Turkm. aɣɨz 1, 3; Sal. aɣɨz 1; Khal. aɣɨz 1, 3; MTurk. aɣɨz 1; Uzb. ɔɣiz 1, 3;
Uygh. eɣiz 1, 3; Krm. aɣɨz 1, 3; Tat. awɨz 1, 3; Bashk. awɨδ 1, 3; Kirgh. ooz
1, 3; Kaz. awɨz 1, 3; KBalk. awuδ 1, 3; KKalp. awɨz 1, 3; Kum. awuz 1, 3;
Nogh. awɨz 1, 3; SUygh. aɣɨs 1; Khak. ās, axsɨ (3 P.) 1, 3; Shr. aqsɨ 1, 3;
Oyr. ōs 1, 3; Tv. ās, aqsɨ (3 P.) 1, 3; Tof. ās, aqsɨ (3 P.) 1, 3; Chuv. vъₙrъₙ,
urъ-lъ 3; Yak. uos 2; Dolg. uos 2.
◊ VEWT 8, EDT 98, ЭСТЯ 1, 81-83, Мудрак Дисс. 115, Лексика 224-225, Stachowski
245.
PJpn. *ákúp- 1 to yawn 2 yawn (1 зевать 2 зевок): MJpn. ákúf- 1;
Tok. ákubi, akúbi 2; Kyo. ákùbì 2; Kag. akubí 2.
◊ JLTT 379. RJ registers high tone, but modern reflexes are tonally all quite irregular.
PKor. *hà- yawn (зевок): MKor. ha-phɨi’om, hà’óijòm, hahoi’om; Mod.
haphum.
◊ Nam 469, KED 1788.
‖ SKE 5, Martin 234, Колесникова 1972a, 77-78, АПиПЯЯ 80, 283
(confused with *ák῾a), Лексика 225. Despite Poppe 95 Mong. aɣur
‘steam, anger’ hardly belongs here (see under *ap`i). The root should be
distinguished from *ák῾a, although they tend to be confused: thus,
Mong. *ag ‘crack’ could quite possibly reflect *ák῾a. Some phonetic
comments: Mong. *aguji regularly < *aɣuji with velar fricative dissimilation; Korean has lost the first vowel in a long derivative (a rather frequent phenomenon).
-gi acid: Tung. *(x)aK-; Mong. *eɣe-de-; Turk. *gu.
PTung. *(x)aK- to become rotten, bitter (протухнуть, прогоркнуть):
Man. aqša-.
*àgŋa - *ằgò
275
◊ ТМС 1, 26.
PMong. *eɣe-de- 1 to become sour 2 curd (1 киснуть 2 творог):
WMong. egede- 1, egeǯegei 2; Kh. ēde- 1, ēʒgij 2; Bur. ēde- 1, ēzgej ‘cream’;
Kalm. ēde- 1, ēzg 2; Ord. ēde- 1, ēǯigī, ēdem 2; Dag. ēde- (Тод. Даг. 138) 1.
◊ KW 130, 131, MGCD 246.
PTurk. *gu 1 poison 2 musk (1 яд 2 мускус, кабарговая струя):
OTurk. aɣu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. aɣu 1 (MK); Tur. au 1; Az. aɣɨ 1; Turkm.
āvɨ 1; MTurk. aɣu 1; Uzb. ɔɣu 1; Uygh. aɣi, oɣa 1; Krm. aɣu; Tat. aɣu 1;
Bashk. aɣɨw; Kirgh. aɣū 2; Kaz. aɣu dial.; KBalk. aɣu; Kum. aɣuw, aɣu;
Nogh. aɣuw; SUygh. aɣa 1; Khak. ō 1; Tof. ā 1 (Рас. ФиЛ 9); Yak. 2.
◊ VEWT 9, 13, ЭСТЯ 1, 67. The Kypch. forms with -ɣ- (not shifted to -w-) and *-uɣ
may be borrowed from Chag.
‖ Poppe 57 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss. The Manchu form is
isolated in TM, but seems to be reliable.
-àgŋa net; to spin, plait: Tung. *aŋ(g)a; Mong. *aɣoga; Turk. *āg; Jpn.
*àm-, *àmì.
PTung. *aŋ(g)a net (for catching fish under ice) (сеть (для подледного лова рыбы)): Neg. aŋa; Ul. aŋGa; Ork. aŋGa; Nan. aŋga; Orch. aŋga.
◊ ТМС 1, 45.
PMong. *aɣoga leading string in net (ведущая веревка в сети):
MMong. a’oga (SH).
PTurk. *āg net (сеть): Karakh. aɣ (KB, IM); Tur. aɣ; aɣ, av (Osmanli);
Az. aɣ; Turkm. āq (dial.); MTurk. aɣ (Sangl.); Uzb. āɣ (dial.); Krm. av, uv;
Tat. aw; Bashk. aw; Kirgh. ū; Kaz. aw; KBalk. aw; KKalp. aw; Kum. aw;
Nogh. aw; Khak. aɣ (Sag.); Shr. aɣ; Oyr. aɣ (dial.).
◊ VEWT 7, 20, ЭСТЯ 1, 117-118, 152-153, Лексика 418-419. On aŋnɨɣ (Shor), aɣnɨχ
(Khak.) v. sub *ăŋu.
PJpn. *àm-, *àmì 1 to knit, weave 2 net (1 вязать, ткать 2 сеть):
OJpn. amji 2; MJpn. àm- 1, àmì 2; Tok. ám- 1, amí 2; Kyo. àm- 1, ámì 2;
Kag. àm- 1, amí 2.
◊ Cf. also OJ ama ‘fisherman’. JLTT 381, 676.
‖ Лексика 419. The root has some irregularities (Jpn. tone does not
correspond to Turkic length): there may have been some interaction
with *ăŋu q.v.
-ằgò trade: Mong. *(h)ag-su-, *(h)aɣu-ra-; Turk. *Agɨ; Jpn. *àkì.
PMong. *(h)ag-su-, *(h)aɣu-ra- 1 borrowing or lending money at interest, loan 2 belongings, possessions (1 заем 2 собственность, пожитки): WMong. aɣsun (L 15) 1, aɣura, aɣura-su(n) 2 (L 18); aɣsu- ‘troquer
une chose contre une autre’; Kh. agsan 1, ūrs(an) 2; Bur. agsa- ‘to barter’;
Mongr. asGu- ‘donner ou recevoir en prêt, louer’ (SM 15).
◊ Mong. aɣura > Man. aGura, Nan. aχura ‘household objects’, see Poppe 1966, 189.
276
*agu-la - *agu-la
PTurk. *Agɨ 1 treasure 2 silk brocade (1 сокровище 2 парча):
OTurk. aɣɨ (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aɣɨ (MK, KB) 2; Tur. Osm. aɣɨ,
dial. aɣɨ 2; MTurk. aɣɨ 2.
◊ EDT 78. Clauson points out that the oldest attested meaning is ‘treasure’, later concretized to ‘silk brocade’.
PJpn. *àkì 1 trade 2 to trade (1 торговля 2 торговать): OJpn. akji 1,
akjinap- 2; MJpn. àkìnaf- 2; Tok. akiná- 2; Kyo. ákíná- 2; Kag. akiná- 2.
◊ JLTT 675. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular. Cf. also OJ akap-, MJ àgàf- (aka-f-),
aganaf- ‘to buy, pay for’ (JLTT 674, 675).
‖ Владимирцов 319 (Turk.-Mong.). An interesting common Altaic
economic term, denoting the barter process or barter objects.
-agu-la uninhabited place, wilderness: Tung. *agulān; Mong. *aɣula;
Turk. *aglak.
PTung. *agulān meadow, plain (поляна, равнина): Evk. awlān,
aɣlān; Evn. awlъn; Neg. awlan; Ul. awda(n); Ork. awla(n); Nan. aodã;
Orch. auda, aula.
◊ ТМС 1, 9. Despite Doerfer MT 73, cannot be borrowed from Mong. aɣlaɣ ( < Turk.,
see below).
PMong. *aɣula mountain (гора): MMong. a’ula (HY 2, SH 10), awla
(IM 433), (a)ula, ūla (MA 372, 189); WMong. aɣula(n) (L 17); Kh. ūl; Bur.
ūla; Kalm. ūlə; Ord. ūla; Mog. aula; ZM āwla (17-8b); Dag. aul(a) (Тод.
Даг. 122), aule (MD 116); Dong. ula (Тод. Дн. 137); Bao. ōle (Тод. Бн.
145), ulə; S.-Yugh. ūla; Mongr. ula (SM 469), ulā.
◊ KW 454, MGCD 662. Mong. > Sol. aula id.
PTurk. *aglak 1 lonely, uninhabited (place) 2 unemployed, out of
work 3 field (1 незаселенное место 2 безработный, лишенный службы 3 поле, степь): OTurk. aɣlaq 1 (OUygh. - Buddh.); Karakh. aɣlaq 1
(MK), aɣla-ju 1 (MK; deverb. from *aɣla- ‘to be deserted’ (unattested)),
aɣla-t- (MK) ‘to send away (people)’; Tur. aylak 2; aɣlak (dial.) 1; Gag.
ajlaq, hajlaq 2; Krm. awlaq 1; Tat. awlaq 1; Bashk. awlaq 1; Kirgh. ōlaq 1;
Kaz. awlaq 1; KBalk. awlaq 1; KKalp. awlaq 1; Kum. awlaq 3; Nogh. awlaq
1; Khak. aɣlax 1; Chuv. ulax 1.
◊ EDT 84, 85, VEWT 8, ЭСТЯ 1, 64. Turk. > WMong. aɣlaq, aɣlaɣa id. (KW 3, Щербак
1997, 95). Tends to contaminate with *āb-lag ‘hunting lands’.
‖ Poppe 58. A Western isogloss. May be derived from the root reflected in TM as *agī- ‘to walk without a road’, ‘wilderness’ (ТМС 1, 13;
its borrowing from Mong. aɣui ‘wide’, suggested by Poppe 1972, 101,
Doerfer MT 123, is highly dubious). Note that vowel length in PT *aglak
is unknown; if the original meaning of the root was ‘to nomadize’, one
is tempted to compare also PT *āgɨl ‘settlement’ (originally perhaps
‘nomadic settlement’; see Лексика 492-493, 522-523, ЭСТЯ 1, 65-66,
83-85, TMN 2, 82-84, Stachowski 257), whence probably MMong.,
*aguŕV - *ja
277
WMong. ajil id. ( > Evk. ail etc., see Doerfer MT 125). Not borrowed
from Turkic, but rather genuine may also be WMong. ajimak ‘a group of
ajil’s’ (TMN 1, 184-185: Mong. > Khak., Tuva ajmaq (see also ЭСТЯ 1,
110), Man. ajman etc.).
-aguŕV colostrum: Mong. *uɣurag; Turk. *ạguŕ.
PMong. *uɣurag colostrum (молозиво): WMong. uɣuraɣ, uɣuruɣ (L
865); Kh. ūrag; Bur. ūrag; Kalm. ūrəg (КРС); Ord. ūraG; Mongr. uraG
(SM 473).
◊ Mong. > Evk. ūrak, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *ạguŕ colostrum (молозиво): Karakh. aɣuz (MK), oɣuz
(Tefs.); Tur. aɨz sütü, dial. āz, aɣuz; Turkm. ovuz; MTurk. aɣuz (Sangl.,
Pav. C., IM); Uzb. ɔɣiz; Uygh. oɣuz; Tat. uɣɨz; Bashk. ɨwɨδ; Kirgh. ūz;
Kaz. uwɨz; KBalk. uwuz; KKalp. uwɨz; Kum. uwuz; Nogh. uwɨz; Khak. ōs;
Tv. ā-zɨ (contamination with 3d p. poss.); Chuv. ɨrri (3Sg.); Yak. uosax.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 405-407, EDT 98, Егоров 344.
‖ KW 454, Владимирцов 196, Мудрак Дисс. 186. A Turk.-Mong.
isogloss, but, despite TMN 2, 80-81, Щербак 1997, 95 hardly borrowed
in Mong. < Turk.
-gV sharp, whet: Tung. *āga-; Mong. *(h)ag.
PTung. *āga- 1 arrow point, notch 2 whetstone (1 острие, зазубрина (у стрелы) 2 оселок, точильный камень): Evk. āɣen 2; Evn. āɣъn 2;
Neg. aɣat 1, aɣan 2; Man. atan 1; Nan. aŋã 2; Orch. āta 1, awa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 12, 13. TM > Yak. aɣān.
PMong. *(h)ag 1 part of blade (close to handle) 2 notch on fish-fork
(1 часть острия (ближе к рукоятке) 2 зазубрина остроги): WMong.
aɣ, (L 19: aɣǯam ‘blunt wooden arrow tip’); Kh. āg 1; Bur. āg 2; Kalm. aG
2.
◊ KW 2. Length in Khalkha and Buryat may also indicate a possibility of reconstructing *(h)aɣag.
‖ ТМС 1, 13. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but borrowing is impossible
to suppose. Cf. also notes to *k῾a.
-ja to go, walk: Tung. *āj-; Mong. *aja-; Turk. *Aj-; Jpn. *àjùm-.
PTung. *āj- 1 swift 2 to run quickly 3 to step (on sand, snow) (1 быстрый 2 быстро бежать 3 ступать (по песку, снегу)): Evn. ajịŋ 1; Man.
aja- 2; Ork. aja-mụnǯị 1; Nan. āi- 3 (Он. 30).
◊ ТМС 1, 21.
PMong. *aja- journey, travel (поход, путешествие): MMong. ajan
(SH); WMong. ajaŋ, ajan (L 23); Kh. ajan; Bur. ajan; Kalm. ajan; Ord. ajan;
Dag. ajan (Тод. Даг. 118), (MGCD ajin).
◊ KW 4, MGCD 99. Mong. > Kirgh. ajaŋ etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 106-107).
PTurk. *Aj- 1 to revolve, rotate, go round 2 to tarry 3 to lead, lead
round 4 to speed up 5 to drive (1 вращаться, вертеться, обходить 2
278
*jbi - *ằjbo
мешкать 3 кружить, водить 4 ускорять 5 гнать): Tur. ajla-(n)- 1, ajlak
‘шатающийся без дела’; Gag. ajla-, ajlan- 1, (h)ajda- 5; Az. ajlan- (dial.)
1; Turkm. ajla- 3; Uzb. ajlan- 1, 2; Uygh. ajlan- 1, 2; Krm. ajlan- 1; Tat.
əjlən- 1; Kirgh. ajlan- 1, ajda- 5; Kaz. ajda- 5, ajnal- 1; KBalk. ajlan- 1;
KKalp. ajlan- 1, 2; Kum. ajlan- ‘to move, visit’; Nogh. ajlan- 1; Khak.
ajn-ɨt- 4, ajla-, əjlə- 1; Shr. ajlan- 1; Oyr. ajla- 1, ajda- 5; Yak. ajgɨ-s-ɨn- ‘to
tarry; to go, visit frequently’ (*ajɨg-ɨš-ɨn-).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 106-107, 109-110. The forms meaning ῾rotate, go round, walk in circles’ are
hardly connected with aj ῾moon’.
PJpn. *àjùm- to walk (ходить, гулять): OJpn. ajum-; MJpn. àjùm-;
Tok. ayúm-; Kyo. áyúm-; Kag. àyùm-.
◊ JLTT 679.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 243.
-jbi a k. of duck: Tung. *ābu-; Turk. *Ebür(d)ek; Jpn. *û.
PTung. *ābu- a k. of duck (утка-морянка) (вид утки (утка-морянка)): Evn. āwụldụqa; Ork. awụŋGa; Orch. auŋa; Ud. auŋga.
◊ ТМС 1, 10.
PTurk. *Ebür(d)ek duck (утка): OTurk. ödirek (OUygh.); Karakh.
(MK) ördek; Tur. ördek; Gag. jördek; Az. ördäk; Turkm. ȫrdek; Khal. irdäk;
MTurk. evrek, evek (Qutb); Uzb. ọrdak; Uygh. ö(r)däk; Krm. ördek, erdek;
Tat. ürdɛk; Bashk. üjräk; Kirgh. ördök; Kaz. üjrek; KKalp. üjrek, ördek;
Kum. ördek dial.; SUygh. jürdek; Khak. örtek; Shr. örtek; Oyr. örtök; Tv.
ödürek, edirek.
◊ EDT 205, ЭСТЯ 1, 547-548, TMN 2, 31, Лексика 172.
PJpn. *û cormorant (баклан): OJpn. u; MJpn. ú; Tok. ú; Kyo. ; Kag.
ú.
◊ JLTT 559.
‖ Лексика 172. Jpn. *û must be a later contraction < *iw(V); medial
*-j- must be reconstructed to explain the spirantization *-b- > -w-.
-ằjbo grass: Tung. *(x)abü-; Mong. *ebe-sü; Jpn. *àw-.
PTung. *(x)abü- stem, stalk (стебель): Evk. aɣi(n); Evn. aɣ; Neg.
aɣị(n); Man. aa.
◊ ТМС 1, 13.
PMong. *ebe-sü grass (трава): MMong. ebesun (HY 9, SH), äwǟsun
(IM), ibäsun (MA); WMong. ebesü(n) (L 287); Kh. öws(ön); Bur. übhe(n);
Kalm. öwsn; Ord. öwösü; Mog. ebäsun; ZM ebäsun (20-8); Dag. eus (Тод.
Даг. 141), euse (MD 147); Dong. osun; Bao. vəsoŋ; S.-Yugh. wēsən; Mongr.
usə, wesə, jesə (SM 483).
◊ KW 303, MGCD 538.
PJpn. *àw- green, blue (зеленый, синий): OJpn. awo-; MJpn. àwò-;
Tok. aó-; Kyo. áo-; Kag. aó-.
◊ JLTT 825.
*aje - *ăjV
279
‖ *-j- should be reconstructed to account for Mong. e- and for Jpn.
-w-. The semantic derivation *’grass’ > ‘green’ is quite common.
-aje ( ~ *ejo) to reach, come close: Mong. *aji-su-; Jpn. *jmp-.
PMong. *aji-su- to come close to, come up to (приближаться, подходить): MMong. ajisu- (SH); WMong. ajisu-, ajisi-, ajis- (L 22); Kh. ajs-;
Kalm. āš- 1.
◊ KW 21.
PJpn. *jmp- to reach (достигать): OJpn. ojob-; MJpn. ójób-; Tok.
òyob-; Kyo. óyób-; Kag. oyób-.
◊ JLTT 744.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ăjV good, fitting: Tung. *aja, *aju-; Mong. *(h)aja; Turk. *ăja-.
PTung. *aja, *aju- 1 good 2 handsome, beautiful 3 to save, help (1
хороший 2 красивый 3 спасать, помогать): Evk. aja 1, aj(ū)- 3; Evn. aj
1, aj(ị)- 3; Neg. aja 1; Man. aj-luŋGa 2, aj-sila- 3; Jurch. aju-bulu (419) 3;
Ul. aja 1; Ork. aja 1, ajụ- 3; Nan. ai, ajā 1; Orch. aja 1, ai-či- 3; Ud. aja 1,
ai-sigi- 3; Sol. ai, aja 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 18-20. Man. > Dag. ajšilā- ‘help’ (Тод. Даг. 119).
PMong. *(h)aja favourable circumstances (благоприятные обстоятельства): WMong. aja (L 22), aji; Kh. aja; Bur. aj-dar, aja; Kalm. ajə; Ord.
aja.
◊ KW 4.
PTurk. *ăja- 1 to esteem 2 to pity, look after 3 very (1 почитать 2 беречь, жалеть 3 очень, сильно): OTurk. aja- 1, ajɨ 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
aja- (MK) 1, 2, ajɨ 3 (KB); Tur. aj- 2, aja- dial. 1; Az. ajin ‘cult, ceremony’;
Turkm. aja- 2; MTurk. aja- 1 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. aja- 2; Uygh. aji- 2; Krm. aja2; Tat. aja- 2; Bashk. aja- 2; Kirgh. aja- 2; Kaz. aja- 2; KBalk. aja- 2; KKalp.
aja- 2; Kum. aja- 2; Nogh. aja- 2; Khak. aja- 2, aj 3; Shr. aja- 2 (in ajabān
‘remorseless’); Tv. aj ‘well’; Chuv. oja- ‘to care’.
◊ VEWT 10-11, EDT 267-8, ЭСТЯ 1, 101-102, Федотов 2, 298. Deriving *aja- ‘to respect, esteem’ from *aj ‘fear’ (VEWT 11) is hardly plausible. Clauson (EDT 182) thinks
that OUygh. ajɨ ‘very’ is an unusually early example of the elision of -g in ańɨɣ ‘evil’,
which means ‘very’ in many OUygh. texts, but this is hardly plausible phonetically; so it
may belong here, together with Khak. aj ‘very’ (although the final narrow ɨ is a problem).
Sevortyan relates here also SUygh. ajɨɣ ‘good omen, good luck’, but this may be a reflex
of OUygh., Karakh. ajɨq ‘vow, promise’ (EDT 270).
‖ KW 3, Владимирцов 282 (Turk.-Mong.), EAS 97, 139, Poppe 66
(with an unreliable Korean parallel), АПиПЯЯ 290, Дыбо 12. A Western isogloss. Because of a semantic difference, TM forms are hardly
borrowed from Mong., despite Doerfer MT 46.
*ăjVrV - *ák῾à
280
-ăjVrV sour milk, melted fat: Tung. *ajara-; Mong. *ajirag; Turk. *ajran.
PTung. *ajara- 1 to take off fat (while melting) 2 spoon for taking fat
off (1 снимать жир (в процессе растапливания) 2 ложка для снимания жира): Ul. ajara- 1, ajaraqụ 2; Nan. ajaraχo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 21.
PMong. *ajirag kumys (кумыс): MMong. aijirax (HY 25); WMong.
ajiraɣ (L 21); Kh. ajrag; Bur. ajrag; Kalm. ǟrəg; Ord. ǟraq; Dag. airag.
◊ KW 26. Mong. > Man. ajara, see Doerfer MT 236, Rozycki 21, Russ. Siber. ajrák
(Аникин 78).
PTurk. *ajran kumys (кумыс): Karakh. ajran (MK); Tur. ajran; Az.
ajran; Turkm. ajran; Uzb. ɔjrɔn; Uygh. ajran; Krm. ajran; Tat. ɛjrɛn;
Bashk. ajran; Kirgh. ajran; Kaz. ajran; KBalk. ajran; KKalp. ajran; Kum.
ajran; Nogh. ajran; Khak. ajran; Oyr. ajran; Chuv. ujran, dial. uŕan, oren
(Anatri).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 111, EDT 276, Лексика 449, Федотов 2, 272. Chuv. > ORuss. урень (Фасмер 4, 167, Шипова 350). Turk. > Russ. dial. ajrán Аникин 78.
‖ Владимирцов 283. Despite Doerfer TMN 2, 180, Щербак 1997,
96, hardly borrowed in Mong. < Turk. A Western isogloss; but cf. perhaps Kor. ari- ‘bitter’, Middle Jpn. era- ‘rank, offensive’.
-akt῾V a castrated animal: Mong. *akta; Turk. *atan.
PMong. *akta castrated (кастрированный): MMong. axta (HY 9),
aqtas (SH Козин) ‘gelding’; WMong. aɣta (L 15); Kh. agt; Bur. agta;
Kalm. aktə; Ord. aGta; Dag. arete (MD).
◊ KW 5. Mong. > Man., Nan. aqta, Sol. akta (ТМС 1, 26, Rozycki 14); MKor. àktái (Lee
1958, 119).
PTurk. *atan a castrated camel (кастрированный верблюд):
Karakh. atan (MK); Turkm. atan (dial.); MTurk. atan (IM); Kirgh. atan;
Kaz. atan; KKalp. atan; Nogh. atan; Tv. adan.
◊ EDT 60, ЭСТЯ 1, 202-203. Turk. > WMong. atan ‘castrated camel’. Cf. also Yak. at
‘castrated’, attā- ‘to castrate’ - homonymous with at ‘horse’, which is probably a secondary merger (the two roots obviously are to be kept separate).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-ák῾à to open, opening: Jpn. *áká-; Kor. *àk-.
PJpn. *áká- to open (открывать): OJpn. aka-; MJpn. áká-; Tok. àke-.
◊ JLTT 675 (in OJ the root is usually confused with *áká- ‘get bright’).
PKor. *àk- 1 mouth 2 a little open, apart 3 opening, slit (1 рот 2
приоткрытый 3 отверстие): MKor. akui, ìp-àkói 1; Mod. aguri 1, agu 2,
agɨt [akɨs] 3.
◊ Nam 333, 407, KED 1067.
‖ Martin 238. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss: in other languages (Turkic,
Mongolian) the root has probably merged with *ága ‘mouth, open
mouth’ q. v.
*ak῾a- - *k῾a
281
-ak῾a- a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *aKa; Mong. *(h)akawna; Turk. *Akańa.
PTung. *aKa loon, diver (гагара): Neg. axan; Man. aqa ńexe; Ul. ańi;
Nan. āńi.
◊ ТМС 1, 24.
PMong. *(h)akawna loon, diver, gull (гагара, чайка): WMong.
aqauna, aquuna (L 60), aɣa(ɣ)una; Kh. axūn, axūna; Bur. axūna; Kalm.
axūnə, aɣūnə.
◊ KW 3. Mong. > Oyr. aɣūna etc., Sib.-Tat. aɣun, aɣuɨn ‘partridge, black-cock’ (Тумашева КСТТ 97), Bar. aɣawɨn ‘partridge’ (ЯБТ 123).
PTurk. *Akańa 1 gull 2 white partridge (1 чайка 2 куропатка):
Khak. aɣaja, aɣajaŋ (Sag., Kach.) ‘a k. of bird’; Shr. aɣɨj 1; Tv. aɣanaq 2.
◊ VEWT 9.
‖ ТМС 1, 24. A Western isogloss. The TM languages reflect a compound *aKa-nīkü (with *nīkü ‘duck’ < PA *nīkV q.v.); the same compound in a somewhat distorted shape may be also present in the PT
and PM forms.
-k῾a elder brother: Tung. *akā / *kakā; Mong. *aka; Turk. *(i)āka.
PTung. *ak- / *kaka 1 man 2 elder brother (1 мужчина 2 старший
брат): Evk. akā, akin 2; Evn. aqa, aqn 2; Neg. aga / axa 2; Man. xaxa 1,
axun 2; SMan. hahə 1 (829); Jurch. xaxa-aj (298) 1, axun (axun-un) (286) 2;
Ul. aGa 2; Ork. aGa / aqa 2; Nan. ā 2; Orch. aka, akin 2; Ud. aga῾ 2 (Корм.
203); Sol. axā, axin 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 23-24, 459. Forms like Evk. akā can be < Mong. (see TMN 1, 139, Poppe
1972, 100), but this is impossible for *akin and *kaka.
PMong. *aka elder brother (старший брат): MMong. aqa (HY 28,
SH), axai ekeči ‘elder aunt’ (HY 28), aɣā (IM 432), āɣa (MA 266, 185, 256);
WMong. aqa (L 59); Kh. ax; axaj ‘aunt’ (resp. address); Bur. axa; Kalm.
axə; Ord. axa; Dag. akā, aga (Тод. Даг. 118, 119, MD 112), ag (MGCD);
Dong. aɣa; S.-Yugh. aʁa (MGCD: aGa); Mongr. aGa ‘frère aîné’, āGa
‘frère puînté du père’ (SM 2).
◊ KW 3, MGCD 126. Cf. also WMong. aki, Kalm. ākə ‘elder brother’s wife’ (KW 20).
PTurk. *(i)āka 1 elder brother; elder uncle; father; grandfather 2 respectful address 3 elder (1 старший брат; старший дядя; отец; дедушка 2 почтительное обращение 3 старший): OTurk. aqa 1
(OUygh., from I-t half of XIII century, see ДТС); Tur. aɣa 1, 2; Gag. aɣa
1, 2; Az. aɣa 2; Turkm. āGa 1; Khal. aɣa 2; MTurk. aqa 1 (Oghuz-nama),
aɣa 1 (Abush.), aqa (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. ɔɣa 1; Uygh. aɣa 1; Krm. aqa 2 (K),
aɣa 2, 3 (K, T); Tat. aɣa 1, 2; Bashk. aɣaj 1, 2; Kirgh. aɣa 1; Kaz. aɣa 1, 3;
KKalp. aɣa 1, 2; Kum. aɣa 1, 2; Nogh. aɣa 1, 2; SUygh. aqa 1,2, qɨz aɣa
‘тесть’ (ЯЖУ 11, 13); Khak. aɣa 1 (’father’s father’); Shr. aqqa ‘father’s
father’; Oyr. aqa 1, 2; Tv. aqɨ 1; Yak. aɣa 1 (’father’), 3; Dolg. aga ‘father’.
282
*ák῾à - *ằk῾ú
◊ VEWT 13, ЭСТЯ 1, 70-71, 121-122, Лексика 291, Stachowski 28. Note the expressive gemination of the medial -k- in Tuva and elsewhere.
‖ EAS 91, KW 3, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 55, Цинциус 1972a,
40-45. АПиПЯЯ 290. A Western isogloss. The Turkic forms are relatively late attested and could be < Mong., see TMN 1, 137, Щербак
1997, 199, but the Mong.-Tung. parallel still holds.
-ák῾à ( ~ -k-,-o) dirt, filth: Tung. *(x)aK-; Mong. *(h)ag; Jpn. *ákà.
PTung. *(x)aK- 1 to menstruate 2 dirt 3 rust, mould 4 to rust, mould
(1 менструировать 2 грязь 3 ржавчина, плесень 4 ржаветь, плесневеть): Evk. akapču- 1; Evn. oqụ, aqsa 3, oq-, aq- 4; Sol. akụ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 24, 2, 11.
PMong. *(h)ag 1 pock-mark 2 dirt, taint (1 оспина 2 грязь, налет):
WMong. aɣ 1 (МХТТТ); Kh. ag (МХТТТ) 1; Bur. ag 2; Kalm. ag 2 (КРС).
PJpn. *ákà liquid dirt, filth (жидкая грязь): OJpn. aka; MJpn. ákà;
Tok. aká; Kyo. ákà; Kag. aká.
◊ JLTT 378. The Kagoshima accent is irregular; otherwise all data points to *ákà.
‖ The root is not very widely represented, but seems reliable.
-ắk῾è to advance gradually, slowly: Mong. *(h)aki-; Turk. *(i)akuru-; Jpn.
*kúr(á)-.
PMong. *(h)aki-, *(h)akuj 1 to advance gradually, 2 work, earnings,
mode of life (1 продвигаться постепенно 2 работа, образ жизни):
WMong. aki- (L 25); Kh. axi- 1, axui 2; Bur. axi- 1; Kalm. axū 2; Ord. axₙī
2.
◊ KW 4.
PTurk. *(i)akuru- slowly, quietly, gradually (медленно, постепенно): OTurk. aquru (OUygh.); Karakh. aqru, aqrun (MK), aqru (KB); Tur.
arqun (Osmanli); MTurk. aqrɨn (Sangl.), aɣrɨn (Бор. Бад.); Krm. arqɨtɨn;
Tat. ɛkren, ɛkerten; ɛkert (dial.); Bashk. aqrɨn; Kirgh. aqɨrin; Kaz. aqɨrɨn;
KBalk. aqɨrɨn, aqrɨn, aqɨrtɨn; KKalp. aqɨrɨn; Khak. āɣɨrin, aɣrɨn, aɣɨrtɨn; Shr.
aɣɨrɨn; Oyr. aqqɨrɨn, aqqɨr-aqqɨr; Yak. arɣj, orɣūj.
◊ VEWT 14, ЭСТЯ 1, 123-124, EDT 89-90. The forms with -ɨn and -tɨn are old forms of
Instr. and Abl. cases, so the PT word is a noun. Yak. reflects the -u of the second syllable.
PJpn. *kúr(á)- 1 to be, come late 2 to send, advance (1 опаздывать
2 посылать, отправлять): OJpn. okura- 1, okur- 2; MJpn. ókúrá- 1, ókúr2; Tok. òkure- 1, òkur- 2; Kyo. ókúré- 1, ókúr- 2; Kag. okuré- 1, okúr- 2.
◊ JLTT 741.
‖ The Turk. and Jpn. forms reflect a derivative *ak῾e-ru-.
-ằk῾ú to dig, delve: Tung. *axiri-; Mong. *uku-; Jpn. *ùnkàt-.
PTung. *axiri- to sweep, rake up snow (подметать, разгребать
снег): Ul. aχịrị-; Ork. aχịrị-; Nan. aχịrị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 25.
*ắla - *ála
283
PMong. *uku- 1 to dig, delve 2 adze 3 notch (on animal’s ears) 4 axe
(1 копать 2 долото 3 зарубка, метка (на ушах животных) 4 топор):
MMong. uqu- 1, uqali 4 (SH); WMong. uqu- 1, uqumi 2 (L 892); Kh. uxu1, uxmi 2, 3; Bur. uxami 2; Kalm. uxə- 1; Ord. uxa-.
◊ KW 447. Mong. > Manchu uxu- ‘to gouge’ (see Rozycki 216).
PJpn. *ùnkàt- to delve, dig (долбить, копать): OJpn. ukat-; MJpn.
ùgàt-; Tok. ugát-; Kyo. úgát-; Kag. ugát-.
◊ JLTT 777. Kagoshima has an irregular tone.
‖ PJ *ùnkàt- and PTM *akiri- may reflect a PA derivative *ằk῾ú-rV-.
-ắla take, receive: Tung. *al(i)-; Mong. *ali-; Turk. *ạl-; Jpn. *á-.
PTung. *al(i)- 1 take, receive 2 give, hand over (1 брать, получать 2
давать, передавать): Evk. al- 1; Evn. al- 1; Neg. al- 1; Man. ali- 1; SMan.
iali- (1404); Jurch. ali- (242) 2; Ul. al- 2; Ork. alị- 1; Nan. alị- 1; Orch. alō2; Ud. ali- 1, alu- 2; Sol. ali- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 26-27.
PMong. *ali- 1 to take, receive 2 give! (1 брать, получать 2 дай!):
WMong. ali 2 (L 31); Kh. aĺ, aliv 2; Bur. aĺē 2; Kalm. aĺ, aĺə 2; Ord. ali 2;
Dag. ali- 1 (Тод. Даг. 120); Dong. ali; Bao. an; Mongr. ali 2.
◊ KW 6, MGCD 103. Dagur is the only language reflecting the complete verbal paradigm of *ali-; it may well be that Dag. ali- is in fact a TM loanword.
PTurk. *ạl- to take (брать): OTurk. al- (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. al- (MK, KB); Tur. al-; Gag. al-; Az. al-; Turkm. al-; Sal. al-; Khal.
al-; MTurk. al- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔl-; Uygh. al-; Krm. al-; Tat. al-; Bashk. al-;
Kirgh. al-; Kaz. al-; KBalk. al-; KKalp. al-; Kum. al-; Nogh. al-; SUygh. al-;
Khak. al-; Shr. al-; Oyr. al-; Tv. al-; Chuv. il-; Yak. ɨl-; Dolg. ɨl-.
◊ EDT 124-125, VEWT 14-15, ЭСТЯ 1, 127-128, Егоров 68, Лексика 336, 337, Stachowski 259.
PJpn. *á- to get, receive (получать): OJpn. u (stem a-); MJpn. ú (stem
a-); Tok. é-; Kyo. é-; Kag. é-.
◊ JLTT 681. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ KW 6, EAS 140, Poppe 75, Doerfer MT 239 (attempts to disprove
the etymology in TMN 2, 122 are futile). The reason for close *ạ in PT is
unclear (*al- would be normally expected). Note, however, that the Jpn.
reflex represents loss of *-l- in a verbal stem, thus strongly suggesting
an original monosyllabic form *ál (cf. *gèle, *sélo).
-ála hail, ice: Tung. *(x)al-dan; Jpn. *árárái (~-ría); Kor. *r-.
PTung. *(x)al-dan frazil (in spring, close to the shore) (наледь (весной у берега)): Neg. aldan.
◊ ТМС 1, 31.
PJpn. *árárái (~-ría) hail (град): OJpn. arare; MJpn. áráré; Tok. araré;
Kyo. àràré; Kag. araré.
◊ JLTT 383. Modern tones are quite irregular.
284
*la - *àlak῾u
PKor. *r- 1 to freeze 2 ice (1 замерзать 2 лед): MKor. r- 1, rm 2;
Mod. l- 1, ərɨm 2.
◊ Nam 361, 367, KED 1143, 1146.
‖ Martin 232. Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; the TM evidence is very
scanty and thus dubious.
-la ( ~ -ē-) front side: Turk. *āl; Kor. *àr-p.
PTurk. *āl 1 front 2 forehead 3 in front of 4 towards the front of (1
перед 2 лоб 3 впереди, спереди 4 вперед): OTurk. alɨn 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. alɨn 2 (MK, KB); Tur. al 1 (dial.), alɨn 1, 2; ‘face’; Gag. annɨ 2; Az.
alɨn 2; Turkm. ālɨn 1, 2; Sal. aldɨ- 1; Khal. hānl(ɨ), hāll 2; MTurk. alɨ 1
(Abush.), alnɨ-da ‘in the presence of’ (Abush.), aldɨ (Babur) 3; Uzb. ɔl-d-i
1; Uygh. ajl, aldi 1, al-dɨn 3, al-ɣa 4; Krm. al-d-ɨ 1 (K), alɨn 1 (T, H); Tat. al
1, al-d-ɨ 1, alɨn 1; Bashk. al, aldɨ 1; Kirgh. al 1, al-d-ɨ 1; Kaz. al-da 3, al-d-ɨ 1;
KBalk. al, allɨ 1, al-da 3, al-ɣa 4; KKalp. al-d-ɨ 1; Kum. al 1, al-dan 3; Nogh.
al-d-ɨ 1; SUygh. al 1, alɨm, alɨn 1, 2; Khak. alnɨ 1; Shr. alnɨ 1, alɨn-da 3; Oyr.
aldɨ, alɨn 1; Tv. alɨn ‘face’; Chuv. om 1.
◊ EDT 121, 147; VEWT 14 (should be distinguished from *al- ‘below’), TMN 2, 120,
ЭСТЯ 1, 124-125, 146, Федотов 2, 280, Лексика 198-199. See EDT 121 commenting on the
absence of early attestation of the suffixless form.
PKor. *àr-p front (перед): MKor. àrp; Mod. ap [aph].
◊ Nam 348, KED 1098.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss. Cf. also Evk. alga ‘Southern mountain
slope’, algaja ‘right river bank’, algakačan ‘mountain’ - in TMC 1, 30
united with alga ‘blessing’ which is somewhat dubious.
-àlak῾u to walk, step: Mong. *alku-; Jpn. *àrùk-.
PMong. *alku- to step (шагать): MMong. alqu- (MA 99); WMong.
alqu- (L 34); Kh. alxa-; Bur. alxa-; Kalm. alxə-; Ord. alxu-; Dag. alku-, alxu(Тод. Даг. 120), aleku- (MD 112); Dong. hanku; Bao. xalGə-, (MGCD)
halGolə-; S.-Yugh. alGə-; Mongr. (x)arGu- (SM 13), (MGCD) xalGula-.
◊ KW 7, MGCD 105.
PJpn. *àrùk- to walk (ходить, гулять): OJpn. aruk-; MJpn. àrík-; Tok.
arúk-; Kyo. àrùk-; Kag. àruk-.
◊ JLTT 677.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. See АПиПЯЯ 278. Man. alxun ‘step’, alkūn
‘the gait of a horse or other livestock’ is no doubt borrowed from Mongolian (see Rozycki 16-17). The Jpn.-Mong. comparison seems to us
preferable to other etymologies of the Mongolian form (see ОСНЯ
3,66-70; Poppe 96, KW 7 - Mong. alqu-: Turk. *āĺ-). The stem can be possibly derived from a root reflected in Mong. *ala ‘inner side of thigh’ (L
26; Poppe 75; pl. alas, whence Evk. alas, see Doerfer MT 94; hence also
WMong. alčaji-, Khalkha alcaj- ‘to spread the legs’, Dag. alčī- id.,
*alda - *ale
285
WMong. alčaɣar, alčaŋ, Khalkha alcan ‘bowlegged’; but to be distinguished is *ale ‘below’ q. v.).
-alda fathom: Tung. *alda-n; Mong. *alda; Jpn. *ata; Kor. *ară-m.
PTung. *alda-n distance between (расстояние между): Man. andan,
alda-; Jurch. an-dan-do (816) ‘to follow’; Ul. alda(n); Ork. alda(n); Nan.
aldã; Orch. agda(n); Ud. agda(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 31.
PMong. *alda fathom (сажень): MMong. alda (SH), ālda (MA 98);
WMong. alda (L 29); Kh. ald; Bur. alda; Kalm. aldə; Ord. alda; Dag. alda
(Тод. Даг. 119), alede (MD 112); Dong. anda (MGCD); anda-la- (Тод. Дн.
110) ‘to measure by fathoms’; Bao. aldə; S.-Yugh. alda; Mongr. arda
‘brasse, 5 pieds chinois’ (SM 12), alda (MGCD)З.
◊ KW 6, MGCD 102. Mong. > Evk. alda ‘fathom’, Russ. Siber. aldán (Аникин 82).
PJpn. *ata a measure of length (мера длины): OJpn. ata.
PKor. *ară-m fathom, the span of both arms (сажень): MKor. arăm;
Mod. arɨm.
◊ Nam 335, KED 1071.
‖ Ozawa 38-40, АПиПЯЯ 16, 71, Rozycki 18-19. Despite Doerfer MT
111, TM forms are hardly < Mong. (because of a semantic difference). A
possible parallel in Turkic could be *adɨ[ĺ] > OT adɨt ‘handful’, Kirgh.
adɨš, Yak. ɨtɨs ‘palm’ (VEWT 7, ЭСТЯ 1, 100-101, 410, Лексика 252, Stachowski 263), but there are some phonetic and semantic problems.
Note, however, that OJ ata also denotes a small measure of length (8
sun, or about 12 centimetres) - rather a span than a fathom. Such a semantic development may presuppose an earlier usage of *alda in constructions like ‘big fathom’ - ‘small fathom’ ( = ‘span’) both in Turkic
and Japanese.
-ale below, lower: Turk. *ăl; Jpn. *r-; Kor. *àrái.
PTurk. *ăl 1 lower side, below 2 (as adj.) being below , lower (1 низ,
нижняя сторона 2 нижний): OTurk. altɨn 2 (Yen. ПМК 90, OUygh.);
Karakh. altɨn 2 (MK, IM), alt 1 (Tefs); Tur. alt 1; Gag. alt 1; Az. alt 1;
Khal. a[:]lt 1; Krm. alt 1 (K); Tat. alt 1 (dial., Дмитриева Бараб.126);
Kirgh. ald(ɨ) 1; SUygh. altɨ 1 (ЯЖУ 14); Khak. altɨ 1; Shr. altɨ 1; Oyr. ald 1,
altɨɣɨ 2; altɨ 1 Tuba; Tv. a’ldɨ 1; Tof. aldɨn ‘в низовье реки’ (Рас. ФиЛ
153); Chuv. old(ъ) ‘gusset’; Yak. alɨn 1; Dolg. alɨn 1.
◊ VEWT 14, ЭСТЯ 1, 140-141, Stachowski 32. VEWT confuses (after Bang and Brockelmann) the roots *al- ‘below’ and *āl ‘front’. They are indeed mixed in Kirgh. and Oyr.
lit., where we have ald ‘front, below’, but are distinguished in dialects (Tuba: ald ‘front’,
with a voicing in the consonant cluster after an old long vowel, but altɨ ‘below’). The
Chuv. form probably goes back to the compound *koltuk altɨ ‘axillary concavity, gusset’
(attested in Tur., Gag., Az., see Дыбо 154). Most languages reflect *al-tɨ- (the simple form
al is not attested, see the discussion in EDT 121), but the reality of the root *ăl is proved
286
*le - *le
by a different derivative in Yakut. Cf. also Sib.-Tat. alaša ‘low, low place’ (КСТТ 100).
Another possible old derivative in -čak may be PT *aĺ(č)ak (Karakh. ašaq, Turkm. ašāq etc.,
see ЭСТЯ 1, 214-215) ‘below, bottom part; low, humble’: its traditional derivation from
*āĺ- ‘to cross (a mountain)’ is unsatisfactory both phonetically and semantically. A certain
problem is the attribution of the adjective *al-čak (see ЭСТЯ 1, 143-144, EDT 129). Older
occurrences of alčaq (MK, KB, Tefs., Rabg. etc.) present the meaning ‘modest, humble’; cf.
also Sib.-Tat. alcaq ‘valetudinarian’ (КСТТ 101), Turkm. alčak ‘affable’ and perhaps Tur.
alčak ‘mean, vile’, alča- ‘to offend, humiliate’. This group of forms may in fact reflect a
different root, otherwise represented by PT *Alɨg, see under *le ‘weak, tired’. Another
group of forms - Chag. alčaq ‘bas’ (Pav. C.), Tur., Az., Crim.-Tat. (and Oghuz texts like
Korkut) alčaq ‘low, low place’ probably represents an Oghuz innovative derivation in
-čak from the root al- (which is why -lč- did not yield -š- here), perhaps influenced by
Mong. alča-gar, alča-n ‘stunted, undersized’, derived from Mong. alčaji- ‘to spread legs
apart’.
PJpn. *r- to lower, go down (опускаться): OJpn. oru-; MJpn. òru-;
Tok. orí-; Kyo. òrì-; Kag. òrì-.
◊ JLTT 742. For final *-ə- cf. the causative PJ *r-s-, OJ oros- ‘to lower, drop’.
PKor. *àrái below, lower side (низ, нижняя сторона): MKor. àrái;
Mod. arä.
◊ Nam 336, KED 1069.
‖ SKE 6, EAS 106, Martin 230. The tone correspondence between
Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
-le weak, tired, confused: Tung. *āli-; Mong. *al-; Turk. *ăl-; Jpn.
*ərə-ka; Kor. *rí-.
PTung. *āli- to get tired (уставать): Neg. āl-; Ul. āl(ị)-; Ork. ālị-;
Nan. ālị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 32.
PMong. *al-da-, -ǯi-, -ga- 1 get tired 2 disturbed, absent-minded,
lazy 3 to lose, miss (1 уставать 2 рассеянный, ленивый 3 лишаться,
делать промах): MMong. alǯa- ‘behindert, in Not, Schwierigkeit sein’,
alǯi’as ‘Abweichung, Fehler ‘, alda- ‘verlieren, verfehlen, straffällig werden’, aldal ‘Strafe’ (SH), aldara- ‘to become loose’, alɣūr ‘slow’ (MA 98),
aldāng ‘sin’ (IM); WMong. alǯija- 1 (L 34), al-mai 2 (L 32); Kh. alda- 3,
alǯā- 1, algū, almai 2; Bur. alžā- 1, almaj 2; Kalm. aldə- 3, almǟ 2; Ord. alda3; Dag. alē- 1 (Тод. Даг. 120), alede- 3 (MD 112); Bao. andaGa- ‘to let
loose, to make free’; Mongr. xarā- (SM 161) 1, (a)rda- (SM 12, 309) 3.
◊ KW 7. Mong. > Tuva aldag ‘misdoing, inadvertence’, KBalk. alǯar-, Kirgh. alǯɨ- ‘to
err, become mad’, Kum. alǯa- ‘to suffer’, Yak. alār- (< *ala-ɣa-r-), KKalp. alaɣa-da-la-n- ‘to
digress, be absentminded’ etc.
PTurk. *ăl- 1 to become weak 2 bad 3 to be vile (of a man), to turn
septic (of a wound) 4 weak, inferior 5 upset 6 old, worn-out 7 crazy 8
lazy man 9 to hurry 10 fool 11 to go mad 12 to deceive 13 perplexed 14
dumb, foolish 15 doubt, surprise 16 error 17 be in doubt, perplexed 18
absent-minded, unattentive 19 weakness (1 слабеть 2 дурной 3 быть
*ălgi - *ălgi
287
подлым (о человеке), воспаляться (о ране) 4 слабый, худший 5 расстроенный 6 старый, изношенный 7 безумный, ошалелый 8 лентяй
9 торопиться 10 дурак 11 сходить с ума 12 обманывать 13 растерянный 14 глупый, простоватый 15 сомнение, удивление 16 ошибка 17
сомневаться, сбиваться, путаться 18 рассеянный, невнимательный
19 чахлость, немощь): OTurk. alaŋ-a-d- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. alɨɣ 2
(MK), alɨq- 3 (MK, KB); Tur. alɨk, (Osm.) alu 4, alaz, alɨz 4 (dial.), alkɨn 5
(dial.); Gag. alɨq 7, 10; Turkm. al-ŋ-a-sa- 9; MTurk. aluq 7 (Abush. 27);
Uygh. alaq, alaŋ 7; Krm. alas 19; Tat. ala-ma 2, 6; Bashk. alama 2, 6, al-jawu
11; Kirgh. alaŋ, alaɣ-dɨ 18; Kaz. alaŋ 18; KBalk. alɨn- 11; KKalp. alaŋ 18;
Nogh. ala-ŋ-ɣa-s-ar 18; SUygh. alɣač 8 (ЯЖУ 14); Khak. alɨɣ 10, alas 5,
al-ɨn-, al-ax- 11, (caus.) 12; Shr. al-aq-tɨr- (caus. from *al-aq-) 12, al-aq-qan
13, alɨɣ 10, al-ɨn- 11; Oyr. alā (< alaɣ) 14, alu (< alɨɣ) 10, alaŋ 15, alɣas 5,
al-ɨn- 11; Tv. alāq- 17, alaŋ 15; Yak. alɣas 16.
◊ VEWT 16-17, TMN 2, 116, EDT 129, 138, 149, ЭСТЯ 1, 132, 145-146, Clark 1977, 128.
See also Oghuz *al-čak sub *al- ‘below’. Tends to contaminate with *āl ‘red’ and *āla
‘variegated’, cf. Uygh. al-gädän ‘naïve’ (’red nape’), Turkm. āla-samsɨk ‘foolish’ (’variegated fool’), Bashk. al-jot ‘fool’ (’red fellow’). KW 7. Turk. *algaŕ > algaz > MMong. alɣasa‘faul, nachlassig sein’ (SH), then Mong. > Kirgh., KBalk. , Kum. alɣasa(r)-, Nogh. alas-la-r‘to become embarrassed’, (Karaim) ‘to be scared’ etc. Despite Sevortyan, Tokharian A ālās
‘iners, ignavus’ (Poucha 27), B alās- ‘be sick’ (Sieg-Siegling 91) not < Turk., but < Sanskr.
alasa.
PJpn. *ərə-ka foolish (глупый): OJpn. oro-ka; MJpn. óró-ka; Tok.
óroka; Kyo. óròkà; Kag. oroká.
◊ JLTT 511. All modern forms point to a low tone (either *rká or *rkà), but the accent attested in RJ contradicts it.
PKor. *rí- to be foolish, mistaken (быть глупым, ошибаться):
MKor. rí-; Mod. əri-sək-.
◊ Nam 361, KED 1129.
‖ Martin 243, Whitman 1985, 129, 194, 246. The most probable accent reconstruction is *le, with regular correspondences between
Turk., TM and most Japanese dialects; Kor. has a frequent “verbal” low
tone.
-ălgi net, sieve: Tung. *alga; Turk. *ĕlge-; Kor. *ərkəmi.
PTung. *alga net (сеть): Evk. alga; Man. alGan; Ul. arGa; Nan. alGa;
Orch. agga; Sol. alga.
◊ ТМС 1, 30. TM > Dag. algan, alxan (Тод. Даг. 119). Nan. > Russ. Siber. algá (Аникин
82).
PTurk. *ĕlge- 1 to sift; 2 sieve (сито, просеивать): OTurk. elge- 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. elge- 1 (MK), ele- 1 (IM), elek 2 (IM); Tur. ele- 1, elek 2;
Gag. iele- 1, ielek 2; Az. älä- 1, äläk 2; Turkm. ele- 1, elek 2; Sal. elex 2 (ССЯ
324); Khal. häjlä- 1, häjläk 2; MTurk. ele- 1, elek 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. ela- 1, elak
2; Uygh. ägli- 1, älgäk 2; Krm. ele-, öle- 1, elek, ölek 2; Tat. ilɛ- 1, ilɛk 2;
288
*li - *li
Bashk. ile- 1, ilek 2; Kirgh. ele-, elge- 1, elek, elgek 2; Kaz. ele- 1, elek 2;
KBalk. ele- 1, elek 2; KKalp. ele- 1, elek 2; Kum. ele- 1, elek 2; Nogh. ele- 1,
elek 2; Khak. ilge- 1, ilgek 2; Shr. ele- 1, elek 2; Oyr. elge- 1, elgek 2; Tv. egle/ elge- 1; Tof. elge- 1, elgek 2; Chuv. alla- 1, alla 2.
◊ EDT 143, VEWT 40, ЭСТЯ 1, 261-263, Егоров 24. The behaviour of the internal
cluster is phonetically normal (not on a morphemic boundary). Turk. *elgek > WMong.
elgeg, Kalm. elgəg (KW 119, TMN 2, 118, Щербак 1997, 114).
PKor. *ərkəmi a coarse sieve (грубое сито): Mod. əlgəmi.
◊ SKE 53.
‖ EAS 145, SKE 53 (Kor. is somewhat doubtful: KED 1142 has only
əlgɨm čhe ‘rough sieve’ - lit. ‘pock-marked sieve’).
-li to deceive, trick: Tung. *ali-, *alak-; Mong. *aliɣa; Turk. *Āl; Jpn.
*ira-p-; Kor. *ìrbń-.
PTung. *ali-, *alak- 1 to be angry 2 to endure 3 to regret 4 to envy (1
сердиться 2 терпеть 3 сожалеть, каяться 4 завидовать): Evk. ali- 1;
Evn. alêl- 1; Neg. alị- 1, alaxị- 4; Man. aĺa- 3; Ul. alị- 2; Nan. alị- 2, alaqị 4;
Orch. ali- 2; Sol. aĺ-, alī- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 29, 32.
PMong. *aliɣa 1 frolic, tricksy 2 to deceive (1 игривый, шаловливый 2 обманывать): MMong. alija (SH, Козин) 1; WMong. alija 1 (L 32),
alašira- 2 (Ko 74); Kh. alia 1; Bur. aĺā 1; Kalm. aĺā, äĺǟn 1; Ord. aĺā; Dag. əlē
1.
◊ KW 6, 22. Cf. also albin ‘devil, evil spirit’ ( > Yak., Dolg. albɨn ‘deception, liar’ (Kał.
MEJ 56, Stachowski 31).
PTurk. *Āl 1 device, trick, deceit 2 to deceive (1 обман, хитрость 2
обманывать): OTurk. al 1 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.), al-ta- 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. āl 1 (MK, KB), alda- (MK); Tur. al 1, aldat- 2; Az. al 1 (dial.),
al-da-n- ‘to be deceived, to err’; Turkm. āl 1, ālda- 2; MTurk. al 1, alda- 2;
Uzb. alda- 2; Uygh. aldi- 2; Tat. alda- 2; Bashk. alda- 2; Kirgh. alda- 2; Kaz.
alda- 2; KBalk. alda- 2; KKalp. alda- 2; Kum. al 1, alda- 2; Nogh. alda- 2;
Khak. alda- 2; Shr. alda- 2.
◊ EDT 120-121, TMN 2, 93, ЭСТЯ 1, 126-127. A discussion of albastɨ ( = Mong. albin)
see in TMN 2, 109-110. Turk. *āl-da- > Mong. alda- ‘to deceive’ (MA, cf. also TMN 2, 116,
Щербак 1997, 97) > Evk. alda- etc. (Doerfer MT 109). On Mong. alda- ‘to lose’ see *le
‘weak, tired’.
PJpn. *ira- to play, tamper with; concern oneself with (играть, возиться, совать куда-л. нос): MJpn. iraf-.
◊ JLTT 698. .
PKor. *ìrbń- to steal (воровать): MKor. ìrpń-, ìrws-.
◊ Nam 405.
‖ PKE 21. Ramstedt cites Kor. ari- ‘angry’, but all dictionaries available to us only have ari- ‘bitter, pungent’. A suffixed form *li-bV may
*álikV - *ălpa
289
be probably recovered in Mong. albin, Kor. *ìrbń- (and perhaps also PT
*alba-stɨ) and PJ *ira-p-.
-álikV a k. of small animal: Tung. *(x)algi-n; Mong. *(h)alag-; Turk.
*Ălaŋɨr; Jpn. *írúká.
PTung. *(x)algi-n otter (male) (выдра (самец)): Neg. alg; Man.
algin.
◊ ТМС 1, 30.
PMong. *(h)alag- jerboa (тушканчик): WMong. alaɣdaɣa, alaɣdaqai
(БАМРС); Kh. alagdāx, algadāx; Bur. alagdāgan.
◊ Formally - a compound meaning “variegated colt” (although one should note that
the standard spelling for “colt” is WMong. daɣaɣan, Khalkha dāga). Mong. > Tuva alaq-tāɣɨ
‘jerboa’ (reinterpreted as ‘variegated lump’), Russ. Siber. alagdá, alagdáj (Аникин 79),
Man. alaqdaχan (Rozycki 15).
PTurk. *Ălaŋɨr a k. of rat, jerboa (вид крысы, тушканчик): Karakh.
alaŋɨr (MK); Turkm. alaqa ‘gopher’, alaŋŋɨrt ‘field mouse’; MTurk.
alaŋɣarat ‘gros rat’ (Pav. C. 30).
◊ EDT 149.
PJpn. *írúká dolphin (дельфин): OJpn. iruka; MJpn. iruka; Tok.
ìruka; Kyo. írúká; Kag. irúka.
◊ JLTT 426.
‖ In Turk. and Mong. the stem is associated with the reflexes of *ālV
‘variegated’ (q. v.), which is most probably a folk etymology. In Japanese the meaning ‘dolphin’ must be a secondary transformation of ‘otter-like animal’ (cf. the meaning ‘otter’ in TM).
-ălpa unable, sick; being at service, man-at-arms: Tung. *alba-; Mong.
*alba-n; Turk. *ălp; Jpn. *apar-; Kor. *àrphằ-.
PTung. *alba- 1 to be unable 2 lazy (1 не мочь 2 ленивый): Evk.
alba- 1; Evn. alb- 1; Neg. alba- 1; Ork. alba- 1; Nan. albaqto 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 30.
PMong. *alba-n 1 compulsion, forcing 2 to force 3 service, duty (1
насилие, принуждение 2 принуждать 3 служба, обязанность):
MMong. alban 3 (HYt); WMong. alba(n) 1, 3 (L 27); Kh. alba 3, alba-da- 2;
Bur. alba(n) 3, alba-da- 2; Kalm. alwə, alwn 1, 3; Ord. alba 3, alba-da- 2, to
take a tribute; Dag. alba 3 (Тод. Даг. 119), alebe 3 (MD 112); Mongr. arwan 3 (SM 15), alwan (MGCD).
◊ KW 9, MGCD 101. Mong. > Shor alban etc. (VEWT 16, Щербак 1997, 199); > Man.
alban etc. (Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 15), Russ. dial. albán, Oyr. alman > Russ. Siber. almán
(Аникин 81, 83).
PTurk. *ălp 1 difficult, hard 2 warrior 3 hero 4 brave 5 giant 6 landlord (1 трудный 2 воин 3 герой 4 храбрый 5 великан 6 помещик,
землевладелец): OTurk. alp 1, 2, 4 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.); alp-a-ɣut 2
(OUygh.).; Karakh. alp 2, 4 (MK, KB, Tefs., IM); alpaɣut 2 (MK); Tur. alp
290
*àlu - *lV
3, 4; MTurk. alp 2, 3 (Sngl).; Uzb. alp 3; Uygh. alpawut 2; Krm. alp ‘chief’,
alpawut ‘gentry man’; Tat. alɨp 3, 5, alpawɨt 2; Bashk. alpawɨt 2, alpamɨša 5
(from Alp Amɨša, a folklore name, = Tat.); Kirgh. alp 3, 4, 5, albūt
‘hot-tempered’; Kaz. alɨp 5, albɨt, albɨrt ‘hot-tempered’; KKalp. alp 3, 5,
albɨra- ‘be exhausted, embarassed’; Khak. alɨp 4, albɨx- ‘to act as a meddler’; Shr. alɨp 4; Oyr. alɨp 4; Tv. albɨq- ‘to pant, stifle’, albā- ‘to lapse into
oblivion’; Chuv. olъp 5, olbut 2; Yak. alɨp ‘witchcraft; part of some names
of spirits’.
◊ EDT 127-128, VEWT 18, ЭСТЯ I 139, Федотов 2 276. Clauson’s hypothesis that the
reflexes of *alpawut in recent languages are the result of a re-borrowing from Mong. (cf.
Lit. Mong. albaɣut (Kow. 84) < Turk.), partly contaminated with Mong. alban ‘tax’, is unnecessary: a semantic shift ‘warrior’ > ‘gentry’ > ‘landlord’ seems to be natural. Cf. a borrowing from Mong. alba-tu in Tuva, Oyr. albatu, albatɨ, Kirgh. albatɨ ‘tax-payers, people’.
PJpn. *apar- to pity (жалеть, сострадать): OJpn. apare-m-; MJpn.
áfáre-b-, afare-m-; Tok. awaré-m-; Kyo. áwáré-m-; Kag. àwàrè-m-.
◊ JLTT 388, 679. The accent situation is not quite clear: modern dialects rather uniformly point to low tone (also in the noun *apara-i ‘sympathy, pity’ > Tokyo áware, Kyoto
áwàrè, Kagoshima awaré); but the only accentuation attested in RJ is ápáre-b-.
PKor. *àrphằ- to be ill (болеть): MKor. àrphằ-; Mod. aphɨ-.
◊ Nam 347, KED 1078.
‖ Poppe 85, 121 (Turk-Mong.); TMN 2, 110-111.
-àlu good, beautiful: Tung. *(x)ala; Mong. *(h)olig; Jpn. *ùrùpà-; Kor.
*àr-.
PTung. *(x)ala tasty, sweet (вкусный, сладкий): Evk. ala; Evn. alq;
Neg. alagdị.
◊ ТМС 1, 27.
PMong. *(h)olig good quality (хорошее качество): WMong. oliɣ
(МХТТТ); Kh. olig; Bur. olig; Kalm. oliG ‘Brauchbarkeit’.
◊ KW 284.
PJpn. *ùrùpà- beautiful, excellent (красивый, прекрасный): OJpn.
urupa-si; MJpn. ùrùfà-si; Tok. uruwashí-; Kyo. úrùwàshì-; Kag. uruwáshi-.
◊ JLTT 843. The Kagoshima accent is irregular.
PKor. *àr- pretty, beautiful (красивый): MKor. àrắm-táp-; Mod.
arɨm-tap-.
◊ Nam 336, KED 1071.
‖ SKE 14. Kor. has a usual “verbal” low tone.
-lV to destroy, kill: Tung. *āli-; Mong. *ala-; Turk. *Alk-.
PTung. *āli- 1 to crumble (of earth, snow) 2 to kill an animal (after a
long hunt) (1 обваливаться (о почве, снеге) 2 убивать зверя (при облаве)): Neg. ālị-w- 1; Ud. ali- 2, alip- ‘to become spoiled (of meat)’
(Корм. 205, 206).
◊ TMC 1, 32.
*lV - *lV
291
PMong. *ala- to kill (убивать): MMong. ala- (SH 4), ala- (HYt), ala(IM 432), alā- (MA 97).; WMong. ala- (L 26); Kh. ala-; Bur. ala-; Kalm. al-;
Ord. ala-; Mog. olā-, āla-; ZM la- (24-10b); Dag. ala- (Тод. Даг. 119), ale
(MD 112); Dong. ala- (Тод. Дн. 109); Bao. ale- (Тод. Бн. 133), alə(MGCD); S.-Yugh. ala-; Mongr. ala- (SM 3).
◊ KW 7, MGCD 102.
PTurk. *Alk- to finish; destroy; (refl.) perish, be exhausted, come to
an end (заканчивать, выполнять; уничтожать): OTurk. alq- (Orkh.,
OUygh.), alq-ɨn- (refl.) (OUygh.); Karakh. alq- (MK, IM), alq-ɨn- refl.
(MK, IM), alqɨš- ‘to destroy each other’ (MK); Tur. alk- (dial.); alk-ɨš(Old Osm.) ‘to destroy (many)’; Kirgh. alq-ɨn- ‘to weaken’ (Р I 390), ‘to
rage’ (Юд. 51) (?); Kaz. alq-ɨn- ‘to get short of breath, chafe’ (?); KKalp.
alq-ɨn- ‘to get short of breath’.
◊ EDT 135, 137, 138-139; VEWT 17. Reflexes in modern languages are not quite secure. The reflexive form alkɨn- ‘weaken’ (but note the difference in meanings in Radlov
and in modern dictionaries) may be derived both from *alk- and from *alɨk- ‘to deteriorate, disintegrate’ (EDT 138), which belongs rather to *Al ‘silly, weak’, alɨɣ ‘bad, weak,
wicked’ (in any case, cannot be morphologically identified with *alk-), thus modern languages may exhibit a contamination.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lV ( ~ *ē-) variegated: Mong. *ala-g; Turk. *āla; Kor. *ər-.
PMong. *ala-g variegated (пестрый): MMong. alax- (HY 13), alax
(SH), alā (IM 432), ala (MA 97, 99); WMong. alaɣ (L 26); Kh. alag; Bur.
alag; Kalm. aləg; Ord. alaq; Mog. alō; Dag. alag (Тод. Даг. 119), alahe (MD
112); Bao. aləG; S.-Yugh. alag; Mongr. alaG (SM 3).
◊ KW 6. Mong. > Man. alxa etc. (ТМС 1, 27; Doerfer MT 75; Rozycki 15).
PTurk. *āla variegated (пестрый): OTurk. ala (OUygh.); Karakh. ala
(MK); Tur. ala; Gag. ala-ǯa; Az. ala; Turkm. āla; Sal. ala; Khal. hala-bula;
MTurk. ala; Uzb. ɔla; Uygh. ala; Krm. ala; Tat. ala; Bashk. ala; Kirgh. ala;
Kaz. ala; KBalk. ala; KKalp. ala; Kum. ala; Nogh. ala; SUygh. ala; Khak.
ala; Shr. ala; Oyr. ala; Tv. ala; Chuv. ola; Yak. ala.
◊ EDT 126, VEWT 15, ЭСТЯ 1, 129-130, TMN 2, 95-97, Федотов 2, 274, Лексика 607.
PKor. *r-nùk- to be spotted, ornamented (быть пятнистым, украшенным): MKor. r-núk-; Mod. əlluk, əlləŋ.
◊ Nam 360, KED 1143, 144.
‖ SKE 7, KW 6-7, Лексика 607. Despite Doerfer TMN 2, 96, Щербак
1997, 97, there is no reason for assuming Turk. > Mong., and even less Mong. > Turk. (despite Rozycki 16). Cf. also Evn. (Okh.) iler ‘variegated’ ( < *elir ?; see ТМС 1, 312).
292
*ĺa - *ằĺčà
-ĺa to cross (a mountain): Tung. *ala-; Mong. *alu-s; Turk. *(i)āĺ-; Jpn.
*asu.
PTung. *ala- 1 to cross (a mountain) 2 mountain 3 mountain pass 4
ravine (1 переваливать (гору) 2 гора 3 горный перевал 4 лощина):
Evk. ala- 1, alakīt, alan 3; Evn. aln- 1, aln 3; Neg. alan- 1, alaxt 3; Man.
alin 2; SMan. alin 2 (2067); Jurch. ali-in (39) 2; Nan. ala 3 (Bik.); Ud. ala 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 27-28.
PMong. *alu-s on the other side; far away (на другой стороне):
MMong. alus (SH), udur ālus ‘через день’ (MA 273); WMong. alus (L
33); Kh. als; Bur. alas; Kalm. als; Ord. alus; Mongr. alāŋ ‘contrée, pays’
(SM 4).
◊ KW 8. Mong. > Kirgh. alɨs ‘far, far away’ etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 147), Yak., Dolg. olus ‘very’
(Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 193).
PTurk. *(i)āĺ- 1 to cross (a mountain) 2 to surpass (1 переходить
(через гору) 2 превосходить): OTurk. aš- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
aš- 1 (MK); Tur. aš- 1; Gag. aš- ‘to go beyond the range of vision’; Az. aš1; Turkm. āš- 1, 2; Khal. āš- 1; MTurk. aš- 1, 2; Uzb. ɔš- 1, 2; Uygh. aš- 1,
2; Krm. aš- 1, 2; Tat. aš- 2; Bashk. aš- 2; Kirgh. aš- 1, 2; Kaz. as- 1, 2;
KKalp. as- 1; SUygh. as- 1; Khak. as- 1, 2; Shr. as- 1, 2; Oyr. aš- 1, 2; Tv.
aš- 1, 2; Yak. ās- 1, 2; Dolg. ās- ‘to go by’.
◊ VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 212-214, EDT 255, Stachowski 41. The OT gerund ašru ‘having
crossed over, exceeded > very’ > Mong. asuru (Clark 1980, 42, Щербак 1997, 102-103).
PJpn. *asu steep bank, precipice (крутой берег, обрыв): OJpn. asu
(azu).
‖ EAS 108, 139, ТМС 1, 28, ЭСТЯ 1, 214, Poppe 96, KW 7, 8, VEWT
30, ОСНЯ 1, 274, АПиПЯЯ 291. Despite Doerfer MT 91, TM cannot be
explained as borrowed < Mong.
-ằĺčà knucklebone; foot: Tung. *(x)ajū; Mong. *(h)alču; Turk. *(i)aĺ(č)uk;
Jpn. *àsì.
PTung. *(x)ajū knucklebone (лодыжка, бабка): Evk. ajū, ajūkān; Sol.
ajx.
◊ ТМС 1, 23.
PMong. *(h)alču- 1 knucklebone 2 depression on the side of an anklebone (1 лодыжка, щиколотка 2 выемка, впадина в лодыжке):
WMong. alču, alčuŋɣai 2 (L 29); Kh. alc ‘вогнутая сторона бабки, верблюд (название положения игральное кости’ (БАМРС); Kalm. alcə 1;
Ord. alčaG ‘голень’.
◊ KW 8. See also Дыбо 1993. Mong. > Tat. alču etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 144-145); Manchu alču,
Neg. alčụxān etc. (ТМС 1, 34; see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 15).
PTurk. *(i)aĺ(č)uk 1 ankle joint, knucklebone 2 die (1 лодыжка, бабка 2 альчик): Karakh. ašuq 1 (MK); Tur. ašuq 2 (Osmanli), ašɨk 1, 2; Az.
ašɨG 2; Turkm. ašɨq 2; Khal. ušaq 2; MTurk. ašuq 1, ‘bone of the elbow’
*ăĺi - *ăĺi
293
(Abush.); Uzb. ɔšiq 2; Uygh. ošuq 1, 2; Krm. ašɨq 2; Tat. ašɨq 2; Bashk. ašɨq
2; Kirgh. ašɨq 2; Kaz. asɨq 1, 2; KBalk. ašɨq 1, 2; KKalp. asɨq 2; Kum. ašɨq 2;
Nogh. asɨq 1, 2; Oyr. ažɨq 2.
◊ EDT 259, VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 216-217, TMN 2, 64-65, Лексика 288.
PJpn. *àsì foot (нога): OJpn. asi; MJpn. àsì, àsí; Tok. ashí; Kyo. áshì;
Kag. áshí.
◊ JLTT 385. OJ also has a variant a- in compounds (obviously a contraction).
‖ Poppe 86, 95, TMN 2, 115, АПиПЯЯ 275, Дыбо 15, Лексика 288.
-ăĺi to know; to listen, hear: Tung. *ala-; Mong. *al-dar; Turk. *ẹĺit-; Kor.
*ār-.
PTung. *ala- 1 to tell 2 (caus.) to teach, explain 3 to offer as sacrifice
4 to be responsible 5 royal decree (1 учить, объяснять 2 рассказывать
3 приносить в жертву 4 нести ответственность 5 высочайшее повеление): Evk. alawū- 2; Neg. ala-čị- 3; Man. ala- 1; SMan. alə- ‘to tell, to
inform’ (1346); Jurch. alawa-gi (576) 5; Ul. alaụ- 2, 4; Ork. alaụ- 2; Nan.
alō-sị- 2; Orch. alụ- 1, alaw- 2; Ud. alau- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 28. Cf. also Man. algi- ‘to be glorified’, algin ‘fame’ - probably belonging
here and not (despite Doerfer MT 239) borrowed from Turk. *ạlkɨ- (a quite different root,
see *p῾ŏlge); TM *al-du ‘news, rumours, information’ (ТМС 1, 31).
PMong. *al-dar fame, honour (слава, почет): MMong. aldar (SH);
WMong. aldar (L 30); Kh. aldar; Bur. aldar; Kalm. aldr; Ord. aldar; Dag.
aldar,aldūr (Тод. Даг. 120); aldartī, aligiən (MGCD), aledere ‘news’ (MD).
◊ KW 6, MGCD 102.
PTurk. *ẹĺit- to hear (слышать): OTurk. ešid- (Orkh.), ešit- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ešit- (MK, KB); Tur. išit-; Gag. išit-; Az. ešit-, pass. ešidil-;
Turkm. ešit-, pass. ešidil-; Sal. išti-; Khal. išüt-; MTurk. ešit- (Abush. 63);
Uzb. ešit-; Uygh. ešet- (Kashg., УНС 109); Krm. šit-; Tat. išet-; dial. (Mishar) iš- ‘hear’ (ТТДС 156), (Bar.) išɛn- ‘listen’ (ЯБТ 140); Bashk. išet-;
Kirgh. ešit-; Kaz. est-; KBalk. ešt-; KKalp. esit-; Kum. ešit-; Nogh. esit-;
Khak. is- / ist-; Chuv. ilt-; Yak. ihit-, pass. ihilin-; Dolg. ihit-, pass. ihilin-.
◊ VEWT 51, EDT 257-8, ЭСТЯ 1, 318-319, Егоров 69, Stachowski 123. Note -d- in
Runic and the voicing of -t before a vowel in Az. and Turkm. Khak. has two forms of
stem (is- and iste-, morphonologically distributed, so that is- < iste-; the same historical
process could have occurred with. Küär. äš-, Kach. eš- (R 1, 905); so the only clear evidence for the stem *eĺ- are Tatar dialectal reflexes (in which case -t may be a causative
suffix, see Bang 1925, Zajączkowski 1932). Shor este- ‘to hear’, estel- ‘to be heard’ do not
belong here, being derived from *es > is ‘mind, memory’, like Mod. Uygh. aŋla- ‘to hear’ <
aŋ ‘mind’.
PKor. *ār- to know (знать): MKor. ār-; Mod. āl-.
◊ Nam 346, KED 1089.
‖ EAS 140, 154, SKE 7 (Mong.-Kor.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 282; closed *ẹ
in PT may be explained by a secondary narrowing in a disyllable *eĺ-it> *ẹĺ-it- (cf. *er-kek > *ẹr-kek etc.).
294
*áĺi - *aĺV
-áĺi sand: Tung. *al-; Mong. *ele-sü; Turk. *Aĺu; Jpn. *ísá-, *ísuá.
PTung. *al- 1 dirt 2 to poach (in dirt) 3 bay, shore inlet (1 грязь 2
вязнуть 3 бухта в береге реки): Evk. aldi- 2; Nan. alian 3 (On.); Ork.
alāq 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 29, 31.
PMong. *ele-sü sand (песок): MMong. elesun (HY ‘pebble’ 3, SH);
WMong. elesü(n) (L 308); Kh. els(en); Bur. elhe(n); Kalm. elsn; Ord. eles,
elüsü, elesü; Dag. eler (Тод. Даг. 139).
◊ KW 120. Mong. > Evk. ellun, eldun ‘stony place, Icelandic spar’ (ТМС 2, 448).
PTurk. *Aĺu red clay, ochre (красная глина): Karakh. ašu (MK);
Tur. ašɨ, dial. ašu, ašur, Osmanli ašu; MTurk. ašɨ (AH 6).
◊ VEWT 30, EDT 256, Лексика 376.
PJpn. *ísá-, *ísuá 1 sand 2 sea shore, beach (морской берег, побережье): OJpn. isa-gwo 1, iswo 2; MJpn. ísá-gó 1, ísó 2; Tok. isago 1, ìso 2;
Kyo. ísó; Kag. íso.
◊ JLTT 427.
‖ PJ *ísuá < *ísá-gV; the root’s similarity to *(d)isi ῾stone’ is accidental
(no -i/-a alternation exists in Japanese).
-aĺV fresh crops, germinated seeds: Tung. *alu-; Mong. *(h)alir-su; Turk.
*(i)ăĺ-.
PTung. *alu- 1 currants 2 a k. of berry (моховка) (1 смородина 2
моховка (ягода)): Evk. aluɣ 1; Neg. aloj 1; Ul. ālụ 1; Ork. allụ 1; Orch. ālǟ
~ āli 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 33.
PMong. *(h)alir-su 1 chaff 2 fresh grass 3 blue-berry 4 bilberry,
cranberry (1 кожура плодов, мякина 2 свежая трава, отава 3 черника, брусника 4 черника, клюква): WMong. alisu 1 (KW 22), alir-su(n) 4
(L 32); Kh. alirs 3; Bur. alirhan 2, 3; Kalm. älsn. 1.
◊ KW 22. Mong. > Evk. alersun, Man. alisun (Poppe 1966, 197, ТМС 1, 32, Rozycki 16).
PTurk. *(i)ăĺ- 1 seed, cereals, crops; 2 graft, 3 vaccine, 4 pus (primarily - as a material for vaccinacion?) 5 tanning matter, 6 starch (1 семя,
злаки, зерновые 2 привой 3 вакцина 4 гной (первоначально - как
прививка?) 5 дубильное вещество 6 крахмал): Karakh. aš-lɨq 1 (ašlɨq
tarɨɣ önar ‘crops spring’) (MK; IM); Tur. ašɨ 2, 3; Gag. haš-la- ‘to plant
out seedlings; to graft; to vaccinate’; Az. aš, ašɨ 3, 5; Turkm. aš-Gar 5;
Sal. aš-lɨq 1 (ССЯ 296); MTurk. aši 2 (Pav. C.), ‘pollen’ (Zenker I 56);
Uzb. ɔš 5, ɔš-liq 1; Uygh. aš-lɨq 1, aš-la- ‘to tan’; Krm. aš-lɨq 1, aš-la- ‘to
graft’; Tat. aš-lɨq 1, aš 1, 4 dial. (Sib., КСТТ 107), aš-la- ‘to starch’; Bashk.
ašlɨq 1, ašla- ‘to graft’, dial. aš ‘pus’ (Бhh III 26); Kirgh. aš ‘fruit of some
wild plants, berry’, aštɨq 1, aša- ‘to tan’; Kaz. astɨq 1; KBalk. aš-lɨq 1,
aš-ügü ‘one of cereal cultures’; Kum. aš 1 (Cатыб. 73), aš-la- ‘to pollinate;
to tan’; Nogh. as ‘a grain, a seed’, aslɨq 1; Khak. as 1, as-ta-n- ‘to beware
*ámbe - *amča
295
of a disease’ (’to vaccinate oneself’?); Shr. aš 1; Oyr. aš 1; Yak. as 4, as,
ahɨlɨk ‘fruit of some wild plants, berry’; Dolg. ahɨlɨk ‘berry’.
◊ VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 211-212, 216, Stachowski 29. A lot of etymological confusion
here. Forms meaning ‘to tan, tanning matter; starch’ may be either borrowed from Persian or, rather, derived from *(i)aĺ ‘meal’ (v. sub *oĺe), see Лексика 378. The latter root,
due to its phonetic similarity (or even identity) has in general influenced the present one:
‘cereals’ are influenced by ‘porridge’ and *(i)aĺ-la- ‘to graft, to pollinate’ by *(i)aĺ-la- ‘to
fertilize’ ( = ‘to feed’). It seems nevertheless impossible to unite them completely.
‖ A Western isogloss: outside the Western area cf. perhaps OJ azami
‘sow-thistle’.
-ámbe heavy, big: Tung. *amba-; Mong. *amban; Jpn. *m(p)-; Kor.
*m-.
PTung. *amba- 1 big 2 many 3 very (1 большой 2 много 3 очень):
Man. amba 1; SMan. amə ‘big, large’(2398); Jurch. amban (amban-an) (668)
1, amban-lar (724) 2; Ul. amba(n) 1, 3; Ork. ambaramǯị 3; Nan. amba(n) 1;
Orch. amba 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 36-37. The relation of Neg. amban, Oroch, Ud. amba, Ul., Orok amba(n), Nan.
ambã ‘evil spirit’ is not quite clear.
PMong. *amban big, large, heavy; minister, official (большой, тяжелый): WMong. amban (L 36); Kh. amban; Bur. amba; Kalm. ambn;
Mongr. amba ‘dignitaire, légat, ambassadeur’ (SM 6).
PJpn. *m(p)- heavy (тяжелый): OJpn. om(w)o-; MJpn. ómó-; Tok.
òmo-; Kyo. ómó-; Kag. ómo-.
◊ JLTT 838.
PKor. *m- heavy (тяжелый): MKor. m-kp- (m-kw-); Mod. mugəp(mugəw-).
◊ Nam 225, KED 652.
‖ Martin 233, АПиПЯЯ 103, 277. Kor. has lost the initial vowel, as
in many other cases (*m- < *m-). Rozycki 17 supposes Man. > Mong.
which is not excluded.
-amča plough: Tung. *anǯa; Mong. *anǯi-sun; Turk. *amač; Jpn. *anti.
PTung. *anǯa plough (плуг, соха): Man. anǯa; Ul. anǯa; Nan. anǯa.
◊ ТМС 1, 43.
PMong. *anǯi-sun plough (плуг): MMong. anǯasun (HY 19);
WMong. anǯisu(n) (L 47); Kh. anǯis; Bur. anzaha(n); Kalm. ändəsn, äntəsn,
änǯəsn, andəsxə, ancəsn, ancn; Ord. andus, anǯasu, anǯusu, anǯus; Dong.
anǯasun (Тод. Дн.), nǯasə; Bao. anǯisoŋ (Тод. Бн.), anǯasun.
◊ KW 10, 11, 23, MGCD 113. Forms with -d- in some dialects are probably due to dissimilation with -su(n). Mong. > Sol. anǯas.
PTurk. *amač plough (плуг): Karakh. amač (MK); Tur. Osm. amač;
Turkm. omač; MTurk. amač (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔmɔč; Uygh. amač; Kirgh. amač.
◊ EDT 156, TMN 2, 124. Turk. > Pers. āmāǯ (see Horn 11 on the lack of Iranian etymology of the Persian word; the derivation in Bailey 326: āmāǯ < *mātač is hardly credi-
296
*ắmo - *ắmo
ble), despite Molnár 2001 (suggesting a different direction); but Chag. (Sangl.) amaǯ is
certainly a backloan < Persian. The word is also present in Armen. mač ‘plough handle’,
where it is most probably < Iranian.
PJpn. *anti a good plough (хороший плуг): OJpn. adi-sukji.
‖ Ozawa 312-313, ТМС 1, 43. An interesting common Altaic cultural
term. The TM forms could be < Mong. (see Rozycki 19), but the absence
of -su(n) (universally present in the Mong. form) suggests rather their
genuine nature.
-ắmo mouth; taste (*amo-t῾a, *amo-sa): Tung. *amŋa, *amta-; Mong. *ama-,
*amsa-, *amta; Turk. *um-, *um-sa-; Jpn. *ámá-, *ántí; Kor. *más.
PTung. *amŋa, *amta- 1 mouth 2 to taste (1 рот 2 пробовать на
вкус): Evk. amŋa 1, amta- 2; Evn. amŋъ 1, amtъ- 2; Neg. amŋa 1, amta- 2;
Man. aŋga 1; SMan. aŋə 1 (27), aŋa 1; Jurch. am-ŋa (494) 1; Ul. aŋma 1;
Ork. amŋa / aŋma 1; Nan. amGa 1; Orch. amma 1; Ud. aŋma 1; Sol. amma,
angai 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 38-39. PTM *amta- ‘to taste’ is hardly borrowed from Mong., since
Mong. amta(n) is used only as a noun; however, forms like Evk. amta etc. ‘taste’, as well as
-la-derivatives (Evn. amtl-, Nan. amtala- etc.) are most probably < Mong., see Doerfer MT
19. For PTM *amŋa ‘mouth’ borrowing is excluded. The stem *amŋa within TM tends to
contaminate with *aŋa ‘hole’ (v. sub *àŋa), which is obviously a secondary development.
PMong. *ama-, *amsa-, *amta 1 mouth 2 to taste 3 taste (1 рот 2
пробовать на вкус 3 вкус): MMong. aman (HY 45, SH), aman (IM 432),
aman (MA 99) 1, amsa- (HY 25), amsa- (MA 101) 2, amtan (HY 25) 3, amtata’i (SH), omṭaṭā (IM 432) ‘sweet’, amta (MA 101) 3; WMong. ama(n) 1
(L 35), amsa- 2 (L 39), amta(n) 3 (L 39); Kh. am 1, amsa- 2, amt(an) 3; Bur.
aman 1, amha- 2, amta(n) 3; Kalm. amn 1, amsa- 2, amtn 3, am-la- ‘to spell,
to speak’; Ord. ama 1, amsa- 2, amta 3; Mog. aman, amun 1, amsa 2, amta 3
(Ramstedt 1906); ZM mn (1-7a) 1; Dag. ama 1 (MGCD am), anta- 2,
anta 3 (Тод. Даг. 120, 121) (MGCD: ant), ame 1, amete ‘tasty’ (MD 114);
Dong. amaŋ 1 (MGCD: aman), amusa- 2, anda-tu ‘tasty’ (Тод. Дн. 110);
Bao. amaŋ (Тод. Бн. 133) 1, amtəg 3 (MGCD); S.-Yugh. aman 1, amsa- 2,
amtan 3; Mongr. ama 1 (SM 5), amusa- 2 (SM 7), MGCD amsa-), amata-,
amuta 3 (SM 6, 7), amta 3 (MGCD).
◊ Cf. also Mong. *amasar ‘cavity, hole’. Тод. Мгр. 314, Тод. ЯМВМ 112, KW 9, 10,
MGCD 105, 109; TMN 1, 148, 149., Bur. amhagar ‘разверстый’. Mong. amtan > Yak., Dolg.
amtan (Kał. MEJ 41, Stachowski 33).
PTurk. *um-, *um-sa- 1 to hope for 2 to envy 3 an object of hope,
desire; hope (1 надеяться 2 завидовать 3 объект надежды, желания;
надежда): OTurk. umuɣ 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. um- 1, umdu 3 (MK, KB),
umdu-čɨ ‘beggar’ (MK); Tur. um- 1, umsan- 1, umu 3; Gag. um- 1,; Az.
um- 1, umsun- ‘to be disappointed’, umaǯaG 3; Turkm. ɨmtɨl- ‘to wait for
food’; MTurk. um-unč 3 (Pav C.); Uzb. um- 1 (dial. Khorazm.), umsun‘to experience a flow of milk in one’s breast and a desire to feed a
*mú - *mú
297
baby’; Krm. um- 1, umsun- 1; Tat. omtɨ-l- 1; Kirgh. umu- 1, umsun- 1, umtul- ‘to strive’; Kaz. umtɨ- ‘to dart, lunge’; KKalp. umɨt-, ɨmtɨl- ‘to strive’;
Nogh. ɨmtɨ- ‘to dart, lunge’; Khak. umzan- 1 (Верб.); Oyr. umzan- ‘to go
in a direction’, umza- ‘to make smb. to go in a direction’; Chuv. ъₙmza2; Yak. umsu-gu-j- ‘to become keen on, addicted’, umnahɨt (*umdačɨt)
‘beggar’.
◊ EDT 155-156, 157, 158; VEWT 513, ЭСТЯ 1, 595-596. Some derivatives tend to
merge with Pers. umīd ‘hope’ (whence certainly Turkm. umt, Gag., Karaim, Kum. umut
id.) Not quite clear is the relation of this root to the verb ɨntɨ- ‘to yearn’, Chuv. ъnDъ(ЭСТЯ I 653-654).
PJpn. *ámá-, *ántí 1 taste 2 tasty, sweet (1 вкус 2 вкусный, сладкий): OJpn. adi 1, ama- 2; MJpn. ádí 1, ámá- 2; Tok. àji 1, àma- 2; Kyo. ájí
1, ámà- 2; Kag. áji 1, áma- 2.
◊ JLTT 389, 825.
PKor. *más taste (вкус): MKor. más; Mod. mat [mas], mət [məs].
◊ Nam 203, KED 588, 614.
‖ EAS 116, 140, Poppe 68, Колесникова 1972a, 73-77, Martin 248,
АПиПЯЯ 46-47, 70, 291, Rozycki 18. A common Altaic root with old
derivatives meaning ‘taste’: *ámo-sa- > Turk. *umsa-, Mong. *amsa-, Kor.
*más; *ámo-t῾a > Mong. *amta, TM *amta-, Jpn. *ántí. The deriving root
itself, with its basic meaning ‘mouth’, could probably also designate ‘to
taste’ in predicative function (cf. the suffixless Jpn. *ámá- ‘tasty, sweet’
and PT *um- (*’to taste, have a taste for’ > ‘to hope’). Despite Doerfer
MT 19, TM *amŋa ‘mouth’ cannot have anything in common with
Mong. *haŋga ‘crack, hole’ (on this form see sub *àŋa and *p῾eŋi).
-mú river, valley: Tung. *āmu-; Mong. *ama-n; Jpn. *ùmí; Kor. *omi.
PTung. *āmu- 1 lake 2 river (1 озеро 2 река): Evk. āmut 1; Evn.
amar, āmār 2; Neg. amụt 1; Man. omo 1; SMan. omə 1 (2082); Jurch. omo
(45) 1; Nan. amoã 1; Orch. amu 1; Ud. amuli ‘name of a river’ (Корм.
207); Sol. amụǯi 1, amur 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 40. Man. > Oroch, Ul. omo, Orok omō id.
PMong. *ama-n valley (падь, долина): MMong. ama-sar ‘mountain
fold’ (SH); WMong. ama(n); Kh. am(an); Kalm. amn; Ord. ama(n).
◊ KW 9. Should be distinguished from *ama-n ‘mouth’.
PJpn. *ùmí sea (море): OJpn. umji; MJpn. ùmí; Tok. úmi; Kyo. ùmí;
Kag. umí.
◊ JLTT 562.
PKor. *omi land sink, pool (впадина (заполненная водой), лужа):
Mod. omi.
◊ KED 1200.
‖ Cf. Amu-Darya in Turk.; Oyr. Umar ‘big river (Ob’).?
298
*ămV - *mV
-ămV quick, timely: Tung. *am-; Mong. *(h)am-; Turk. *(i)am-; Kor. *ām.
PTung. *am- 1 quick, quickly 2 to be in time, to catch up 3 to reach,
touch (1 быстрый, быстро 2 успеть, застать вовремя 3 достать, дотянуться): Evk. ama, ama-kān 1, amin-, ami-ltän-; Evn. āmrq 1, āmltn- 2;
Man. am-bu-, am-ča- 3; SMan. aməčə- 2; Nan. am-qa-čị- 3 Bik.; Sol. amarī 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 34, 37, 38. TM > Dag. amilta- ‘to be in time, catch’ (Тод. Даг. 120).
PMong. *(h)am- 1 sudden, quick 2 to be on time (1 внезапный, быстрый 2 быть вовремя): WMong. ama-ɣai 1, am-ǯi- 2 (L 41); Kh. amǯi- 2;
Bur. amža- 2, amžalta 3; Kalm. amɣǟ 1,; Ord. amǯi- 2.
◊ KW 9.
PTurk. *(i)am- 1 now 2 recent (1 сейчас 2 недавний): OTurk. am-tɨ 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. am-dɨ 1 (MK, KB); SUygh. am-ɣo, am-dö-ko 2
(ЯЖУ 15); Khak. am 1, am-dɨ-ɣɨ, am-ɣɨ 2; Shr. am, amdɨ 1, amdɨɣɨ 2, am-oq
‘at once’; Tv. am 1, amɣɨ 2, amd (< amdɨɣɨ) ‘the same’; Tof. am, amdɨ ,
amɣ 2; Yak. anɨ ( < *am-dɨ) 1; Dolg. anɨ 1.
◊ VEWT 18, 41, EDT 156-157, ЭСТЯ I 357, Stachowski 34, Лексика 83 (with some
confusion of *am- and *em- q.v. sub *ìmé).
PKor. *ām surely, certainly (точно, конечно): Mod. ām.
◊ KED 1093.
‖ AKE 6, EAS 117.
-mV to be quiet; sleep: Tung. *ām-; Mong. *amu-, *ami-; Turk. *ăm-.
PTung. *ām- 1 to sleep 2 to be sleepy (1 спать 2 хотеть спать): Evk.
āme- 2; Evn. āmol- 2; Neg. āma- 2; Man. amga- / amxa- 1; SMan. aməhə- 1
(528); Ul. amasị- 2; Ork. āma- 2; Nan. āmalo-, āmasị- 2; Orch. āma-si- 2;
Ud. amahi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 1-2.
PMong. *amu-, *ami- 1 to rest 2 peace, rest 3 to be / become quiet 4
life, soul (1 покоиться, отдыхать 2 покой, мир 3 успокаиваться 4
жизнь, душа): MMong. amin (HY 49) 4, amuxulaŋ ‘peace’ (HY 55), amu1, amura- 3, ami-du ‘alive’, amor (IM 432), amu- 1, amur 2, amin 4, ami-du
‘alive’, hamisqu ‘breath’ (MA 100, 102), amur 1, ami(n) 4, amu- 1, amur-li3 (SH); WMong. amu-, amura-, amara- 1, amur 2 (L 36, 40); Kh. amar,
amgal (<*amu-gal) 2; ‘easy’, aḿ (amin) 4, amra- 1, aḿsga- ‘to breathe’; Bur.
amar 2, amar- 1, amgalan(g) ’peaceful’, ami(n) 4, ‘breath’, amisxa- ‘to
breathe’; Kalm. amr, amɣūləŋ 2, amr- 1, ämn 4, ämsχə- ‘to breathe’; Ord.
am, amur, amūlaŋ, amuɣūlaŋ 2, amara- 1, ami 4, amus ge- 3, amisχa- ‘to
breathe’; Mog. amdun ‘lebendig’ (Ramstedt 1906); ZM amūdu’i ‘alive’;
Dag. amar(a)- 1, 3, amal, amūl 2, ami 4, amisa- ‘запыхаться’ (MD 6, Тод.
Даг. 120); Dong. hamura- 1, amin 4 (Тод. Дн. 110, 139); Bao. hamera- 1
(Тод. Бн. 150) (MGCD: hamər-); S.-Yugh. amura- 1 (MGCD aməra-), amar
2; Mongr. xamurā- (SM 154), xamburā- 1, ami (SM 6) 4, amuraG ‘ami, qui
s’accorde bien’ (SM 6).
*nda - *nda
299
◊ KW 9, 22, Тод. Мгр. 314, 373, MGCD 106, 109, 110. Mong. > Tuva ami ‘life’ etc., Sol.
ami, Man. ami-la-, see Doerfer MT 136; > Shor etc. abɨr (R), Tuba, Nogh. awɨr ‘peace, quietness’ - see ЭСТЯ I 59; > Evk. amurā-, Man. amuran, see Doerfer MT 99.
PTurk. *ăm- 1 gentle, quiet 2 to love, desire, rejoice 3 politeness 4
beloved 5 to be quiet (1 тихий, спокойный 2 любить, радоваться 3
вежливость 4 милый, любимый 5 быть спокойным): OTurk. amul,
amɨl 1, amraq 4, amɨr-, amran- 2, amrɨl- 5 (OUygh.); Karakh. amul 1, amraq
4, amɨrt- ‘to calm’, amrɨl- 5 (MK, KB); Tur. ɨmɨl, umul 1 (dial.); Khal. havul
‘good’ (?); MTurk. ɨmraɣ 4; Uygh. amraq 4; Kirgh. amɨz ‘honour’; KBalk.
amɨr ‘desire’; Kum. amraq ‘disposition, aptitude’; SUygh. amɨr 1, amɨra5; Khak. amɨr 1, amɨra- 5; Oyr. amɨr 1, amɨra- 5; Tv. amɨr 1, amɨra- 2,
amɨraq 3; Chuv. ъₙmъₙr ‘quiet and grey (weather)’; Yak. amarax, amɨrax
‘compassionate’; Dolg. amarak ‘compassionate’.
◊ EDT 160-161, 162-163, 164, VEWT 19, ЭСТЯ 1, 59-60 (confused with abra- ‘to save’ <
Mong.), Stachowski 33, TMN 2, 125, Федотов 1, 82. Turk. > MMong. amraχ ‘sweetheart’,
amuraɣ ‘friend’ (IM), amraq bol- ‘to fall in love’ (MA), amara- ‘sich lieben’, amarah ‘Liebe’
(SH), Mongr. amuraɣ ‘friend’ (Тод. Мнгр. 314) etc.; but modern Kypchak and Siberian
forms may be reborrowed < Mong.
‖ KW 9, VEWT 19, ТМС 1,2-3, АПиПЯЯ 292, Дыбо 13, Rozycki 17.
A Western isogloss. The root presents considerable difficulties because
of widespread later interlingual borrowings (see TMN 2, 125, Щербак
1997, 97-98). A specific problem is raised by initial h- in some Southern
Mongolian forms (Dong. hamura-, Bao. hamera-, Mongor xamurā- ‘to
rest’). The aspiration here is evidently secondary, because it is absent
both in Dagur and in most attested Middle Mongolian sources (but cf.
MA hamisqu). It is, therefore, probable that these forms are in fact borrowed from modern Turkic dialects with secondary aspiration (cf. h- in
Khalaj). This would be indeed an argument in favour of the whole
*amura- group of words in Mong. to be regarded as borrowed from
Turkic (although later reborrowings into modern Turkic languages
were, of course, also possible). However, significant semantic and formal differences do not allow us to regard as borrowed, on the one
hand, the Turkic forms going back to attested Old Uyghur (e.g. amɨr‘to love), on the other hand, Mong. ami-n ‘life, soul’ and amu- ‘to rest’.
-nda to do wrong; to accuse, tease: Tung. *(x)an(d)u-; Mong. *anda-;
Turk. *āt-aĺč-; Jpn. *áná-.
PTung. *(x)an(d)u- 1 to accuse 2 to tease (1 обвинять 2 дразнить,
надоедать): Evk. anū- 1; Neg. anut- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 44.
PMong. *anda- to err, mistake (ошибаться): MMong. anduri- (SH)
‘to be upset, alarmed’; WMong. anda-, andu- (L 42, 43), andaɣu-; Kh.
anda-; Bur. anda-; Kalm. and-; Ord. andū-.
◊ KW 10, Тод. ЯМВМ 113.
300
*ắni - *ni
PTurk. *āt-aĺč- to be mistaken, to err (ошибаться, заблуждаться):
Turkm. ādaš- (А-Б); MTurk. adaš-; Uygh. adaš-; Krm. adaš-; Tat. adaš-;
Bashk. aδaš-; Kirgh. adaš-; Kaz. adas-; KKalp. adas-; Kum. adaš-; Nogh.
adas-.
◊ VEWT 5. Strange reflexes of the medial consonant (voicing in Kypchak, δ in
Bashk.) may somehow reflect the original cluster “resonant + stop”.
PJpn. *áná- to despise, tease (презирать, насмехаться): OJpn.
ana-tur-; MJpn. áná-tur-; Tok. anador-.
◊ JLTT 676.
‖ A different etymology of the Jpn. form (see АПиПЯЯ 18, 81 and
*ŋenu) seems less probable because of an obvious parallelism between
the Jpn. and TM forms.
-ắni very: Tung. *ana-; Mong. *aŋ-ka; Turk. *eŋ; Kor. *àńí.
PTung. *ana- very (очень): Nan. anam; Orch. ana, anī, anu.
◊ ТМС 1, 41.
PMong. *aŋ-ka 1 original 2 very, extremely (1 первоначально, -ый;
2 очень, чрезвычайно): MMong. aŋqa (SH) 2, anqani quina ‘quite behind’(MA 103); WMong. aŋqa(n) (L 45); Kh. anx(an) 1; Bur. anxa(n) 1;
Kalm. aŋxən 1; Ord. aŋxan 1; Dag. aŋke 1 (MD 115); Mongr. aŋ 1 (SM 9).
◊ KW 11-12. Mong. > Kirgh. aŋqɨ- ‘be first’.
PTurk. *eŋ very (очень): OTurk. eŋ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eŋ
(KB); Tur. en; Gag. heŋ; Az. än; Turkm. iŋ; Uzb. eŋ; Uygh. äŋ; Krm. eŋk;
Tat. iŋ; Bashk. iŋ; Kirgh. eŋ; Kaz. eŋ; KBalk. eŋ; KKalp. eŋ; Nogh. eŋ;
SUygh. jeŋ; Khak. iŋ, dial. niŋ; Shr. eŋ; Oyr. eŋ; Tv. eŋ; Yak. eŋin ‘diverse,
various’; Dolg. eŋin-eŋin ‘diverse’.
◊ VEWT 45, EDT 166, ЭСТЯ 1, 365-366, Stachowski 43. Turk. > Mong. eŋ, see TMN 2,
130.
PKor. *àńí beginning, first, preliminary (сначала, прежде всего, начерно): MKor. àńí; Mod. ä-bəl.
◊ Nam 339, KED 1102.
‖ SKE 5, EAS 119. Turkic and Mongolian reflect a suffixed form
*ắni-k῾V, with assimilation *-n- > *-ŋ- (and further reduction in Turkic).
-ni not, negative verb: Tung. *ā(n)-; Turk. *en; Jpn. *nà-, *-(a)n-, *ìná;
Kor. *àn-.
PTung. *ā(n)- not (не, нет): Evk. āčin; Evn. ān, āč; Neg. āčin; Man.
aqu; SMan. aqu (3017); Jurch. a-ĉwi (705); Ul. ana; Ork. ana; Nan. anā;
Orch. ana; Ud. anči; Sol. aĩ.
◊ All forms listed must go back to a common negative stem *ān-. See ТМС 1, 41, 60.
PTurk. *en not (prohibitive particle) (не (запретительная частица)): Chuv. an.
◊ Егоров 26-27, Федотов 1, 43-45. An isolated Chuv. form, but probably archaic (cf.
the external evidence). Cf. also Karakh. (MK Oghuz) aŋ ‘an exclamation meaning “no”’
*ni - *ni
301
(see EDT 165) - but it is a hapax, occurs only within a reduplication aŋ aŋ, does not regularly correspond to Chuv. an and may be just onomatopoeic.
PJpn. *nà-, *-(a)n-, *ìná 1 not (verbal negation) 2 lacking,
non-existent 3 not, negation 4 to negate, dismiss (1 не (глагольное отрицание) 2 нет, отсутствующий, несуществующий 3 не, несогласие
4 отрицать, не допускать): OJpn. -(a)n- 1, na- 2, ina 3, ina-b- 4; MJpn.
-(a)n- 1, na- 2, ìná 3, ìnà-b- 4; Tok. ná- 2, -na- 1, ína 3, inam- 4; Kyo. nà-;
Kag. nà-.
◊ JLTT 424, 697, 835. *-(a)n- is a verbal negation, probably reflecting the original first
vowel of the root *an- (preserved because of the loss of final -i in an auxiliary verbal
morpheme). *ìná is a regular reflex of *ni, while the adjective *nà- ‘lacking, non-existent’
reveals a secondary loss of initial vowel.
PKor. *àn- not (не): MKor. àn(í)-; Mod. an(i)-.
◊ Nam 334, KED 1068.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 95-96, 277, Vovin 1997, 3. Basically an Eastern isogloss,
with a Western remnant in Chuvash. Cf. also MKor. àčhjt- (-r-) ‘not to
like’ (cf. TM *ān-či-). Korean has a usual verbal low tone.
-ni to hold, present: Tung. *anī-; Mong. *anǯu; Turk. *ēnčü; Kor. *ān-.
PTung. *anī- to present a gift (дарить, награждать): Evk. anī-; Evn.
anị-; Ulch. ajban ( < *ani-pan) 'gift'.
◊ ТМС 1, 21, 43.
PMong. *anǯu fine (штраф): MMong. anǯu, amǯu (SH); WMong.
anǯu (L 47); Kh. anʒ; Bur. anza ‘dowry’; Kalm. anz; Mongr. nar ‘cadeaux
qu’on donne à l’occasion des funerailles à tous ceux qui y assistent’
(SM 267).
◊ KW 11.
PTurk. *ēnčü 1 fief, land and vassals presented by the ruler 2 gift,
dowry (1 владение, земля и челядь, пожалованные начальником 2
подарок, приданое): OTurk. inčü (/anču) 1 (OUygh.); Turkm. īnǯi 2;
MTurk. enčü 1 (Abush. 82); Uzb. inǯu 1; Uygh. änči 1 (dial.); Tat. inče 2;
Bashk. inse 2; Kirgh. enči 1, 2; Kaz. enši 2; KBalk. enči ῾own’; KKalp. enši
2; Kum. enči-li ‘own’; Khak. inǯi 2; Oyr. enči 1, 2; Yak. enńie 2.
◊ VEWT 44, EDT 173, ЭСТЯ 1, 361-362, Лексика 347-348, Дыбо 1997. Turk. >
MMong. enčü, WMong. inǯe, Kalm. inǯə (KW 208, 296). Mong. inǯe ‘dowry’ may be in fact
a word of different (Chinese) origin, see Haenisch 82, TMN 2, 224, EDT ibid., and modern
Turkic forms may reflect a confusion of the original form and the later mongolism.
PKor. *ān- to hold in the arms (держать в руках): MKor. ān-; Mod.
ān-.
◊ Nam 345, KED 1083.
‖ SKE 11, Дыбо 15.
302
*nta - *ńe(-č῾V)
-nta oath; comrade, match: Tung. *anda; Mong. *anda; Turk. *Ānt; Jpn.
*ánta.
PTung. *anda friend (друг): Evk. anda; Neg. anda; Man. anda; Jurch.
al-da-xaj (330) cf. *alda (1-31), an-dan-do (816) ‘to follow’; Ul. anda; Ork.
anda; Nan. anda; Orch. anda; Ud. anda.
◊ ТМС 1, 42-43. TM (Nan. andaχa etc.) > Dag. antaka (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *anda 1 friend 2 oath (1 друг 2 клятва): MMong. anda 1 ,
andaqar 2 (SH), andoɣ- (IM 432) ‘to make an oath’, andă 1, andaɣar 2 (MA
102); WMong. anda 1, andaɣar, andaɣai 2 (L 42); Kh. and 1, andgaj 2; Bur.
anda 1; Kalm. andə, andn 1, andəɣər 2; Ord. anda 1; Mog. ZM andaɣ
(24-9b) 2; Dag. ande 1 (MD 115); Dong. andaɣa(n) 2; Bao. andərəG 2;
S.-Yugh. andaGar 2; Mongr. ndaGa (SM 261) 2, (MGCD amdaGa).
◊ KW 10, MGCD 106, 624, TMN 1, 151-152.
PTurk. *Ānt oath (клятва): OTurk. ant (OUygh.); Karakh. and (MK);
Tur. ant (andɨ); Az. and; Turkm. ant; Khal. a:nd; MTurk. ant; Uzb. ɔnt;
Uygh. ant; Krm. ant; Tat. ant; Bashk. ant; Kirgh. ant; Kaz. ant; KBalk. ant;
KKalp. ant; Kum. ant; Nogh. ant; Oyr. ant-ɨq- ‘to take an oath’.
◊ EDT 176, VEWT 20, TMN 2, 128, ЭСТЯ 1, 151. Original vowel length is proved by
Turk., Az. -d.
PJpn. *ánta 1 enemy 2 other (1 враг 2 другой): OJpn. ata 1, ata-si 2;
MJpn. átá 1, átà-sì, ada-si 2; Tok. adá 1; Kyo. ádà 1; Kag. ádà 1.
◊ Modern dialects point to *ántà; RJ has átá. See JLTT 376-377.
‖ EAS 153, KW 10, Владимирцов 318, Poppe 83, VEWT, ТМС. Despite TMN 2, 128, Щербак 1997, 98, there is no reason to suppose Turk.
> Mong.; for TM, however, a borrowing from Mong. cannot be e xcluded (see Poppe 1972, 100, TMN 1, 152, Doerfer MT 37, Rozycki 18).
-ant῾a hill, slope: Tung. *antaga; Jpn. *antuma; Kor. *əntək(h).
PTung. *antaga slope of a mountain (склон горы): Evk. antaɣa; Evn.
antɣ; Neg. antaɣa; Man. antu; Nan. antaǯịa; Ud. anta.
◊ ТМС 1,44.
PJpn. *antuma East (восток): OJpn. aduma.
◊ JLTT 389.
PKor. *əntək(h) hill (холм): MKor. ənthək; Mod. əndək.
◊ Nam 366, KED 1139.
‖ An Eastern isogloss: in Turk. cf. perhaps, Turkm. aŋŋat ‘sandhill,
mound’.
-ńe(-č῾V) to be quiet, sit: Tung. *āńi-; Mong. *eje, *en-; Turk. *Enč; Jpn.
*ntà-; Kor. *ànč-.
PTung. *āńi- 1 to enjoy 2 feast (1 радоваться 2 праздник): Evn. āńị1; Nan. ańā 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 45.
*ńu - *ńu
303
PMong. *eje, *eŋ-ke peace, quietness (мир, покой): MMong. eje,
eŋke (SH, HYt); WMong. eje (L 304); Kh. eje, enx; Bur. eje, enxe; Kalm. ejə,
eŋkə; Ord. ẹje, eŋχe.
◊ KW 118, 123. Mong. > Yak. eje, Dolg. eje- (see Kał. MEJ 50, Stachowski 44).
PTurk. *Enč tranquil, at peace (спокойный, мирный): OTurk. enč;
enčsire- ‘to be uneasy’ (OUygh.); Karakh. enč (MK, KB), enčrü-n- ‘to live
in peace’ (KB); Tat. inčü ‘peace’ (dial., Bar., ЯБТ 139) dial.; SUygh.
inǯek-tɨɣ ‘quiet’ (ЯЖУ 32); Oyr. enčü 1, enčik- ‘to get accustomed’, enčik
‘habit’, enči-le- ‘to soothe’.
◊ EDT 171-172, 173, 174, VEWT 172, 43.
PJpn. *ntà- quiet, peaceful (мирный, тихий, спокойный): OJpn.
oda-pji-si; MJpn. òdàfíkà, oda-si; Tok. odáya-ka; Kyo. ódáyákà; Kag. odayaká.
◊ JLTT 504, 838.
PKor. *ànč- to sit (сидеть): MKor. ànč-; Mod. anč-.
◊ Nam 346, KED 1088.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297. Korean has a “verbal” low tone. Deriving Kor. ančfrom Sino-Korean an (SKE 11) should of course be rejected. The Turk.,
Kor. and Jpn. forms reflect a derivative with *-č῾V; Mong. eŋke <
*ńe-kV.
-ńu moon; (moon cycle), year: Tung. *ańŋa; Mong. *oj; Turk. *āń.
PTung. *ańŋa year (год): Evk. anŋanī; Evn. anŋn; Neg. ańŋan; Man.
ańa; SMan. ani (2723); Jurch. ania (79); Ul. ańa(n); Ork. anańị; Nan.
ajŋańa, ajŋanị; Orch. anŋańi; Ud. aŋa(n); Sol. ań, aŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 43-44. TM > Dag. ańē (sar) ‘January’ (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *oj 1 anniversary 2 year (1 годовщина 2 год): MMong. oin
‘time’ (IM = MA 443); WMong. oi 1 (L 603); Kh. oj 1; Bur. oj 1; Kalm. ȫ 2;
Ord. oön 1, 2.
◊ KW 303.
PTurk. *āń(k) moon, month (луна, месяц): OTurk. aj (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. aj (MK, KB); Tur. aj; Gag. aj; Az. aj; Turkm. āj; Sal. aj;
Khal. hāj; MTurk. aj; ań (CCum.); Uzb. ɔj; Uygh. aj; Krm. aj; Tat. aj;
Bashk. aj; Kirgh. aj; Kaz. aj; KBalk. aj; KKalp. aj; Kum. aj; Nogh. aj;
SUygh. aj; Khak. aj; Shr. aj; Oyr. aj; Tv. aj; Tof. a; Chuv. ojъx; Yak. ɨj;
Dolg. ɨj ‘month’.
◊ VEWT 10, TMN 2, 169, EDT 265, ЭСТЯ 1, 98-99 (see there on the reasons of reconstructing *-ń), Мудрак Дисс. 178, Федотов 2, 271, Лексика 55, 76-77, Stachowski 258.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283, Дыбо 11, Мудрак Дисс. 70, Лексика 77. A Western isogloss.
304
*àŋa - *ăŋatV
-àŋa hole, crack, gape: Tung. *aŋa-; Mong. *aŋ, *aŋga-; Turk. *aŋ-; Jpn.
*ànà.
PTung. *aŋa- 1 dig 2 crack, hole 3 open (1 копать 2 щель, дыра 3
открывать): Evk. aŋa- 1, aŋa-/ āŋā- 3, aŋa 2; Evn. aŋ- 1, āŋa- 3; Neg. aŋa1, 3, aŋa 2; Ul. aŋGala 2; Ork. āŋGa- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 45-46.
PMong. *aŋ, *aŋga- 1 crack, hole, gape 2 to open one῾s mouth; to
gape (щель, расщелина, дыра 2 раскрывать рот; открываться, зиять): WMong. aŋga- 2, (L 43) aŋ 1, aŋɣai- ‘be wide open’; Kh. aŋ 1, aŋgai2; Bur. aŋg(an) 1; Kalm. aŋ, aŋgə 1; Ord. aŋ 1; Dag. xangai- 2 (Тод. Даг.
173) (but Тод. Даг. 121, MGCD: aŋgī, angai); Dong. anGəi- 2; Bao. aŋGi2; S.-Yugh. aŋɣī- 2; Mongr. ŋGai (SM 9, aŋG-) 2.
◊ KW 11, MGCD 111, 528. Mong. > Yak. aŋa-, Kirgh. aŋqaj- etc. (KW 21). The isolated
Dag. xangai- with x- is strange; it may reflect a trace of another root (cf. PA *p῾éŋi) that
disappeared in most dialects.
PTurk. *aŋ- 1 to be wide open 2 to be perplexed, astonished 3 wide
open 4 fool, simpleton 5 obtuse, stupid 6 astonished 7 to have one’s
mouth opened 8 to be drowsy, faint 9 to look at with surprise 10 to
gape (1 быть широко открытым 2 быть удивленным, опешить 3 широко открытый 4 дурак, простак 5 бестолковый 6 удивленный 7 разинуть рот 8 быть сонным, вялым 9 смотреть с удивлением 10 зиять): Karakh. aŋɨl ačuq 3 (MK); Tur. (dial.) anuk, aŋɨz 4; Turkm. aŋal- 2,
aŋqar- 2, 7; MTurk. (MKypch.) anɣɨ 6 (AH); Uzb. aŋraj- 2, 7; Tat.
aŋɣɨ-miŋge bul- 3; (dial.) aŋɣɨl 5; Kirgh. aŋqaj-, aŋɣar- 1, 9 (< Mong.?), aŋqō
4, aŋɨr- 2, aŋɨraj- 10; Kaz. aŋtar-, aŋɨr- 2, aŋqaw 4; KKalp. aŋqaw 4; Nogh.
aŋqɨ-tiŋke ‘daffy’, aŋra 4, aŋšaj- 7; Khak. aŋaj- ‘to miss’, aŋmaj- 2, 7, aŋmax
‘standing with one’s mouth open’; Tv. aŋɣada- 2; Yak. aŋar- 8.
◊ EDT 184, ЭСТЯ 1, 155, 156-157.
PJpn. *ànà hole (дыра): OJpn. ana; MJpn. ànà; Tok. aná; Kyo. àná;
Kag. aná.
◊ The Kyoto accent is irregular (ánà would be expected. JLTT 381.
‖ Poppe 72, АПиПЯЯ 81. Mong. *aŋga- < *aŋa-ga-.
-ăŋatV a k. of duck: Tung. *andi; Mong. *aŋgir; Turk. *Ăŋ(k)ɨt; Jpn.
*anti.
PTung. *andi scoter, a k. of duck (турпан, утка-чернеть): Evk. anni,
andi, ende; Neg. anị; Nan. āni, āŋgi (On.) ‘diver’.
◊ ТМС 1, 43; 2, 453.
PMong. *aŋgir scoter (турпан): MMong. aŋgir (SH); WMong. aŋɣir
(L 44-45: “a k. of yellow duck”); Kh. angir; Bur. angir; Kalm. äŋgr; Ord.
?aŋgir ‘yellow’.
◊ KW 23. Mong. > Evk. aŋir etc., see Doerfer MT 68; > Yak. aŋɨr ‘выпь’, Oyr. aŋɨr
‘варнавка’, Tuva aŋgɨr, Kirgh. aŋɣar etc. (despite TMN 2, 129 those forms cannot go back
to *aŋgɨrt and must be recognized as borrowings). It is also interesting to note WMong.
*ŋo - *ŋo
305
aǯir, Khalkha aǯir ‘teal, Anas crecca’ (L 62), possibly < *adir < *aŋdir, with a different (old
dialectal?) development of the medial cluster.
PTurk. *Ăŋ(k)ɨt wild duck (дикая утка): OTurk. aŋɨt (OUygh.);
Karakh. aŋɨt (MK); Tur. angut ‘огарь’, ankɨt (dial.); Az. anGut-boGaz
‘длинношеий’; Turkm. aŋk ‘red duck’; MTurk. anqud (Sngl); Uzb.
anɣirt ‘red duck’; Krm. anqɨt, ankit ‘ostrich, vulture, dragon’; Kum.
haŋqut; SUygh. aŋɨt; Khak. āt.
◊ VEWT 21, Лексика 172. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 129) PT *aŋgɨrt is a quite artificial construct: it is based on occasional modern forms (like Uzb. aŋɣirt) which reflect a contamination of *aŋɨt and the borrowed Mong. aŋɣɨr (with the influence of aŋgɨrt ‘careless’). All
old sources (see EDT 176) reflect only *aŋɨt. (Yak. ńɨntāla ‘горбоносый турпан’ (Пек.),
despite VEWT, < Evk. niltalbuki ‘a black duck with white head, from nilta- ‘to loose hair’,
lit. ‘bald bird’ ТМС I 593; annɨ, andɨ < TM *andi; anńa, anńarɨjar dial. ‘a k. of sea bird,
морянка’ (ДСЯЯ 48) < Mong. aŋgir).
PJpn. *anti a k. of duck (вид утки): OJpn. adi.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 71, Лексика 172. Cf. also Mong. aŋgat ‘аркалик (птица)’ ( < Turk.); but for *aŋgir borrowing is hardly possible, despite TMN
2, 130, Щербак 1997, 192. Mong. -r here requires an explanation: it is
most probably a result of reinterpreting the original *aŋgid as a plural
form and rebuilding a new singular *aŋgir (cf. *nökör - *nököd etc.). The
word is widely spread in Siberian languages, see Аникин 70.
-ŋo right: Tung. *āŋ(gi)-; Mong. *eŋge-; Turk. *oŋ.
PTung. *āŋ(gi)- right (правый): Evk. anŋū, āńŋū; Evn. āngɣ; Neg.
ańŋị-dā; Ul. anǯị; Ork. āńǯē; Nan. āŋgịa; Orch. āńǯä; Ud. ajaŋaǯa; Sol. angida. ◊ ТМС 1, 40-41.
PMong. *eŋge- 1 South 2 front (of cloth) (1 юг 2 перед (одежды)):
WMong. eŋger 1, 2 (L 318); Kh. enger 1, 2; Bur. enger 2; Kalm. eŋgə, eŋgr
‘shore’; Ord. enger 2; Dag. enge 2; eŋge-le- ‘выступать, выдаваться’;
Dong. engie 2; Bao. əŋgər 2; Mongr. ŋge (SM 293) 2.
◊ MGCD 263, KW 122.
PTurk. *oŋ 1 right 2 good, lucky 3 West (1 правый 2 благоприятный, счастливый 3 запад): OTurk. oŋ 1, 2, 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. oŋ 1, 2
(MK, KB); Tur. on 1, 2 (dial.); Turkm. oŋ 2; MTurk. oŋ 1 (Abush.); Uzb.
ọŋ 1, 2; Uygh. oŋ 1; Krm. oŋ 1, 2; Tat. uŋ 1, 2; Bashk. uŋ 1, 2; Kirgh. oŋ 1,
2; Kaz. oŋ 1; KBalk. oŋ 1, 2; KKalp. oŋ 1, 2; Kum. oŋ 1, 2; Nogh. oŋ 1, 2;
SUygh. oŋ 1; Khak. oŋ 1, 2; Shr. oŋ 1, 2; Oyr. oŋ 1, 2; Tv. oŋ 1; Chuv. ъₙn4; Yak. uŋa 1, ‘southern’; uŋuor ‘on the other bank’; oŋor- ‘to do, make’;
Dolg. oŋuor ‘on the other bank’; oŋor- ‘to do, make’.
◊ EDT 166-167, 168-169, VEWT 352, ЭСТЯ 1, 456-460, TMN 2, 165-166, Stachowski
195, 243. ЭСТЯ also adds the verb oŋ- ‘to prosper’; but, according to EDT, in OT this verb
has the shape on-, while the form oŋ- appears later (in Middle Kypchak and Old Osman
texts, as well as in a number of modern languages), probably as a result of contamination.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 459. A Western isogloss.
*aŋt῾à - *ăŋu
306
-aŋt῾à a k. of fragrant plant: Tung. *(x)an(d)ikta; Mong. *(h)aǯVrgana;
Turk. *Aŋduŕ; Jpn. *àntùsà.
PTung. *(x)an(d)ikta mint; name of a geranium-like plant (мята;
назв. растения (из семейства гераниевых)): Evk. anī, anikta; Neg.
ankta ‘willow-herb’; Orch. anikta.
◊ ТМС 1, 43.
PMong. *(h)aǯVrgana geranium (герань): WMong. aǯarɣana (L 61);
Kh. aʒargan; Bur. azargana; Kalm. aǯərhn (КРС).
PTurk. *Aŋduŕ 1 a medicinal shrub, elecampane 2 cypress, juniper 3
shrub, bush (1 род лекарственного растения, девясил 2 кипарис,
можжевельник 3 кустарник): Karakh. aŋduz 1 (MK); Tur. andɨz 3; Gag.
andɨz 3; Turkm. andɨz ‘переступень двудомный’; aŋŋɨza ‘a k. of mountain plant’; MTurk. anduz 1 (Sngl); Tat. andɨz 2; Bashk. andɨδ 2; Kirgh.
qar-andɨz, qarɨndiz, antɨz (South dial.) 2; Kaz. andɨz, andžɨ ‘аир’; KBalk.
andɨz 2; Nogh. andɨz 2.
◊ VEWT 21, EDT 178, ЭСТЯ 1, 150-151.
PJpn. *àntùsà Catalpa ovata (катальпа): OJpn. adusa; MJpn. àdùsà;
Tok. azusa.
◊ JLTT 389.
‖ Name of a fragrant grass, probably geranium-like. One should
also note Mong. inaɣda (Khalkha janagd) ‘willow-herb’ - looking suspiciously close to some TM forms (a loan from TM?).
-ăŋu wild game: Tung. *aŋa-; Mong. *(h)oɣuna; Turk. *Ăŋ.
PTung. *aŋa- 1 wild game 2 mountain ram 3 to graze (of deer) 4 enclosure for deer (1 дикий зверь, дичь 2 горный баран 3 пастись (об
оленях) 4 загон для оленей): Evk. aŋa 1, anaŋ (dial.) 2, aŋa- 3, aŋan 4;
Evn. anŋ 2, aŋ- 3; Neg. aŋa- 3; Ork. āŋa- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 42, 45-46.
PMong. *(h)oɣunu male mountain antelope (самец горной антилопы): WMong. oɣunu, onu (L 603); Kh. ōno; Bur. ōno; Kalm. ōn; Ord.
ōŋo.
◊ KW 292. Mong. > Manchu onon ‘the male zeren’ (see Rozycki 168).
PTurk. *Ăŋ wild game (дикий зверь): OTurk. aŋ (OUygh.); Karakh.
aŋ-dɨ- ‘to hunt’, aŋčɨ ‘hunter’ (MK); Turkm. aŋta- ‘to chase’; MTurk. aŋ;
Uzb. aŋ ‘hunting’ (dial.); Uygh. aŋ; Krm. aŋ; Tat. aŋ ‘elk, dear’ (dial.);
Bashk. aŋdɨ- ‘to track, waylay’; Kirgh. aŋ; Kaz. aŋ; KKalp. aŋ; Nogh. aŋ;
Khak. aŋ; Shr. aŋ ‘sable’; Oyr. aŋ; Tv. aŋ; Yak. ɨŋ ‘fence for wild reindeer’.
◊ Лексика 152, 417, EDT 166. Shor aŋnɨɣ, Khak. aɣnɨχ ‘net for catching sables’ is a
contamination of this root and *ag ‘net’. Turk. > Mong. aŋ id., see Clark 1977, 128-129.
‖ A Western isogloss.
*aŋV - *pi
307
-aŋV separate, different: Tung. *aŋa-; Mong. *aŋgi-.
PTung. *aŋa- 1 foreigner 2 orphan (1 чужеродец 2 сирота): Evk.
aŋnakī 1, aŋaǯakān 2; Evn. aŋǯa 2; Neg. aŋnax 1, aŋaǯaxān 2; Man. anaqu
(ǯuj) 2; Ul. aŋaǯa, aŋańị 2; Ork. aŋada 2; Nan. aŋǯịnị 1, aŋGaǯã 2; Orch.
aŋnaińi 1, aŋaǯa 2; Ud. aŋnaxi 1, aŋaǯa 2; Sol. aŋaǯĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 46. TM > Dag. anikē (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *aŋgi- 1 apart, separately 2 class, group (1 отдельно, порознь 2 класс, группа): MMong. aŋgida 1 (SH), aŋgida ‘outer’ (HYt),
angəda 1 (LH); WMong. aŋgida 1, aŋgi 2 (L 44); Kh. angid 1, angi 2; Bur.
angil- ‘to be separated’, aŋgi 2; Kalm. äŋgi 2; Ord. aŋgi ‘piece, part’ 2;
Dag. aŋg(i) 2.
◊ KW 23.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-pi to enjoy, rest: Tung. *ā(b)-; Mong. *abu-ra-; Turk. *(i)abɨ-; Jpn.
*ìpà-p-; Kor. *ìpàt-.
PTung. *ā(b)- 1 to sleep 2 to lie 3 to entertain (1 спать 2 лежать 3 заинтересовать, развлекать): Evk. ā- 1; Evn. awụn- 3; Neg. ā- 1; Ul. aụ- ~
aw- 1, 2; Ork. ā(wụ)- 1, 2; Nan. ao- 1, 2; Orch. ā- 1; Sol. ā-in- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 2, 10 (should be distinguished from *ām- q. v. sub *mV). Loss of *-b- in
some forms is in this case probably secondary (analogical, based on the reanalysis of the
root element *-b- as a verbal suffix).
PMong. *abu-ra to save (спасать): MMong. abura- (HY 39, SH);
WMong. abura- (L 6); Kh. avra-; Bur. abar-; Kalm. awr-; Ord. awura-;
Dag. avra- (Тод. Даг. 118).
◊ KW 20. Mong. > Yak. abrā-, Dolg. abɨrā-, Koman abra- etc. (VEWT 2, Щербак 1997,
199, Kał. MEJ 41, Stachowski 27); > Chuv. upra- ‘to preserve’ (Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
PTurk. *(i)abɨ- 1 to enjoy oneself, be happy (refl.) 2 to comfort
(caus.) (1 радоваться, быть счастливым 2 утешать, успокаивать):
OTurk. abɨnɨq ‘consolation’ (USp. 43), avɨn-ču ‘concubine’ (YB 1);
Karakh. avɨn- 1 (MK), avɨt- 2 (KB); Tur. avun- 1, avut- 2, ‘to deceive’;
Gag. aut- ‘to deceive’; Az. ovun- 1, ovut- 2; Khal. avun- 1, avut- 2; MTurk.
awut- 2, awun- ‘to find comfort’ (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔvun- 1, ɔvut- 2; Krm.
avun-, uvun- ‘to be consoled’, uvut- 2; Khak. abɨt- ‘to lull’; Shr. abɨt- ‘to
lull’; Tv. aat- ‘to lull’; Tof. aat- ‘to lull’; Yak. ɨa-hax ‘play’; Dolg. ɨa-hak
‘play’.
◊ EDT 7, 12; VEWT 2, ЭСТЯ 1, 66, Stachowski 257. The meaning ‘to lull’ may belong
to the homonymic *(i)abu- ‘to bend, swing’, on which see under *ằp[ò].
PJpn. *ìpà-p- to enjoy, feast, celebrate (праздновать): OJpn. ipa-p-;
MJpn. ìfà-f-; Tok. iwá-; Kyo. íwá-; Kag. ìwà-.
◊ JLTT 700.
PKor. *ìpàt- 1 feast 2 to provide, entertain, help (1 праздник 2 снабжать, предоставлять, помогать): MKor. ìpàtí 1, ìpàt- 2; Mod. ibaǯi ha2.
308
*àpo - *apuči
◊ Nam 400, KED 1329.
‖ Low tone in Kor. is due to the root’s verbal nature. Semantic development is modified by changes in diathesis (e.g. in Mongolian ‘save’
< ‘comfort’ < ‘cause to enjoy’ etc.).
-àpo to wear out, be spoiled: Tung. *abu-; Mong. *ebe-; Turk. *obu-ra- /
*obu-n-; Jpn. *àpà-.
PTung. *abu- 1 to lack, be insufficient 2 to become exhausted, lean 3
to be tired 4 to bleed (1 недоставать, не хватать 2 худеть, чахнуть 3 уставать, обессилевать 4 истекать кровью): Evk. abul- 1, abu- 4; Evn.
abl- 1; Neg. abụl- 1; Man. absa- 2, abuliqabi 3; Ul. abụlị- 1; Ork. abụlị- 1;
Nan. abolị- 1; Orch. abuli- 1; Ud. abuli- 1; Sol. abụl- 1.
◊ ТМС 1,6-7. It is interesting to compare the Evk. form abu- with OT (8th cent.) ab‘to bleed’ (EDT 4) - perhaps a separate root? Note the irregular preservation of *-b- in all
languages, possibly suggesting an early loan from Manchu. TM > Dag. abila- (Тод. Даг.
118).
PMong. *ebe- 1 to be ill 2 to weaken 3 illness (1 болеть 2 изнемогать, обессилеть 3 болезнь): MMong. ebet- (SH), ebečin 3 (HYt), äbdä(IM), ibd- (MA) 1; WMong. ebed- 1 (L 286), ebere- 2; Kh. övd- 1, övrö- 2;
Bur. übde- 1, übešen 3; Kalm. öwdə- 1; Ord. öwöd- 1, öwöčin 3; Mog. ebätu-;
ZM ebätun ‘pain’ (4-7a); Dag. eude- 1, eur 3 (Тод. Даг. 141, MD 146);
Dong. otu- 1 (Тод. Дн. 132); Bao. vete- 1 (Тод. Бн. 136), (MGCD) ɛtə- 1;
S.-Yugh. wēd- 1; Mongr. (w)idi-, udi- 1 (SM 188, 464), (Тод. Мгр. 368).
◊ KW 302, MGCD 536.
PTurk. *obu-ra- / *obu-n- 1 to wear out (intr.), decay 2 to cease, stop
3 to tire 4 to be destroyed (1 изнашиваться, стареть 2 прекращаться 3
уставать 4 развалиться, разрушиться): Tat. uwa-l-, wa-l- 1, 3, 4 (dial.,
ТТДТС 112, 451); Kirgh. ura- 4; Khak. ūra- 1; Oyr. ūra- 1; Chuv. ɨvъn- 3;
Yak. ūraj- 2.
◊ VEWT 356, 515. Kalm. ōr- ‘to fall apart, become spoiled’ may be < Turkic, but the
immediate source is unclear (Tat.?). The Chuv. form may be a dialectal variant of ɨlъn-,
see Егоров 342, Федотов 2, 468.
PJpn. *àpà- bleak, weak, faded (бледный, слабый): MJpn. àfà-; Tok.
awá-; Kyo. áwa-; Kag. awá-.
◊ JLTT 826.
‖ Cf. *ebi.
-apuči elder in-law: Tung. *abusi; Mong. *(h)abisu-n; Turk. *Abuč-ka.
PTung. *abusi 1 husband of elder sister 2 husband of father’s or
mother’s younger sister 3 brother-in-law, son-in-law (1 муж старшей
сестры 2 муж младшей сестры отца или матери 3 зять): Evk. awus 1;
Evn. āwụs 1, 2; Neg. awụs 1, 2; Ul. aụsị 3; Nan. aosị 3; Orch. auśä 3; Ud.
auhi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 11. TM > Dag. auš’ē ‘elder sister’s husband’ (Тод. Даг. 122).
*apV - *apV
309
PMong. *(h)abisu-n wife of elder brother (in relation to the wife of
younger brother) (жена старшего брата (по отношению к жене
младшего брата)): WMong. abisun (L 4); Kh. aỻsan; Bur. ab’han; Kalm.
awsn, äwsn; Ord. awisun.
◊ KW 20. Mong. > Kaz. abɨsɨn, Khak. abzɨn etc. (VEWT 2, Poppe 1974, 126).
PTurk. *Abuč-ka 1 husband, old man 2 foster-mother 3 elder sister
4 uncle (1 муж, старик 2 кормилица 3 старшая сестра 4 дядя):
OTurk. avɨčɣa, abučɣa 1, abučqa 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. avɨčɣa 1 (MK, KB);
Tur. abuš 3 dial.; MTurk. abušqa, avušqa 4 (Abush., Sangl.); Tat. abušqa,
awucqa 1 dial. (Sib.); Bashk. abɨšqa 1; Kirgh. abɨšqa 1; Kaz. abɨšqa 1 dial.;
Khak. apsax, apčax, Koib. abɨsqa 1; Shr. apšɨj 1, apšaq ‘bear’; Oyr. apšɨjaq 1;
‘bear’; Tv. ašaq 1; Tof. ašɨńaq 1; Chuv. obaška.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 60-61, EDT 6, Егоров 274-275, Федотов II 282, Аникин 72. Chuv. is not
quite regular and may be an early loanword from Tat. Formally the Turk. word may be
derived from *aba ‘elder in the mother’s line’ (+ dimin. -č).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. has -s- (instead of the expected *-č-)
probably because of a fusion with the productive suffix -su(n).
-apV to take: Tung. *abgu-; Mong. *abi-; Turk. *ạbuč.
PTung. *abgu- 1 to pull out, take from 2 (refl.) to appear (1 вытаскивать, вынимать 2 (возвр.) появляться): Evn. abgịn- 2; Neg. abgụ- 1; Ul.
aGbụmbụ- 1, aGbụn- 2; Ork. aGbụn-; Nan. aGbị-mboGo- 1, aGbịačị- 2;
Orch. ābu- 1; Ud. agbu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 3-4.
PMong. *ab- to take (брать): MMong. abu (HY 39), ab- (SH), oba-,
aba- (IM 432), abu- (MA 94, 97); WMong. abi-, ab- (L 1,2), abu-; Kh. av-;
Bur. aba-, ab-; Kalm. aw-; Ord. ab-, aw-; Mog. afu-, ab-; ZM b- (24-6a,
41-1); Dag. aw- (Тод. Даг. 118); Dong. agi- (Тод. Дн. 110), uɣu- (MGCD)
(?); Bao. ab- (Тод. Бн. 132), apə- (MGCD); S.-Yugh. ab-; Mongr. awu-,
abu- (SM 16).
◊ KW 19, MGCD 91. Cf. also abuča ‘taking, handful’ (KW 20).
PTurk. *ạbuč handful (пригоршня): Karakh. avut (MK), avut-ča,
avuč-ča (KB), avuč (Tefs).; Tur. avuč; Gag. auč; Az. ovuč; Turkm. ovuč,
jan-avuč; Sal. uǯ; MTurk. avuč (MA, Sangl., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. xɔwuč;
Uygh. oč; Krm. avuč, uvuč, uvuc; Tat. uč; Bashk. us; Kirgh. ūč; Kaz. uwɨs;
KBalk. uwuč; KKalp. uwɨs; Kum. uvuč; Nogh. uvɨs; SUygh. oš; Khak. ōs;
Shr. oš; Oyr. ūš; Chuv. ɨvъś.
◊ EDT 44, VEWT 3, ЭСТЯ 1, 409-410, Егоров 342, Дыбо 179-181, Лексика 25-253.
Turk. > MMong. a’uč id. (Щербак 1997, 103).
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 19, Poppe 44. Despite TMN 4, 307 -310, PT
*ạbuč (*ạbut) cannot be regarded as a variant of *adɨ[ĺ] (on which see sub
*alda) - although the two roots could have influenced each other. The
*áp῾a - *àp῾akV
310
closed vowel in PT is not quite clear (under the influence of the two
following labial phonemes?).
-áp῾a father: Tung. *apa; Mong. *ab[u]; Turk. *apa; Kor. *àpí.
PTung. *apa grandfather; uncle (elder brother of father, mother)
(дедушка; дядя (старший брат отца, матери)): Neg. apa; Nan. papa
(Naikh.), fafa (Bik.) (redupl.).
◊ ТМС 1, 47, 2, 34.
PMong. *ab[u] 1 father 2 paternal uncle (1 отец 2 дядя со стороны
отца): MMong. abaqa (HY 28, SH) 2, abaɣa (MA 402) 2; WMong. abu, aba
1, abaɣa 2 (L 2, 5); Kh. av 1; avga 2; Bur. aba 1; abgaj 2; Kalm. āwə 1; awɣə
2; Ord. awaGa, aGǟ 2; Mog. ZM ɣj (12-16) 2; Dong. aba, apa, avi; Bao.
ābe, abo; S.-Yugh. awi, aba; Mongr. āba, āwa (SM 1); āGa 2.
◊ KW 19, 21. Mong. *abaga > Chag. abaqa etc. (see TMN 1, 108, Щербак 1997, 199); >
Evk. awaga etc., see Doerfer MT 89.
PTurk. *apa (*appa) father (отец): OTurk. apa (Orkh., OUygh.) ‘ancestors’; Karakh. apa (MK) ‘father, bear’ (“Kypch.”), (KB) ‘ancestor’;
Tur. aba; Az. aba (dial.); Turkm. aba (dial.); Sal. aba (Kakuk), aba, apa
(ССЯ); Tat. aba (dial.); Bashk. apa (dial.); Kirgh. aba; KBalk. appa, aba;
SUygh. awa; Khak. aba; Oyr. aba ‘father, bear’; Tv. ava; Chuv. oba ‘bear’.
◊ EDT 5, VEWT 1, ЭСТЯ 1, 54-58, Лексика 305, Федотов 2, 281, Аникин 71. Сf. also
*bāpa ‘grandfather, mother’s father’ (Turkm. bāba etc., see ЭСТЯ 2, 10-13, Лексика 294,
305). Voicing of -p- in many languages is probably due to expressive gemination.
PKor. *àpí father (отец): MKor. àpí; Mod. abəǯi, (vulg.) abi.
◊ Nam 338, KED 1074.
‖ EAS 140, Цинциус 1972a, 32-37. A common Altaic “nursery”
word. Cf. *ep῾V.
-àp῾akV ( ~ -k῾-) a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *(x)apkā-; Turk. *apaka; Jpn.
*àpàkì.
PTung. *(x)apkā- oak tree (дуб): Neg. apkā-kta.
◊ ТМС 1, 47.
PTurk. *apaka 1 Alnus fruticosa; Labrador tea 2 a k. of fern (1 вид
ольхи; багульник 2 вид папоротника): Karakh. apa bašɨ ‘Cannabis sativa, it is a plant which grows like Cucumis sativus and has a thorny
stern, it is eaten in the mountains’ (MK Qypch.); Tat. abaɣa 2; Bashk.
abaɣa 2; Chuv. uba-zarri 2; Yak. abaɣa 1.
◊ VEWT 1, Попов 1986, 92. OT and Chuv. reflect a folk etymology (confusion with
apa ‘bear’).
PJpn. *àpàkì a k. of oak (сизый дуб): OJpn. apakji; MJpn. àpàkì.
◊ JLTT 388.
‖ The root is sparsely attested, but seems reliable.
*ap῾i - *ằra
311
-ap῾i wind, vapour: Tung. *apka; Mong. *aɣur; Turk. *Ep-.
PTung. *apka sky (небо): Man. abqa; SMan. abka, apka; Jurch. a-puha; Nan. apqa (Kur.-Urm.), afqa (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 1, 8.
PMong. *aɣur steam, vapour; anger (пар; гнев): MMong. a’ur (HY
42, SH), āwur, awur, hawur (MA 108, 270 ‘anger’); WMong. aɣur (L 17);
Kh. ūr; Bur. ūr; Kalm. ūr, ur; Ord. ūr; Mog. ZM āwur (15-8b) ‘cloud’;
Dag. aur (Тод. Даг. 122), aure (MD 116); Dong. ūr; S.-Yugh. ūr; Mongr.
r (SM 473).
◊ KW 450, 454, MGCD 108, 347, 663.
PTurk. *Ep- 1 to blow 2 movement of air, breeze 3 energy, tempo 4
gusty (wind) (1 дуть, веять 2 движение воздуха, ветерок 3 порыв,
темп, энергия 4 порывистый (о ветре)): Uzb. äpkin (dial.) 2; Tat. ip- 1
(Seb.); Kirgh. epkin 3; Kaz. epkin 2; KKalp. epkin 3; Nogh. epkinli 4; Oyr.
epkin 2.
◊ Лексика 42.
‖ A Western isogloss; however, in Jpn. the root probably merged
with *ĕbà ‘winnow, blow’ q.v. (cf. especially the PJ form with a velar
suffix *apu-(n)k-, OJ apug-).
-ằra back, behind: Tung. *arka-; Mong. *aru; Turk. *ărka; Jpn. *àtuà.
PTung. *arka-n back (спина): Evk. arkan; Evn. arqn; Neg. ajkan;
Ork. atta(n); Orch. akka(n); Ud. aka(n); Sol. arkã.
◊ ТМС 1, 51.
PMong. *aru back, behind, North (спина, задняя сторона, север):
MMong. aru (HY 11, SH 9), aradan ‘behind’, ārudur ‘to the back’ (MA
104, 106); WMong. aru (L 54), aru-ki; Kh. ar; Bur. ara; Kalm. arə, ārə, arkə;
Ord. aru ‘back, east’; Dag. ar (Тод. Даг. 121), arkən (MGCD); S.-Yugh. ār.
◊ KW 12, 14, 21, MGCD 114.
PTurk. *ărka back (спина, задняя сторона): OTurk. arqa (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. arqa (MK, KB); Tur. arka; Gag. arqa; Az. arxa; Turkm.
arqa; Sal. arχa, arGa (ССЯ 292, 293); Khal. arqа (arxa < Az.); MTurk. arqa
(Sangl.); Uzb. ɔrqa; Uygh. a(r)qa; Krm. arqa, arxa; Tat. arqa; Bashk. arqa;
Kirgh. arqa; Kaz. arqa; KBalk. arqa; KKalp. arqa; Kum. arqa 1; Nogh. arqa;
SUygh. arqa, harqa; Khak. arɣa; Shr. arɣa; Oyr. arqa; Tv. a’rɣa ‘mountain
forest’; Chuv. orɣa-lъx ‘saddle strips’; Yak. arɣā, arɣa-s; Dolg. arga-lā- ‘to
turn one’s back towards smb.’.
◊ EDT 200-201, 215, VEWT 26-27, ЭСТЯ 1, 174-175, 179-180, Лексика 267-268, Федотов 2, 288, Stachowski 36.
PJpn. *àtuà behind, trace (задняя сторона, след): OJpn. atwo; MJpn.
àtó; Tok. áto; Kyo. àtó; Kag. ató.
◊ JLTT 387.
*ara - *àrp῾á
312
‖ EAS 139, KW 12, Poppe 78, Колесникова 1972a, 84-87, Дыбо 305,
Лексика 268, TMN 2, 29-30, Doerfer MT 46. PT *arka and PTM *arka go
back to a dative-locative formation *ara-k῾a.
-ara a k. of insect: Tung. *(x)arabgī; Mong. *araɣalǯin; Jpn. *ari.
PTung. *(x)arabgī larva of a gad-fly (личинка носоглоточного овода): Evk. arawgī; Evn. arbgn; Neg. ajịbgịn.
◊ ТМС 1, 52.
PMong. *araɣalǯin spider (паук): WMong. araɣalǯin, aɣalǯin; Kh. ālʒ;
Kalm. arālǯn; Dag. āleǯi, agaleǯi.
◊ KW 12. There is some confusion between this form and *haba-kai id. (v. sub *p῾ép῾a) which resulted in a mixed form *haɣalǯin, reflected in MMong. (HY 12) xa’alǯin - however,
the Dagur form definitely points to a 0-Anlaut in PM.
PJpn. *ari ant (муравей): OJpn. ari; MJpn. ari; Tok. àri; Kyo. árí; Kag.
arí.
◊ JLTT 384. Kyoto and Tokyo point to *árí, but Kagoshima reflects an aberrant variant with initial low tone.
‖ The root denotes some small biting insect.
-ri ( ~ *ḗra) man: Mong. *ere; Turk. *ēr.
PMong. *ere male, man (мужчина): MMong. ere (HY 29, SH), ärä
(IM), ir (MA); WMong. ere (L 321); Kh. er; Bur. ere; Kalm. erə; Ord. ere;
Mog. ZM errä (9-6a); Dag. er, ergun (Тод. Даг. 140) ere (MD, 145); Dong.
ere; Bao. ere; S.-Yugh. ere; Mongr. rē ‘mâle non châtré de certains animaux, masculin’ (SM 313).
◊ KW 123, MGCD 264.
PTurk. *ēr man (мужчина): OTurk. er (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. er
(MK, KB); Tur. er; Az. är ‘husband’; Turkm. ǟr; Sal. er; Khal. här; MTurk.
er (Pav. C.); Uygh. är; Krm. er; Tat. ir; Bashk. ir; KBalk. er; KKalp. er
adam; Kum. er; SUygh. jer; Khak. ir; Shr. er; Oyr. er; Tv. er; Chuv. ar;
Yak. er; Dolg. er.
◊ VEWT 46, TMN 2, 178-9, EDT 192, ЭСТЯ 1, 290-291, Лексика 303, 561, Егоров 30,
Stachowski 46, 128.
‖ KW 123, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 79, 106, Цинциус 1972a,
45-49, ОСНЯ 1, 247, АПиПЯЯ 54, 283. A well known Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. (see TMN 2, 179, Щербак 1997,
115) is quite improbable because of the final vowel. Cf. *òre.
-àrp῾á barley, millet: Tung. *arpa; Mong. *arbaj; Turk. *arpa; Jpn. *àpá.
PTung. *arpa barley; oats (ячмень; овес): Man. arfa.
◊ ТМС 1, 52. Despite its isolated nature, the Manchu word is certainly archaic and
can hardly be explained as a borrowing < Mong. arbai, despite Rozycki 20.
PMong. *arbaj barley (ячмень): MMong. arbəi (HY 8), arbăi, ārbăi
(MA 104, 253); WMong. arbai (L 49); Kh. arvaj; Bur. arbaj; Kalm. arwǟ,
*ărV - *ărV
313
arwā; Ord. arwǟ; Mog. arfɛi, arfā (Ramstedt 1906); Dong. apa; Mongr. šb
‘spelt’ (SM 370).
◊ KW 15, TMN 2, 24. Mongor may reflect a trace of the originally unvoiced stop in
the intervocalic cluster. Mong. > Tuva arvaj.
PTurk. *arpa barley (ячмень): OTurk. arpa (OUygh.), abra (late
OUygh.); Karakh. arpa (MK, KB); Tur. arpa; Gag. arpa; Az. arpa; Turkm.
arpa; Sal. arfa (ССЯ 292); Khal. arpa; MTurk. arpa (Sangl.); Uzb. arpa;
Uygh. a(r)pa; Krm. arpa; Tat. arpa; Bashk. arpa; Kirgh. arpa; Kaz. arpa;
KBalk. arpa; KKalp. arpa; Kum. arpa; Nogh. arpa; Khak. arba; Oyr. arba;
Chuv. orba.
◊ EDT 198, VEWT 27, ЭСТЯ 1, 176-177, TMN 2, 24, Лексика 460, Егоров 27, Федотов
2, 286. Turk. > Hung. árpa, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *àpá millet (просо): OJpn. apa; MJpn. àfá; Tok. áwa; Kyo. àwá;
Kag. awá.
◊ JLTT 388.
‖ EAS 90, KW 15, Poppe 87. АПиПЯЯ 67. The Mong. form cannot
be explained as a Turkism (despite TMN 2, 24, Щербак 1997, 100). The
Turkic form is sometimes compared with Proto-Iran. *arba- (corresponding to Gr. alphi), cf. East Iranian forms going back to *arpasyā- (or
*arbasyā) (Стеблин-Каменский 1982, 23), but it is not identical (loss of
the final syllable is hard to explain); on the other hand, the Jpn. parallel
is a strong argument in favour of the Altaic origin of the Turkic form.
-ărV witchcraft, craft: Tung. *ar-; Mong. *arga; Turk. *ar-.
PTung. *ar- 1 to make, work, construct 2 to come to one ’s senses 3 to
cause fear (оf an evil ghost), to appear in one’s imagination 4 shape,
form 5 evil spirit (1 делать, производить, работать 2 приходить в
чувство 3 чудиться, пугать (о злом духе) 4 вид, форма 5 злой дух):
Evk. arit- 3, arū- 2, arinka 5; Evn. ar-, arị- 3, ar- 2, arịŋq 5; Neg. ajị 5;
Man. ara- 1, arbun 4, ari 5; SMan. arəvən, arəvun ‘appearance, form’
(2342); Nan. arị 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 48, 49, 51, 52. Man. > Dag. arbun (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *arga way, method (способ, способность, хитрость):
MMong. arqa (SH 9), arɣă (MA 294), arɣa-da- ‘to deceive’ (MA 105),
arɣad- (IM 432); WMong. arɣa; Kh. arga; Bur. arga; Kalm. arGə; Ord.
arGa; Dag. arga (Тод. Даг. 121), arehe (MD 115); Dong. raG; S.-Yugh.
arag; Mongr. arGa.
◊ KW 13, MGCD 115. Mong. > Turk. arɣa (since Chag., see VEWT 25, ЭСТЯ 1,
170-171), Tung. arga (ТМС 1, 49, Rozycki 20).
PTurk. *ar- 1 to make magic, cast spells 2 to deceive (1 колдовать,
заклинать 2 обманывать): OTurk. ar- 2 (Orkh., OUygh.), arvɨš ‘magic’
(OUygh.); Karakh. ar- 1 (MK, KB), arva- 1 (MK); Tur. arpaɣ ‘magic’
(dial.); Turkm. arvax dial. ‘evil spirit’; MTurk. arba- 1 (Sangl., Бад.);
*rV - *arV
314
Uzb. avra- 1, 2; Uygh. a(r)ba- 1; Tat. arbɨ- 1 (Sib., КСТТ 103); Bashk. arba1; Kirgh. arba- 1, 2; Kaz. arba- 1, 2; KKalp. arba- 1, 2; SUygh. arva- 1
(ЯЖУ 16); Khak. arba- 1; Shr. arba- 1, arbɨš ‘magic’; Oyr. arba-n- ‘to
scold’; Yak. arbā- 1 (Пек. I 139 ‘to praise for magic purposes’).
◊ EDT 193, 199, VEWT 24, ЭСТЯ I 168-170. Turk. > MMong. arba- ‘to put spells’ (SH
8); Turk. arbɨš > Mong. arbis ‘knowledge’ (Clark 1980, 41).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-rV open space: Tung. *ara-; Mong. *ar-; Turk. *(i)āra.
PTung. *ara- 1 open space 2 open ritual court (открытое пространство): Evk. araɣan 1; Evn. arɣn 1; Ul. aračụ 2; Orch. arāču 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 48.
PMong. *ar- 1 poorly grown, thin 2 space 3 island (1 редкий, покрытый редкой растительностью 2 пространство, промежуток 3
остров): MMong. aral 3 (SH), aral (MA 104); WMong. aral 3 (L 48); Kh.
armaG 1, aral 3; Bur. arma 2, armagar 1, alar 3; Kalm. arū, armъG 1, arl 3;
Ord. aral 3 armaq 2; Dag. alla, aral 3 (Тод. Даг. 120); Dong. aran 3; Bao.
alər, arən (Tungren); S.-Yugh. aral 3; Mongr. rāl, ral (Huzu), arā(r) (SM 9,
11) 3.
◊ KW 14, 15, MGCD 116, TMN 1, 119-120. The original meaning of the root *ar- must
have been ‘space between banks (or river branches)’, whence *ara-ɣu, *ara-ma(g) ‘spaced,
thin’ and *ara-l ‘island’. Mong. aral > Chag., Kirgh. etc. aral ‘island; thicket, island covered
with thick bushes’; Evk. aral ‘wood island in a steppe’. Despite TMN ibid., “thicket” is
obviously a secondary semantic development in Turkic, because only the meaning “island” is attested in Mong. Bur. alar > Yak. alar, Russ. Siber. alár (Аникин 80).
PTurk. *(i)āra 1 space between 2 on one’s way, under way (1 промежуток, пространство между 2 в пути, по дороге): OTurk. ara 1
Orkh., OUygh.; Karakh. ara (MK); Tur. ara; Gag. āra; Az. ara; Turkm. āra
1; Khal. hāra; MTurk. ara (Abush.); Uzb. ɔra; Uygh. ara; Krm. ara; Tat.
ara; Bashk. ara; Kirgh. ara; Kaz. ara; KBalk. ara; KKalp. ara; Kum. ara;
Nogh. ara; SUygh. ara; Khak. ara; Shr. ara; Oyr. ara; Tv. ara; Yak. āra 2;
Dolg. āra-k- ‘to go away’, ārā- ‘not to reach’.
◊ EDT 196, VEWT 22, TMN 2, 24, ЭСТЯ 1, 162-164, Stachowski 41. Derived is probably *ārɨk ‘island; arik, ditch; thicket’ id. (VEWT 23, 25, ЭСТЯ 1, 167, 187-188, Лексика 95,
110, Stachowski 37).
‖ KW 14 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss. Cf. also PTM *arbu‘space between two river branches’; Mong. arba- ‘растопыриваться (о
пальцах)’.
-arV ( ~ e-) to change, sell: Mong. *aralǯi-; Turk. *Ar-.
PMong. *aralǯi- 1 to change, exchange, barter 2 exchange, change (1
менять, обменивать, торговать 2 обмен, торговля): MMong. aralǯi- 1
(SH), āralǯi 2 (MA 104); WMong. aralǯi- 1 (L 48); Kh. arilǯi- 1; Bur. aralža1; Kalm. arcldə-, arclcə- 1 (?); Ord. arilǯi- 1, arilǯān 2; Dag. aralǯi-, allǯi-,
*āŕa - *àŕì
315
(Тод. Даг. 120) aliǯi-; Dong. arunǯa- 1; Bao. anǯi-, anǯə- 1; S.-Yugh.
arālǯə-, arāli- 1; Mongr. rālǯi- (arāi- (SM 10)).
◊ KW 15, MGCD 118, 319.
PTurk. *Ar- gift (дар): Karakh. armaɣan (MK, Oghuz); Tur. armaɣan;
Az. armaɣan; MTurk. armaɣan; Kirgh. arna- ‘to dedicate, design for’.
◊ EDT 231, 232, VEWT 27.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; not quite reliable. Jpn. *úr- could be a
match, but it may also reflect PA *úŕi q.v.
-āŕa small, scarce; recent: Tung. *ara-; Mong. *araj; Turk. *Āŕ; Jpn.
*àrà-(ta-); Kor. *ārắi.
PTung. *ara- scarcely (едва): Evk. aran; Evn. arn; Man. arqan; SMan.
arəqən (2952); Sol. arã.
◊ ТМС 1, 48.
PMong. *araj scarcely, just a little (едва ли, слегка): MMong. aran
(SH); WMong. arai (L 48); Kh. araj; Bur. araj; Kalm. arǟ; Ord. arǟ; Mog.
ZM arei ‘so it is, is it so?’ (27-7b); Dag. arān (Тод. Даг. 121); S.-Yugh.
arān; Mongr. araŋ (SM 11), cf. aráaG ‘ruines de ville où il ne reste plus
que les murs des maisons detruites’ (SM 11).
◊ KW 13, MGCD 116. Mong. > Kirgh. araŋ, Oyr. araj etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 167-168), Yak.,
Dolg. araj (Stachowski 36).
PTurk. *Āŕ few, a little (немного): OTurk. az (Orkh. ПМК, OUygh.);
Karakh. az (MK); Tur. az; Gag. az; Az. az; Turkm. āz; Khal. haz; Uzb. ɔz;
Uygh. az; Krm. az; Tat. az, ɛz; Bashk. aδ, äδ; Kirgh. az; Kaz. az; KBalk. az;
KKalp. az; Kum. az; Nogh. az; SUygh. az; Khak. as; Shr. as; Oyr. as; Tv.
as.
◊ EDT 277, VEWT 32, ЭСТЯ 1, 93-94
PJpn. *àrà-(ta-) new (новый): OJpn. arata-; MJpn. àtàrà-si; Tok. atarashí-; Kyo. átáráshì-; Kag. atarashí-.
◊ JLTT 383, 677, 826. The MJ and most modern form present a metathesis atarasi- <
arata-si- (but cf. Yonakuni àrà- ῾new’); the stem *àràtà itself is preserved as a nominal and
verbal stem (cf. *àràtà-ma- > Tokyo aratamé- ‘to renew’ etc.).
PKor. *ārắi yesterday, in the past (вчера, в предыдущий день, в
прошлом): MKor. ārắi, ārái; Mod. āre ‘day before yesterday’.
◊ Nam 336.
‖ EAS 110, KW 13, Владимирцов 361. Low tone in *àrà-tà- is
probably secondary (a result of some contamination?); cf. Yonaguni
(suffixless) àrà- < *árá- ‘new’. Despite Doerfer MT 44, TM is hardly borrowed from Mong. (although some forms - Evk., Evn. arai - are).
-àŕì thorn, fang: Tung. *(x)ar- (?); Mong. *ariɣa; Turk. *aŕɨg; Jpn. *ìrà.
PTung. *(x)ar- 1 shoot, bud; fang 2 tooth of a saw 3 a flower name (1
росток; клык 2 зубец инструмента, 3 назв. цветка (лютик, пострел)):
Evk. argā-wākte 3 (?); Man. arGan 1,2, arsun 1; SMan. arəhən (625) 2.
316
*aŕV - *ase
◊ ТМС 1, 50. Man. arGan is most likely < Mong. *araɣa(n), see Rozycki 20.
PMong. *ariɣa 1 molar tooth 2 fang 3 tooth of a chisel etc. (1 коренной зуб 2 клык 3 зубец инструмента): MMong. ara’a 2 (SH), aratai
‘predator’ (HY 10), aral 2 (IM 432), ariă, nariă 2 (MA 105, 246); WMong.
araɣa 1 (L 47), arija; Kh. arā 1, 3; Bur. arā(n) 1, 2, 3; Kalm. arān 1, 2; Ord.
arā 1, 3, araŋGa ‘an extra tooth’; Dag. arā 1, 2 (Тод. Даг. 121), 3 (MD
115); Bao. arə; S.-Yugh. arā; Mongr. arā 1 (SM 9), aranda ‘rênes’ (SM 11),
rā (MGCD).
◊ KW 12, MGCD 114. Cf. WMong. araga-tan, arijatan (> Bur. ar’jatan) ‘predator’ > Evk.
arātu, see Poppe 1966, 196. Mong. > Tuva arā ‘rifling’.
PTurk. *aŕɨg fang (клык): OTurk. azɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. azɨɣ (MK);
Tur. azɨ; Az. azɨ; Turkm. azɨ; MTurk. azu (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔziq; Tat. azaw;
Bashk. aδaw; Kirgh. azū; Kaz. azuw; KBalk. azaw; KKalp. azuw; Kum.
azuw; SUygh. azɨɣ; Khak. azɨɣ; Shr. azɨj; Oyr. azu, azū; Tv. azɨɣ; Chuv.
*ora > Mari ora-puj ‘id.’; Yak. ah, dial. ɨh.
◊ VEWT 33, ЭСТЯ 1, 96-98, Лексика 229. Turk. > Mong. *aǯuɣ (ačuɣ in Uygh. script,
see Clark 1980, 41).
PJpn. *ìrà thorn (шип, колючка): MJpn. ìrà; Tok. ira.
◊ JLTT 425.
‖ KW 12, Владимирцов 361, EAS 111, Poppe 81, Лексика 229. Despite TMN 2, 55-56, Щербак 1997, 103 Mong. is not < Turk. The TM
reflexes are weak: the Evk. form is semantically difficult, while Manchu
arGan may well be borrowed < Mong.; however, the parallel form
ar-sun is hard to explain as a loan (no similar form is attested in Mong.).
-aŕV or: Turk. *aŕu; Jpn. *ar-.
PTurk. *aŕu or (или): OTurk. azu (OUygh.); Karakh. azu (MK); Tv.
azɨ.
◊ EDT 280.
PJpn. *ar- or, perhaps (или, возможно): OJpn. arupa, aruipa; MJpn.
arufa, aruifa; Tok. aruiwa.
◊ JLTT 384.
‖ JOAL 147. An interesting Turkic-Jpn. isogloss.
-ase ( ~ p῾-) to catch fire; hot: Mong. *(h)asa-; Turk. *ɨsɨg / *isig.
PMong. *(h)asa- to catch fire (загораться): WMong. asa- (L 55); Kh.
asa-; Bur. aha-; Kalm. as-.
◊ KW 16.
PTurk. *ɨsɨg / *isig 1 hot 2 warm (1 горячий 2 теплый): OTurk. isig
1 (OUygh.); Karakh. isig 1 (MK, KB); Tur. sɨǯak 1; Az. isti 2; Turkm. ɨssɨ
1; Sal. hɨssɨ 2; Khal. hiss, hisk 1; MTurk. isti 2 (Pav. C.), ɨsɨɣ (Бор. Бад.,
Abush.); Uygh. issiq 1; Krm. issi 1, 2 (HK), sɨǯaq 2 (K), ɨsɨ-t- (K) ‘to
warm’; Tat. esse 1; Kirgh. ɨsɨq 1, ɨsɨ ‘heat, hot wind’; Kaz. ɨssɨ 1; KKalp.
*ătV - *at῾i
317
ɨssɨ 1; Nogh. issi 1; Khak. əzəg 1; Oyr. izü 1; Tv. iziɣ 1; Tof. i’siɣ 1; Chuv.
ъₙžъₙ 2; Yak. itī, ičiges ( < *isi-geč) 2; Dolg. itī, ičiges 2.
◊ Derived from *ɨsɨ- / *isi- ‘to be hot’. See VEWT 173-4, TMN 2,182, EDT 246, ЭСТЯ 1,
668-671, Лексика 19-20, Stachowski 123, 130.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; cf. (?) Kor. (SKE 217) s:a-da
‘to be hot’; s:ə-da ‘to kindle (fire)’ (the forms are nowhere to be found
except SKE).
-ătV horse: Tung. *abdu-; Mong. *aduɣu-; Turk. *ăt.
PTung. *abdu- 1 cattle, herd 2 household, property 3 cloth, fabric (1
скот, стадо 2 домашнее хозяйство, имущество 3 ткань): Evk. abdu 1,
2; Evn. abdụ 2, 3; Neg. abdụn 1; Man. adu 3; SMan. adun ‘herd, flock’
(2319); Jurch. ad-hu (551) 3; Ork. abdụ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 5-6. Man. adun ‘herd’ is probably < Mong. (see Новикова 1972, 107).
PMong. *aduɣu- 1 horse(s), cattle 2 drove, herd 3 to herd (1 лошадь, домашнее животное 2 табун лошадей 3 пасти): MMong.
adusun 1, adu’u(n) 2 (SH), adu’uči ‘herdsman’ (HY 30), adu(w)sun, adasun
1 (MA 95, 96), adon, adoson 1 (IM 432); WMong. aduɣusu 1, aduɣu 2,
aduɣula- 3; Kh. adūs 1, adūn 1, 2, adūla- 3; Bur. adūha(n), adaha(n), adūn 1,
2, adūl- 3; Kalm. adūsn 1, adūn 2; Ord. adaGus(u) 1, adū 2; Dag. adōsa 1,
adō 2 (Тод. Даг. 118, MGCD, MD 111), adōse ‘animal’ (MD 111); Dong.
asun 1, adula- 3 (Тод. Дн. 110); Bao. asoŋ 1, adal- 3 (Тод. Бн. 133), adələ- 3
(MGCD); Mongr. āsə (SM 15) 1, dulā- (SM 64) 3.
◊ KW 2, MGCD 94. Mong. > Chag. adun, see TMN 119; > Evk. aduɣun etc., see Poppe
1966, 189, 195, Doerfer MT 98-99, Rozycki 11.
PTurk. *ăt horse (лошадь): OTurk. at (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. at (MK, KB); Tur. at; Gag. at; Az. at; Turkm. at; Sal. at, ac; Khal.
hat; MTurk. at; Uzb. ɔt; Uygh. at; Krm. at; Tat. at; Bashk. at; Kirgh. at;
Kaz. at; KBalk. at; KKalp. at; Kum. at; Nogh. at; SUygh. a’t; Khak. at;
Shr. at; Oyr. at; Tv. a’t; Chuv. ut; Yak. at; Dolg. at.
◊ EDT 23, VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 197-198, TMN 2, 4-5, Лексика 441, Ашм. III, 316-320,
Stachowski 38.
‖ Новикова 1972, 108, АПиПЯЯ 15, Doerfer MT 99. A Western isogloss. Cf. also PT *adgɨr (Лексика 442, ЭСТЯ 1, 107-108, Stachowski 40),
Mong. aǯirga ‘stallion’, Dag. adirag, airga, S.-Yugh. aǯirɣa, Mongor
aǯirGa (see KW 2, Владимирцов 397, VEWT 6; TMN 2, 186-187, Щербак 1997, 94: Turk. > Mong.; Mong. > Evk. aǯirga etc., see Poppe 1966,
192, Doerfer MT 75, MKor. ačirkəi măr, see Lee 1958, 119). It is possible
to reconstruct *atbV or *abtV.
-at῾i son, young: Mong. *ači; Turk. *Atɨ; Jpn. *itua; Kor. *àtắr.
PMong. *ači grandson, junior nephew (внук, младший племянник): MMong. ači (HY 29) ‘grandchild (male, by father)’, hači ‘Enkel’
318
*aǯo - *ǯV
(HYt); WMong. ači (L 8); Kh. ač; Bur. aša; Kalm. ačə; Ord. ači; Dong. hačə
(Тод. Дн. 140), hačɨ (MGCD); Mongr. aći sunʒə (SM 15), ači (MGCD).
◊ KW 18, MGCD 125. Dong. h-, as well as the variation 0-/h- in HY is secondary.
Mong. > Oyr. ačɨ; Evk. dial. ači (ТМС 1, 59).
PTurk. *Atɨ (junior) nephew, grandson ((младший) племянник,
внук): OTurk. atɨ (Orkh.); Uygh. dial. Lobn. ataj-ɨm ‘oh, my child!’;
SUygh. atɨ; Khak. adaj ‘dog’ ( < *’cub’).
◊ VEWT 31, EDT 40, ЭСТЯ 1, 79.
PJpn. *itua 1 young, lovable 2 cousin (1 юный, милый 2 племянник): OJpn. itwo-kwo 2, it(w)ok(j)e-na- ‘young, small’; MJpn. ito, ito-si- 1,
itó-ko 2; Tok. ito-shí- 1, itóko 2; Kyo. ítóshì- 1, ítòkò 2; Kag. itóshi- 1, itokó 2.
◊ JLTT 428. Accent correspondences are unclear.
PKor. *àtắr son (сын): MKor. àtắr; Mod. adɨl.
◊ Nam 335, KED 1069.
‖ Владимирцов 324, АПиПЯЯ 287.
-aǯo a k. of salmon: Tung. *aǯi-n; Mong. *(h)iǯe; Jpn. *àjû.
PTung. *aǯi-n a k. of salmon (калуга): Evk. aǯin; Neg. aǯịn; Man.
aǯin; Ul. aǯị(n); Ork. aǯị(n); Nan. aǯị; Orch. aǯị(n); Ud. aǯi(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 16.
PMong. *(h)iǯe a small fish, coming from the ocean into rivers (небольшая рыба, приплывающая из океана в реки): WMong. iǯe
(МХТТТ); Kh. iʒ.
PJpn. *àjû trout (форель): OJpn. aju; MJpn. àjú; Tok. áyu; Kyo. àyû;
Kag. ayú.
◊ JLTT 388.
‖ The root denotes some salmon-like fish; the meaning of the Mong.
form is unfortunately not very well defined.
-ǯV younger relative: Tung. *āǯi-; Mong. *aǯi-n.
PTung. *āǯi- 1 first child 2 small child 3 the most (1 первенец 2 маленький ребенок 3 самый, наиболее): Evn. āǯịn 1; Man. aǯi-ge 2, aǯi 1;
SMan. aǯigə 2 (2403); Nan. aǯ 3, aǯị-go- ‘родить первенца’; Ud. aǯiga
‘girl’.
◊ ТМС 1, 16-17, 55, Он. 29.
PMong. *(h)aǯi-n wife of younger brother (as related to the wife of
elder brother) (жена младшего брата (по отношению к жене старшего брата)): WMong. aǯin (L 62); Kh. aǯin; Ord. aǯin.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; one of numerous common Altaic kinship
“nursery” words.
B
-b to bind: Tung. *ba-; Turk. *b(i)ā-; Jpn. *b; Kor. *pa.
PTung. *ba- 1 to propose for marriage 2 proposed for marriage
since childhood (1 сватать 2 сосватанные с малолетства): Evk. ba- 1;
Man. ba-čixi 2.
◊ ТМС 1,60.
PTurk. *b(i)ā- 1 to bind 2 to fasten 3 bundle 4 bond, rope (1 связывать 2 укреплять 3 связка 4 веревка): OTurk. ba- 1, 2, ba-ɣ 3, 4, ‘confederation’ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ba- 1, 2, ba-ɣ 3, 4 (MK, KB, At.);
Tur. ba-ɣ 3, 4, ba-ɣ-la- 1,2; Gag. bā-la- (< *bag-la-) 1; Az. baɣ 3, 4; Turkm.
bāG 4; Sal. baχ 4; Khal. vā- 1, baɣ 4 (baɣ m.b. < Ogh.); MTurk. baɣ 4; Uzb.
bɔɣ 3, 4; Uygh. baɣ 3, 4; Krm. baɣ 3, 4; Tat. baw 3, 4, bɛj 4; Bashk. baw 4,
bäj 4; Kirgh. bō 3, 4; Kaz. baw 3, 4; KBalk. baw 4; KKalp. baw 3, 4; Kum.
baw 3, 4; Nogh. baw 4; SUygh. paɣ 4; Khak. (dial.) paɣ (Kyz.) 4; Shr. paɣ
(R) 4; Oyr. bū 4; Tv. baɣ-la- 1; Tof. Baɣ 4; Chuv. pъjav 4; Yak. bā-j- 1, 2,
bɨa 4; Dolg. bā-j- 1, bɨa 4.
◊ EDT 292, 310, ЭСТЯ 2, 13-17, Федотов 1, 411, VEWT 53 (*bā, deriv. *bā-g), Stachowski 55, 69. Turk. *bāg > Mong. baɣ (KW 27, TMN 2, 254), baɣča ( > Man. baqsan etc.,
see Doerfer MT 142). Yak. has a standard verbal stem modifier (-j-).
PJpn. *b rope (веревка): OJpn. wo; MJpn. wó; Tok. wó; Kyo. wṓ;
Kag. wó.
◊ JLTT 503. The Tokyo accent is aberrant (*wò would be expected), but Kyoto, Kagoshima and the RJ gloss (wó) point to *b.
PKor. *pa rope, string (веревка): Mod. pa.
◊ KED 701.
‖ EAS 57, SKE 179, Martin 228, ОСНЯ 1, 172, АПиПЯЯ 68. One of
the few common Altaic monosyllabic roots. Mong. *baɣu- ‘to bind’ is
probably < Turk. (Щербак 1997, 103). Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 254) criticism
is unacceptable (“unklar, da kor. Nominalstamm, tü. Verbalstamm”).
-bč῾V ( ~ *p-, -č-) sister: Mong. *bača-gan; Turk. *bāča-.
PMong. *bača-gan girl (девушка): Kh. bacgan; Bur. basagan.
◊ Будаев 142, 245, Аникин 124 (> Russ. Siber. bacagan ‘girl’).
PTurk. *bāča 1 elder sister 2 husbands of sisters (1 старшая сестра
2 мужья сестер между собой (свояки)): OTurk. bača (OUygh., late Lig. VSOu) 2; Karakh. baǯa-naq 2 (IM); Tur. baǯɨ 1, baǯanak 2; Gag.
baǯanaq 2; Az. baǯɨ 1, baǯanaG 2; Turkm. baǯɨ 1, bāǯa 2; Sal. paǯa 2 (ССЯ);
320
*bdì - *bădo
MTurk. baǯi 1 (R), bača 2 (MA, Pav. C.), baǯanaq 2 (Pav. C., AH); Uzb.
bɔǯa 2; Uygh. baǯa 2; Tat. paca (КСТТ) 2; Kum. baǯiw 1; Khak. paǯa 2, piǯe
1; Oyr. baa 2, ‘wives of brothers’; Tv. baǯa 2; Tof. baǯa 2; Chuv. poźana 2.
◊ VEWT 54, TMN 2, 682, ЭСТЯ 2, 24, 26-27, Лексика 310, Егоров 168, Ашм. X, 33,
Федотов 1, 453. Turk. > WMong. baǯa, Kalm. baz, Khalkha baʒ, Bur. baz, Ord. baǯa
‘brother-in-law’, whence Kirgh., KBalk., Kum., Yak. baǯa, Evk. baǯa, Kaz., KKalp., Nogh.,
Bashk. baža. The Khak., Oyr. and Tuva forms may also be < Mong. Cf. also ORuss. печенег.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Manchu baša ‘wife’s younger sister’ is isolated and most probably < Mong. (see ТМС 78, Rozycki 26).
-bdì face, colour: Tung. *bāda; Turk. *bEd-le; Jpn. *pítápi ( / *pìtàpi).
PTung. *bāda 1 face 2 shape, form, colour (1 лицо 2 вид, форма,
цвет): Evk. bāde 1; Evn. bād 1, 2; Nan. bādo ‘opposite to’, bādo-bādo ‘face
to face’.
◊ ТМС 1, 63, Он. 56.
PTurk. *bEd-le (?) such, similar, so (такой, подобный, таким образом): Karakh. böjle (Tefs.); Tur. böjle, (dial.) bele; (dial.) bile-m ‘myself’
etc.; Az. bejlä, belä, dial. bilä-m ‘myself’ etc.; Turkm. bejle; Khal. bilä-m,
bilä-si, bilä-miz ‘myself, himself, ourselves’ etc. ( < Az.); MTurk. bejle,
böjle (Pav. C.); Oyr. bejde (Kumd.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 107-108. Cf. perhaps also Yak. bet-tex (Dolg. bettek) ‘here, closely’, Yak.,
Dolg. beterē ‘this, nearest side’ (although it may go back to *bĕt ‘face’; derivation < *be-rü
‘this side’ in ЭСТЯ 2, 124, followed by Stachowski 59, is hardly plausible). The sometimes
proposed explanation as *bu ile, i.e. “together with it” or “by means of it” is not quite
acceptable for semantic reasons. As for the Oghuz variants with a labialized vowels, they
may have an assimilative origin. But on the whole the attribution of the Turkic form is
still dubious (although the semantic derivation “similar, such as” < “face, looks” seems to
be quite common in Altaic).
PJpn. *pítápi ( / *pìtàpi) forehead (лоб): OJpn. p(j)itap(j)i; MJpn.
fítáfi ( / fìtàfi); Tok. hìtai; Kyo. hìtàí; Kag. hitái.
◊ JLTT 410.
‖ Contaminations were possible: cf. *peda, *páda.
-bădo a k. of bird (quail, dun-bird): Tung. *badara; Mong. *bödüne;
Turk. *budur-.
PTung. *badara dun-bird (нырок, крохаль): Evk. badara.
◊ ТМС 1, 63. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *bödüne quail (перепелка): MMong. bodena (HY 14),
būdene (LH); WMong. bödüne; Kh. bödnö; Bur. büdene; Kalm. bödnə; Ord.
bödönö; Mongr. bodono (SM 26), puduri (SM 305).
◊ KW 54. Mong. > Chag. büdänä, bödänä etc. (ЭСТЯ 2, 101-102; TMN 1, 218, Lig. VMI
21, Щербак 1997, 201), Chuv. putene (Róna-Tas 1971-1972). One should also mention
WMong. badana, Khalkha badna ‘перепел немой’ (БАМРС 1, 213).
*bagu - *bắja
321
PTurk. *budur- quail (перепелка): Karakh. budursɨn (MK); bujurčun, bujurčɨn (AH); Khak. (pudurčun, püdürčün); Chuv. pъₙrǯъgan ‘wagtail’.
◊ EDT 309, Лексика 173, ЭСТЯ 2, 305-306. The root was strongly influenced by
*bɨldur- (q.v. sub *pltorV); this explains the Khak. form (one would expect puzur-).
‖ Лексика 174. A Western isogloss. Mong. *bödüne is a result of assimilation < *bedüne.
-bagu white, grey: Tung. *bag-; Mong. *buɣurul; Kor. *pùhi-.
PTung. *bag- 1 white 2 clear (of sky, weather) (1 белый 2 ясный (о
небе, погоде)): Evk. bagda-ma, -rin 1, baɣurin 2; Evn. bāwụn, bāị 2; Neg.
bagdajīn 1; Sol. bagdarin, bogdarin 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 62.
PMong. *buɣurul grey (of hair etc.) (серый, седой): MMong. burul
(MA 127); WMong. buɣurul (L 131); Kh. būral; Bur. būral; Kalm. būrəl;
Ord. būral; Dag. bōral, bōlal (Тод. Даг. 127), bōrol; S.-Yugh. būrol; Mongr.
bōrol.
◊ KW 65, MGCD 164. Mong. > Turk. buɣurla, Chuv. pъₙvъrla id.; Evk. burul etc. (see
Doerfer MT 99); > Man. burulu (morin), MKor. puru (măr) ‘a horse of red and white coat’
(see Lee 1958, 119).
PKor. *pùhi- grey, milky white (серый, молочно-белый): MKor.
pùhi-; Mod. pūjə- [pūjəh-], pōja- [pōjah-].
◊ Nam 267, KED 792, 818.
‖ Note Karakh. (MK, hap. leg.) bögrül ‘a horse or sheep with white
flanks’ (EDT 328-329) - although the vocalism in this form is not clear.
-bắja happiness, joy: Tung. *baj-li; Mong. *bajar; Turk. *bAj-ra-m/k,
bAj-ga; Jpn. *bái-m-.
PTung. *baj-li favour, mercy (благосклонность, милость): Man. bajli.
◊ ТМС 1, 66. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *baja- 1 joy, feast 2 to be happy, enjoy (1 радость, праздник 2 быть счастливым, радоваться): MMong. bajas- (HY 36, SH) 2,
bājas (IM) 1, bajas- (MA) 2; WMong. bajar 1, bajas- 2 (L 77); Kh. bajar 1,
bajas- 2; Bur. bajarla- 2; Kalm. bajr 1; Ord. bajas- 2; Dag. bajir 1, bais(a)- 2
(Тод. Даг. 123), baire 1, baise- 2 (MD 117, 118); Dong. bajasu 1, bajasu- 2;
Bao. bese- 2; S.-Yugh. bajar 1; Mongr. bēsə- (SM 25) 2, bajar 1.
◊ KW 29, MGCD 139.
PTurk. *bAj-ra-m/k, bAj-ga 1 feast 2 horse-race 3 a prize in
horse-race (1 праздник 2 скачки 3 приз за победу в скачках): Karakh.
baδram (MK), bajram (MK Oghuz) 1; Tur. bajram 1; Gag. bajram 1; Az.
bajram 1; Turkm. bajram 1, bajraq 3; MTurk. bajram (Бор. Бад.) 1, bajɣa 1
(P. de C.); Uzb. bajram 1, pajgä (R) 3, bajraq (dial., Khorazm) 3; Uygh.
bajram 1, (dial.- Lobn.) bajɣa 1; Krm. bajram 1; Tat. bɛjrɛm 1, bɛjgi 2;
322
*baja - *băjV
Bashk. bajram 1, bäjgi 2, 3; Kirgh. majram 1, bajge 2, 3; Kaz. mäjram 1,
bäjge 2, 3, (dial.) bajraq 3; KBalk. bajram 1; KKalp. bajram 1, bäjge 2, 3, bajraq 3; Kum. bajram 1; Nogh. bajram 1; Khak. paj 1 (Sag.), pajram 1; Shr.
bajram 1, pajɣa 1 (R); Oyr. bajram 1.
◊ VEWT 54, 56, ЭСТЯ 2, 32, 33-34 (erroneously under *baδrak ‘flag’), 35-36, TMN 2,
384-385. Here one should reconstruct *-j- (not *-δ-), dissimilated before -r- according to
Mudrak’s rule. Formally *baj-ra-m and *baj-ra-k are deverbatives from a hypothetical
*baj-ra- ‘to celebrate’; *baj-ga is a denominative with a usual East.-Kypch. suffix. Menges’
(1933, 101) hypothesis of bajga < Russ. is quite unlikely (cf. the areal and the Chag. fixation). A rather popular theory of Iranian origin is also excluded: the only acceptable etymology of Pers. bajram is < Turkic (see also ЭСТЯ). Because of semantics, hardly connected with Mong. baj ‘sign, goal, road sign’. Turk. > Russ. Siber. bajgá (Аникин 109).
PJpn. *bái-m- to smile (улыбаться): OJpn. wem-; MJpn. wém-; Tok.
em-.
◊ Cf. also OJ we-rak- ‘to laugh with joy’ (another derivative of the same root). See
JLTT 681.
‖ Turk. *bAj-ra- = Mong. *bajar = OJ we-ra- < PA *bắja-rV- (it is interesting to note the double suffixation in PT *bAj-ra-k = OJ we-ra-k-).
-baja ( ~ -a-) place, to be located: Tung. *bia, -gun; Mong. *baji-.
PTung. *bia, -gun 1 place (in a dwelling) 2 rookery, sealery 3 earth 4
estate 5 servants (1 место (в жилище) 2 лежбище морского зверя 3
земля 4 поместье 5 слуги): Evk. b 1; Evn. bǟ 2; Man. boiχon, boiGon 3,
4; SMan. ohən, ohun 3 (2112); Jurch. boj-hu (276) 5, boŋ-xoŋ 3; Ork. b 1;
Ud. beä 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 78, 89. Man. > Sol. boigõ ‘estate’.
PMong. *baji- to stand, stay, be located (стоять, стать, находиться):
MMong. bai’ji- (SH), bai’i- (HY 35), bāi-, bai- (IM), bai- (MA); WMong.
baji- (L 72); Kh. baj-; Bur. baj; Kalm. bǟ-; Ord. bǟ-; Mog. bɛi-; ZM ba’i(40-10); Dag. bai- (Тод. Даг. 122, MD 117); Dong. bai-, vai-; Bao. bei-, vi-;
(MGCD) va-; S.-Yugh. bai-; Mongr. b-, w- (SM 23), (MGCD 138) wai-,
ba-ŋ (Minghe).
◊ KW 39-40, MGCD 138.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss (cf. also notes under *bogo).
-băjV rock: Tung. *baj-; Mong. *baji-ča; Turk. *bAjɨr.
PTung. *baj- rock, cliff (скала): Evk. bajtu.
◊ ТМС 1, 66. Attested only in Evk., but hardly borrowed from Mong.
PMong. *baji-ča rock (скала): WMong. bajiča (L 73); Kh. bajc; Bur.
bajsa.
◊ Mong. > Evk. bajča (ТМС 1, 66), Russ. Siber. bajca, (Bur. >) bajsanistɨj (Аникин
110-111).
PTurk. *bAjɨr 1 hill, 2 foot-hill 3 hummock (1 холм 2 подножье горы 3 пригорок): Tur. bajɨr 1; Gag. bajɨr ‘mountain’; Turkm. bajɨr 1; Krm.
bajɨr 1; Khak. pār 2; Yak. bɨar 3.
*bằka - *báku
323
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 37-38, VEWT 57. The root should be distinguished from *bāgɨr ‘liver’ (although there may occur secondary mergers, cf. Tat. bawur ‘slope’). It has no relationship
(suggested in ЭСТЯ) to Mong. bajir ‘place’ (derived from baji- ‘to be’ and borrowed in
Uzb. bajir ‘accustomed to local conditions’, Kirgh. bajɨr ‘attachment to a place’, Nogh. bajɨr
‘proper’); intermediate (not quite clear) cases are Chag. bajɨr ‘plain, desert’ (Pav. C.), Az.
bajɨr ‘the external part of the inhabited area as opposed to the internal part’, Khal. bajir
‘uncultivated (place)’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-bằka to look, watch: Tung. *baKa-; Turk. *bạk-; Jpn. *bàkàr-; Kor. *pò-.
PTung. *baKa- to find, obtain (находить): Evk. baka-; Evn. baq-; Neg.
baxa-; Man. baχa-; SMan. bahə- (1562); Jurch. baxa-biar ‘obtain’ (366); Ul.
bā-; Ork. bā-; Nan. bā-; Orch. bā-; Ud. ba῾- (Корм. 210); Sol. baxa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 66-67.
PTurk. *bạk- to look, watch (смотреть): Karakh. baq- (MK, KB); Tur.
bak-; Gag. baq-; Az. bax-; Turkm. baq-; Sal. pax-, vax- (ССЯ 440, 542);
MTurk. baq- (Abush.); Uzb. bɔq-; Uygh. baq-; Krm. baq-; Tat. baq-; Bashk.
baq-; Kirgh. baq- ‘to look after’; Kaz. baq- ‘to look after’; KBalk. baq-;
KKalp. baq- ‘to look after’; Kum. baq-; Nogh. baq- ‘to graze’; Khak. pax-;
Oyr. baq-; Tv. baq-qɨ-la- ‘to peek, to arise’; Tof. ba’k-; Chuv. pъₙx-; Yak.
bɨk- ‘to appear, to arise’; Dolg. bɨk- ‘to look out’.
◊ EDT 311, VEWT 58, ЭСТЯ 2, 38-40, Мудрак 99, Stachowski 70.
PJpn. *bàkàr- to understand (понимать): OJpn. wakar-; MJpn.
wàkàr-; Tok. wakár-; Kyo. wákár-; Kag. wàkàr-.
◊ JLTT 782.
PKor. *pò- to see (видеть): MKor. pò-; Mod. po-.
◊ Nam 259, KED 788.
‖ The root should be distinguished from *pḗk῾o q.v. The etymology
in SKE 204, linking the Kor. form with the Jpn. and TM accusative
marker, is hardly credible. Kor. has a “verbal” low tone.
-bằká ( ~ -o) to divide: Tung. *baK-; Jpn. *bàká-.
PTung. *baK- 1 separate 2 to break, divide bread (1 отдельный 2
разламывать хлеб): Evk. bakla 1; Evn. bēkъl 1; Nan. baqta- 2 (dial.).
◊ ТМС 1, 67. Cf. also Dolg. ( < Evk.?) baka ‘scraper to separate flesh from skin’, bakalā‘to separate flesh from skin’ (Stachowski 51).
PJpn. *bàká- to divide (делить): OJpn. waka-; MJpn. wàka-; Tok.
waké-; Kyo. wàkè-; Kag. wàkè-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-báku ( ~ -a) pole, pillar: Tung. *baksa; Mong. *bagana; Turk. *bakna ( ~
-g-); Kor. *pò.
PTung. *baksa prop, central pole (подпорка, центральный столб):
Evk. baksa; Ul. baqsa; Nan. baqsa.
◊ ТМС 1, 67.
324
*bāku - *băkV
PMong. *bagana central pole (центральный столб, колонна):
WMong. baɣana (L 68); Kh. bagana; Bur. bagana; Kalm. baxənə; Ord. baGana ‘жердь для понукания животных’; Dag. bagas.
◊ KW 29, MGCD 132. Mong. > Chag. bakan etc., see ibid., VEWT 58, ЭСТЯ 2, 42-43; >
Yak., Dolg. bagana (Stachowski 50); > Man. baxana, see Doerfer MT 101, Rozycki 22; Tu >.
Russ. bagan (Аникин 106).
PTurk. *bakna ( ~ -g-) rung of a ladder, step of a staircase (ступенька лестницы): Karakh. baɣna (MK).
◊ EDT 316.
PKor. *pò beam, cross-beam (балка): MKor. pò; Mod. po, tɨl-bo.
◊ Nam 259, KED 786.
‖ KW 29, Doerfer MT 101. The Turkic and Mong. words are very
similar, but quite different semantically, so one can hardly suppose a
loan.
-bāku ( ~ -k῾-) small cattle: Mong. *bog; Turk. *bākana.
PMong. *bog small cattle, sheep and goats (мелкий скот, овцы и
козы): WMong. boɣ (L 110); Kh. bog; Kalm. bogə (KPC).
PTurk. *bākana 1 sheep skin 2 lamb 3 baby (1 овечья шкура 2 ягненок 3 ребенок): Tur. baɣan 1, (dial.) baɣalak, baɣnak 1, baɣana 3; Az.
baɣana 1; Turkm. baɣana 1; MTurk. baɣana 1 (R); Uzb. baɣana 1 (Khor.);
Kirgh. baɣlan, baɣɨlan ‘lamb that has stopped suckling’, baɣɨldɨr ‘wild
lamb, 1-year-old mountain goat’; Kaz. baɣana 2; KKalp. baɣlan ‘a
well-fed early lamb’.
◊ VEWT 55, Лексика 390. The Kypchak form baɣlan ‘lamb’ has hardly anything to do
with Tat., Kaz. baqlan ‘cormorant’ (despite TMN 2, 298, Аникин 112).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Some Turkic forms meaning ‘lamb, baby’
may actually also continue PA *bèka q.v. Cf. also Evk. (Titov) baxana
‘he-goat’ ( < unattested Yak.?).
-băkV knucklebone: Tung. *baK-; Mong. *bagul- / *bugul-; Turk.
*bakań.
PTung. *baK- 1 muscles of thigh 2 knucklebone (of a horse); fetlock
(1 мышцы бедра 2 бабки (лошади); щетки): Man. baqalaǯi 2; Nan.
bagdixĩ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 62, 67.
PMong. *bagul- / *bugul- shoulder, shoulder bone (плечо, плечевая кость): WMong. buɣulaɣ, buɣuluɣ (L 131); Kh. bugalag; Bur. bagalsag,
bagansag ‘arm muscles’; Kalm. baɣltsəG ‘wrist joint; wrist’; Dag. boGolǯār
‘wrist, carpus’ (Поп. Даг. 71); Mongr. baGūr (SM 19: baGr) ‘bracelet’;
baGr yäse ‘metacarpus’, baGariaG ‘tibia’, narin baGariaG ‘radius’.
◊ KW 28, Дыбо 227. On Turkic loans see KW 28.
PTurk. *bakań 1 hoof 2 knucklebone 3 joints in animals’ feet (1 копыто 2 бабка 3 суставы в ногах животных): OTurk. baqanaq 1
*bk῾a - *bāla
325
(OUygh.); Karakh. baqanaq, baqajaq 1 (MK); Tur. bakanak, bakɨnak 1, 2
(dial.); Az. baɣanaɣ, baɣančaɣ 3 (dial.); Uygh. baqalčäq ‘shinbone’; Tat.
bɛkɛl 2; Bashk. bäqäl 3; Kirgh. baqaj 3; Kaz. baqaj 3; Nogh. baqaj 3; Khak.
paɣajax, maxajax 2; Tof. mahnɨq ῾metatarsus’ (ФиЛ 205).
◊ VEWT 58, EDT 316-317, ЭСТЯ 2, 43-44, Дыбо 310, Лексика 286-287.
‖ Дыбо 310; Лексика 287. A Western isogloss.
-bk῾a ( ~ -k-) to slide, sweep: Tung. *bāKa- / *bāKu-; Jpn. *pàk-.
PTung. *bāKa- / *bāKu- to slide (скользить, соскальзывать): Evk.
bākerō-; Evn. baqrkịn-; Neg. baxụkịn-; Ul. baụrsụ-; Ork. baụr-.
◊ ТМС 1, 68.
PJpn. *pàk- to sweep (мести, подметать): OJpn. pak-; MJpn. fàk-;
Tok. hák-; Kyo. hák-; Kag. hàk-.
◊ JLTT 684.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-bk῾ù a sharp instrument: Tung. *bāgba; Mong. *baki; Turk. *bokursɨ;
Jpn. *pukusi.
PTung. *bāgba 1 stake, bar, spear 2 to delve with a stake, spear 3 to
hit (with a stake, stick) (1 пешня, лом, копье 2 долбить пешней,
копьем 3 бить (палкой или другим твердым предметом)): Evn.
baɣq- 3; Neg. bābga 1; Man. bo- 2, bon 1; Ul. baGba 1; Ork. bābGa ~ bāGba
1; Nan. baGba 1; Ud. bagba- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 61-62.
PMong. *baki tongs (щипцы): WMong. baki; Kh. ba; Bur. baxinsag
‘багор’; Kalm. bakə.
◊ KW 29.
PTurk. *bokursɨ wooden plough, ploughshare (деревянный плуг,
соха): OTurk. boqursɨ (OUygh: YB); Karakh. boqursɨ (MK); Uygh. boqusa,
buqusa (Jarr.); Kirgh. būrsun.
◊ EDT 319. Voicing *-k- > -g- > -0- in Kirgh. is unclear. Molnar’s (Molnár 2001) etymology < Sanskr. vi-karṣati presupposes an unattested derivative and is generally quite
dubious.
PJpn. *pukusi digging stick (палка-копалка): OJpn. pukusi.
◊ JLTT 417.
‖ PT *bokursɨ probably < *bakursɨ (with a vowel narrowing in the
first syllable of a trisyllabic word); PTM *bāgba < *bāk-ba through assimilation. Note a remarkable similarity of the Turkic and Japanese
derivation. Cf. other similar roots: *p῾ùjge, *pok῾e, *p῾ge, *p῾ago.
-bāla child, young: Tung. *baldi-; Mong. *balčir; Turk. *bāla, *bāldɨŕ;
Jpn. *bàràpa(i).
PTung. *baldi- to bear, be born (рождать(ся)): Evk. baldi-; Evn.
bald-; Neg. baldị-; Man. banǯi-; SMan. banǯi-, banǯə- (694, 2146); Jurch.
326
*balu - *balu
boldi-xaj (388); Ul. baldị-; Ork. balǯị-; Nan. balǯị-; Orch. bāgdi-; Ud. bagdi-;
Sol. baldi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 69-70. Man. banǯibu- ‘to compile, write’ > Dag. banǯibū- (Тод. Даг. 124). Cf.
also Orok balaŋga ‘young of seal’ (ibid.) - perhaps preserving the original root without the
dental suffix.
PMong. *balčir very young, infant (малолетний): WMong. balčir (L
80); Kh. balčir; Bur. balšar; Kalm. balčr.
◊ KW 32. Cf. also S.-Yugh. bala ‘egg’ - an isolated form and hardly archaic ( < Turk.
bala ‘child’?).
PTurk. *bāla, *bāl-dɨŕ, *bāla-pan 1 young animal, nestling, 2 child 3
a man’s wife’s younger sister 4 younger relative (1 молодое животное,
птенец, 2 ребенок 3 младшая сестра жены 4 младший родственник): OTurk. baldɨz (OUygh.) 3; Karakh. bala 1 (MK), baldɨz 3 (MK);
baldɨr ‘step-son, step-daughter’ (MK); Tur. bala 1, 2, baldɨz 3, balaban ‘falcon’ (dial.); Gag. baldɨsqa 3; Az. bala, balaG 1, 2, baldɨz 3; Turkm. bāla 1, 2,
bāldɨz 3; Sal. bala 1, 2; Khal. bala 2; MTurk. bala 1, 2 (Abush., Бор. Бад.),
baldɨz 3 (P. de C.); Uzb. bɔla 1, 2, bɔldiz 3, palapan 1 (dial.); Uygh. bala 1, 2;
Krm. bala 2, baldɨz 3; Tat. bala 1, 2, baldɨz 3; Bashk. bala 2, baldɨδ 3; belekej
‘small’; Kirgh. bala 2; Kaz. bala 2, baldɨz 3, balapan 1 (R); KBalk. bala 2;
KKalp. bala 2, baldɨz 3; Kum. bala 1, 2; Nogh. bala 2, baldɨz 3; SUygh. mɨla,
mle 2; Khak. pala 2, pastɨ 3; Shr. pala 2, pastɨ 3; Oyr. bala 1, 2, passɨ 3 (Tel.,
R); Chuv. poldъr 3, 4 (Aš. IX 282); Yak. balɨs 3, 4; Dolg. balɨs 3, 4.
◊ EDT 332, 334, VEWT 59, 60, ЭСТЯ 2, 47-50, 53-54, Лексика 71, 306-307, 312, Stachowski 51, 52. Turk. > Kalm. baldr (KW 30). Khak. pastɨ < *bazlɨ < *balzɨ with metathesis.
PJpn. *bàràpa(i) child (ребенок): OJpn. warapa; MJpn. wàràfà, wàràfè;
Tok. wárabe; Kyo. wáràbè; Kag. warabé.
◊ JLTT 568. The Tokyo accent points to a variant *bàràpá(i).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 289. Jpn. low tone (or Turkic length) is irregular. The
Western languages all reflect a common derivative *bāl(a)-tV.
-balu sable: Tung. *bali-; Mong. *bulagan; Jpn. *puruki.
PTung. *bali- sable (one year old) (соболь (одноосенний)): Evk.
balini.
◊ ТМС 1, 71.
PMong. *bulagan sable, game (соболь, дичь): MMong. buluxan (HY
10), buluqan (SH), bul(u)ɣan (MA); WMong. bulaɣan (L 133), buliɣa; Kh.
bulga(n); Bur. bulgan; Kalm. bulɣən; Ord. bulaGa; Dag. baləg, (Тод. Даг.
124) balga; S.-Yugh. bulaGan; Mongr. bulGa.
◊ KW 60, MGCD 168. Mong. > Chag. bulɣan, see TMN 1, 215.
PJpn. *puruki a k. of sable (вид соболя): MJpn. furuki.
‖ Ozawa 314-315. Despite obvious similarity, the etymology raises
some problems. The MJpn. furuki is said to be an animal breeding in
Korea, but no Korean match is available. R. A. Miller’s hypothesis that
furuki was borrowed from Mongolian, seems rather far-fetched (no
*bằlu - *băŋk῾i
327
early Mong.-Jpn. contacts have been noticed so far), so we prefer to
regard the word as genuine until some further evidence becomes available. Rather complicated is the attribution of PT *albuga (VEWT 16):
Khak. albɨɣa ‘sable’, Oyr. albaɣa ‘sable; game’ (Леб. Баск. 137). Cf. also
alda ‘game’ (Туба Баск. 101, Яимова 109-110 albaga, albaa, alabuga (=
“perch”). This may be al (al perü ‘wild wolf’) + bulgan, bulɨq ‘sable’ ( <
Mong.; see Потанин 1881, Очерки Северозападной Монголии, p.
139), see ibid. aldɨq ‘sable’. The word is obviously tabooistic and
folk-etymologically analysed as “red ox”, but may also be a distortion
of the original *baluga (cf. the external evidence). On the other hand,
one may note the resemblance of the Turkic word with Mong. elbeŋkü
‘racoon’, see KW 207 ( > Evk. elbiɣe, elbiŋē, Man. elbixe, ТМС 2, 445).
-bằlu early, ancient: Tung. *bala-; Turk. *baldɨr; Jpn. *pùrù-.
PTung. *bala- ancient, earlier (давно, прежде): Ul. balana; Ork.
balana; Nan. balana.
◊ ТМС 1, 68-69.
PTurk. *baldɨr beginning of the spring season, lambing season (начало весеннего сезона, сезона рождения ягнят): Karakh. baldɨr (MK);
Uygh. baldi(r) (dial.: УДС 23) ‘last year’.
◊ The root tends to mix with *bɨldur ‘last year’, but is explicitly distinguished by MK
(as baldɨr vs. bɨldɨr).
PJpn. *pùrù- old (старый): OJpn. puru-; MJpn. fùrù-; Tok. furú-; Kyo.
fúrù-; Kag. furú-.
◊ JLTT 828.
‖ Лексика 72 (but the Turkic root should be divided and Mong.
*boli- attributed rather to *plo ‘old, ancient - although the two roots
may have converged in Mong.).
-băŋk῾i to kick: Tung. *baŋ-sala-; Turk. *böŋk-.
PTung. *baŋ-sala- to kick (пинать, брыкаться): Man. bašila-; Ul. basala-; Ork. basala-; Nan. baŋsala-; Orch. baŋsala-; Ud. baŋčala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 72.
PTurk. *böŋk- to kick, buck (пинать, брыкаться): Karakh. möŋ(MK); Uygh. möŋ-, möŋkü-; Kirgh. möŋkü-; Kaz. möŋki-; Khak. mükü-;
Oyr. mökü-; Tv. mög-; Tof. möŋ- (Рас. ФиЛ 207); Yak. möx-.
◊ EDT 767, VEWT 342, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ An expressive Turk.-Tung. isogloss, with secondary vowel labialization in Turkic.
328
*bra - *brì
-bra goods, to possess, earn: Tung. *bara-; Mong. *bari-; Turk. *bār; Kor.
*pr-.
PTung. *bara- 1 many 2 to increase 3 capacious (1 много 2 увеличиваться, возрастать 3 емкий, просторный): Evk. bara-ma 1, bara-l- 2;
Evn. baran 3; Neg. baja 1; Man. baran 1; Ork. bara 1; Sol. barā 1.
◊ Some forms may be borrowed from Mong. (cf. Bur. baran; note, however, that the
word is attested only in Buryat and probably borrowed < Turk., while the TM forms are
very widely spread; Dag. barān certainly < TM, see Тод. Даг. 124), but the root is still
probably genuine. See ТМС 1, 73.
PMong. *bari- to take, hold (брать (руками), хватать): MMong.
bari- (HY 33, SH), bāri- (IM), bari- (MA); WMong. bari- (L 85); Kh. bari-;
Bur. bari-; Kalm. bär-, bäŕ-; Ord. bari-; Mog. bari-; ZM bari- (24-7b); Dag.
bari- (Тод. Даг. 125, MD 119); Dong. bari-; Bao. vār(ə)-; S.-Yugh. bar-;
Mongr. bari-, wari- (SM 22, 481).
◊ KW 38, TMN 1, 198, MGCD 143.
PTurk. *bār 1 there is, there are 2 existence, goods 3 all (1 есть, имеется 2 весь, все): OTurk. bar 1, 2 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.), barča 3; Karakh.
bar 1, 2, barča 3 (MK, KB); Tur. var 1, 2; Gag. var 1, 2; Az. var 1, 2; Turkm.
bār 1, 3; barča 3; Sal. bār, par, vār 1, bar, par ‘rich’ (ССЯ); Khal. vār 1, 2;
MTurk. bar 1, 2, 3, barča 3; Uzb. bɔr 1, 2, bɔriča 3; Uygh. ba(r) 1, 2, 3, baričä
3; Krm. bar 1, 2, 3, barca, barča 3; Tat. bar 1, 2, 3, barča 3, barsɨ 3; Bashk. bar
1, ‘rich’, barɨ 3; Kirgh. bar 1, ‘rich’, barča 3; Kaz. bar 1; KBalk. bar 1, ‘rich’,
barɨ 3; KKalp. bar 1, 2, barša 3; Kum. bar 1, 3, ‘rich’, barɨ 3; Nogh. bar 1, 2,
3; SUygh. par 1; Khak. par 1, 2, parčan 3; Oyr. bar 1, 2, 3; Tv. bar 1, barɨ 2;
Tof. bar 1; Chuv. por 1, ‘any’, 3, ‘rich’, porəš 3; Yak. bār 1, 2, bar(ɨ) 3; Dolg.
bār 1, 2, bar(ɨ) 3.
◊ VEWT 62, EDT 353, 356-7, ЭСТЯ 2, 61-63, Лексика 326-327, 332-333, Федотов 1,
444-445, Stachowski 52, 53, 56. Syntactically it is an abstract noun frequently acting as a
predicate.
PKor. *pr- to earn (зарабатывать): Mod. pl-.
◊ KED 765.
‖ KW 38, VEWT 62, ТМС 1,73, АПиПЯЯ 287, Лексика 326-327;
ОСНЯ 1, 175, 176. Doerfer (MT 239) tries to argue (“Die Quantitätsverhältnisse weichen ganz ab”), but the phonetic match is quite regular
(Turk. long : TM short).
-brì right, straight, direct: Tung. *bāru; Mong. *baraɣun; Turk. *bEr-;
Jpn. *pìtà; Kor. *pàrằ-.
PTung. *bāru in the direction of (postpos.) (по направлению к (послелог)): Man. baru; Ul. bā- / bē-; Ork. bārụ-; Nan. bāro-; Orch. bai-ti.
◊ See ТМС 1, 75.
PMong. *baraɣun righthand side; West (правая сторона; запад):
MMong. bara’un (HY 50, SH), barān (IM), bărawun (MA); WMong.
baraɣun (L 84); Kh. barūn; Bur. barūn; Kalm. barūn; Ord. barūn; Mog. ZM
*bri - *bāŕa
329
baranɣl (7-1a); Dag. baran (Тод. Даг. 124), baren (MD 119); Dong. borun;
S.-Yugh. barūn; Mongr. baroŋ, waroŋ (SM 22, 482) (MGCD waraŋ).
◊ KW 35, MGCD 145. MMong. baranqar > Chag. buranɣar ‘right wing (of an army)’,
see Щербак 1997, 200. Mong. > Evk. baron, see Doerfer MT 126, Rozycki 25.
PTurk. *bEr- 1 southern, right 2 to the South, to the right (1 южный,
правый 2 к югу, направо): OTurk. ber-din 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), beri-je 2,
ber-gärü 2 (Orkh.).
◊ EDT 359,364, 370. The forms ber-din (abl.), ber-ije (adv.), ber-gerü (dir.) - from a spatial noun *ber. The usually related berü ‘this side, here’ etc. (EDT 355, ЭСТЯ II 124-125)
should be rather kept apart. It is unclear morphologically (bērü < ber-rü seems to be a
unique development) and may be derived from the demonstrative bu ‘this’, just like naru,
aŋaru, onaru ‘that side, there’ is derived from the demonstrative stem an- ‘that’ (see
Brockelmann 1954, 134).
PJpn. *pìtà direct, straight (прямой): OJpn. pjita; MJpn. fìtà; Tok.
hita-to ‘directly, closely’.
◊ JLTT 409.
PKor. *pàrằ- direct, straight; right (прямой; правильный): MKor.
pàrằ-; Mod. parɨ-.
◊ Nam 238, KED 706.
‖ EAS 57, SKE 191, Poppe 21. “Verbal” low tone in Korean. Doerfer
(TMN 1, 207) attempts to dismantle Ramstedt’s comparison
(Tung.-Kor.-Mong.) by preferring Ramstedt’s own earlier (KW 35)
derivation of Mong. baraɣun ‘right; West’ < bara- ‘to end’ - which is
evidently much weaker semantically.
-bri a k. of cloth: Tung. *bārga-; Mong. *baraɣa; Turk. *bẹr; Kor. *pār.
PTung. *bārga- to clothe, put on (одевать(ся)): Ul. bargaǯị-; Ork.
baGdụxị-; Nan. bāraǯịGo-, bārolị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 73.
PMong. *baraɣa cloth (ткань): WMong. baraɣa (L 82); Kh. barā; Bur.
barān; Kalm. barān.
◊ KW 33.
PTurk. *bẹr 1 tunic 2 cloth, linen (1 жакет 2 ткань): Karakh. ber-tü ‘a
tunic’, bertü-le-n- ‘to wear a tunic’; Chuv. pir 2.
◊ EDT 358, 359 (MK), VEWT 71.
PKor. *pār curtain (занавес): MKor. pār; Mod. pāl.
◊ Nam 245, KED 723.
‖ Mongolian and TM reflect a suffixed form *bri-ga.
-bāŕa ( ~ -o) to rejoice, be proud: Tung. *bāra-či-; Mong. *bar-da-; Turk.
*bAŕ-; Jpn. *báráp-.
PTung. *bāra-či- to rejoice (радоваться): Ul. bāračị-; Nan. bārāčị-;
Orch. bārači-.
◊ ТМС 1, 73.
330
*bằŕ[i] - *bằŕ[i]
PMong. *bar-da- to be proud, to boast (гордиться, хвастаться):
WMong. barda-; Kh. barda-; Bur. bardam ‘1 чванство, кичливость, 2
гордец’; Kalm. bardm; Ord. barda-; Dag. bardan (n.) (Тод. Даг. 124);
S.-Yugh. bardam (n.); Mongr. bārda- (bardoŋ (SM 21), pardaŋ ‘fanfaron,
présomptueux’ (SM 302)).
◊ KW 34, MGCD 143.
PTurk. *bAŕ- to hazard, make a decision (осмеливаться, решаться): Uzb. baz- (Sart., R); Tat. baz-; Bashk. baδɨ-; Kaz. baz-; KBalk. baz-;
KKalp. baz-n-a ‘панибратство’; Kum. baz-; Nogh. baz-n-a batuv (gerund
from a refl. form); Yak. bahɨ-rɨ-j- ‘to speek in an excessively loud and
excited manner (expr.)’ (?).
◊ VEWT 66.
PJpn. *báráp- to laugh (смеяться): OJpn. warap-; MJpn. wáráf-; Tok.
wàra-; Kyo. wárá-; Kag. wará-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Not quite secure, because of tone incongruence. Jpn. could have
merged the roots *bāŕa ‘rejoice’ and *bĕŕa ‘peace’.
-bằŕ[i] wide, thick: Tung. *baru-n; Mong. *bar-; Turk. *bAŕɨk; Jpn. *pìr-;
Kor. *pắr.
PTung. *baru-n 1 thick 2 round, full (1 толстый 2 круглый, полный): Evn. barụ-n 1; Man. barun 2; Nan. barõ (Kur-Urm.) 2; Orch. bau(n)
1; Ud. bau 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 76.
PMong. *bar- broad and thick (of a beard), coarse (of textiles) (толстый, взлохмаченный о ткани, бороде, (редко) в названиях чего-л.
округлого, большой палец (дет.)): WMong. barbaji- (L 84); Kh. barvaj-;
Bur. barba-; Kalm. bar-də-ɣər, barwǟ-.
◊ KW 34, 35.
PTurk. *bAŕɨk 1 thick, stout 2 a stubby man (1 толстый, дюжий 2
коренастый человек): MTurk. bazuq (OKypch., AH, CCum.) 2; Krm.
bazɨq/x (H,Q,T) 1, 2; Tat. bazɨq 2; Bashk. baδɨq 1; KBalk. bazɨq 1; Kum.
bazɨq 1.
◊ VEWT 66. The word is exclusively Kypchak (probably also borrowed in Chuv.
pɨzъk id.), but is apparently archaic.
PJpn. *pìr- 1 wide 2 fathom (1 широкий 2 сажень): OJpn. pjiro- 1,
p(j)iro 2; MJpn. fìrò- 1, fìrò 2; Tok. hiró- 1, hiro 2; Kyo. hírò- 1; Kag. hiró- 1.
◊ JLTT 408, 828.
PKor. *pắr fathom (сажень): MKor. pắr; Mod. pāl.
◊ Nam 246, KED 723. The modern form reflex a merger with MKor. pār ‘armful’ (v.
sub *p῾ĺŋa).
‖ Whitman 1985, 193, 210 (Kor.-Jpn.). The vowel reflex in Korean is
irregular, which leaves a possibility of Kor. *pắr and Jpn. *pìr ‘fathom’
going back to a different root (reconstructable as *Piari or *Piali); the
*baŕV - *bási
331
coincidence of *pìr ‘fathom’ and *pìr- ‘wide, broad’ in Jpn. must be in
that case secondary.
-baŕV opposite, inimical: Tung. *bargi-; Mong. *bar-lug; Turk. *bAŕ.
PTung. *bargi- 1 opposite 2 enemy, inimical (1 противоположный
2 враг, противник, враждебный): Evk. bargī 1, bargūk 2; Evn. bargɣ 1,
bargq 2; Neg. bajgị- 1, bajgụn 2; Man. baǯi-la 1, baqčin 1, 2; Jurch.
bai-ǯu-mij dī- ‘to be inimical’ (797); Ul. baǯị 1, baǯụ(n) 2; Ork. baǯǯ 1;
Nan. bajGị 1, bajGō(n) 2; Orch. baggi- 1, baǯuɣi 2; Ud. bagä 1, bagia 2; Sol.
bargī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 73-75.
PMong. *bar-lug servant, slave (слуга, раб): WMong. barluɣ (L 88);
Kh. barlag.
◊ Mong. > Russ. бурлак (?).
PTurk. *bAŕ stranger, foreign (чужак, иностранец): Karakh. baz
(MK, KB); Krm. bazɨ ‘some, someone’.
◊ EDT 388.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-bási payment, loan: Tung. *basa-; Turk. *basɨg; Jpn. *písák-; Kor.
*pskūi’í-, pskú-.
PTung. *basa- payment (плата): Man. basa, base.
◊ ТМС 1, 76. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *bas-ɨg 1 a k. of tax 2 a coin (1 вид подати, налога 2 монета): OTurk. basɨɣ (OUygh.) 1; Tat. bas, pas, bās ‘price’, pas-lɨ ‘valued, expensive’ (Sib., КСТТ 108, 177); Chuv. pus 2.
◊ EDT 373, Ашм. X, 4-5, Федотов 1, 449-450. The OT form is usually regarded as derived from *bas- ‘to press’ (v. sub *pằsi), but external evidence suggests that this is one of
the numerous inner Turkic folk-etymological reinterpretations. Chuv. pus “copec” needs
some additional comments. According to Егоров 166 it can either be derived from pus‘break’ < Turk. *bas-, or be borrowed from Pers. pōst “skin” > Tur. post, Uzb. pust ‘id.’
(Turkic forms see in VEWT 386). The latter hypothesis is rather improbable because the
form means ‘coin’ only in Chuv., and because this borrowing is absent in other languages
of the Volga region. VEWT 387 suggests Chuv. pus < Mari puš ‘debt, tax’ < pu- ‘give’. The
word is absent from the Mari dictionary, one only finds puɨšaš ‘arrears’; cf., on the other
hand, Udm. pus ‘sign, subscription’ < Chuv. puzə id. < pus- ‘to press’. This etymology is,
therefore, equally dubious, and our equation of Chuv. pus = OT basɨɣ seems preferable.
PJpn. *písák- to sell, barter (продавать, торговать): MJpn. físák-;
Tok. hisag-.
◊ JLTT 690.
PKor. *pskūi’í-, pskú- to loan, borrow (одалживать, брать в долг):
MKor. pskūi’í-, pskú-; Mod. k:ui-, k:u-.
◊ Nam 62, KED 197, 206.
332
*bašo - *bằt῾í
‖ ТМС 1, 76 (TM-Turk.). Korean has a usual vowel loss between a
stop and a fricative (*psku- < *pis(i)-ku or *pəs(i)-ku). Note the velar suffixation in Turkic, Korean and Jpn.
-bašo to run, drive: Tung. *baša-; Mong. *bisi-ɣu, *busi-ɣu; Jpn. *basi-r-.
PTung. *baša- to drive, urge (гнать, погонять): Man. baša-.
◊ ТМС 1, 78. Attested only in Manchu, but having reliable external parallels.
PMong. *bisi-ɣu, *busi-ɣu 1 quick, swift 2 to run away (of horses)
(1 быстрый, ловкий 2 убегать (о лошадях)): MMong. biši’un ‘fair,
smart’ (38 HY); bišun (MA); WMong. bisiɣu, bušiɣu 1 (L 106, 140), busqu2; Kh. bušū 1, busga- 2; Bur. bušū 1; Kalm. bušū 1; Ord. bušū 1.
◊ KW 63. Mong. > Kirgh. bosqɨn ‘flight’.
PJpn. *basi-r- to run, hurry (бежать, спешить): MJpn. wasir-.
‖ Cf. *p῾às[a].
-bằtò a k. of plant (for making ropes): Tung. *batu-kin; Turk. *buta-; Jpn.
*bàtà.
PTung. *batu-kin rope (made of bark) (веревка (из коры)): Neg.
batụxịn; Ul. batụxụn; Nan. bartoxị; Orch. bātuxǟ; Ud. batixi.
◊ ТМС 1, 77.
PTurk. *buta- 1 основные нитки 2 bast, bass (for ropes) (1 основные нитки 2 лыко, мочало (для веревок)): Karakh. butar (MK) 1
(Clauson’s ‘papyrus reed’ is hardly correct; one should rather translate
it as ‘warp of cotton cloth’); Chuv. pъₙdъₙr 2.
◊ EDT 307. Cf. also (ДТС 89) batatu ‘cotton yarn’, in a medical text.
PJpn. *bàtà cotton (хлопок): OJpn. wata; MJpn. wàtà; Tok. watá; Kyo.
wátà; Kag. watá.
◊ JLTT 569.
‖ The root evidently denoted some k. of plant used for making
ropes or yarn. Note however that the Turkic reflex is poorly attested
and not quite reliable; in PTM a reconstruction *bartu-kin is also possible (and perhaps preferable). The PA form should thus perhaps be
changed to *bằrtò - a Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-bằt῾í dirt: Tung. *batu-n; Mong. *bat-ga; Turk. *bat-; Jpn. *pìntì; Kor.
*ptắi.
PTung. *batu-n frozen soil (мерзлота, мерзлая почва): Evk. batun;
Evn. batn; Man. batun; Ul. bātụ(n); Nan. batõ.
◊ ТМС 1, 77.
PMong. *bat-ga 1 dirt, sweat 2 to perspire (1 грязь, пот 2 потеть):
WMong. bataɣa, batɣa 1; badqu- 2 (L 67); Kh. batxa; Bur. badxa; Kalm.
batəɣə, batxə.
◊ KW 36. Mong. > Oyr. patqa etc.
PTurk. *bat-gak swamp, marsh (болото): OTurk. batɨɣ- (in batɨɣ-daqɨ
‘swamp-living’ (of dragons)) (OUygh.); Karakh. batɨɣ (MK, KB); Tur.
*bằǯá - *b
333
batak; Gag. bataq; Az. bataG; Turkm. batGa; Khal. bat-laq ‘Lehm, Morast’;
MTurk. batɣaq (San.); Uzb. bɔtqɔq; Uygh. patqaq; Krm. bataq; Tat. bat-qaq
(dial.); Bashk. batqaq; Kirgh. batqaq; Kaz. batpaq; (dial.) bat ‘sediment in
water’; KBalk. batmaq, batxaq; KKalp. batpaq; Kum. batmaq; Nogh. batpaq;
Khak. patɨɣ ‘marshy, marsh’; Chuv. put-kax, put-lъx.
◊ EDT 301, ЭСТЯ II 79, 80, VEWT 65, Егоров 169, Ашм. X 42, 48. Traditionally analysed as derivatives from *bat- ‘to sink’; the derivational suffixes may be indeed both
deverbative and denominative. But the external cognates are tempting.
PJpn. *pìntì dirt (грязь): OJpn. pjidi; MJpn. fìdì; Tok. hiji.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *ptắi dirt (грязь): MKor. ptắi; Mod. t:ä.
◊ Nam 147, KED 419.
‖ Whitman 1985, 141, 181, 213. Korean has a usual reduction: *ptắi <
*pitắi.
-bằǯá early: Tung. *baǯi-; Turk. *bAja; Jpn. *pàjá-.
PTung. *baǯi- early (рано): Evk. baǯi-kir; Evn. baǯ; Neg. baǯịɣ; Orch.
bāǯika; Ud. baǯi.
◊ ТМС 1, 64.
PTurk. *bAja recently (недавно): OTurk. baja, baja-qɨ (OUygh.);
Karakh. baja (MK); Tur. baja, bajak; Az. bajaG; Turkm. bajaq, baja-qɨ; Khal.
bajaq < Az.; MTurk. baja (Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔja; Uygh. baja; Krm. baja-ɣɨ,
baja-qɨ; Tat. baja; Bashk. baja; Kirgh. baja; Kaz. baja-ɣɨ; KKalp. baja-ɣɨ;
Kum. baja-ɣɨ; Nogh. baja-ɣɨ; SUygh. pija; Khak. paja; Shr. paja; Oyr. baja;
Tv. bije; Chuv. paźъr.
◊ EDT 384, 385, VEWT 56, ЭСТЯ 2, 30-32, Лексика 83. The Chuvash form is difficult.
PJpn. *pàjá- early, swift (ранний, быстрый): OJpn. paja (n), paja(adj.); MJpn. fàjá (n), fàjà- / fàjá- (adj.); Tok. háya (n.), hayá- (adj.); Kyo.
hàyá (n.), háyà- (adj.); Kag. hayá (n.), hayá- (adj.).
◊ JLTT 402, 827. A rare case of the structure CỼCỺ in an adjective, preserved under
the influence of the noun. Already in RJ a variant pàjà- is witnessed, and modern dialects
reflect only the latter in the adjectival form.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 77, Дыбо 11, Лексика 83-84. PJ has an irregular devoicing here (or should one think about a secondary assimilative voicing
*baǯi < *paǯi in PTM? In that case PA *pàǯa should be reconstructed).
-b bait: Tung. *be; Turk. *beŋ; Jpn. *bái ( ~ biá).
PTung. *be bait (приманка, наживка): Evk. be; Evn. bē; Neg.
beɣewun; Man. be; Ul. bei; Ork. bē-ni; Nan. bē; Orch. be-ppe, be-meike; Ud.
be-kpe.
◊ ТМС 1, 117-118.
PTurk. *beŋ bait, bird-seed (приманка, корм для птиц): OTurk.
meŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. meŋ (MK, KB); Tur. ben, beŋ (dial.); Turkm. meŋ;
MTurk. meŋ (MA); Yak. meŋiä < *meŋ-eg (Dimin.); Dolg. meŋe.
◊ VEWT 334, EDT 766, Stachowski 178. Turk. > WMong. meŋ, see KW 261.
334
*bdù - *bdù
PJpn. *bai ( ~ bia) bait (приманка, наживка): OJpn. we; Tok. é; Kyo.
; Kag. è.
◊ JLTT 392. Accent reconstruction is not quite clear.
‖ Miller 1985a, 78. An interesting monosyllabic root (TM evidence
indicates that Turk. -ŋ is suffixed).
-bdù thick, large: Tung. *burgu-; Mong. *bediɣün, *büdüɣün; Turk.
*bEdü-k; Jpn. *pùtuà-; Kor. *pr-.
PTung. *burgu- fat, thick (толстый, жирный): Evk. burgu; Evn.
bergъ; Neg. bojgo; Ul. boǯo(n); Ork. boddo(n); Nan. bujgu; Orch. boggo; Ud.
bogo; Sol. burgu.
◊ ТМС 1, 112.
PMong. *bediɣün, *büdüɣün thick (толстый): MMong. bid[o]n
(IM), bidun (MA); WMong. büdügün, bidügün (L 144); Kh. büdǖn; Bur.
büdǖn; Kalm. büdǖn, bödǖn; Ord. büdǖn, bidǖn; Mog. beidǖn; ZM beidun
(18-3a); Dag. budūn (Тод. Даг. 128), budun (MD 126); Dong. biedun; Bao.
beidoŋ; S.-Yugh. budǖn; Mongr. budin (SM 31), bidun (Huzu).
◊ KW 66, MGCD 173. The South.-Mong. (Dong., Bao.), as well as Mog. beidǖn (ZM
beidun) and the Manchu loanword bedun (see TMN 1, 234) indicate that the original vowel
was *e (*bedi-ɣün), with subsequent assimilation in most dialects. Mong. > Yak. bödöŋ
‘high’.
PTurk. *bEdü-k 1 big 2 high (1 большой, крупный 2 высокий):
OTurk. bedük 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. beδük 1 (MK, KB); Tur. büjük
1; Gag. bǖk 1; Az. böjük 1; Turkm. bejik 2; Khal. bidik/büdük 1; MTurk.
bejik 1, 2 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bujuk 1, 2; Uygh. büjük 1, 2; Krm. büjüḱ 1;
Tat. bijek 2; Bashk. bejek 1; Kirgh. bijik 1; Kaz. bijik 1; KBalk. mijik 1;
KKalp. bijik 1; Kum. bijik 2; Nogh. bijik 1; SUygh. bezɨk 1; Khak. pözək 1,
2; Shr. mözük 2; Oyr. bijik 2; Tv. bedik 2; Tof. bedik 2.
◊ VEWT 67, EDT 299-301, ЭСТЯ 2, 288-290. PT *bEdü-k ‘big, high’ is derived from
*bEdü- ‘to become bigger, grow’ (OT bedü-, Tur. büjü-, SUygh. pezi-, Az. böjü-, Khal. bidi-,
Tuva bedi-, Gag. bǖ-, Karaim büjü-).
PJpn. *pùtuà- 1 thick 2 big (1 толстый 2 большой): OJpn. putwo- 1;
MJpn. fùtò- 1; Tok. futó- 1; Kyo. fúto- 2; Kag. futó- 2.
◊ JLTT 829.
PKor. *pr- thick, satiated (толстый, сытый): MKor. pr-; Mod.
purɨ-.
◊ Nam 270, KED 813.
‖ Gombocz 1905, KW 66, Poppe 53 (Turk.-Mong.), Martin 243-244,
АПиПЯЯ 16, 68, 72, 280, Дыбо 12. Verbal low tone in Kor. Doerfer’s
(TMN 1, 235; 4, 275) criticism of the Turk.-Mong. match (“lautgesetzlich
nicht vergleichbar;...passen im Vokalismus nicht...”) is incorrect, because *-e- is well reconstructable for Proto-Mongolian. PTM *burgu is a
contraction < *bedu-rgu (a similar phonetic development cf. in PTM
*begV - *béjo
335
*xürgü ‘tail’ < *k῾udo-rgV). In Kor. one would expect *pùr-; the attested
pr- is an obvious result of vocalic assimilation.
-begV a k. of ferment: Tung. *bege; Mong. *beɣe-; Turk. *bEgni.
PTung. *bege 1 ferment (made of animal liver or brain) 2 medicine
(1 закваска (из печени или мозга животного) 2 лекарство): Evk. beɣe
1, 2; Evn. beɣ 2; Neg. beɣe 2; Orch. bē-de- ‘to treat (with medicine)’; Nan.
bē ‘rotten food’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 119.
PMong. *beɣe- to rot, mould (протухать, плесневеть): WMong.
bege- (БАМРС); Kh. bē-; Kalm. bē-.
◊ KW 43-44.
PTurk. *bEgni millet beer (просяное пиво): OTurk. begni (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. begni (MK, IM).
◊ EDT 328. The word is also present in some Iranian languages (Sogd. bɣ’ny, Osset.
bägäny, where it is most probably a Turkic loanword, despite TMN 2, 311, Bailey 320
[with a dubious Iranian etymology]). Turk. > Mong. bekni, begni, see Щербак 1997, 193.
‖ A Western isogloss; not quite reliable.
-bje man; self, body: Tung. *beje; Mong. *beje; Jpn. *b.
PTung. *beje person, man (человек): Evk. beje; Evn. bej; Neg. beje;
Nan. beje ‘person’; Sol. bei, beje.
◊ Homonymic forms in other languages denoting “body” should be probably regarded as mongolisms, but this is hardly plausible for all the forms meaning “man”
(since that meaning is absent in Mong.), despite Doerfer MT 20, Rozycki 29. See ТМС 1,
122-123.
PMong. *beje body, person, self (тело, личность, сам): MMong.
beje (HY 45, SH), bäjä (IM), bĭj, bijä-du (MA); WMong. beje (L 94); Kh.
bije; Bur. beje; Kalm. bī, bījə; Ord. bije, beje; Dag. bej(e) (Тод. Даг. 125);
Dong. beije; S.-Yugh. bəi; Mongr. bīje (SM 26), (MGCD) buje.
◊ KW 47, MGCD 147. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. beje ‘self’ (Kał. MEJ 40, Stachowski 57).
PJpn. *b man (мужчина): OJpn. wo(nokwo), wotokwo; MJpn.
wo(noko), wòtòkò; Tok. otokó; Kyo. ótoko; Kag. otokó.
◊ JLTT 507, 513. A compound *b-nə-kua, *b-tu-kua lit. ‘male child’. The root is attested also separately as OJ wo ‘male’, as well as in the compound *bə-su (OJ wosu, modern osu ‘male’).
‖ EAS 57, 98, KW 47, Владимирцов 261, Poppe 66, АПиПЯЯ 79,
105, 276.
-béjo an ungulate animal: Tung. *bejū-; Mong. *baji-ta-su; Turk. *bEje;
Jpn. *bí ( ~ *bi).
PTung. *bejū- an ungulate animal (копытный зверь): Evk. bejūn;
Evn. bujūn; Neg. bejūn; Ul. buju(n); Ork. buju(n); Nan. bejũ; Orch.
beju(n); Ud. bui, buji; Sol. bejū-nī beje ‘hunter’.
◊ ТМС 1, 121-122. The root is also attested in verbal function (’to hunt for ungulates’): Evk. bejū-, Evn. bujū-, Neg. bejū- etc.
336
*bàka - *bek῾ú
PMong. *baji-ta-su farrow (horse, cow) (яловая (кобыла, корова)):
WMong. bajitasu, bajidasu (L 74, 76); Kh. bajdas; Bur. bajtaha(n); Kalm.
bǟsn; Ord. bǟdasu; S.-Yugh. baidāsən (MGCD 136).
◊ KW 40. Cf. also WMong. bajilɣa- ‘покрывать кобылу’. Mong. > Evk. bajtahun etc.
(ТМС 1, 66; Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 125); Mong. *bajtal (the deriving stem for bajta-sun < *bajtal-sun, although not attested) > Turk., Kirgh. bajtal etc. (VEWT 57, ЭСТЯ 2,
36-37, TMN 2, 388, Лексика 444).
PTurk. *bEje (foaled) mare (кобыла): OTurk. be (OUygh. - YB);
Karakh. be (MK, IM); MTurk. beje (Sangl.); bej (CCum.); Uzb. bijä; Uygh.
bijä (dial.); Krm. bije; Tat. bijɛ; Bashk. bejä; Kirgh. bē; Kaz. bije; KKalp.
bije; Nogh. bije; SUygh. pie, pi; Khak. pī; Oyr. bē; Tv. be; Yak. biä.
◊ EDT 291, VEWT 75, ЭСТЯ 2, 133, Лексика 443. Forms as bije < *bẹje, show a secondary vowel narrowing in front of -j-; the Kirgh., Oyr. and Tuva-Tof. forms point to *E.
PJpn. *bí ( ~ *bi) pig (свинья): OJpn. wi; MJpn. wí; Tok. i(noshishi)
(*’pig’ + ‘flesh’).
◊ JLTT 420.
‖ The root denotes any ungulate in TM; in other languages we observe a specialization of meaning (“mare”, “horse”, “cow” in
Turk.-Mong., “pig” in Jpn.).
-bàka young, short time: TM *bekte-; Mong. *baga; Jpn. *bàkà-.
PTung. *bekte- a short time (недолго): Neg. bekte; Ul. bekte; Nan.
bekt; Orch. bekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 123.
PMong. *baga young, small (молодой, маленький): WMong. baɣa
(L 67); Kh. baga; Bur. baga; Kalm. baɣə; Ord. baGa; Dag. bage (MD 117);
S.-Yugh. baʁa.
◊ KW 28, TMN 1, 213.
PJpn. *bàkà- young (молодой): OJpn. waka-; MJpn. wàkà-; Tok.
waká-; Kyo. wáka-; Kag. waká-.
◊ JLTT 844.
‖ See Оzawa 300-301, Miller 1985, 143. On possible Turkic parallels
see Лексика 390 (also under *bāku).
-bek῾ú a k. of fish: Tung. *beKe; Mong. *bekir; Turk. *bEkre; Jpn.
*punku; Kor. *pok.
PTung. *beKe goby (морской бычок): Orch. bexe.
◊ ТМС 1, 123. Attested only in Oroch, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *bekir sterlet (стерлядь): WMong. beker; Kh. bexer; Kalm.
bekr.
◊ KW 41.
PTurk. *bEkre sterlet (стерлядь): Turkm. bekre, bekire (dial.); MTurk.
bekre (R); Uzb. bekre (dial.); Bashk. bikre; Kaz. bekire; KKalp. bekire.
◊ VEWT 68, ЭСТЯ 2, 108.
*bēle - *bèli
337
PJpn. *punku goby, swellfish (бычок, вид рыбы): Tok. fúgu; Kyo.
fùgû; Kag. fúgu.
◊ JLTT 416. Accent is not quite clear (Tokyo and Kyoto point to *pù(n)kû, Kagoshima
- to *pú(n)ku).
PKor. *pok swellfish, blowfish (бычок (рыба)): MKor. pok; Mod.
pok.
◊ Liu 388, KED 795.
‖ Martin 244 (Kor.-Jpn.) Cf. *pák῾[о]. The Turk. forms are rather late
and may be borrowed < Mong. (hardly < Sam. *wekana / *wekV(rV), despite Helimski 1995).
-bēle ( ~ -i) waist, lap: Tung. *belge; Mong. *belkeɣü; Turk. *bl(k).
PTung. *belge lap (колени (передняя часть бедер при сидячем
положении)): Evk. belge; Evn. bēlgъ; Neg. belge; Ul. belǯe; Ork. beĺde;
Nan. belge; Ud. bege.
◊ ТМС 1, 123.
PMong. *belkeɣü waist (поясница): WMong. belkegü-sü(n) (L 98);
Kh. belxǖs; Bur. belxǖhə(n), belxenseg ‘big belt’; Kalm. belkǖsn; Ord.
belχǖs.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bl(k) 1 waist 2 mountain pass, ridge 3 back (1 поясница 2
горный перевал, хребет 3 зад, сзади): OTurk. bẹl (Yen., OUygh.) 1, 2;
Karakh. bẹl (MK, KB) 1; Tur. bel 1, 2, 3; Gag. bel 1; Az. bel 3; 1; Turkm. bīl
1; Sal. bil 1; Khal. bīel 1; MTurk. bẹl 1 (Бор. Бад., Sangl.); Uzb. bel 1, 2;
Uygh. bäl 1; Krm. bel 1, 2; Tat. bil 1, 2; Bashk. bil 1, 2; Kirgh. bel 1, 2; Kaz.
bel 1, 2, 3; KBalk. bel 1; KKalp. bel 1, 2, 3; Kum. bel 1; Nogh. bel 1, 2;
SUygh. peĺ 1, 2; Khak. pil 3; 1, 2; Oyr. bel 3; 1, 2; Tv. bel 1, 2; Tof. bel 1;
Chuv. pilək 1, 2, 3; Yak. bīl 1.
◊ VEWT 69, TMN 2, 416, EDT 330, ЭСТЯ 2, 135-137, Лексика 268-269, Егоров 160,
Мудрак 1989, Дыбо 119-121. Turk. > Mong. bel.
‖ Poppe 76, Дыбо 306, Мудрак Дисс. 69, Лексика 269. A Western
isogloss. Doerfer (TMN 2, 416) cannot say anything but “kaum dürfte
das Wort auf ein “altaisches” *belke zurückgehen”. Cf. also WMong.
beldüge, Kalm. böldəgn ‘die Weichen’ (KW 56).
-bèli to be acquainted, assist, employ: Tung. *bele-; Mong. *bele-; Turk.
*bil-; Kor. *prí-.
PTung. *bele- to help (помогать): Evk. bele-; Evn. bel-; Neg. bele-; Ul.
bele-či-; Ork. beĺe-; Nan. bele-či-; Orch. bele-či-; Ud. bele-si-.
◊ ТМС 1, 124.
PMong. *bele- 1 to prepare 2 ready (1 готовиться 2 готовый):
MMong. belen 2, belet- 1 (SH), bilän 2 (MA); WMong. belen, beleken 2,
bele-dke- 1 (L 97); Kh. belde- 1, belxen, belen 2; Bur. belen 2; Kalm. beln 2;
Ord. belen 2; Dag. belen 2, belke- 1 (Тод. Даг. 126), belede- 1 (MD 121);
338
*bló - *belV
Dong. bəlian, belien 2; Bao. balaŋ 2, bəldə- 1; S.-Yugh. belēn; Mongr. bulen
2, belen (SM 24) 2, belesGa- (SM 24), beledGa- 1 (Huzu).
◊ KW 42, MGCD 148. Mong. > Evk. belen, Man. beleni etc. (ТМС 1, 125), see Doerfer
MT 78, Rozycki 28; > Yak. belem, Dolg. belen-nē-, belem-nē- (Kał. MEJ 40, Stachowski 57).
PTurk. *bil- to know (знать): OTurk. bil- (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. bil- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. bil-; Gag. bil-; Az. bil-; Turkm. bil-; Sal.
bil-; Khal. bil-; MTurk. bil- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bil-; Uygh. bil-; Krm.
bil-; Tat. bel-; Bashk. bel-; Kirgh. bil-; Kaz. bil-; KBalk. bil-; KKalp. bil-;
Kum. bil-1; Nogh. bil-; SUygh. bɨl-; Khak. pəl-; Shr. pil- (R.); Oyr. bil-; Tv.
bil-; Tof. bil-; Chuv. peₙl-; Yak. bil-; Dolg. bil-.
◊ VEWT 75, EDT 330-331, ЭСТЯ 2, 137-139, Stachowski 60. Cf. also *belgü ‘sign’
(ЭСТЯ 2, 108-111) ( = WMong. belge, see TMN 1, 216, Щербак 1997, 104). Turk. *bil-ig >
Mong. bilig (TMN 2, 418, Щербак 1997, 106).
PKor. *prí- to use, employ (использовать, употреблять): MKor.
prí-; Mod. puri-.
◊ Nam 270, KED 814.
‖ EAS 106, Poppe 21, 76, Doerfer MT 78. Cf. also Kor. paraǯi ‘aid, assistance’. The reason for narrowing *bel- > *bil- in PT is unclear; cf. *belin the more archaic *bel-gü ‘sign’.
-bló pale: Tung. *beli; Mong. *balaj; Jpn. *pàrá-; Kor. *pằrk-.
PTung. *beli 1 pale 2 to whiten (1 бледный 2 белить): Evk. beli 1;
Neg. belki- 2; Orch. bēli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 123-124.
PMong. *balaj blind; dark (слепой; темный): MMong. balā
(Lig.VMI); WMong. balaj (L 78); Kh. balaj, balar; Bur. balaj, balar; Kalm.
balǟ, balr; Ord. balǟ ‘stupide’; Dag. baliə ‘vague, indistinct’ (MGCD 134),
baliē ‘blind’ (MD).
◊ KW 30, 31. Mong. > Evk. bali etc. (ТМС 1, 70, ), see Poppe 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 19,
Rozycki 24 ( > Dolg. bali, balī, see Stachowski 51); > Yak., Dolg. balaj, see Kał. MEJ 40, Stachowski ibid.
PJpn. *pàrá- to clear up (of sky, weather) (проясняться (о небе, погоде)): OJpn. para-; MJpn. fàrá-; Tok. haré-; Kyo. hàrè-; Kag. hàrè-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *pằrk- bright (светлый): MKor. pằrk-; Mod. pak- [palk-].
◊ Nam 247, KED 732.
‖ Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). Jpn. has an irregular p-.
-belV hysterics, panic, mourning: Tung. *beli(n); Mong. *belbe-; Turk.
*bEliŋ.
PTung. *beli(n) 1 hysterics 2 silly (1 истерика 2 глупый): Evk. belin
1; Neg. belin 1; Man. beli 2; Nan. belčĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 124. TM > Dag. belin (Тод. Даг. 126).
PMong. *belbe- mourning, widow (траур, вдова): MMong. belbisun
(HY 32, SH), b[ä]lbes ‘unmarried woman’ (IM), bilbusun (MA); WMong.
*beńa - *bré
339
belbüsü, (L 96) belbesü(n); Kh. belevsen; Bur. belbehe(n); Kalm. belwəsn;
Ord. belbesen ‘widow’; Dag. belbisen (Тод. Даг. 126), belibsen; S.-Yugh.
bölbösən, belwəsən.
◊ KW 42, MGCD 148.
PTurk. *bEliŋ panic, terror (паника, ужас): OTurk. beliŋ (OUygh.);
Karakh. beliŋ (MK), beliŋ-le- ‘to be terrified’ (KB); Tur. belin ‘frightened’
(dial. peliŋ, peŋil-de-); Turkm. beliŋ al- ‘to fear, be disgusted’; MTurk.
beliŋ-le- ‘to be terrified’ (Qutb); Bashk. bilen-dä- ‘to be scared, startled’;
Kirgh. belim-či ‘a hysterical woman’; Kaz. beliŋ; Nogh. beleŋ ‘scary’; Oyr.
peliŋ ‘faked illness’ (R); Tv. beliŋ-či, beliŋ-ne-; Tof. beliŋ-ši ‘scary’,
beliŋ-ne- ‘be startled’.
◊ EDT 343, 344, VEWT 69, ОСНЯ 2, 98 (with a different TM parallel).
‖ ТМС 1, 124 (TM-Turk.). A Western isogloss.
-beńa red clay, dirt: Tung. *beŋ-ge-; Turk. *bAńak; Jpn. *pání.
PTung. *beŋ-ge- to sully (пачкать): Neg. beŋge-.
◊ ТМС 1, 126. Attested only in Negidal, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *bAńak dung (навоз): OTurk. majaq (OUygh.); Karakh. majaq, bajnaq (MK, Oghuz XI c.); Uygh. majaq; Tv. mɨjaq; Tof. mɨaq.
◊ VEWT 322, 336, EDT 350.
PJpn. *pání red clay (красная глина): OJpn. pani; MJpn. fání.
◊ JLTT 398.
‖ If the Negidal form belongs here, it may reflect, together with PT
*bAńak, a common derivative *beńa-kV.
-bré daughter-in-law: Tung. *bener; Mong. *beri-; Jpn. *bt-.
PTung. *bener younger relative-in-law (младший свойственник,
свойственница (шурин, свояченица)): Evk. bener; Evn. benъr; Neg.
bene; Ul. bener, beneli; Nan. bener; Orch. bene; Ud. bene.
◊ ТМС 1, 125.
PMong. *beri- 1 daughter-in-law, bride 2 wife of the elder brother (1
невестка, невеста 2 жена старшего брата): MMong. beri (SH, HY 29)
1, berigen (SH, IM), berigan (HY 28) 2; WMong. beri 1, bergen 2 (L 99); Kh.
ber 1, bergen 2; Bur. beri 1, berigen 2; Kalm. berə 1, bergn 2; Ord. bere 1,
bergen 2; Mog. bɛiri 1 (Weiers); Dag. beri (beŕ) 1, berigen 2 (Тод. Даг. 126,
MD 122); Dong. bieri 1, beGen 2 (Тод. Дн.); Bao. vere 1 (Тод. Бн.);
Mongr. beri, jeri ‘épouse, femme’ (SM 25, 492), bergen (SM 25) 2.
◊ KW 42, TMN 1, 198, 209. Mong. > Evk. berigei etc., see Doerfer MT 101, Rozycki 29.
PJpn. *bt- girl (девушка): OJpn. woto-mje; MJpn. wòtó-mé; Tok.
otóme, òtome; Kyo. òtómè; Kag. otomé.
◊ JLTT 513. The root should be kept distinct from OJ wòtò-kwò ‘man’, which in all
probability goes back to *b-tu-kua ‘male child’ and is parallelled by OJ wono-kwo id.
‖ For TM one has to suppose a resonant metathesis: *bener < *bere-n.
340
*bĕŕa - *bēǯu
-bĕŕa peace: Tung. *bere; Mong. *berele-; Turk. *bAŕ- / *bAr-.
PTung. *bere to ease, peaceful (успокаивать, мирный, смирный):
Evk. bere; Man. beǯiǵe-; Ork. bere-mi.
◊ ТМС 1, 127.
PMong. *berele- to be shy; to do a favour (to a respected person)
(быть застенчивым; оказывать услугу почтенному лицу): WMong.
berele-, (L 99) berile-; Kh. berle-; Kalm. berl-, bermšə-; Ord. berele-.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bAŕ peace (мир): OTurk. baz (Orkh.); MTurk. baz (Qutb,
AH); Krm. baz; baz-la- ‘to comfort, console’; Bashk. baδ-a- ‘to be shy’;
KBalk. baz-a-ma ‘shelter, secure place’.
◊ EDT 388 (together with baz ‘an alien’), VEWT 62, 66.
‖ A Western isogloss. The Mong. word is usually analysed as ‘to
behave like a daughter-in-law’ (see e.g. KW 42, L 99), which may be a
folk-etymology (in view of the external evidence).
-bétà / *pédà sea, ford: Tung. *pedē-; Jpn. *bátá; Kor. *pàtá-h, *pàdắr.
PTung. *pedē- to ford, cross over (переехать, переправиться): Evk.
hedē-; Man. fida-, fide-; Sol. edelbū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 360.
PJpn. *bátá 1 sea 2 to ford (1 море 2 переправляться, переходить
вброд): OJpn. wata 1, watar- 2; MJpn. wátár- 2; Tok. wàtaru 2; Kyo.
wátár- 2; Kag. watár- 2.
◊ JLTT 783.
PKor. *pàtá-h, *pàdắr sea (море): MKor. pàtá (pàtáh-), pàrắr; Mod.
pada.
◊ Nam 236, 238, KED 703.
‖ An Eastern isogloss, with a peculiar variation of laryngeal features. Cf. perhaps Mong. bide- (?L 108: bitü-) ‘to wander’ (for semantics
cf. Russ. брод ‘ford’ - бродить ‘wander’).
-bēǯu numerous, great: Tung. *beǯun; Mong. *buǯa-; Turk. *bāj, -tak;
Jpn. *piji(n)ta- ( ~ pui-).
PTung. *beǯun 1 ten deer 2 multitude (1 десять оленей 2 множество): Evn. beǯen 1; Man. buǯu baǯa 2; Nan. beǯu ‘thick (of a tree)’ (On.) (?).
◊ TMC 1, 103, 120. Manchu also has buǯun ‘100000’ which may be borrowed < Chin.
boqian id.
PMong. *buǯa- strong, durable, quite good (крепкий, сильный, отличный): WMong. buǯaɣai (L 143); Kh. buʒgaj; Bur. bužagar; Kalm. buzgǟ
(öl.).
◊ KW 64 (Ramstedt regards the Kalm. dialectal form as borrowed from Khalkha).
PTurk. *bāj 1 rich, noble 2 many, numerous (1 богатый, знатный 2
много, многочисленный): OTurk. baj 1 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
baj 1 (MK, KB); Tur. baj 1; Gag. baj 1; Az. baj 1; Turkm. bāj 1; MTurk. baj
*b - *b
341
1; Uzb. bɔj 1; Uygh. baj 1; Krm. baj 1; Tat. baj 1, bajtaq 2; Bashk. baj 1;
Kirgh. baj 1; Kaz. baj 1; KBalk. baj 1; KKalp. baj 1; Kum. baj 1; Nogh. baj
1; SUygh. päj 1; Khak. paj 1; Oyr. baj 1, bajtaq 2; Tv. baj 1; Chuv. pojan 1;
Yak. bāj 1; Dolg. bāj, bājdak, bājdɨk 1.
◊ EDT 384, VEWT 56, TMN 2, 259, ЭСТЯ 2, 27-29, 36, Лексика 304, 332, Федотов 1,
440, Stachowski 55, 56. Turk. > Mong. bajan ‘rich’ (KW 29, Щербак 1997, 103), whence
Evk. bajan etc. (TMN ibid., Doerfer MT 37).
PJpn. *piji(n)ta- ( ~ pui-) to surpass (превосходить): OJpn. p(j)iida-,
p(j)ida-; MJpn. fiida-; Tok. hiidé-; Kyo. híídé-; Kag. hiidé-.
◊ JLTT 688. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ Note the common derivative *bēǯu-tV (-t῾V) reflected in PT
*bāj-ta-k and PJ *piji-(n)ta-.
-b I, 1st person pronoun: Tung. *bi; *bue, *mü-n-; Mong. *bi, *min-; *ba,
*man-; Turk. *bẹ-; Jpn. *bà-; Kor. *úrí.
PTung. *bi; *bue, *mü-n- 1 I 2 we (1 я 2 мы): Evk. bi 1; bu, mit 2;
Evn. bi 1; bu, mut 2; Neg. bi 1; bu, bitta / butta 2; Man. bi 1; be, muse 2;
SMan. bī 1 (2869); bō 2 (2871), mesə 2 (2872); Jurch. mi-n (853) 1; Ul. bi 1;
bū, bue 2; Ork. bi 1; bu 2; Nan. mi, dial. bi 1; bū, bue 2; Orch. bi 1; bu, biti 2;
Ud. bi 1; bu, minti 2; Sol. bi 1; bū, miti 2.
◊ ТМС 1,79: *bi ‘I’, 98: *bue ‘we (excl.)’, 539: *mü-n- ‘we (incl)’.
PMong. *bi, *min-; *ba, *man- 1 I 2 we (1 я 2 мы): MMong. bi, mino
(gen.) (HY 31, SH), bi, m[e]ni (gen.) (IM), bi, minu, mini (gen.) (MA) 1;
bida (HY 31), ba, mano (HYt, SH), ba, man- (IM) 2 etc.; WMong. bi, minu
(gen.) 1; bide, ba, man- 2; Kh. bi, minij (gen.) 1; bid, ba, man- 2; Bur. bi,
menī (gen.) 1; man- 2; Kalm. bi, min (gen.) 1; bid(n), man- 2; Ord. bi, mini
(gen.) 1; man- 2; Mog. bi ‘I’, nami, name, mini (gen), bidä, mōn- ‘we’; ZM
bi (26-2), mennɛi (gen.) (26-10a); Dag. bī, minī (gen.) 1; bed, bā, mān- 2
(Тод. Даг. 123, 125, 126, 154); Dong. bi, mini (gen.) 1; biǯien, ma- 2; Bao.
be, mene (gen.) 1; bede, man- 2; S.-Yugh. bə; Mongr. bu (SM 30), muni
(gen.), ndā (D) (SM 247, 260) 1; buda (SM 30) 2.
◊ KW 44, MGCD 151.
PTurk. *bẹ- 1 I 2 (*bi-ŕ) we (1 я 2 (*bi-ŕ) мы): OTurk. ben 1 (Orkh.,
Yen., OUygh.), men 1 (OUygh.), biz 2 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
men 1 (MK, KB), biz 2 (MK, KB); Tur. ben 1, biz 2; Gag. ben 1, bis 2; Az.
män 1, biz 2; Turkm. men 1, bīz 2; Sal. mē(n) 1, pise(r) 2 (ССЯ 128); Khal.
män 1, biz 2; MTurk. ben 1 (Abush.), biz 2 (Abush.); Uzb. men 1, biz 2;
Uygh. män 1, biz 2; Krm. men 1, biz 2; Tat. min 1, bez 2; Bashk. min 1, beδ
2; Kirgh. men 1, miz 2; Kaz. min 1, biz 2; KBalk. men 1, miz 2; KKalp. men
1, biz 2; Kum. men 1, biz 2; Nogh. men 1, biz 2; SUygh. men 1, pɨz 2;
Khak. min 1, pəs 2; Shr. men 1, pis 2; Oyr. men 1, mis 2; Tv. men 1, bis 2;
Tof. men 1, bi’s 2; Chuv. e-bə 1, e-bər 2; Yak. min 1, bihigi 2 (Poss.); Dolg.
min 1, bihigi 2.
342
*bíju - *bilč῾i
◊ EDT 346 (*bẹ-n), 388 (*biŕ), ЭСТЯ 2, 129-130, VEWT 77, 333, Stachowski 60, 179.
PJpn. *bà- I, we (я, мы): OJpn. wa-; MJpn. wàré, wátákúsí; Tok.
wàtashi; Kyo. wàte; Kag. ói.
◊ The form watakusi is regarded by Mochizuki 1971 as *wa-tu-(a)ku si ‘my place direction’, and by Martin (JLTT 569) as *ba-tukusi ‘exhaust me’ or ‘I exhaust’. Rising accent in
wátákúsí is unclear.
PKor. *úrí we (мы): MKor. úrí; Mod. uri.
◊ Nam 389, KED 1238.
‖ EAS 79, Владимирцов 357, ОСНЯ 2, 55-56, 63-66, JOAL 157,
АПиПЯЯ 57, 68, 104-105, 276. An alternation *bi / *mi-ne- (sing.) ; *ba /
*mu-n- (plur.) should be reconstructed. Korean has undergone an irregular (dialectal) loss of *b- (*úrí < *bú-rí).
-bíju to be, sit: Tung. *bi-; Mong. *büji- ( < *bijü-); Jpn. *b(u)í-.
PTung. *bi- to be (быть): Evk. bi-; Evn. bi-; Neg. bī-; Man. bi-; SMan.
bi- (3016); Jurch. bie-i (704), bie-fume (614); Ul. bi-; Ork. bi-; Nan. bi-;
Orch. bī-; Ud. bi-; Sol. bi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 79-80.
PMong. *büji- to be (быть): MMong. bue (HY 51, SH), bi (IM, MA);
WMong. büi (L 143: bü-); Kh. bij; Bur. bī; Kalm. bī; Ord. bī; Mog. bi, be
‘ist’, ZM be (27-5a); Dag. bei (Тод. Даг. 125); Dong. bi-, vei-; Bao. vi-;
S.-Yugh. bī, wai; Mongr. (w)ī- (SM 187, 483), bi- (Minghe).
◊ KW 44, MGCD 150.
PJpn. *b(u)í- 1 to sit 2 to be (1 сидеть 2 быть): OJpn. wi- 1, 2; MJpn.
wí- 1, 2; Tok. ì- 2; Kyo. í- 2; Kag. í-.
◊ JLTT 698.
‖ EAS 57, Poppe 112, Ozawa 304-307, ОСНЯ 1, 184, Murayama
1962, 109, АПиПЯЯ 68, 111, 280. Cf. perhaps MKor. ì- ‘to be’ (with loss
of *b-, like in *uri ‘we’)?
-bilč῾i to mix, knead: Tung. *bilča-; Mong. *bilča-; Turk. *biĺči-; Jpn.
*písíp; Kor. *pìč-.
PTung. *bilča- to mix (flour), to glue (смешивать (муку), клеить):
Man. bilča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 83. Attested only in Manchu, and could be in fact < Mong., if not for the
difference in meaning.
PMong. *bilča- to become flat and watery; to smear all over (размазывать(ся)): WMong. bilča-, bilče- (L 103); Kh. alca-; Bur. bilsa-; Kalm.
bilcə-; Ord. bilčal-.
◊ KW 45.
PTurk. *biĺči- to stir up, churn (milk, butter) (помешивать, взбивать (молоко, масло), пахтать): Turkm. pišek ‘churn pestle’, -le- ‘to
churn’; Uzb. piškak ‘churn pestle’; Tat. peš- (Сиб., Тумашева 180);
Bashk. beše- ‘to churn; to beat’, beškäk ‘churn-staff’; Kirgh. bɨš- / biš-;
*bĭli - *bre
343
biškek ‘churn-staff for kumis’; Kaz. pis-; KKalp. pis-; piskek ‘a big churn’;
Nogh. piskek ‘churn-staff’; Chuv. pəźer- ‘to hit, beat’; Yak. bis- ‘to smear’;
Dolg. bis- ‘to smear’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 309-310, Stachowski 61, Ашм. X, 241-242. In a part of languages the root
merges with *biĺč- “to ripen”; it differs from the latter by its original transitivity and consequent front vocalism.
PJpn. *písíp a k. of bean paste; salted meat or fish (вид бобовой
пасты; соленое мясо или рыба): OJpn. p(j)isip(w)o; MJpn. físífó.
◊ JLTT 409.
PKor. *pìč- to mix up, brew (месить (тесто), готовить (рисовое вино)): MKor. pìč-; Mod. pit- [pič-].
◊ Liu 417, KED 864.
‖ SKE 202, Miller 1970, 129.
-bĭli wrist: Tung. *bile-n; Mong. *beɣelej; Turk. *bilek.
PTung. *bile-n 1 wrist 2 lapel on mittens (1 запястье 2 отворот на
рукавицах): Evk. bile(n) 1, 2; Evn. bilen 1; Neg. bile 2; Ork. bile 2; Ud.
bule 1 (Корм. 215), bilepti, bulepti ‘bracelet’ (Корм. 212).
◊ ТМС 1, 83, Дыбо 260.
PMong. *beɣelej gloves (рукавицы): WMong. begelei (L 94); Kh. bēlij; Bur. bēlej; Kalm. bēĺ; Dag. bēli, bēĺ (Тод. Даг. 125, MD 121).
◊ KW 44, MGCD 147. Mong. > Chag. bählä etc., see TMN 4, 273-274; > Russ. Siber.
béla, see Аникин 149.
PTurk. *bilek wrist, forearm (запястье, предплечье): OTurk. bilek
(OUygh.); Karakh. bilek (MK, KB); Tur. bilek; Gag. bilek; Az. biläk;
Turkm. bilek; MTurk. bilek (Бор. Бад., Sangl.); Uzb. bilak; Uygh. biläk;
Krm. bilek; Tat. belɛk; Bashk. beläk; Kirgh. bilek; Kaz. bilek; KBalk. bilek;
KKalp. bilek; Kum. bilek; Nogh. bilek; Khak. pəlek; Shr. pilek (R, Верб.);
Oyr. belek; Tv. bilek; Yak. belenčik, belenńik (dial.).
◊ EDT 338-339, VEWT 76, TMN 2, 314, ЭСТЯ 2, 145-146, Дыбо 172-175 (with detailed
analysis of phonetic variants and derivatives), Лексика 256. Turk. *bilek-jüŕük > *bile(g)ŕük
‘bracelet’ (EDT 345, Stachowski 60) > Mong. bilüčüg / bilisüg / bülüǯüg (see Clark 1980, 41).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. beɣelej < *bejelej < *bele-lej. See EAS 109,
Колесникова 1972a, 97-98, Дыбо 311, Лексика 250. Doerfer’s (MT 240)
attempt to refute the TM form by reconstructing *biglēn is quite artificial: forms like Ul. gileptu(n) go back to a quite separate root (see *gilu).
-bre a k. of predator: Tung. *birin; Mong. *ber-; Turk. *bȫrü.
PTung. *birin female of a predator (самка хищника (медведя, тигра)): Evk. birin; Evn. bịran; Neg. bịjịn; Man. birin ~ barin.
◊ ТМС 1, 84-85.
PMong. *ber- young of wolf (волчонок): MMong. borte čino (SH);
WMong. beltereg (L 98: belterge); berte činua, börtü (L 128); Kh. beltreg;
Bur. belterge; Kalm. beltərəg.
344
*balge - *bălu
◊ KW 42. Mong. *beltereg is a regular metathesis < *berteleg. Mong. börtü (berte) činua
is translated as ‘multicolored wolf (name of the legendary ancestor of Chinggis Khan)’
and börtü is glossed in L 128 as ‘mottled, speckled, grey’ - but in fact it is basically used
with činua and is probably the original deriving stem of beltereg. -büri in MMong.
ǯö’e-büri, WMong. čögebüri ‘jackal’ may be borrowed < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 163).
PTurk. *bȫrü wolf (волк): OTurk. böri (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. böri (MK,KB); Tur. börü (dial.); Turkm. bȫrü; Sal. püŕe (ССЯ);
Khal. bīeri; MTurk. böri (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. bọri; Uygh. böri; Krm.
börü; Tat. büre; Bashk. büre; Kirgh. börü; Kaz. böri; KBalk. börü; KKalp.
böri; Kum. börü; Nogh. böri; SUygh. böji, peri; Khak. pǖr; Shr. pörü (R);
Oyr. börü; Tv. börü, dial. (Todzh.) börük; Chuv. pirə; Yak. börö; Dolg.
börö.
◊ EDT 356, VEWT 84, TMN 2, 333, ЭСТЯ 2, 219-221, Лексика 160, Stachowski 63.
The hypothesis of the word being borrowed from an East Iranian source runs into difficulties, basically because of the lack of early attested forms with -k (only in Tuva dialects
and the hypothetical Bulgar source of Russ. бирюк (cf. Аникин 128-129)). See also Abaev
1, 263 (isn’t the East Iranian form itself < Turkic?)
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 42, Лексика 160. In Turk. one has to suppose a secondary assimilation < *bērü.
-balge throat, to swallow: Tung. *bilga; Mong. *balgu-.
PTung. *bilga throat (горло, глотка): Evk. bilga; Evn. bịlg; Neg.
bịlga; Man. bilχa; SMan. biləhā (62); Ul. bịlǯa; Ork. bịlda; Nan. bịlGa; Orch.
bigga; Ud. bigaŋa (Корм. 212).
◊ ТМС 1, 82. TM > Dag. bilgara (Тод. Даг. 126).
PMong. *balgu- 1 to swallow 2 gulp (1 глотать 2 глоток): WMong.
balɣu- (L 80) 1, balɣu 2; Kh. balga- 1, balga 2; Bur. balga- 1, balga 2; Kalm.
balɣə- 1, balɣə 2.
◊ KW 31.
‖ KW 31, ОСНЯ 1, 173. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-bălu dirt, mud: Tung. *bul-; Mong. *bul-; Turk. *bạl-; Jpn. *pu-; Kor.
*piro.
PTung. *bul- 1 snuff 2 swamp, marsh 3 become dull, colourless (1
нагар, шлак 2 болото, топь, грязь 3 тускнеть): Evk. bulē 2, būl- 3; Evn.
bule 2; Ul. bụla(n) 1; Orch. bule 2; Ud. bula(n) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 106, 109. Evk. > Dolg. bilē ‘dirt’ (Stachowski 60).
PMong. *bul- dreggy, muddy, turbid (мутный, грязный): MMong.
buluŋgir (HY 53), bulanɣir (MA); WMong. bulaŋgir (L 133); Kh. buliŋgar;
Bur. bulangir; Kalm. buĺəŋgər; Ord. bulaŋgir, buliŋgir.
◊ KW 30. Mong. has a number of similar forms with -a-: balar ‘turbid’, balbi- ‘to become dirty, sullen’, bala ‘snuff’, balǯira- ‘be wet, soaked’. These may reflect a contamination of *bul- with another root, see *balai ‘blind; dark’. The assumption of Mong. bulaŋgir
being borrowed from Turkic (cf. MTurk. bulɣančaq, derived from bulɣa- ‘to stir up’) see in
Щербак 1997, 110; on the other hand, Mong. is certainly the source of Tat. bolaŋɨr
‘muddy, cloudy’ etc.
*bĺča - *bắĺmi
345
PTurk. *bạl- mud, clay (грязь, глина): Karakh. balčɨq (MK,IM),
bal(ɨ)q (MK); Tur. balčɨk; Az. palčɨG; Turkm. palčɨq; Sal. palčɨx (ССЯ 435 и
др.); Khal. palčoq ( < Az.); MTurk. balčɨq (Pav. C.), palčɨq (Sangl.); Uzb.
balčiq; Uygh. balčuq; Krm. balčɨq; Tat. balčɨq; Bashk. balsɨq; Kaz. balšɨq,
balqaš; Kum. balčɨq; Nogh. balšɨq; Khak. palčax (Sag.); Oyr. bal-qaš; Tv.
balɣaš, malɣaš; Tof. ba’lxaš; Chuv. pɨlǯъk; Yak. bɨlk ‘sand, silt, brought by
water’ (Пек.).
◊ EDT 333, 336, VEWT 60, Мудрак Дисс. 179, Лексика 374. Turk. > Mong. balčig
(Щербак 1997, 103). In Chuv. one would rather expect pɨśəx, so the form may reflect a
slightly different morphologically *bạlɨ-čak.
PJpn. *pu- dandruff (перхоть): Tok. fu-ke.
◊ JLTT 417 (accent unclear). A compound with ke ‘hair’.
PKor. *piro dandruff, mange (перхоть, чесотка): MKor. piro; Mod.
piru.
◊ Nam 276, KED 852.
‖ KW 30, ОСНЯ 1, 185, Martin 247. Jpn. *pu (attested only within a
compound) reflects a contraction < *băl(u)-gu; Kor. piro < *pjəro (with a
frequent variation *jə / i).
-bĺča harm, wound: Tung. *bial-; Mong. *bilčawu; Turk. *biāĺč; Jpn.
*bánsá-pápí.
PTung. *bial- 1 to harm, damage 2 to be in a difficult position, obstructed (1 вредить 2 затрудняться, не сметь, не добиться): Evk. bl2; Evn. beleŋe- 1; Man. bele- 1; Ul. bajlị- ‘to wound’.
◊ ТМС 1, 66, 79; 125.
PMong. *bilčawu wound, scar (рана, шрам, нарыв): WMong.
bilčaɣu, (L 104) bilčuu; Kh. alcū; Ord. bilčirū, bülčürǖ.
PTurk. *biāĺč wound (рана): OTurk. baš (OUygh.); Karakh. baš (MK,
KB); Tur. baš (dial.); Turkm. bāš; Tv. baiś (Krg. Castr. 124); Chuv. püźek
‘scar’; Yak. bās; Dolg. bās.
◊ EDT 376, VEWT 65, ЭСТЯ 2, 88-89, ОСНЯ 1, 172, Мудрак Дисс. 90, 194, Stachowski 57. Usually united with balɨɣ ‘wound, wounded’, but cf. PA *mli.
PJpn. *bánsá-pápí damage, harm, disaster (вред, несчастье): OJpn.
wazapap(j)i; MJpn. wazafafi; Tok. wàzawai; Kyo. wázáwái; Kag. wazawái.
◊ JLTT 569.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 90, 194.
-bắĺmi knee, ankle: Tung. *bialebki; Mong. *belberkej; Turk. *bAĺmak;
Jpn. *pínsá; Kor. *parmak (~ -ă-).
PTung. *bialebki 1 knee cap 2 knee (1 коленная чашечка 2 колено): Nan. bịlōkị (Он. 66) 1; Ud. bäluga (-uɣa), böloɣo (-uɣo) 1 (Корм. 211);
Sol. bolōxi 2.
◊ Cf. also (?) Oroch mileuki ‘knee cap’ (with a strange m-) (Аврорин - Лебедева 204).
See ТМС 1, 123. TM > Dag. bolōgi, bolōki ‘knee cap’ (Тод. Даг. 127).
346
*bare - *bare
PMong. *belberkej pastern, ankle (of horses, animals) (бабка (у лошадей, животных)): WMong. belber(e)kei (L 96) belbenčeg (DO 63); Kh.
belberxi, berevxi; Bur. berbegei, dial. belhen; Kalm. belwrk, belwncəg; Ord.
belbenčik.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bAĺ-mak boot, shoe (ботинок, обувь): Karakh. bašmaq (MK
Oghuz), bašaq (MK Chigil), bašmaq (IM); Tur. bašmak, pašmak; Az.
bašmaG; Turkm. bašmaq, pašmaq (“heel of a camel; boot”); MTurk.
bašmaq (Sangl., MA); Uzb. dial. (Khorazm) baš-lɨq ‘heel-piece of a boot’;
Tat. bašmaq; Bashk. bašmaq; Kirgh. bašmaq-ta- ‘to sole (a boot)’; KBalk.
bašmaq; KKalp. bašmaq; Kum. bašmaq; Nogh. bašmaq.
◊ EDT 382-383, ЭСТЯ 2, 93-95, ОСНЯ III 69, TMN 2, 293-294. Doerfer’s inner etymology (bašmak with vowel elision < *baša-mak from *baša- ‘to cut, make notches’) is impossible: baša- is derived from *bāĺ(č) ‘wound’ with a long vowel, while bašmak has a short
one.
PJpn. *pínsá knee (колено): OJpn. pjiza; MJpn. fízá; Tok. hìza; Kyo.
hízá; Kag. híza.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *parmak (~ -ă-) a k. of footwear (вид обуви): Mod. palmak.
◊ KED 727.
‖ SKE 186 (Kor.-Turk.); Дыбо 1989a (Mong-TM). For a different
treatment see ОСНЯ III 67-69 (cf. *pằlka below).
-bare to build, construct: Tung. *biri-; Mong. *bari-; Turk. *b(i)ar-k.
PTung. *biri- 1 to lay planks 2 planking 3 tent, construction 4 fence
5 frame (1 стелить жерди 2 настил 3 шатер, постройка 4 забор 5 рама): Evk. biri- 1, biriptir 2, 3; Evn. birken 2, 3; Neg. bijēɣē 2; Man. biregen,
bireken 4, beren 5; Nan. berẽ 5 (possibly < Man.); Orch. bipti 3; Ud. bīpti 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 84, 127.
PMong. *bari- to build (строить): WMong. bari- (L 85); Kh. bari-, barilga ‘building’; Bur. bari-; Kalm. bər- KPC 92; Ord. bari-.
◊ Usually considered to be one of the meanings of the polysemantic bari- ‘to take,
hold’, which is probably a folk-etymological analysis.
PTurk. *b(i)ar-k 1 house 2 home, household (1 постройка, здание 2
дом, имущество): OTurk. barq 1, 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. barq 1, 2
(MK, KB); Tur. bark 2; Az. barɨ ‘fence’; MTurk. barq 2 (Sangl., Pav. C.);
Uzb. barq 1.
◊ EDT 359-360, VEWT 63, 66, ЭСТЯ II 62. Bark is traditionally linked with bār ‘there
is’, barɨ ‘belongings’, but cf. the Az. word which can be hardly explained in this way.
‖ A Western isogloss. Not quite reliable because of secondary contaminations in Turco-Mongolian.
*bási - *bga
347
-bási penthouse, decking: Tung. *bi(a)sere-; Turk. *bAs-tɨrma; Jpn.
*písásí.
PTung. *bi(a)sere- 1 decking 2 shelf under ceiling 3 bed 4 pedestal
(1 настил 2 полка под потолком 3 кровать 4 подставка, пьедестал):
Man. besergen 3, 4; Ul. bisere(n) 1; Nan. besere, bisere 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 85.
PTurk. *bAs-tɨrma penthouse (навес): Turkm. bassɨrma; MTurk. basturma (R - Zenker); Uzb. bɔstirma; Tat. bastɨrma (dial.); Kirgh. bastɨrma;
Kaz. bastɨrma; KKalp. bastɨrma.
◊ Лексика 528. Formally derived from *bastɨr- ‘to cause to press’ - which seems
rather far-fetched semantically. We may deal here rather with a compound of *bas +
*terme ‘wall, building’, secondary influenced by *bastɨr-ma, *bastɨr-ɨk ‘pole for fixing hay
and sheaves’, see ЭСТЯ 2, 76-77.
PJpn. *písásí penthouse, shade (навес, укрытие): MJpn. físásí; Tok.
hìsashi; Kyo. hísáshí; Kag. hìsáshì.
◊ JLTT 409.
‖ The root is similar to *póso ‘stairway, step’ (q.v.), but should be
strictly distinguished.
-bga place: Tung. *buga; Mong. *baɣu-; Jpn. *bà; Kor. *pá.
PTung. *buga place (место, местность): Evk. buɣa; Evn. bā; Neg. boa
~ boɣa; Man. ba; SMan. bā (2562); Jurch. buha-i (71); Ul. bụa; Ork. bō; Nan.
boa.
◊ ТМС 1, 100.
PMong. *baɣu- 1 to step down, camp 2 camp (n.) (1 спускаться, останавливаться на постой 2 лагерь, стоянка): MMong. bu- (IM), caus.
bawulɣa- (MA), bau’u- 1 (SH), bū- 1 (Lig.VMI); WMong. baɣu- 1, baɣudal
2 (L 71); Kh. bū- 1, būdal 2; Bur. bū-; Kalm. bū-; Ord. bū-; Mog. bū-; Dag.
bō- (Тод. Даг. 126, MD 126); Dong. bao-, bau-; Bao. bu-, bū-; S.-Yugh. bū-;
Mongr. bū-( 30), bau- (Minghe).
◊ KW 64, TMN 1, 201, MGCD 164. TMN 1, 201.
PJpn. *bà place (место): OJpn. pa ‘edge’; MJpn. bà; Tok. bà; Kyo. bà;
Kag. bà.
◊ JLTT 390. All sources except Tokyo point to low tone. A rare case of preservation of
*b- (which normally gives OJ w-), probably for syntactic reasons - the word is usually
employed in genitive constructions, *-nə ba > *-mba > ba.
PKor. *pá place where, circumstance (aux. word) (место, где; обстоятельство (служ. слово)): MKor. pá; Mod. pa.
◊ Liu 359, KED 701.
‖ KW 40, Lee 1958, 106, АПиПЯЯ 81, Menges 1984, 282-283, ТМС 1,
101. In PA it is somewhat difficult (but probably necessary) to distinguish between *bòga ‘place’, *b()aja ‘to be located’ and *bogo ‘open
place’ q. v.
348
*bgi - *bk῾à(rV)
-bgi to be cold, freeze: Tung. *bog(i)- / *begi-; Mong. *beɣe-re-; Jpn.
*pìja-, *pì.
PTung. *bog(i)- / *begi- 1 to freeze 2 cold 3 frazil (1 обморозить,
мерзнуть 2 холодный 3 наледь): Evk. beɣī- 1, beɣin, boɣin 2 boɣoro 3;
Evn. bei-, beɣi- 1, böɣe 3; Neg. bejī- 1; Man. beje- 1; Jurch. bei 2 (95); Ul.
beji- 1; Nan. beji- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 119.
PMong. *beɣe-re- be cold (зябнуть): WMong. begere- (L 94); Kh.
bēre-; Bur. bēre-; Kalm. bēr-; Ord. bēre-; Dag. bēre- (Тод. Даг. 126), bēde(MD 120).
◊ KW 44, MGCD 147.
PJpn. *pìjá-, *pì 1 to freeze 2 ice, hail (1 замерзать 2 лед, град):
OJpn. pji 2; MJpn. fìja- 1, fì 2; Tok. hié- 1; Kyo. hìè- 1; Kag. hìè- 1.
◊ JLTT 405.
‖ EAS 91, KW 44, Poppe 60, АПиПЯЯ 69, 106, 280. Despite Doerfer
MT 20, TM cannot be borrowed < Mong.
-bogo place, open place: Tung. *biga; Mong. *buji-; Jpn. *pía.
PTung. *biga field, steppe (поле, степь): Man. biGan, bixan; SMan.
bihan (2079); Ud. biga, biɣa (Корм. 212).
◊ Nan. bịχã is probably < Man. See ТМС 1, 81.
PMong. *buji- 1 far off, unpopulated (place) 2 place of migration (1
отдаленный, захолустный 2 место, с которого перекочевали или на
которое собираются перекочевать): WMong. bojid, bujid 1 (L 113, 132:
bojida, bujida), bujira 2; Kh. bujd 1, bujr 2; Bur. bujda 1; Ord. bujda 1.
PJpn. *pía 1 room, place (in a dwelling) 2 place, surroundings (1 место (в жилище), комната 2 место, окрестности): OJpn. pje 1, 2; MJpn.
fé 1, 2; Tok. he-yá 1; Kyo. héyà 1; Kag. heyá 1.
◊ Martin (JLTT 404) derives the word for ‘room’ from PJ *pià ‘part, separate’ q.v.,
which is improbable because of its accent. A merger of two roots must have occurred
here.
‖ The root is somewhat difficult to distinguish from *b()aja q.v.
(and in Jpn., indeed, the two roots could have merged - with additional
mixture with *p῾āji ‘part’ q.v.). Jpn. *pia must be a contraction < *pəja
(*puja).
-bk῾à(rV) ( ~ *p-) dirt, patina: Mong. *boki(r); Turk. *bakɨr; Jpn.
*pkrí.
PMong. *boki(r) 1 taint, patina; chewing gum 2 dirty (1 налет, патина; жвачка 2 грязный): WMong. boki 1, bokir 2 (L 114); Kh. bo 1,
boxir 2; Ord. boki 1; Mongr. boGodi (: dege ~) ‘clopin-clopant’ (SM 27).
◊ Mong. > Evk. boki, see Doerfer MT 125.
PTurk. *bakɨr 1 copper 2 patina (1 медь 2 налет, патина): OTurk.
baqɨr 1 (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. baqɨr 1 (MK, KB); Tur. bakɨr 1; Gag. baqɨr
*bŏla - *bŏla
349
1; Az. paxɨr 2; Turkm. baqɨr 1; MTurk. baqɨr (MA, Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. baqir,
paqir 1; Uygh. paqir 1; Krm. baɣɨr 1; Tat. baqɨr 1; Bashk. baqɨr 1; Kirgh.
baqɨr 1; Kaz. baqɨr 1; KBalk. baɣɨr 1; KKalp. baqɨr 1; Kum. baɣɨr 1; Nogh.
baqɨr 1; SUygh. paqɨr 1; Khak. pāɣər (Kyz., Joki) 1; Oyr. baqras ‘brass kettle’; Chuv. pъₙgъₙr 1; Yak. baɣaraχ ‘pot for boiling milk’.
◊ EDT 317, VEWT 58, ЭСТЯ 2, 45-46, Лексика 405-406. Turk. > WMong. baqar, baqur
(Kalm. baχr), see KW 29, Щербак 1997, 104. Turk. > Russ. Siber. bakírka (Аникин
111-112).
PJpn. *pkrí dust (пыль): MJpn. fokori; Tok. hòkori; Kyo. hókórí;
Kag. hokóri.
◊ JLTT 414.
‖ Лексика 406. Jpn. *-ə- in the first syllable is irregular, due to assimilation or bad compatibility of *a (which would be expected) and *ə.
-bŏla end (of a branch etc.): Tung. *bule; Mong. *bol- / *bul-; Turk.
*bAldak.
PTung. *bule staff, shaft (древко (копья), рукоятка): Ul. buli(n);
Ork. būliɣe(n); Nan. bulẽ; Orch. bule; Ud. bul῾a.
◊ ТМС 1, 106, 109.
PMong. *bol- a thick end of smth., bulb (толстый конец чего-л.,
луковица): WMong. bolčaɣu; Kh. bolcū; Bur. bulsū; Kalm. bulə ‘callosity’;
Ord. bolčogor ‘утолщенный на конце’.
◊ KW 59. Cf. also bulɣu- ‘uprooted’, bulɣul- ‘to disjoint’ (L 134), bulǯi- ‘to be disjointed’ (L 137) > Evk. bulǯi-. The root tends to contaminate with *bul- < PA *pula ‘to
swell’.
PTurk. *bAldak 1 hilt 2 stalk, stem (1 рукоятка 2 стебель, ствол):
Tur. baldak 1; Turkm. baldaq 2; MTurk. baldaq 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔldɔq 1;
Uygh. baldaq 1; Tat. baldaq 1; Bashk. baldaq 1; Kirgh. baldaq 1; Kaz. baldaq
1; KKalp. baldaq 1; Nogh. baldaq 1.
◊ VEWT 60, ЭСТЯ 2, 52. Similar forms of the type *balčak may be borrowed from
Mong., while WMong. baldaɣ, bardaɣ, Khalkha baldag, bardag, Mongor bardaG ‘hilt’ are
rather < Turkic.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-bŏla a k. of bush, spiraea: Tung. *boloka; Mong. *balčirgana,
*baldargana; Turk. *bạl-gɨn; Jpn. *bàrà(m)pì; Kor. *pùrò.
PTung. *boloka spiraea (таволга): Evk. boloko; Neg. boloxokto; Ul.
boloịqta; Nan. boloqto; Orch. bolokto; Ud. bolokto (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 93.
PMong. *balčirgana, *baldargana heracleum dissectum, angelica
(борщевник, дягиль): WMong. balčirɣana, baldarɣana (L 80); Kh. baldargana, balčirgana; Bur. balšargana; Kalm. balčrgənə ‘Waldknoblauch, Wolfswurz’.
◊ KW 32. Mong. > Khak. paltɨrgan, Tof. ba’ltɨrɣan ‘борщевник, дягиль’; Hung. bojtorján ‘burdock’ (cf. Gombocz 1912).
350
*bli - *bli
PTurk. *bạlgɨn 1 tamarisk, 2 viburnum (1 тамариск 2 калина):
Karakh. bulɣuna, (dial.) malɣuna (MK) 1; Az. palan 2 (R); Turkm. balxɨ ‘a
k. of white mulberry’; Uzb. balxi ‘white mulberry’; Uygh. balan 2 (РУС
1956); Tat. balan 2; Bashk. balan 2; Kirgh. balɣɨn 1 ‘a k. of bush similar to
žɨlɣɨn’; KBalk. balan 2 (Karach.); Shr. palan 2 (R); Oyr. balan 2; Chuv.
(palan < Tat.), (*polan > Mari polan 2); Yak. bɨlax ‘white willow; willow
branches as fodder’.
◊ EDT 338, ЭСТЯ 2, 52, VEWT 59, 324, Дмитр. 189, 201. Turk. > Mong. balɣu, balɣuna
‘tamarisk’. Forms like balxɨ may be secondarily modified (’Balkh mulberry’), but in any
case not < Iranian.
PJpn. *bàrà(m)pì a k. of fern (вид папоротника): OJpn. warabji;
MJpn. wàràbì, wàràfì; Tok. wárabi; Kyo. wáràbì; Kag. warabí.
◊ JLTT 568. The Tokyo accent is irregular (pointing to a variant *bàràpí). Cf. perhaps
also *bàrá ‘straw’.
PKor. *pùrò salad, Lactuca (салат-латук): MKor. puro, pùrù; Mod.
puru.
◊ Liu 394, KED 813.
‖ KW 31. Tone correspondence between Korean and Japanese is irregular.
-bli arm muscles: Tung. *bola-n; Mong. *bul-čiŋ, *bul-čir-; Turk.
*b(i)altɨr; Jpn. *píntì; Kor. *pằrh.
PTung. *bola-n cuff (нарукавник, обшлаг рукава): Neg. bolan; Ork.
bolo; Nan. bōlo.
◊ ТМС 1, 91. Length in Nan. (Naikh.) must be secondary.
PMong. *bul-čiŋ, *bul-čir- 1 muscles (of thighs and arms) 2 gland (1
мышцы (рук и ног) 2 железа): MMong. bilčirqai 2 (MA); WMong.
bulčiŋ 1, bulčirqai 2 (L 134); Kh. bulčin 1, bulčirxaj 2; Bur. bulšan 1,
bulšarxaj 2; Kalm. buĺčəŋ 1, buĺčərxǟ, -xā 2; Ord. bulčiŋ; Dag. balčirt 1
(Тод. Даг. 124); Mongr. paarG 2 (SM 301).
◊ KW 61. Mong. > Kirgh. bulčuŋ etc., Yak., Dolg. bɨlčɨŋ (Kał. MEJ 94, Stachowski 70); >
Man. bulča(n), see Doerfer MT 137. Cf. also *bulǯir ‘gland’ (KW 59).
PTurk. *b(i)altɨr calf of leg (икра ноги): OTurk. baltɨr (OUygh.);
Karakh. baldɨr (MK); Tur. baldɨr; Gag. baldɨr; Az. baldɨr; Turkm. baldɨr;
MTurk. baldɨr (MA), baltɨr (Sangl.); Uzb. bɔldir; Krm. baldɨr; Tat. baltɨr;
Bashk. baltɨr; Kirgh. baltɨr; Kaz. baltɨr; KBalk. baltɨr, baldɨr; KKalp. baltɨr;
Kum. baldɨr; Nogh. baltɨr; Khak. paltɨr; Shr. paltɨr; Oyr. baltɨr; Tv. ba’ldɨr;
Tof. baldɨr; Yak. ballɨr.
◊ VEWT 61, ЭСТЯ 2, 54-55, Лексика 283-284.
PJpn. *píntì elbow (локоть): OJpn. pjidi; MJpn. fídì; Tok. hijí; Kyo.
híjì; Kag. híji.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *pằrh arm (рука (верхняя часть)): MKor. phằr; Mod. phal.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1736.
*bólò - *bolo
351
‖ Дыбо 313, Лексика 284. Martin 247, Whitman 210. The vocalism
in Mong. *bul-či- is probably influenced by the descriptive root bul(bult-, buld-, bült- etc.) ‘to be swollen, swell’, see *bula. Note that PT,
Mong. and Jpn. reflect a common derivative *bol-t῾i- (*boli-t῾V-).
-bólò time, agree upon time: Tung. *bila-; Mong. *bolǯu-; Jpn. *brì.
PTung. *bila- to agree upon time (уславливаться, договариваться
о сроке): Man. bila-.
◊ ТМС 1, 81. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
PMong. *bolǯu- to agree upon time (уславливаться, договариваться о сроке): WMong. bolǯu-, bolǯa- (L 119); Kh. bolʒo-; Bur. bolzo-; Kalm.
bolzə-; Ord. bolǯo-; Dag. bolǯō, bolǯōlo- (Тод. Даг. 127).
◊ KW 51. Mong. > Evk. *bolǯor ‘съезд, собрание’ > Russ. Zabajk. bol’ǯor (Аникин
133).
PJpn. *brì time, occasion (время, случай): MJpn. wórì; Tok. orí;
Kyo. órì; Kag. orí.
◊ Accent is not quite clear: RJ has wórì, but modern dialects (except Kyoto which is
ambiguous) point rather to *brì. This may be explained by a folk-etymological influence
of *br- ‘to bend’.
‖ Mong. *bolǯu- > Evk. bolǯo etc., see Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT
101; bolǯal ‘appointed time’ > Chag. bolǯal etc., see ЭСТЯ 2, 188-189,
Щербак 1997, 200).
-bolo all, completely: Tung. *bil-; Mong. *bul-tu; Turk. *bile (bula).
PTung. *bil- completely, wholely (целиком, полностью): Man.
bilči, bulǯi; Nan. bilde-bilde.
◊ ТМС 1, 82.
PMong. *bul-tu all, whole, entire(ly) (весь, целый, полностью):
MMong. bulun ‘together’ (SH); WMong. bultu (L 136); Kh. bult; Bur.
bult(an); Kalm. bultə; Ord. bultu; Dag. bolto (Тод. Даг. 127).
◊ KW 60.
PTurk. *bile (bula) with, together, also (вместе с, с, также): OTurk.
bile, bilen (OUygh.); Karakh. bile (MK, KB); Tur. bile ‘even’; Gag. -jlan;
Az. bilä (dial.); Turkm. bile, bilen; Sal. bile; Khal. bilä; MTurk. bile (Pav.
C.); Uzb. bilan; Uygh. bilän; Krm. bɨla; Tat. belɛn; Bashk. -benen; Kirgh.
minen; Kaz. -ben; KBalk. bla; KKalp. benen; Kum. bulan; Nogh. -ben;
SUygh. bile(n); Khak. mɨnaŋ; Shr. mine ‘here, now’; Oyr. bɨla (dial.,
Tuba); Tv. bile; Chuv. -bala(n); Yak. -ɨnan (?).
◊ EDT 364-365, ЭСТЯ 2, 140-142. Phonetic variants are explained by the transformation of the root into a postposition and, further, into a case ending. The form bile is attested quite early and therefore can be hardly treated as an assimilation < bir-le (derived
from bir ‘1’, cf. bir-ge, bir-če with a similar meaning).
‖ A Western isogloss; in the front row variant *bile Turkic reveals a
secondary delabialization < *büle.
352
*bònV - *bor[a]
-bònV a k. of predator: Tung. *bońa; Turk. *bAnu.
PTung. *bońa a big monkey (большая обезьяна): Man. bońo, mońo;
SMan. moni ‘monkey’ (2212); boni ‘year of the monkey’ (2724); Jurch.
bo-noŋ (151).
◊ ТМС 1, 94, 545. The secondarily nasalized Manchu form mońo was borrowed in
Sol., Oroch, Ud., Ul., Nan. mońo and Dag. (Тод. Даг. 155) mońō ‘monkey’, Kh. mońō ῾male
young of monkey’.
PTurk. *bAnu wild cat (дикая кошка): OTurk. manu (OUygh.); Tat.
manul; Tv. manɨ.
◊ EDT 767. Turk. > Kalm. manl, Dag. manū (Tod. 153) (probably contaminated with
Mong. proper malur < *malul q. v. sub *máĺe). Uygh. molun ‘wild cat’ may be a mongolism.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Palatalized *-ń- in TM is a secondary assimilation result. The root must have denoted some wild predator. It is
tempting to compare similar forms in Mong. and Jpn., denoting some
(mythical?) aquatic predator: PJ *bàni ‘crocodile’, WMong. (БАМРС)
banuqai ‘a rare aquatic creature, dwelling in water during daytime and
on the shore during nighttime’ - but the semantic change seems too
far-fetched.
-bor[a] color, shape: Tung. *borkan; Mong. *baraɣa; Turk. *bArɨk (??);
Jpn. *púrí.
PTung. *borkan color, beauty (цвет, красота): Evn. borkan; Man.
bočo; SMan. bočə, boču (2417); Jurch. bo()čo-gaj (628); Ork. boččo; Nan.
bojqo; Orch. boqqo; Ud. boko.
◊ ТМС 1, 96.
PMong. *baraɣa shape, silhouette (форма, силуэт): MMong. bara’a
(SH); WMong. baraɣa (L 83), bara; Kh. barā; Bur. barā; Kalm. barān; Ord.
barā; Dag. barā (Тод. Даг. 124); Dong. barā.
◊ KW 33. Mong. bara-ji- ‘to be unclearly visible’ (Bur. baraj- , Khalkha baraj-) > Yak.
barɨj-, boruj- ‘id.’, barɨk, boruk ‘darkness’.
PTurk. *bArɨk (?) unclear silhouette (неясный силуэт): Karakh.
barɨq (MK); Yak. barɨk, boruk ‘darkness’.
◊ ДТС 84. A somewhat dubious etymon: the OT form is quoted from the Uzbek edition of MK, not confirmed by Clauson and Dizin; the sense of the passage is rather obscure; the Yak. form may be secondarily built on the basis of the borrowed barɨj-, boruj‘be badly visible’. But cf. perhaps Kirgh. (ep.) burqu ‘variety’?
PJpn. *púrí shape, sight (образ, вид): MJpn. furi; Tok. fùri; Kyo. fúrí;
Kag. fúri.
◊ Usually regarded as a derivative from fur- ‘to shake’ which is rather dubious for
semantic reasons.
‖ The Turkic match is rather weak (see notes above), but otherwise
the etymology seems quite credible.
*bṓr[é] - *bŕu
353
-bṓr[é] give; take, collect: Tung. *bū-; Turk. *bēr-; Jpn. *pírí-p-.
PTung. *bū- to give (давать): Evk. bū-; Evn. bȫ-; Neg. bū-; Man. bu-;
SMan. bu- (1398); Ul. būwu; Ork. bū-; Nan. bū-; Orch. bū-; Ud. bū-; Sol.
bū-.
◊ ТМС 1, 99.
PTurk. *bēr- to give (давать): OTurk. ber- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
ber- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. ver-; Gag. ver-; Az. ver-; Turkm. ber-; Sal.
be(r)-,ve(r)-, vē(r)-; Khal. ver- (< Az.); MTurk. ber- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
ber-; Uygh. bär-; Krm. ver-; Tat. bir-; Bashk. bir-; Kirgh. ber-; Kaz. ber-;
KBalk. ber-; KKalp. ber-; Kum. ber-; Nogh. ber-; SUygh. per-; Khak. pir-;
Shr. per-; Oyr. ber-; Tv. ber-; Tof. ber-; Chuv. par-; Yak. bier-; Dolg. bier-.
◊ VEWT 70, ЭСТЯ 2, 114-116, EDT 354-5, Stachowski 59.
PJpn. *pírí-p- to gather, collect (собирать, подбирать): OJpn.
pjirip-; MJpn. fíróf-; Tok. hìro-; Kyo. hìrò-; Kag. hiró-.
◊ JLTT 689. The Kyoto accent is aberrant (under literary influence?).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 282. The root seems quite secure, but reveals a variation
of the vocalic reflex in the 2d syllable: *bṓre ( > Turk., TM), *bṓri- ( >
Jpn.).
-bóro ( ~ -ŕ-) bank, rift: Tung. *bir[u]-kan; Mong. *borgija; Kor. *pìr.
PTung. *bir[u]-kan 1 precipice 2 mountain (1 обрыв, утес 2 гора):
Man. oran 1; Sol. biraxan 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 84.
PMong. *borgija 1 river rift 2 hill, mound; frail soil with poor vegetation (1 речной порог, перекат 2 холм, насыпь; рыхлая земля с бедной растительностью): WMong. borgija 1, 2 (L 121); Kh. borgio 1, 2;
Bur. bōri 2, borjo-gor ‘неровный, каменистый’.
◊ Mong. > Evk. borī, Orok bōri. Cf. also bartaɣa (L 89) ‘uneven terrain, broken country;
hillock, knoll’ ( < *bortaɣa ?); Ord. borǯoŋ ‘croûte de salpêtre ou de sel mêlés de terre qui se
forme à la surface des terrains salpêtreux et sur les bords des lacs de sel’, Kalm. borǯəŋ
‘быстрина’.
PKor. *pìr bank, precipice (берег, обрыв): MKor. pìr.
◊ Nam 276.
‖ Lee 1958, 106 (TM-Kor.).
-bŕu calf, lamb: Tung. *biaru; Mong. *biraɣu; Turk. *buŕagu; Jpn.
*pítú-nsí; Kor. *puruk.
PTung. *biaru sheep (овца): Evk. bru.
◊ ТМС 1, 78. Isolated in Evk., but despite Poppe 1972, 103, hardly < Mong. (because
of semantic difference).
PMong. *biraɣu calf (1 year old) (теленок (1 года)): MMong. bura’u
(SH), buru (MA); WMong. biraɣu (L 106); Kh. arū; Bur. burū; Kalm.
bürǖ; Ord. birū ‘calf (2 year old)’; Mog. ZM borɣol (20-8), KT borwol
(20-6); Mongr. burū (SM 36).
354
*bòsá - *bt῾è
◊ KW 69. Mong. > Evk. boro ‘one-year-old calf’ (ТМС 1, 96) ; Evk. *borow-čān (unattested diminutive) > Russ. Siber. borovčán, borovčák, borokčán ‘one-year-old calf, foal’,
burún ‘2-year-old calf’ (Аникин 117, 145; but has no relation to Russ. боров).
PTurk. *buŕa-gu calf (теленок): OTurk. buzaɣu (OUygh.); Karakh.
buzaɣu (MK, IM); Tur. buzaɣu; dial. buza- ‘to bear a calf’, Osm. buza-la‘id.’; Gag. buzā; Az. bɨzov; Turkm. buzaw; Sal. puzo, pūzɨ (ССЯ 457);
MTurk. buzaɣu, buzaɣ, buzaw (Sangl., MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. buzɔq; Uygh.
mozaj; Krm. bɨzuv, buzuv; Tat. bɨzaw; Bashk. bɨδaw; Kirgh. muzō; Kaz.
buzau; KBalk. buzow; KKalp. buzaw; Kum. buzaw; Nogh. buzaw; Khak.
pɨzo; Shr. puza (R); Oyr. bɨza; Tv. bɨzā; Chuv. pъₙru.
◊ EDT 391, VEWT 74-5, ЭСТЯ 2, 239-242, Лексика 438-439. Bulg. *burəₙu > Hung.
borjú, see MNyTESz 1, 345-346. The derivation from *boŕ ‘grey’ and assumption of borrowing Turk. *buŕagu > Mong. biraɣu (Щербак 1997, 108) is hardly plausible.
PJpn. *pítú-nsí sheep (овца): OJpn. pjituzi; MJpn. fítúzí; Tok. hìtsuji;
Kyo. hítsújí; Kag. hitsúji.
◊ JLTT 411. The word may indeed have *usi ‘ox’ (with secondary voicing) in the second part, but Martin’s analysis of the first part as *pi ‘beard’ seems hardly credible (in
Kor. jəm-so the first part is also etymologically “goat”, not “beard”).
PKor. *puruk bull-calf (бычок): Mod. puruk-so (so ‘cow’), purugi.
◊ KED 813.
‖ KW 69, Владимирцов 361, Poppe 21, 81, Новикова 1972, 117. In
Jpn. we have to assume a secondary vocalic development in a long
word: *pútí-(u)si > *pítú(n)si (the word is most probably a compound
with *usi ‘cow’ in the second part, cf. the Korean match).
-bòsá field, mountain slope: Tung. *bosoga; Turk. *basɨg; Jpn. *bàsái.
PTung. *bosoga North slope of a mountain (северный склон горы):
Evk. bosoɣo; Evn. bosaɣ; Neg. bosoɣịda, bosojị; Sol. bosog ‘forest’.
◊ ТМС 1, 97.
PTurk. *basɨg field, cornfield (поле): Tur. bâsu-raχ ‘fenced garden,
yard’ (dial. Zonguldak - Eren 182); Tat. basu; basaw (R, Kas.); Bashk.
baϑɨw; Chuv. pozъ.
◊ VEWT 64 (hardly < *bas- ‘to press’), Федотов I 450-451. Turk. > Mari pasu, Udm.
busɨ.
PJpn. *bàsái early rice (ранние рисовые посевы): OJpn. wase;
MJpn. wàsé; Tok. wáse; Kyo. wásè; Kag. wasé.
◊ JLTT 568. The accent in Kyoto is irregular (wàsé would be expected).
‖ The original meaning may be reconstructed as “vegetation on a
mountain slope”. All forms reflect a suffixed shape *bòsa-gi (-ga).
-bt῾è to cover: Mong. *büte-, *büteɣe-; Turk. *bạt-; Jpn. *pútá.
PMong. *büte-, *büteɣe- to cover, stop up (покрывать, закрывать):
MMong. butugai ‘to finish, close’ (HY 51), bute’e- (SH); WMong. bütü-,
bütege-; Kh. bütē-, bitǖ-; Bur. büte-; Kalm. büt-; Ord. bütē-; Dag. butu-,
butūn ‘covered, secret’; S.-Yugh. putǖ-le-; Mongr. pudē- (SM 304).
*budi - *búdò
355
◊ KW 70, MGCD 153. Mong. > Tat. bite-, Kaz. betä-.
PTurk. *bạt- 1 to hide, conceal (trans.) 2 to hide (intr.) 3 to get lost (1
прятать, скрывать 2 прятаться 3 теряться): Karakh. batur- (MK) 1; Az.
bat- 3; Uzb. bɔt- 2; Tat. bat- 2; Kum. bat- 3; SUygh. pat- 2; Chuv. pɨdar- 1,
pɨdan- 2.
◊ Егоров 173, Федотов I 466-467, EDT 308, ЭСТЯ 2, 78-79: the root should be distinguished from *bat- ‘to sink’ (v. sub *pàt῾á).
PJpn. *pútá lid, cover (крышка): MJpn. futa; Tok. fùta; Kyo. fútá;
Kag. fúta.
◊ JLTT 419.
‖ The front vowel in Mong. is not quite regular here: *but- would be
normally expected.
-budi a k. of weed, pigweed: Mong. *budurgana; Jpn. *pìjú; Kor.
*pìrăm.
PMong. *budurgana a k. of grass (Suaeda prostrata, Iljinia Regelii)
(вид травы (поташник)): WMong. budurɣana (L 131); Kh. budargana;
Bur. budargana; Kalm. budrɣənə ‘жерняк, вид Артемизии’; Ord.
budurGana, budurGanaq ‘Reamuria soongorica Maxim.’.
◊ KW 57. Mong. > Man. budurxana (see ТМС 1, 102).
PJpn. *pìjú pigweed, Amaranthus (марь, амарант): MJpn. fìjú; Tok.
hiyu.
PKor. *pìrăm pigweed, Amaranthus (марь, амарант): MKor. pirăm,
pìrm; Mod. pirɨm.
◊ Liu 411, 412, KED 852.
‖ Martin 238, Whitman 213. Despite the tone discrepancy, the
Kor.-Jpn. parallel is still very convincing.
-búdò ( ~ p-) cold, fog: Mong. *budaŋ; Turk. *bud-; Jpn. *pújù.
PMong. *budaŋ fog (туман): MMong. budan (SH, MA), buduŋgu
‘dunkel’ (HYt); WMong. budaŋ (L 129), budun; Kh. budan; Bur. budan;
Kalm. budŋ; Ord. budaŋ; S.-Yugh. budaŋ.
◊ KW 57, MGCD 685.
PTurk. *bud- 1 to freeze 2 to be sad, sorry (1 замерзать 2 грустить,
тосковать): Karakh. buδ- (MK) ‘to die of cold’; Tur. buj-, bij-, büj-, bujux(dial.) 1; Az. bɨj-, bujux- (dial.) 1; Turkm. buj- 1; Uzb. buj-ɣur- 1, bujuɣ
‘cold’ (dial.); Tat. bojɨq- 2; Bashk. bojoq- 2; Kirgh. bujuq- 1; Kaz. bujɨq- 1;
KBalk. bujuq- 1, 2; KKalp. bujuq- 1; ‘дремать’; Kum. bujuq- ‘сжиматься
от холода или испуга’; Khak. puzux- 2; Tv. būq- 2 (borrowed?).
◊ EDT 298, ЭСТЯ 2, 242-243.
PJpn. *pújù winter (зима): OJpn. puju; MJpn. fuju; Tok. fuyú; Kyo.
fúyù; Kag. fúyu.
◊ JLTT 419.
356
*bùdo - *budu
‖ A diphthong has to be reconstructed because of the *-j-reflex in
Jpn.; cf. also Orok pidul- ‘to freeze completely’ (of a river) (ТМС 2, 37).
-bùdo ( ~ -u) gruel, paste; to swell in water: Mong. *budaɣa; Turk.
*botka; Jpn. *pùjàkà-; Kor. *pd-, *pdVh.
PMong. *budaɣa 1 gruel, soup 2 food (каша, суп): MMong. buda’an
(HY 24, SH), budan (IM), budan (MA) 1; WMong. budaɣa(n) (L 129) 1;
Kh. budā(n) 1; Bur. budā 1; Kalm. budān 1; Ord. budā 1,2; Mog. ZM bodn
‘gruel’ (15-1a); Dag. badā 2 (Тод. Даг. 123, MD 117), bedā 2 (MD 120),
budā 1, 2; Dong. budan 2; Bao. badaŋ 2; S.-Yugh. budān 1; Mongr. budā
(SM 30) 1, 2.
◊ KW 57, MGCD 165. Mong. > Man. buda etc. (ТМС 1, 102; Doerfer MT 116; Rozycki
36).
PTurk. *botka gruel, porridge (каша): MTurk. OKypch. butɣa
(At-Tuhf.); Uzb. bụtqa; Uygh. botqa; Tat. botqa; Bashk. butqa; Kirgh. botqo;
Kaz. botqa; KKalp. botqa; Nogh. botqa; Khak. potxɨ; Oyr. botqo; Tv. botqa
(Krg.); Chuv. pъₙdъₙ; Yak. butuɣas.
◊ VEWT 82, ЭСТЯ 2, 201. There seems to have existed a deriving verb *bot- or *bod(*but-, *bud-) ‘to stir (porridge)’, reflected only in Yak. butuj-.
PJpn. *pùjàkà- to swell (being immersed into water) (разбухать (в
воде)): Tok. fuyaké-; Kyo. fúyáké-; Kag. fuyaké-.
◊ JLTT 797. The MJ accent is unattested. Kyoto and Tokyo point to original low tone,
but Kagoshima is aberrant.
PKor. *pd-, *pdVh 1 to swell, get bloated (in water) 2 glue, paste,
gruel (1 разбухать 2 клей, крахмал, каша): MKor. phr 2; Mod. put(pur-) 1, phul 2.
◊ Nam 465, KED 832, 1763.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Man. buǯu- ‘to cook’: the form may go back to
PTM *büdigu-. MKor. phr < *prh < *prVh < *pdVh (with an early vowel
reduction, which explains the reflex -r as originally intervocalic).
-budu down, feather, curly: Tung. *bodu-; Mong. *buǯi- / *boǯi-; Turk.
*bɨdɨk (*bɨdńɨk); Jpn. *pí-n-kai.
PTung. *bodu- curly, fleecy (кудрявый, курчавый): Evn. bodụrụqa.
◊ ТМС 1, 103. Attested only in Evn., but having quite probable external parallels.
PMong. *buǯi- / *boǯi- 1 curly, fleecy 2 down (of bird) 3 be curly (1
кудрявый, пушистый 2 пух 3 быть курчавым): WMong. buǯigir 1 (L
143), boǯuɣu 2 (L 123), buǯiji- 3 (L 143); Kh. bužgir 1, boʒgo 2; Kalm.
buǯəɣər 1, buǯī- 3; Ord. buǯī- 3.
◊ KW 57-58. Mong. > Yak. buǯur-, Evk. buǯir etc., see Doerfer MT 78.
PTurk. *bɨdɨk (*bɨdńɨk) moustache (усы): Karakh. bɨδɨq (MK), bɨjɨq
(IM); Tur. bɨjɨk; Gag. bɨjɨq; Az. bɨɣ; Turkm. mɨjq (dial.); MTurk. bɨɣ, mɨɣ
(Sangl.); Uzb. mɨjɨq (dial.); Krm. mɨjɨx; Tat. mɨjɨq; Bashk. mɨjɨq; Kirgh.
*búga - *bge
357
mɨjɨq; KBalk. mɨjɨq; KKalp. mɨjɨq; Kum. mɨjɨq; Nogh. mɨjɨq; Oyr. mɨjɨq;
Chuv. mъjъx; Yak. bɨtɨk; Dolg. bɨtɨk.
◊ VEWT 73, EDT 301, ЭСТЯ 2, 304, Лексика 223, Stachowski 71.
PJpn. *pí-n-kai beard (борода): OJpn. pjige; MJpn. fígé; Tok. hìge;
Kyo. hígé; Kag. híge.
◊ JLTT 406. Historically a compound with *kai ‘hair’.
‖ KW 58, Владимирцов 174, Poppe 21, 53, Лексика 224. Despite
Лексика 223, Turk. *budra ‘curls’ (ЭСТЯ 2, 245) very probably represents the same root as *bɨdɨk ‘moustache’ and also belongs here. Jpn. *píshould be regarded as an early contraction < *buj- < *budu.
-búga wheel, pommel of a saddle: Mong. *büɣü-rge; Jpn. *bà; Kor.
*pàhói.
PMong. *büɣü-rge ( ~ -wr-) pommel of a saddle (лука седла):
MMong. buurkä (MA 154); WMong. bügürge (L 145), büürke (МХТТТ);
Kh. bǖreg; Bur. bǖrge; Kalm. bǖrəg, bǖrgə; Ord. bǖrge; Dag. būreg (Тод.
Даг. 128); S.-Yugh. bǖrge.
◊ KW 70-71, MGCD 173.
PJpn. *bà wheel (колесо): OJpn. wa; MJpn. wà; Tok. wá; Kyo. wā;
Kag. wà.
◊ JLTT 567.
PKor. *pàhói wheel (колесо): MKor. pàhói; Mod. pakhwi.
◊ Nam 239, KED 710.
‖ Martin 246. Low tone in Jpn. is probably due to contraction. In
Mong. one has to assume *büɣü-rge < *biɣe-r-gü. Cf. Manchu faχun ‘rim
of a wheel’ ( < Kor.?).
-bge rock, hill: Tung. *bug-; Mong. *böɣerüg; Turk. *bögür; Jpn. *bə;
Kor. *pàhói.
PTung. *bug- hill, mound (холм, бугор): Evk. buɣa, buɣan; Evn.
bụɣụn, buɣjeńe, buɣъndъ; Ul. bo(n); Nan. buen, bugdure.
◊ ТМС 1, 101, 102.
PMong. *böɣerüg 1 mountain slopes 2 hill (1 горные склоны 2
холм): WMong. bögerüg, bögereg; Kh. bȫrög 1; Kalm. bȫrəg 2.
◊ KW 57.
PTurk. *bögür mountain slope (склон горы): Tur. böɣür; Turkm.
bövür ‘side’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 207. The root is historically different from *bögür ‘kidney’, but they are
hard to distinguish within Turkic.
PJpn. *bə hill, hillock (холм): OJpn. wo; MJpn. wo.
◊ JLTT 503.
PKor. *pàhói rock (скала): MKor. pàhói; Mod. pawi.
◊ Nam 239, KED 708.
‖ Cf. *bk῾e, *pāko.
358
*būgi - *bugu
-būgi a k. of insect: Tung. *bugu-tuna; Mong. *böɣe-sü; Turk. *bȫg; Jpn.
*pìw-musi.
PTung. *bugu-tuna 1 mosquito 2 gad-fly (1 комар 2 слепень): Evk.
bụgụtụna 1; Man. bekto 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 102, 123.
PMong. *böɣe-sü louse (вошь): MMong. bo’esun (HY 12, SH),
buwsu-tu ‘with lice’, buäsun (MA), būsūn (LH); WMong. bögesü(n) (L
125); Kh. bȫs(ön); Bur. bȫhe(n); Kalm. bȫsn; Ord. bȫsü; Mog. busu
(Weiers); ZM bosun (21-8); Dag. būs (Тод. Даг. 128); Dong. bosun; Bao.
bosuŋ, bosoŋ; S.-Yugh. bǖsən; Mongr. bōsə (SM 29).
◊ KW 57, MGCD 160.
PTurk. *bȫg, *bȫg-en, *bȫg-ček 1 insect 2 phalanx, tarantula 3
gad-fly 4 wolf (1 насекомое 2 фаланга, тарантул 3 слепень 4 волк):
Karakh. bög, böj 2 (MK), bij 2 (MK - Oghuz); Tur. böɣ 2, büɣe, büɣe-lek 3,
böǯek 1, (dial.) 4; Gag. böǯek 1; Az. böv 2; Turkm. mȫj 2, bij 2, mȫǯek 4;
MTurk. bew 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. bij 2; Krm. bij 2; Tat. böjɛ 2, böǯɛk 1; Bashk.
böjö 2, böǯäk 1; Kirgh. bȫ, böj, böjü, böjön 3; Kaz. büji 2; KKalp. mij 2; Kum.
mija 2; Nogh. bij 2, ‘queen bee’, böǯek ‘beetle’; Chuv. pъₙvan 3.
◊ EDT 323, VEWT 82-3, Лексика 184. Partly contaminated with *böke-l ‘gad-fly ‘ (v.
sub *pk῾í). The form in -ček is a diminutive. Turk. > Hung. bögöly ‘gad-fly’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *pìw-musi a k. of insect (day-fly, ephemera) (вид насекомого (поденка, мотылек)): MJpn. fìwòmúsì.
◊ JLTT 408.
‖ KW 57, VEWT 82-3, АПиПЯЯ 294, Лексика 184. The Jpn. tone
seems to contradict Turkic length (but is not sufficiently well attested).
-bugu joint: Tung. *bog-; Mong. *bog-tu; Turk. *bogum; Jpn. *pu.
PTung. *bog- 1 cuff, wristband 2 shoulder (1 обшлаг 2 плечо): Evk.
boɣjan 1; Evn. bụjan 1; Ud. bogdolo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 118.
PMong. *bog- collar bone, shoulder bone (ключица, плечевая
кость): WMong. boɣtu (L 111), ‘arm bone, part of arm from shoulder to
elbow, part of animal’s front leg’ (Kow. 1211); Kh. bogt(o) ‘elbow bone’;
buguj ‘distal end of forearm, forearm, carpus’; Bur. bogto ‘shoulder
bone’; Kalm. bōG, bokčə (čimgn), boktə ‘shoulder bone’; Ord. boGto ‘elbow bone’; bugūi ‘ankle’ (Khorch.).
◊ KW 49, 53, Дыбо 226. The variant *buguj ( < *boguj) is conaminating (and sometimes hard to separate from) *bugu-j ‘bracelet, noose’ (v. sub *bkà). Mong. > Yak. boxto
unuox ‘animal’s radial bone’.
PTurk. *bogum joint (сустав): Karakh. boɣɨm, boɣun (MK); Tur.
boɣun, boɣum; Turkm. boGun; Sal. puɣum (Kakuk); MTurk. boɣun
(Sangl., Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. bụɣin; Uygh. boɣam; Krm. buvun; Tat.
*bùjlu - *bk῾a
359
buwɨn; Bashk. bɨwɨn; Kirgh. mūn; Kaz. buwɨn; KKalp. buwɨn; Kum. bɨwɨn;
Nogh. buwɨn; Khak. pun; Oyr. mun, pūn (dial.).
◊ EDT 316, ЭСТЯ 2, 170-171, Лексика 260, TMN 2, 348-349.
PJpn. *pu joint, knot (место соединения, узел): OJpn. pu.
◊ JLTT 416.
‖ KW 53, ЭСТЯ 2, 171; Дыбо 309, Лексика 260.
-bùjlu ( ~ -i) blood: Tung. *boldu-; Mong. *bülüŋ; Kor. *píh.
PTung. *boldu- pulse (пульс): Ork. boldụni.
◊ ТМС 1, 92. Attested only in Orok, but with rather probable external parallels.
PMong. *bülüŋ blood clot (сгусток крови): WMong. bülüŋ, bülin (L
146, 147); Kh. bülen; Bur. büliŋ.
PKor. *píh blood (кровь): MKor. phí; Mod. phi.
◊ Nam 465, KED 1771.
‖ Medial *-jl- is reconstructed to account for loss of *-l- in Kor. (-h
should be regarded as a suffix, as in a number of other cases).
-bujri well, spring: Tung. *bira; Mong. *bürü-dü; Jpn. *bì; Kor. *ù-.
PTung. *bira 1 river 2 spring (1 река 2 ручей, ключ): Evk. bira 1, biraja 1,2; Evn. bịra 1, bịraqčan 2; Neg. bịja 1, 2, bịjaxān 2; Man. bira 1, biraGa, birGan, birχa 2; SMan. birā 1 (2087); Jurch. bira (40) 1; Ul. bịra 2;
Nan. bịr 2; Orch. biaka 2; Ud. bǟ῾sa 1 (Корм. 212); Sol. bira 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 84.
PMong. *bürü-dü 1 swamp (with a spring) in a river bed 2 well (1
болото (с источником) в русле реки 2 криница): WMong. bürüdü 1;
Kh. bürd 2; Kalm. bürdə 1; Ord. bürdü 1.
◊ KW 67.
PJpn. *bì ( ~ *bùi, *bi) well (колодец): OJpn. wi; MJpn. wì; Tok. i.
◊ JLTT 420.
PKor. *ù- well (колодец): MKor. ù-mr; Mod. umul.
◊ Nam 389, KED 1239 (-mɨr ‘water’).
‖ Whitman 1985, 139, 245 (Kor.-Jpn.). Loss of final resonant in Kor.
makes us reconstruct the medial -j-, which also explains several other
phenomena: *-i-vowel in PTM (-u- would be expected after a labial); *bin PJ (*p- would be expected before i). Korean has also lost the initial
*b-, as in some other cases; cf. in this respect the interesting Old
Koguryo and Silla forms: Old Koguryo *wöl, Silla *ŏl (see Miller 1979,
9). Jpn. *bì < *bujr(i)-gV.
-bk῾a ( ~ -u) side (of body), thigh: Tung. *bōKan; Mong. *bokaɣur;
Turk. *bɨkɨn.
PTung. *bōKan thigh (бедро, ляжка): Evk. bōkan; Evn. bōqn; Man.
buxi; Ud. bō῾ (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
*buk῾e - *bk῾í
360
PMong. *bokaɣur behind, buttocks (зад, ягодицы): MMong.
baqa’ur (MA), baɣūr (IM), baqaūr (LH), baɣaɣur ‘derrière’ (Lig.VMI); Kh.
buxar (Most.); Kalm. bokūr ‘Schurke, Schelm’; Mog. buɣār (Ramstedt
1906); Dong. boGo; Bao. boGor.
◊ KW 50.
PTurk. *bɨkɨn thigh (бедро): OTurk. bɨqɨn ‘hip’ (OUygh.); Karakh.
bɨqɨn ‘hip, flank’ (MK); Tur. bɨkɨn (dial.); Turkm. bɨqɨn; MTurk. bɨqɨn ‘hip,
flank’ (Sangl.); Uzb. biqin; Uygh. biqin; Tat. bɨɣɨn (Sib.); Bashk. bɨɣɨm;
Kirgh. mɨqɨn; Kaz. mɨqɨn; KBalk. bɨɣɨn; Khak. pɨxtɨ; Oyr. bɨqɨn, mɨqɨn; Tv.
bɨɣɨn.
◊ EDT 316, VEWT 73, TMN 2, 301, ЭСТЯ 2, 304-305, Лексика 280. The Khak. form is
a rebuilt posessive form.
‖ Дыбо 6, Лексика 280. A Western isogloss.
-buk῾e vessel; gourd: Tung. *buKu-; Jpn. *pùkù(m)pái ( ~ -ia); Kor.
*pàk.
PTung. *buKu- 1 birch cradle 2 birch bark put into cradle 3 suitcase
(1 берестяная люлька 2 береста, которую кладут в люльку 3 чемодан): Evk. bukun 2; Evn. buk 1; Man. buqtulin 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 105.
PJpn. *pùkù(m)pái ( ~ -ia) gourd (тыква): MJpn. fùkùbe; Tok. fukube.
PKor. *pàk 1 gourd; scoop 2 bamboo basket (1 тыква; черпак 2
бамбуковая корзина): MKor. pàkòní 2; Mod. pak 1, paguni 2.
◊ Nam 236, KED 702, 710.
‖ Martin 232. An Eastern isogloss. In Kor. the root could contaminate with *págo (q.v.), which can explain the prosodic irregularity.
-bk῾í to bow, bend: Tung. *buk-; Mong. *bök-; Turk. *bük-; Jpn.
*pìnkàm-.
PTung. *buk- hump, to bend (горб, гнуться): Evk. buke-; Evn. bökčen-; Neg. boxon; Man. boqto, buqtu, buqda-; Ul. boqo(n); Ork. boqqo; Nan.
bukũ; Ud. boxo; Sol. buktur.
◊ ТМС 1, 104. Man. > Dag. bogto ‘hill, mound’ (Тод. Даг. 126).
PMong. *bök- 1 hump 2 to bend (tr.) 3 to bend, bow, incline 4
humpbacked (1 горб 2 гнуть 3 сгибаться, наклоняться, кланяться 4
горбатый): MMong. bokotur, bogotur (SH), bukä-tu (MA) 4; WMong.
böke 1, bökeji-, böküi- (L 126, 127) 2; Kh. böx(ön) 1, bögtör 4; Bur. büxe(n) 1,
bükti-, bügdi- 3; Kalm. bökn 1; Ord. bökö 1, bögötör 4; Mog. ZM bökkän ‘the
hump of a camel’; Dag. bug 1 (Тод. Даг. 128), (MGCD) buēktuē, buku;
S.-Yugh. bögön 1; Mongr. pugī-, bukī- (Huzu) 3.
◊ KW 55, MGCD 161, 162, 181. Mong. > Oyr. bökö- ‘bend (tr.)’, Yak bököj- ‘bow, bend’
(intr.), Kirgh. bök- ‘припасть к земле, опуститься на колени (о верблюдице, для случки)’.
*bule - *ble
361
PTurk. *bük- 1 to bow, bend 2 to curve, bend, wrap smth. (1 сгибаться, кланяться 2 сгибать, складывать, свертывать): Karakh. bük- 1
(MK); Tur. bük- 2; Gag. bük- 2; Az. bük- 2; Turkm. bük- 2; Sal. pöx- 2
(ССЯ 454); MTurk. bük- 1 (Sangl. Pav. C.); Uzb. buk- 2; Uygh. pük- 2;
Krm. büg-ül- 1 (K); Tat. bög- 2; Bashk. bögö- 2; Kirgh. bük- (-gV-) 2; Kaz.
bük/g- 2; KBalk. bük- (-gV-) 2; KKalp. bük- (-gV-) 2; Kum. bük- (-gV-) 2;
Nogh. bük- (-gV-) 2; Khak. pük- 2; Shr. pük- 2; Oyr. bük- (-gV) 2; Tv. bük‘to wrap’; Chuv. pəₙk- 2; Yak. bük ‘a bend, flexion’; bügülē- 2.
◊ EDT 324, VEWT 91-92, ЭСТЯ 2, 290-293.
PJpn. *pìnkàm- be twisted, warped (быть искривленным, покоробленным): MJpn. fìgàm-; Tok. higám-; Kyo. hígám-; Kag. higám-.
◊ JLTT 688.
‖ EAS 147, KW 55, Poppe 56, ОСНЯ 1, 191. Despite Doerfer MT 56,
TM is hardly borrowed from Mong., and (despite TMN 2, 352) the
Turk. and Mong. forms are certainly related. Cf. also Turk. *bok- ‘to
cross (legs), bend (knees)’ (VEWT 79, EDT 311), WMong. boki- (KW 49)
‘to bend’, reflecting a back-row variant of the same root. Part of the
Mongolian (*bög-) and TM forms seem to go back to a variant *bki.
-bule wick: Tung. *bulin; Turk. *bilik.
PTung. *bulin wick (фитиль): Neg. bulin; Ul. buli(n); Nan. bulĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 108.
PTurk. *bilik, *bEĺ-mek(e) 1 wick 2 tinder, mushroom (1 фитиль 2
трут, гриб): Karakh. bilik (MK) 1; Uzb. pilik 1; Uygh. pilik (Jarr.) 1; Tat.
meškɛ 2; Bashk. bäšmäk 2; Kirgh. bilik 1; KKalp. pilik 1; Khak. miske 2;
Shr. meške 2; Oyr. meške 2.
◊ EDT 339, VEWT 69, 72, ЭСТЯ VI.
‖ ТМС 1, 108. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss
-ble to rub, whet: Tung. *bula; Mong. *büle-; Turk. *bile-; Kor. *pjró.
PTung. *bula thorn (шип, колючка): Man. bula; SMan. bəlā (2160).
◊ ТМС 1, 106. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *büle- to bore, prick, incise (with a knife etc.) (колоть, надрезать (ножом и т. п.)): WMong. büle- (L 146); Kh. büle-; Kalm. bül-.
◊ KW 66.
PTurk. *bile- 1 to sharpen 2 whetstone (1 точить 2 точильный камень): Karakh. bile- (MK) 1; Tur. bile- 1; Gag. bile- 1, bilä 2; Az. bülöv,
bilöv 2; Turkm. bilev 2; MTurk. bile- 1, bilew 2 (Pav. C.); Uygh. bilä- (Jarr.)
1; Krm. bile- 1, bülew 2; Tat. belɛw 2; Bashk. beläw 2; Kirgh. bülö 2; Kaz.
bilew 2; KBalk. bile- 1, bilew 2; Kum. bile- 1, bilew 2; Nogh. bilew 2; Khak.
pəlö 2 (R); Shr. pile 2; Oyr. bilü 2; Tv. bili- (Castr.- Soj.) 1; Chuv. pəₙlev 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 142-143, EDT 332-333 (< *bi ‘blade’, denom. - but Turkm. shortness contradicts this derivation). Turk. *bile-gü > Mong. *bile-ɣü id., see Щербак 1997, 106.
362
*blò - *blò
PKor. *pjró inkstone (for rubbing the ink from an ink stick) (чернильный камень): MKor. pjró; Mod. pjəru.
◊ Nam 258, KED 775.
‖ Turk. *bile- is usually derived from *bij ‘edge’ (q. v.) which is
hardly the case (*bijle- cannot be reconstructed).
-blò to soak, gush forth: Tung. *b[ü]lkü-; Mong. *bul(ka)-, *bilka-;
Turk. *bulak; Jpn. *pùr ( ~ -ua); Kor. *purɨ- ( ~ -ɨ-).
PTung. *b[ü]lkü- 1 to soak, wet 2 to splash, swash (1 смочить, намочить 2 плескаться, бить ключом): Evk. bilki- 1, bulkiw- 2; Man.
bulχu- 2; Nan. bịlχo- 1, bolqo- ~ bulχo- 2; Ud. beäku- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 82, 108. The vocalism is not quite clear because of the doublets with -i- and
-u- (due to interdialectal borrowing and perhaps also Mongolian influence, see below).
PMong. *bul(ka)-, *bilka- 1 to soak, wet 2 to issue from the ground
(as water) 3 to overflow (1 мочить 2 вытекать из земли (о воде) 3 переливаться, литься через край): WMong. bulqa- (L 136), bulqu- 1, bulara- 2 (L 133), bilqa- 3 (L 105); Kh. bulxa- 1, alxa- 3; Bur. bulxa- ‘to gargle’, bilxa- 3; Kalm. bulxə- 1, bilxə- 3.
◊ KW 45, 60. Mong. > Kaz. bɨlqɨ- etc. (VEWT 74).
PTurk. *bulak spring, well (источник, колодец): OTurk. bulaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. bulaq (KB, IM); Tur. bulak; Az. bulaG; Turkm. bulaq;
Khal. bula:G ‘well; tear’; MTurk. bulaɣ (Abush.), bulaq (Sangl.); Uzb.
bulɔq; Uygh. bulaq (dial.); Tat. bolaq; Kaz. bulaq; KBalk. bulaq; KKalp. bulaq; Kum. bulaq; Nogh. bulaq; SUygh. bulaq; Khak. pulux (R - Sag.); Shr.
puluq (R); Tv. bɨlaq; Tof. bɨlaq (Рас. ФиЛ).
◊ EDT 336, VEWT 87, ЭСТЯ 2, 257-258, TMN 2, 355. Cf. Kaz. bula- ῾to flow, gush
forth’. Turk. > WMong. bulaɣ, Kalm. buləg (KW 59; TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 110),
whence Evk. bulak (Doerfer MT 125).
PJpn. *pùr ( ~ -ua) bath (ванна, купание): MJpn. fùrò; Tok. fúro,
furó; Kyo. fùró; Kag. furó.
◊ JLTT 418.
PKor. *purɨ- to soak, make wet (мочить): Mod. purɨ- (SKE 211),
pulli-.
◊ KED 836.
‖ ТМС 1, 108 (TM-Mong.). An expressive root with difficult reconstruction. The two variants in Mong. and TM are probably due to interdialectal borrowing, but direct borrowing from Mong. into TM is
hard to justify: the meanings are not in mutual correlation (Mong. bilkais ‘overflow’, while bilki- in TM is ‘to wet, moisten’; Mong. bulka- is ‘to
dip, rinse’, while TM bulku- is ‘to splash’). The Korean reflex is not
quite certain (Martin KED 836 considers pulli- to be a factitive of pūd‘swell’ - which is, however, somewhat questionable).
*bura - *bure
363
-bura to abandon, lose: Tung. *burī-; Turk. *bɨrak-; Jpn. *pàra-p- /
*pára-p-; Kor. *pri- / *pằrí-.
PTung. *burī- 1 to let slip 2 to disappear 3 to let go (1 выронить, потерять 2 исчезать, пропадать 3 отпускать): Evk. burī- 1; Evn. beri- 1;
Man. burubu- 2; Jurch. buru-wi-xie (840) 1; Orch. bui- 1; Sol. burī- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 113.
PTurk. *bɨrak- 1 to let, to abandon 2 to send 3 to throw (1 бросать 2
покидать 3 посылать): Karakh. bɨraq-, bɨraɣ- (IM) 1; Tur. bɨrak- 1; Az.
burax- 1, 2; MTurk. bɨraq- (Pav. C.), (OKypch.) 1; Krm. bɨraq- (K) 1, 3;
Bashk. bɨraq-tɨr- ‘to throw out’; Kum. burax- (dial.) 2; Shr. purqa- (R) 3;
Oyr. bɨrk-ɨra- ‘to scatter, become scattered’; Chuv. pъₙrax- 1, 3; Yak.
bɨrax- 1, 3; Dolg. bɨrak- 1, 3.
◊ VEWT 74, ЭСТЯ 2, 307-308, Егоров 148, Федотов I 399-400, Stachowski 71.
PJpn. *pàra-p- / *pára-p- to sweep away, to drive out (сметать, убирать, выгонять): OJpn. para-p-; MJpn. fárà-f- / fàrá-f-; Tok. hará-; Kyo.
hárá-; Kag. hàrà-.
◊ JLTT 684. Accent is not quite clear: modern dialects point to *pàràp-, but RJ has a
variation of fáràf- and fàráf-.
PKor. *pri- / *pằrí- to throw away, to abandon (выкидывать, покидать): MKor. pằrí- / prí-; Mod. pəri-.
◊ Nam 241, KED 759-760.
‖ SKE 184, 192, Martin 243. The Jpn. form is dubious because of irregular devoicing and somewhat aberrant semantics; cf. also an odd
variation between *pằr- and *pr- in Kor., suggesting that we may be
dealing with more than one root here: one of them could have also resulted in Mong. bara- ‘to end, finish’. Turkic has a peculiar disyllabic
structure and Ramstedt may be right in suggesting an old compound;
for the second part cf. *ek- ῾to sow’ < ῾to throw’ (v. sub *p῾èk῾a).
-bure flea: Mong. *bürge; Turk. *bürče / *bürge; Kor. *pjrók.
PMong. *bürge 1 flea 2 louse (1 блоха 2 вошь): MMong. burge (HY
12) 2, birik (IM) 1, burkä (MA) 1, būrge (Lig.VMI) 1; WMong. bürge,
büürge 2; Kh. bǖreg 2; Kalm. bǖrgə 1; Ord. bǖrge 1; Dong. bənɣə; Bao.
bərgə; Mongr. būrge (SM 35), 2 (MGCD burgə).
◊ KW 71, MGCD 513. Cf. also (L 138) burɣuusun ‘mosquito, gnat’. Length in Northern
forms may be expressive.
PTurk. *bürče / *bürge flea (блоха): Karakh. bürge (MK, IM); Tur.
pire; Gag. pire; Az. pirä; Turkm. büre; MTurk. bürge (MA, Pav. C.,
Sangl.); Uzb. burga; Uygh. bürgä; Krm. bürče; Tat. börčɛ; Bashk. börsä;
Kirgh. bürgö; Kaz. bürge, bürše (dial.), burša (dial.); KBalk. bürče; KKalp.
bürge; Kum. bürče; Nogh. bürše; Chuv. pъₙrźa.
◊ EDT 362, VEWT 92, ЭСТЯ 2, 298-299, Лексика 182-183. The Kypch. form *bürče is a
diminutive.
364
*buri - *bùsí
PKor. *pjrók flea (блоха): MKor. pjrók; Mod. pjəruk.
◊ Nam 258, KED 775.
‖ KW 71, SKE 198, ОСНЯ 2, 99-100, Лексика 183. In Turkic one
would rather expect *bir-: this variant is indeed reflected in most
Oghuz languages; others may have reintroduced -ü- under Mongolian
influence.
-buri one: Mong. *büri; Turk. *bir; Jpn. *pitə; Kor. *pìr-.
PMong. *büri all, each (каждый, все): MMong. buri (SH, HYt);
WMong. büri (L 148); Kh. bür; Bur. büri; Kalm. bürə; Ord. büri; S.-Yugh.
burən; Mongr. bu (SM 30), bur, burən.
◊ KW 67, MGCD 178.
PTurk. *bir (*bīr) one (один): OTurk. bir (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. bir (MK, KB, IM); Tur. bir; Gag. biŕ; Az. bir; Turkm. bir; Sal. pyr,
pir, pur (Kakuk); Khal. bi; MTurk. bir (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bir; Uygh.
bir; Krm. bir/bɨr; Tat. ber; Bashk. ber; Kirgh. bir; Kaz. bir; KBalk. bir;
KKalp. bir; Kum. bir; Nogh. bir; SUygh. bɨr; Khak. pər; Shr. pir; Oyr. bir;
Tv. bir; Tof. bir; Chuv. pəₙr; Yak. bīr; Dolg. bīr, bir.
◊ VEWT 76, TMN 2, 383-4, EDT 353-4, ЭСТЯ 2, 146-151, Егоров 157, Федотов I
421-422, Stachowski 61. Cf. also Khak. praj ‘all’, Tat. dial. pəräj ‘any’ (КСТТ 179), Az.
birä-di ‘one, all together’.
PJpn. *pitə one (один): OJpn. pjito; MJpn. fító-, fìtó-, fìtò-; Tok.
hitótsu; Kyo. hîtótsu; Kag. hitótsu (xitóT).
◊ JLTT 411.
PKor. *pìr- at first, begin (сначала, впервые, начинать): MKor.
pìrs, pìrsó; Mod. piroso.
◊ Nam 276, 277, KED 852.
‖ KW 67, Martin 238, АПиПЯЯ 73, 99, 277. Doerfer (TMN 2, 384)
doubts Ramstedt’s Turk.-Mong. comparison for phonetic reasons,
which is hardly justified: Turkic frequently reveals a secondary delabialization -ir-, -il- < *-ür-, *-ül- (especially after labials).
-bùsí ( ~ p-) to hide: Turk. *bus-; Jpn. *pìs-ka; Kor. *psk-.
PTurk. *bus- to hide, lay an ambush (прятаться, устраивать засаду): OTurk. bus- (OUygh.- Suv.); Karakh. bus- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. pus-;
Az. pus- ‘to eavesdrop’; Turkm. bus-; Khal. bus-xo ‘Hinterhalt, Lauer’;
MTurk. bus- (Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. pis-; pus- (dial.); Tat. pos-; Bashk.
buϑ-.
◊ EDT 371, ЭСТЯ 2, 278-279, TMN 2, 291-292.
PJpn. *pìs-ka hidden, secret (тайный, секретный): OJpn.
p(j)is(w)oka; MJpn. fìsóka; Tok. hísoka; Kyo. hìsókà; Kag. hisoká.
◊ JLTT 409. Cf. also *pìsòmà- ‘to lie concealed’ (see JLTT 690).
PKor. *psk- to extinguish, go out (fire) (тухнуть, гаснуть): MKor.
psk-; Mod. k:ɨ-.
*bòdà - *bdé
365
◊ Nam 71, KED 233.
‖ Korean has a usual loss of narrow vowel between a stop and a
fricative. The back row in PT is not quite regular (*büs- would be expected). It might be better to reconstruct *biso ( > Turk. *bɨs-, with a subsequent labial assimilation > *bus-). In TM cf. perhaps Nan. busĩ ‘rodents’ stores’ (ТМС 1, 115).
-bòdà body; intestines, belly: Mong. *boda; Turk. *bod; Jpn. *bàtà.
PMong. *boda substance, matter, body (предмет, сущность, тело):
MMong. bodo 1, 2 (SH); WMong. boda (L 108); Kh. bod; Bur. bodo; Kalm.
bodə; Ord. bodo.
◊ KW 48. Mong. > Evk. bodo. The root should be distinguished from *bodu ‘cattle’.
Philosophical connotations may have been acquired under the influence of Sanskr. bhūta,
but a direct loan from Sanskr. is hardly credible, despite Sukhebatar 40.
PTurk. *bod 1 body, stature 2 self 3 kin, tribe 4 counter for persons 5
length (1 тело, стан, рост 2 сам 3 род 4 сч. слово для лиц 5 длина):
OTurk. bod 1, 2, 4 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. bod 1 (MK, KB), boj 3 (MK Oghuz), bod 4 (KB); Tur. boj 1; Gag. boj 1, 5; Az. boj 1; Turkm. boj 1; Sal.
bojaɣɨr (< bojɨ agɨr) ‘pregnant’ (ССЯ); Khal. bod 1; MTurk. boj 1 (Sangl.,
MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. bọj 1, 5; Uygh. boj 1, 5; Krm. boj 1, 2, 5; Tat. buj 5;
Bashk. buj 1, 5; Kirgh. boj 1, 2, 5; Kaz. boj 1, 2, 5; KBalk. boj 1, 5; KKalp.
boj 1, 2, 5; Kum. boj 1, 2, 5; Nogh. boj 1, 5; SUygh. poz 1, 4; Khak. pos 2;
Shr. pozu 2; Oyr. boj 2, 5; Tv. bot 2; Chuv. pü 1, 5.
◊ EDT 296-297, VEWT 77, TMN 2, 358-361, ЭСТЯ 2, 176-178, Лексика 265.
PJpn. *bàtà 1 intestines 2 belly (1 внутренности, кишки 2 живот):
OJpn. wata 1; Tok. watá 1; Kyo. wátà 1; Kag. watá 1.
◊ JLTT 569.
‖ EAS 57, Poppe 21, 53, KW 48, VEWT 77, АПиПЯЯ 279, Лексика
266. Despite TMN 2, 360, Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk.
-bdé to jump, trot: Tung. *buduri-; Mong. *büdüri-; Turk. *büdi-; Jpn.
*bntr-; Kor. *ptùi-.
PTung. *buduri- to hurry (спешить, торопиться): Nan. buduri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 103. Manchu buduli- ‘to stumble’ may be related, but may also be borrowed
< Mong. (see Doerfer MT 78); the Nanai form, however, is hardly borrowed because of
different semantics.
PMong. *büdüri- to stumble (спотыкаться): WMong. büdüri-,
büdüre- (L 144); Kh. büdre-; Bur. büder-; Kalm. büdr-; Ord. büdür(e)-; Dag.
buduri- (Тод. Даг. 128); Dong. buǯiri-; S.-Yugh. budər-; Mongr. budəri(SM 31).
◊ KW 66, MGCD 173. Mong. > Yak. büdür etc. (VEWT 91), Evk. budir- etc. (Doerfer
MT 78).
PTurk. *büdi- 1 to dance 2 to jib 3 dance (1 танцевать 2 топтаться 3
танец): OTurk. büdi- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. büδi- (MK) 1; Tat. bej- 1;
366
*bodi - *bŏga
Bashk. beje- 1; Kirgh. bij 3, bij-le- 1; Kaz. bij 3, bij-le- 1, büji-1 (dial.);
KKalp. bij 3; Kum. bij 3, biji- 1; Nogh. biji-; Oyr. pije-le- 1 (ГАЯ); Yak.
bitij- 1, 2, bitī ‘танец’.
◊ EDT 300, VEWT 91, ЭСТЯ 2, 131-132 (the word has been contaminated with another root, reflected in Mong. böǯi- (KW 54) [despite Щербак 1997, 111, hardly borrowed
from Turk.] - see PA *pēǯo.
PJpn. *bntr- to jump (прыгать): OJpn. wodor-; MJpn. wódór-; Tok.
òdor-; Kyo. ódór-; Kag. odór-.
◊ JLTT 740.
PKor. *ptùi- to jump (прыгать): MKor. ptùi-; Mod. t:wi-.
◊ Nam 169, KED 513.
‖ Korean demonstrates a frequent vowel loss between two stops.
Note that Mong., TM and Jpn. reflect a common derived stem *bode-rV-.
-bodi ( ~ -e) a k. of platform: Tung. *bedu- / *budu-; Turk. *böd; Kor.
*pti (?).
PTung. *bedu- / *budu- small table (столик): Neg. bet; Ul. beduli;
Ork. bedu; Nan. bedur, budduru.
◊ ТМС 1, 127.
PTurk. *böd throne (трон): OTurk. böd (Orkh.); Yak. büttäx, bittäx
(Пек.) ‘cross-bar in a stool, cross-piece in a boat’ (?).
◊ VEWT 82, EDT 298. The Yak. word may belong here if it is not derived from *büt‘to end’.
PKor. *pti raft (плот): MKor. pti; Mod. t:e.
◊ Nam 153, KED 454.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Tung. isogloss; the Kor. word may belong here if
it is not derived from pt- ‘to float’ (q.v.). If the parallel is correct, then
most TM languages have a secondary shift u > e after a labial (a very
frequent phenomenon there).
-bŏga ( ~ -u, -o) pregnant (of animals); to bear a bastard or miscarry:
Tung. *bogī-; Mong. *boɣo-; Turk. *bogaŕ; Kor. *pằi-.
PTung. *bogī- to bear a bastard; to suffer a miscarriage (родить ребенка вне брака; родить раньше срока): Evk. boɣī-; bō-kān ( <
*boɣo-kān) ‘slave’; Neg. boɣịn-; Man. bojχolo- ‘to escape (from a trap), get
off the hook’; Ul. bojal-; Nan. bojaGo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 90.
PMong. *boɣo- slave, servant (раб, слуга): MMong. bo’ol (HY 28,
SH), b[a]wān, bawa (IM), bual (MA); WMong. boɣol, (L 112) boɣul; Kh. bōl
1; būrǯ ‘slave in the second generation’; Bur. bōl, bogōl; Kalm. bōl; Ord.
bōl.
◊ KW 53, TMN 1, 212. Mong. > Evk. bol etc., see Doerfer MT 89.
PTurk. *bogaŕ pregnant (of animals) (беременная (о животных)):
Az. boɣaz (dial.); Turkm. boɣaz; Khal. poos; MTurk. (töl) boɣaz
*bgdu - *bgdu
367
(Oghuz-nama); boɣaz, boɣuz (MA); Uzb. bụɣɔz; Uygh. boɣaz; Tat. buwaz;
Bashk. bɨwaδ; Kirgh. booz; Kaz. buwaz; KBalk. buwaz; KKalp. buwaz;
Kum. buwaz; Nogh. buwaz; Khak. pōs; Oyr. poos; Tv. boos; Yak. buos;
Dolg. buos.
◊ VEWT 78, ЭСТЯ 2, 169, Stachowski 67. Turk. > WMong. boɣus, Kalm. bōs (KW 54),
Dag. bōs (Tod. 127), see Clark 1980, 39.
PKor. *pằi- to be pregnant (быть беременной): MKor. pằi-; Mod.
pǟ-.
◊ Nam 251, KED 745.
‖ EAS 57, АПиПЯЯ 295. Doerfer’s attempt (TMN 2, 348) to refute
the Turk.-Tung. parallel for semantic reasons is unsuccessful. The
meaning ‘slave’ in Mong. and Tung. is obviously derived < ‘bastard’,
‘illegal child’ (derivation < *boɣo- ‘bind’ and attempt to derive the TM
words for ‘slave’ < Mong. in Poppe 1972, 96 is unsuccessful). The Kor.
word has been secondarily associated with pắi ‘belly’ (see under *pḕjlo).
-bgdu to paint, variegated: Tung. *bugdi; Mong. *budu-; Turk. *bodo-;
Jpn. *púti.
PTung. *bugdi 1 variegated 2 pimple, rash (*bugdeke, *bug(d)-su-ke) 3
to form (of pimples, rash) (1 пестрый 2 прыщи, сыпь 3 высыпать (о
прыщах, сыпи)): Evk. bugdi 1, bugdeke, buksukē 2; Evn. bdị 1, bụdụlị 2;
Man. busxe-ne- 3; Ork. bụgǯị 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 101. On Evk. budan ‘rash’ see under PA *bte. Evk. > Dolg. bugdī, bugdɨ (Stachowski 64).
PMong. *budu- to paint (красить): MMong. buduq (MA) ‘paint’;
WMong. budu- (L 130); Kh. buda-; Bur. buda-; Kalm. budə-; Ord. budu-;
Dag. bodo- (Тод. Даг. 127), bode- (MD 124), bodu-; S.-Yugh. budə-;
Mongr. budi- (SM 31), buda- (Huzu, Minghe).
◊ KW 57, MGCD 165. Mong. > Evk. buda- etc., see Doerfer MT 94.
PTurk. *bodo- 1 to paint, dye 2 dye (1 красить 2 краска): OTurk.
boduɣ 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. boδo- (MK) 1, boδoɣ (MK) 2; Tur. boja- 1, boja
2; Gag. boja- 1, boja 2; Az. boja- 1, boja, bojaG 2; Turkm. boja- 1, boja, bojaG
2; Sal. bojaχ 2 (Kakuk); Khal. boda- 1, bodaɣ 2; MTurk. boja- (Abush.,
Sangl.) 1, bojaɣ/q 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. bụja- 1, bụjɔq 2; Uygh. boju-/a- 1, bojaq 2;
Krm. boja- 1, boja 2; Tat. buja- 1, bujaw 2; Bashk. buja- 1, harɨ bujaq
‘серпуха’ (a dying plant); Kirgh. bojo- 1, bojoq 2; Kaz. boja- 1, bojau 2;
KBalk. boja- 1, bojaw 2; KKalp. boja- 1, bojaq 2; Kum. boja- 1, bojaw 2;
Nogh. boja- 1, bojaq 2; Oyr. pojo- 1 (ГАЯ), poju- (dial. - Bask. Kum.); Tv.
budu- 1, buduq 2; Chuv. pəₙve- 1; Yak. butuj- 1, butuk 2.
◊ EDT 300, VEWT 77, ЭСТЯ 2, 178-179, Егоров 155. Despite EDT, Tel. bodu- is a
Mongolian loanword. Chuv. -v- instead of *-r- is not quite clear here (perhaps it is a trace
of the archaic *-gd-cluster?).
*bògé - *bojĺe
368
PJpn. *púti spot, spotted, variegated (пятно, пестрый): OJpn. puti;
MJpn. futi, bútí; Tok. búchi; Kyo. búchì; Kag. búchi.
◊ JLTT 390. Modern dialects have expressive voicing. Accent reflexes vary between
*pútí and *pútì.
‖ KW 57. Mong. may be < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 107).
-bògé wizard, holy: Tung. *bugu-ča; Mong. *bogda; Turk. *bögü; Jpn.
*bnkám-.
PTung. *bugu-ča idol (идол): Ul. bōčo; Nan. bugǯẽ, bukčẽ; Orch. bōčo.
◊ ТМС 1, 97.
PMong. *bogda holy, sacred (святой, божественный): WMong.
boɣda (L 111); Kh. bogd; Bur. bogdo; Kalm. bogdə; Ord. bogdo (Тод. ЯМВМ
122).
◊ KW 49.
PTurk. *bögü wizard (мудрец, колдун): OTurk. bögü (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. bögü (MK); Tur. böjü; Gag. bǖ; MTurk. bügü (Pav. C.).
◊ EDT 324, VEWT 83, ЭСТЯ 2, 293-294. Turk. > Mong. böɣe id., see TMN 1, 234. Turk.
> Hung. bű ‘witchcraft’ (< *büɣü), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *bnkám- to worship, bow in obeisance (поклоняться, почитать): OJpn. wogam-; MJpn. wògám-; Tok. ogám-; Kyo. ógám-; Kag. ogám-.
◊ JLTT 740. Accent in Kyoto is irregular (pointing to *b(n)kàm-).
‖ One of common Altaic religious terms.
-bojĺe empty, meagre: Tung. *bol-; Turk. *boĺ; Kor. *pɨi-.
PTung. *bol- 1 clear 2 meagre (1 чистый 2 постный): Neg.
boltụ-boltụ 1; Man. bolGo 1, 2; SMan. boləhən, boləhun ‘clean, pure’ (2550).
◊ ТМС 1, 93.
PTurk. *boĺ free, empty (свободный, пустой): OTurk. boš (OUygh.);
Karakh. boš (MK, KB); Tur. boš; Gag. boš; Az. boš; Turkm. boš; Sal. boš;
Khal. boš; MTurk. boš (Sangl.); Uzb. bụš; Uygh. boš; Krm. boš, bos; Tat.
buš; Bashk. buš; Kirgh. boš; Kaz. bos; KBalk. boš; KKalp. bos; Kum. boš;
Nogh. bos; SUygh. bos, pos; Khak. pos; Shr. pos; Oyr. boš; Tv. boš; Tof.
bo’š; Chuv. požъ; Yak. bosxo (*boš-ka); Dolg. bosko ‘a little’.
◊ EDT 376, VEWT 82, ЭСТЯ 2, 203-204, Мудрак Дисс. 126, Федотов 1, 457, Stachowski 63. The Chuv. form has a regular reflex, presupposing a final vowel. Turk.
*boĺa-n- > bošan- > Mong. busani- ‘become empty, poor’ (KW 63); *boĺ-u-g ‘permission’ >
Mong. bošuɣ (Clark 1980, 41).
PKor. *pɨi- empty (пустой, свободный): MKor. pɨi-; Mod. pī-.
◊ Liu 410, KED 850.
‖ Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of *-ĺ- in Korean. Phonetically a good match would be PJ *bəsa-na- ‘small, young (of
children)’, but the semantics raises some doubt here. Ramstedt (SKE
186) compares Turk. boš with Mong. bulgu ‘free, broad’ > Kirgh. buluk‘to try to free smb.’; but we have not found either word in accessible
sources.
*bójĺo - *bóju
369
-bójĺo to learn, be attentive: Mong. *bolgu-ɣa-; Turk. *boĺgu-; Jpn.
*bsí-pa-; Kor. *pằihó-.
PMong. *bolgu-ɣa- be cautious, gingerly (быть осторожным, осмотрительным): MMong. boluxa’a- (HY 33), bolqa’a- (SH); WMong.
bolɣuɣa- (L 117); Kh. bolgō-; Bur. bolgō-; Kalm. bolɣā-; Ord. bolgō-.
◊ KW 50. Mong. > Oyr. polɣō- etc. (see TMN 1, 233); Evk. bolgo- etc., see Doerfer MT
135.
PTurk. *boĺgu- 1 to learn 2 to teach, make learn 3 teaching 4 student
(1 учиться 2 учить, наставлять, заставлять выучить 3 наставление 4
ученик, подмастерье): OTurk. bošɣu-n- 1, bošɣu-t-, bošɣu-r- 2, bošɣut 3
(OUygh.); Karakh. bošɣut 4.
◊ VEWT 82, EDT 379. Derivation from bošuɣ ‘allowance, pardon’ (EDT) is hardly
plausible.
PJpn. *bsí-pa- to teach (учить): OJpn. wosipa-; MJpn. wósífa-; Tok.
òshie-; Kyo. óshíé-; Kag. oshié-.
◊ JLTT 742.
PKor. *pằihó- to learn (учиться): MKor. pằihó-; Mod. päu-.
◊ Nam 252, KED 749.
‖ Street 1980, 287 compares the PT form with Mong. bolba-sun
‘trained, educated, mature’ (possibly also related as a suffixed form).
Medial *-j- should be reconstructed to account for loss of *-ĺ- in Korean.
-bóju esteem: Tung. *buje-; Mong. *boj; Turk. *bujur-; Jpn. *úja / *bíjá;
Kor. *pằi-hắ-.
PTung. *buje- 1 to wish, desire, love 2 to thank (1 желать, любить 2
благодарить): Man. buje- 1; Jurch. buj-je-mij (385) 1, bij-il-sia-maj 2 (815).
◊ ТМС 1, 103.
PMong. *boj care, caring, rearing (забота, уход): WMong. boi (L
113); Kh. boj.
PTurk. *bujur- to order (приказывать): OTurk. bujur- (OUygh.);
Karakh. bujur- (MK); Tur. bujur-; Gag. bujur-; Az. bujur-; Turkm. bujur-;
MTurk. bujur- (Sangl., MA); Uzb. bujur-; Uygh. bujru-, bujur- (dial.);
Krm. bujur-; Tat. bojɨr-; Bashk. bojor-; Kirgh. bujur-; KBalk. bujur-;
KKalp. bujɨr-; Kum. bujur-; Nogh. bujɨr-; Oyr. bujur-; Chuv. pür-.
◊ VEWT 87, EDT 387-388, ЭСТЯ 2, 245-247, TMN 2, 362.
PJpn. *úja / *bíjá 1 esteem, worship 2 to esteem, worship (1почет 2
почитать): OJpn. wija, uja 1, wija-b- 2; MJpn. újá 1; Tok. ùya-(ma-); Kyo.
úyá-(má-); Kag. uya-(má-).
◊ JLTT 566, 781.
PKor. *pằi-hắ- to bestow a favour (оказывать почести): MKor.
pằihắ-; Mod. pephul-.
◊ Nam 252, KED 774.
‖ Originally we related to this root Mong. beile ‘prince of the 3d
rank’ which is usually considered to be borrowed from Manchu beile id.
370
*bkà - *bke
(cf. also Mong. beise = Man. beise ‘prince of the 4th rank’). Both words
are rather loans from some third language, perhaps Kitan (and cf. also
the Old Bulgarian rank bojla) and may be ultimately related to PT *beg
which itself is either < Chinese or < Iranian (see Шервашидзе 1989);
but Mong. boji ‘care’ seems to be a more satisfactory comparison. Both
semantically and phonetically the etymology seems quite plausible (except perhaps for the variant -i- vowel in Old Japanese, possibly conditioned by the following -j-).
-bkà rib, breast bone: Tung. *boka-; Mong. *bogoni; Turk. *bokana;
Jpn. *bàkì.
PTung. *boka- breast bone (грудная кость): Evk. bokolī; Evn.
bokolịwụn; Man. boqšon; Ork. bokko ‘belly’.
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
PMong. *bogoni first rib (первое ребро): Kh. bogino (xavirga); Kalm.
boɣəni; Ord. boGoni, boGono.
◊ KW 49.
PTurk. *bokana false ribs (ложные ребра): Bashk. boɣana (dial.);
Kirgh. boqono; Kaz. buɣana (süjek); Khak. poɣana; Oyr. boɣono söök.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 305, Лексика 275.
PJpn. *bàkì side (of body) (бок): OJpn. wakji; MJpn. wàkì; Tok. wakí;
Kyo. wákì; Kag. wàkí.
◊ JLTT 567.
‖ KW 49, Дыбо 5, Лексика 275-276. The Jpn. word could also go
back to *bk῾a, but in that case it would rather have a *p-.
-bke to lie in ambush: Tung. *bokan-; Mong. *büg-; Turk. *buk-; Jpn.
*bká-s-.
PTung. *bokan- to catch up with, take revenge on (настигать, догонять, мстить): Evk. bokon-; Evn. boqn-; Neg. boxon-; Nan. boqoŋGị-;
Orch. bō-, bokko-; Ud. bo῾n-o- (Корм. 213); Sol. boxon-.
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
PMong. *büg- to lie in ambush, to hide (сидеть в засаде, прятаться,
таиться): WMong. bügsi-, (L 126) bögsi-; Kh. bügši-; Kalm. büg-; Dag.
bugši- (Тод. Даг. 128).
◊ KW 66.
PTurk. *buk- 1 to lie in ambush 2 to hide (1 сидеть в засаде 2 прятаться): Turkm. buq- 2; MTurk. buq- (Pav. C.: Abu-l-Gazi) 1; Uzb. biq- 1;
Kirgh. buq- 2; Kaz. buq- 2; KBalk. buq- 2; KKalp. buq- 1; Nogh. buq- 2;
Yak. bük- 2 (Пек.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 248.
PJpn. *bká-s- to attack, commit a crime (нападать, совершать
преступление): OJpn. wokas-; MJpn. wókás-; Tok. òkas-; Kyo. ókás-; Kag.
okás-.
*bṑki - *bku
371
◊ JLTT 740.
‖ KW 66.
-bṑki ( ~ -e) to stop up: Tung. *bōk-; Mong. *bögle-; Turk. *bök-.
PTung. *bōk- 1 to stop, hinder 2 to tie up (1 задерживать, предотвращать 2 спутывать, привязывать): Evk. bōk- 1; Evn. boq- 1; Neg. bok1, 2; Man. boxi- 2; Ul. boqị- 2; Nan. boqị- 2; Orch. boki- 2; Ud. bo῾i- связать
(человека, животное, пойманное живьем) (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 89. TM > Dag. boki- (Тод. Даг. 127).
PMong. *bögle- to bar, hinder, stop up (затыкать, предотвращать):
MMong. bokle- (SH); WMong. bögle- (L 125); Kh. böglö-; Bur. bügle-;
Kalm. bögl-; Ord. böglö-; Dong. buɣulie-; buɣun ‘plug’; Mongr. bugəle-,
bugule- (SM 32).
◊ KW 54, MGCD 161.
PTurk. *bök- to dam, plug (ставить плотину, затычку): Karakh.
bök- ‘запрудить’(MK), böken- ‘быть загороженным (дорога)’ (At.);
Tur. böke- (dial.); MTurk. böken ‘плотина’ (R, Pav. C. 173); Uzb. pụkak
‘пробка’; Uygh. pok ‘пробка’; Krm. bök-lä- (T) ‘запирать, закрывать’;
Tat. büki ‘пробка’; Bashk. büki ‘пробка’; Kirgh. bögö-; Kaz. böge-; KKalp.
böge-; Oyr. bök ‘затвор, пробка’; Chuv. pъₙgъₙ ‘пробка’.
◊ EDT 324, 326, VEWT 82, 83, ЭСТЯ 2, 208-210, Егоров 146. Clauson prefers the
reading with -g-, which is hardly justified. A variant with *-g- (Tur. büɣe-, Chuv. pəvə
‘dam’, Turkm. böve-, bövet ‘id.’, Yak., Dolg. büö ‘plug’) may be a result of the influence of
*bog- ‘to choke, dam’ (cf. *boɣ- ‘dam’ in Tuva, Uzb., Kum., Nogh., Oyr., Tat., Bashk.).
‖ EAS 58, KW 54, Poppe 58, 59 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss.
The root is quite well attested in Turkic and borrowing is highly improbable, so Doerfer’s (TMN 1, 229) skepticism seems ungrounded. A
slight problem is the variation of *-k- and *-g- in Turkic, probably assimilative in this case (*bök- should be the original variant).
-bku throat, Adam’s apple: Tung. *bukse; Mong. *bagalǯaɣur; Turk.
*boguŕ (/*bokuŕ); Jpn. *pùkùm-.
PTung. *bukse 1 cartilage, gristle 2 Adam῾s apple (1 хрящ 2 дыхательное горло, кадык): Evk. bukse 1, bukeč ‘голова рыбы’; Evn. būs 1;
Neg. buxse 1; Man. buge, buxe 1; buge moŋGon 2; SMan. boxə; boxəē 2 (64);
Ul. bukse 1; Ork. buske 1; ‘голова рыбы’; Nan. bukse 1; Orch. bukse 1; Ud.
buxe 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 105. Evn. > Russ. Siber. bugačí (pl.) (Аникин 137).
PMong. *bagalǯaɣur throat (горло): WMong. baɣalǯaɣur (L 68); Kh.
bagalʒūr; Bur. bagalzūr; Kalm. baɣəlzūr; Ord. baGalǯūr.
◊ KW 28. Cf. also Ord. bagul ‘hair on chin’.
PTurk. *boguŕ, *bokur-dak 1 throat 2 Adam’s apple (1 горло 2 кадык): OTurk. boɣuz 1 (OUygh.), boɣzɨ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. boɣoz
(MK, KB) 1; Tur. boɣaz 1, boɣurdak, boɣurtlak (dial.) 2; Gag. buwaz 1; Az.
372
*bṓlo - *bṓlo
boɣaz 1; Turkm. boGaz 1, boqurdaq 1; Sal. poɣtaχ, poχtaχ 1; Khal. boɣaz,
boɣuz, boɣɨz 1; MTurk. boɣuz (Abush., Бор. Бад.) 1, boqurdaq, boɣardaq
(Sangl.) 2; Uzb. bụɣiz 1; Uygh. boɣuz 1; Krm. boɣoz, boɣaz 1; Tat. buɣaz 1
(k), puɣɨrtaq (dial.), pūrtaq (dial.) 2; Bashk. boɣaδ 1, boɣarδaq ‘trachea’;
Kirgh. boɣos ‘place where two rivers meet’ (South.); Kaz. buɣaz, buɣɨz
‘shaft-bed in a shovel’ (dial.); KBalk. boqqur 2, boɣurdaq 2; KKalp. buwaz-aq ‘glass for a kerosene lamp’; Kum. boɣaz ‘channel, strait’; Nogh.
boɣaz ‘double chin; channel, strait’, boɣɨrdaq 1; Tv. boos (bosqu); Tof. boos
(boqsu); Chuv. pɨr 1; Yak. buosax 1.
◊ VEWT 78, TMN 2, 344, ЭСТЯ 2, 167-168, 184, Лексика 230-231. The derivative
*bokur-dak consistently displays reflexes of voiceless *-k-; it is present also in some reflexes of *boguŕ (Kirgh. boɣos, Kaz. buɣaz, Nogh. boɣaz, Bashk. boɣaδ, Kum. boɣaz) - all
probably under the influence of *bokak ‘crop, craw’ (v. sub *pk῾a).
PJpn. *pùkùm- to hold in mouth (держать во рту): OJpn. pukum-;
MJpn. fùkùm-; Tok. fukúm-; Kyo. fúkúm-; Kag. fùkùm-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ KW 28, Дыбо 5, Лексика 231-232. In Mong. the vocalism was influenced by a similar root (Mong. *bakaɣu, *bakalaɣur < *pŭk῾a q.v.); a
remnant of the original root vocalism may be seen in WMong. boɣaɣu
‘crop, goitre’ (coexisting with baqaɣu) - however, the latter form may as
well be a Turkism < Turk. *bokak.
-bṓlo ( ~ -e) to be: Mong. *bol-; Turk. *bōl-; Jpn. *br-.
PMong. *bol- to become (становиться): MMong. bol- (IM, SH, HYt),
bul- (MA); WMong. bol- (L 114); Kh. bol-; Bur. bolo-; Kalm. bol-; Ord. bol-;
Mog. bolu-; Dag. bol- (Тод. Даг. 127), bole- (MD 125), bolo-; Dong. bolu-,
volu- (MGCD: olu-); Bao. ol-; S.-Yugh. bol-; Mongr. boli- (SM 19), ōli- (SM
296), (MGCD: ulə).
◊ KW 50, MGCD 157.
PTurk. *bōl- to become (становиться): OTurk. bol- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bol- (MK, KB); Tur. ol-; Gag. ol-; Az. ol-; Turkm. bol-; Sal. vol-,
vō-, bō- (Тен.ССЯ); Khal. ôl-; MTurk. bol- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bụl-;
Uygh. bo(l)-; Krm. bol-; Tat. bul-; Bashk. bul-; Kirgh. bol-; Kaz. bol-;
KBalk. bol-; KKalp. bol-; Kum. bol-; Nogh. bol-; SUygh. pol-; Khak. pol-;
Shr. pol-; Oyr. bol-; Tv. bol-; Chuv. pol-; Yak. buol-; Dolg. buol-.
◊ EDT 331-332, VEWT 79, TMN 2, 358, ЭСТЯ 2, 185-188, Федотов 1, 442, Stachowski
66. Forms with o- may represent a different root (see *ol-tur-). On the other hand, the
geographical distribution of this variant matches quite closely the change *b- > v- in a
number of words with grammatical function (for Haladzh cf. vīer- ‘give’, vāor ‘there is’),
so most of the forms with o- may indeed reflect *bol- > *vol- > ol-; the different root *ol- is
with more certainty reflected only in Middle Uyghur (At., Tefs., IM - cf. bar, bir- in the
same sources) and Middle Kypchak (Bulgat, Ettuhf., see ЭСТЯ 2, 186).
PJpn. *br- to be (быть): OJpn. wor-; MJpn. wór-; Tok. ór-; Kyo. ór-;
Kag. ór-.
*boĺe - *bóra
373
◊ JLTT 742. Accent in Tokyo is aberrant; all other dialects, as well as RJ wór-, point to
*br-.
‖ KW 50, Poppe 99, Miller 1981, 851, Street 1985, 639, АПиПЯЯ 68.
Doerfer (TMN 2, 358), quite fantastically, links also TM *ō- (what about
“Lautgesätze”?) : “altes indoeur. Lw. : *ol- ‘wollen’” (isn’t this “Omnikomparatismus”?).
-boĺe an indirect relative: Tung. *bulu-; Mong. *büli; Turk. *böĺük.
PTung. *bulu- bastard (внебрачный ребенок): Evk. bulumǯu.
◊ ТМС 1, 109. The word is attested only in Evk. ( whence Yak. bulumǯu - hardly vice
versa), but has possible external parallels.
PMong. *büli cousin, niece (son or daughter of mother’s relative);
family (двоюродный брат, двоюродная сестра (сын или дочь родственника матери); семья): WMong. bülü, büli, böle (L 147); Kh. bül; Bur.
büle; Kalm. bülə, bölə; Dag. bule (Тод. Даг. 128); S.-Yugh. bulai; Mongr.
bulai.
◊ KW 55, 66, MGCD 175. Mong. > Turk. bula, Kaz. bölö, Yak. bile etc. (see the list in
ЭСТЯ 2, 217-218, Лексика 293-294), Evk. bule ‘family’.
PTurk. *böĺük a relation by marriage (свойственник, родственник
по браку): OTurk. böšük (OUygh.).
◊ EDT 380-381.
‖ Tekin 1979, 129-130. A Western isogloss.
-bŏĺi a k. of cedar, pine: Tung. *bolgikta; Mong. *bujil- / *büjil-; Turk.
*böĺ; Jpn. *pusi.
PTung. *bolgi-kta dwarf cedar (кедровый стланик): Evk. bolgig,
bolgikta; Evn. bolgịɣ, bolgịt; Neg. bolgịkta; Ul. bolǯịqta; Ork. boɣị, boɣịta;
Nan. bolGoqto (Kur-Urm.); Orch. boggikta; Ud. bogbö (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 91-92.
PMong. *bujil- / *büjil- almond (миндаль): WMong. büilesü ~ bujilasu (МХТТТ); Kh. bujls(an), büjls(en); Bur. büjlȫhe(n) ‘wild apricot’.
PTurk. *böĺ cedar, pinus Siberica (кедр, сибирская сосна): Oyr.
möš, = dial. (Bask. Tuba); Tv. pö῾š, (Castr. Krg.) böjš; Tof. böš; Yak. bes
‘pine’, dial. ‘larch bast’ (ДСЯЯ 1 81).
◊ VEWT 71.
PJpn. *pusi small shrubs used as firewood (кустарник, используемый в качестве дров): MJpn. fusi.
‖ Дыбо 11. Mong. *bujil- is a regular dissimilation < *bulil-.
-bóra ( ~ -ŕ-) to divide: Tung. *borī-; Jpn. *bár-; Kor. *prí-.
PTung. *borī- to divide (разделять, отделять): Evk. borī-; Evn. borị-;
Neg. bojị-; Ul. borị-; Ork. borị-; Nan. borị-; Orch. boi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 95-96.
PJpn. *bár- to divide, split (разделять, расщеплять): OJpn. war-;
MJpn. wár-; Tok. wàr-; Kyo. wár-; Kag. wár-.
374
*bṓrk῾i - *borso(k῾V)
◊ JLTT 783.
PKor. *prí- to divide, split open (расщеплять, раскрывать): MKor.
prí-; Mod. parɨ-, pl-.
◊ Liu 375, KED 706, 765, 766.
‖ Martin 243. An Eastern isogloss.
-bṓrk῾i to cover, cover: Mong. *bürkü-; Turk. *bȫrk; Jpn. *púk-.
PMong. *bürkü- to cover (покрывать): MMong. burgu- (HY 38),
burku- (MA); WMong. bürkü-, bürke- (L 149, 150); Kh. bürxe-; Bur. bürxe-;
Kalm. bürkə-; Ord. bürχü-; Mog. bürkü- (Ramstedt 1906); ZM burk
‘clothed’ (10-2b); Dong. pugutu- ‘to become murky’; Mongr. puger
‘cover sp.’ (SM 306).
◊ KW 68. Mong. > Chag. bürke- etc.
PTurk. *bȫrk hat, cap (шапка, головная повязка): OTurk. börk
(OUygh. - Lig. VSOu); Karakh. börk (MK, KB); Tur. börk, (dial.) bürk,
pörk; Az. börk (dial.); Turkm. bȫrik; Khal. bök (KhM), birgäk; MTurk.
pörük (MA), börk (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. bụrk; Uygh. börk; Krm. bärik
(H), b’ork (T); Tat. bürek; Bashk. bürk; Kirgh. börük; Kaz. börik; KBalk.
börk; KKalp. börik; Kum. börk; Nogh. börk; SUygh. pörük, perik; Khak.
pörək; Shr. pörük; Oyr. börük; Tv. bört; Tof. bö’rt; Yak. bergehe; Dolg. bergehe.
◊ EDT 362, VEWT 84, TMN 2, 289, ЭСТЯ 2, 221-223, Лексика 482, Stachowski 58. In
Tuva, Tof. *-rk > rt is regular. Reconstruction of length is not quite certain: Turkm. length
is not confirmed by Khalaj and contradicts pharyngealization in Tofalar. Turk. > WMong.
bürgü, Kalm. bürgə (KW 67), Khalkha bürx (although theoretically this may as well be an
indigenous derivative of bürü-, cf. similar Turkic forms: Tur. dial. bür-me, bür-gü ‘headgear’).
PJpn. *púk- to thatch (a roof) (крыть (крышу)): OJpn. puk-; MJpn.
fúk-; Tok. fùk-; Kyo. fúk-; Kag. fùk-.
◊ JLTT 694. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Cf. *bri (with possible contaminations).
-borso(k῾V) badger: Mong. *borki; Turk. *borsuk, *borsmuk; Jpn.
*bsákí, *ùsákí; Kor. *ùsrk.
PMong. *borki old badger (старый барсук): WMong. borki (L 121);
Kh. boŕx; Kalm. borkə.
◊ KW 52.
PTurk. *borsuk, *borsmuk badger (барсук): Karakh. borsmuq (MK),
borsuq (MK Oghuz); Tur. porsuk; Az. porsuG; Sal. porsuχ (ССЯ); MTurk.
porsuq (Sangl.); Uzb. bɔrsiq; Uygh. borsuq; Tat. bursɨq; Bashk. burhɨq;
Kirgh. borso-l-doj ‘young badger’; Kaz. borsɨq; KBalk. borsuq; KKalp.
porsɨq; Kum. porsuq; Nogh. borsɨq; Khak. porsɨx, morsɨx, (dial.) moršɨx;
Shr. porsuq; Oyr. morsɨq; Tv. morzuq; Tof. borsuq; Chuv. porъš.
◊ EDT 369, Лексика 164, TMN 2, 284, ЭСТЯ 7, Егоров 165, Федотов 1, 446-447. Reflexes of m- in Siberian languages may be due to the nasal in the suffix (cf. the form in
*bru - *bru
375
MK). Among the traditional derivations one should mention the connection with *bur-sɨ‘to stink, rot’, but external parallels indicate that this is rather a folk etymology.
PJpn. *bsákí, *ùsákí hare (заяц): OJpn. usakji, OJ East. dial. wosagji;
MJpn. ùsági; Tok. ùsagi; Kyo. ùsàgí; Kag. usagí.
◊ JLTT 564, JOAL 116-118.
PKor. *ùsrk badger (барсук): MKor. ùsrk.
◊ Nam 390.
‖ The meaning in Jpn. (’hare’) is probably a result of contamination
with *togsV-k῾V ‘hare’ (which should have normally yielded PJ *tusaki);
this could also explain the tonal discrepancy between Jpn. and Kor.
Korean, as in several other cases, has a loss *b- > *0-; cf. Old Koguryo
*wus(i)kam ‘rabbit’ (see Miller 1979, 10). All languages reflect a trisyllabic form *borso-k῾V, with an original diminutive suffix. Loss of -s- in
Mong. is somewhat strange; cf. perhaps alternatively TM *barka-na
‘bear’s cub’ > Evk. barka-na, barka-čan, Neg. bajkana, Ud. bakana (ТМС 1,
75).
-bru (~ -a,-o) dust; smoke, whirlwind: Tung. *bure-ki; Mong. *bur-gi- /
*bür-gi-; Turk. *bur-uk; Kor. *pằrằ-m.
PTung. *bure-ki 1 dust 2 fresh snow (1 пыль 2 пороша): Evk. burki
2; Evn. bụrqụ 2; Man. buraki 1; Jurch. bureŋ-ki (59) 1; Ul. burexi 1; Nan.
burexĩ 1; Orch. burexi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 113.
PMong. *bur-gi- / *bür-gi- to rise (of dust, smoke) (подниматься (о
пыли, дыме)): MMong. burqalix ‘whirlwind’ (SH); WMong. burgi-(ra-)
(L 138), bürgi-ni-; Kh. burgi-; Bur. burja-, borjol- (Tsongol); Kalm. bürgn-,
bürgəń-; Ord. burgila-, burgi-; Mongr. puirā- (SM 306).
◊ KW 68. Mong. > Man. burgi-, see TMN 1, 227; > Turk. Uzb. burqira-n- ‘клубиться,
дымиться’, Kirgh. burk-ura-, burgu- ‘валить клубами’, Nogh. burkɨ-ra- ‘клубиться’,
Bashk. borqo- ‘вздыматься (о пыли)’, KKalp. burqɨ- ‘валить клубами’.
PTurk. *bur-uk 1 dust 2 smoke 3 to curl (of smoke) 4 to choke (in
smoke) 5 to blow (of a snow-storm) 6 to produce smoke puffs 7 soot (1
пыль 2 дым 3 клубиться (о дыме) 4 задыхаться (в дыму) 5 мести (о
вьюге) 6 пускать дым клубами 7 сажа): Turkm. buruG-sa- 3; Uzb. buruq-sa- 3; Uygh. burux-t-un bolmaq 4; Kirgh. buruq-su- 3, bur et- 3, bura-t6; Khak. pɨr 1, pɨrɨn 7, pur-la- 3, purɣun-na- 5; Shr. pɨrɨn 7; Yak. buruo (<
*burug) 2; Dolg. buruo 2.
◊ VEWT 89, Stachowski 67. The stem interacts with the derivatives of *bur- ‘to stink,
smell’ and *bur- ‘to twist’- see ЭСТЯ 2, 268-271
PKor. *pằrằm wind (ветер): MKor. pằrằm; Mod. param.
◊ Nam 241, KED 704.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288. See ТМС 1, 113 (Mong.-Tung.); despite ОСНЯ
1,188 the TM root is hardly related to Turk. *bōr (on which see *māro)
376
*boŕV - *buč῾o
and to Mong. bur ‘dirty, dark’. The Korean root belongs rather here
than to Manchu fara- ‘to dry’ (SKE 191).
-boŕV grey: Mong. *boro; Turk. *boŕ.
PMong. *boro grey (серый): MMong. boro (HY 42 ‘ashes coloured’,
SH), boră (MA); WMong. boro, (L 121) boru; Kh. bora; Bur. boro; Kalm.
borə; Ord. boro; Mog. borō ‘dunkelgelb, gelbbraun’ (Ramstedt 1906);
Dong. boro(ŋ); Mongr. burondog, boro (SM 28).
◊ KW 51, MGCD 584. Mong. > Evk. boro, boroŋ, Man. boro (ТМС 1, 96), see Doerfer
MT 60, Rozycki 34; Tat. bora, Yak., Dolg. boroŋ (Stachowski 62). Cf. also Mong. bur ‘dark,
sludgy’ - which, as well as Chag. bor ‘reddish (horse)’ etc. (see TMN 2, 330) are rather <
Pers. bōr ‘dark brown’.
PTurk. *boŕ ( ~ ō) grey (серый): OTurk. boz (OUygh.); Karakh. boz
(MK); Tur. boz; Gag. boz, bōz; Az. boz; Turkm. boz; MTurk. boz (Sangl.);
Uzb. bụz; Uygh. boz, bos; Tat. büz; Bashk. buδ; Kirgh. boz; Kaz. boz;
KBalk. boz; KKalp. boz; Kum. boz; Nogh. boz; SUygh. poz; Oyr. bos.
◊ EDT 388, VEWT 82, TMN 2, 335, ЭСТЯ 2, 171-173, Лексика 605. Turk. > Old Russ.
bosɨj, dial. búsɨj, busój, see Аникин 147 (with lit.).
‖ KW 51, Владимирцов 361, Poppe 20, 81, ОСНЯ 1, 183. A
Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Despite TMN 2, 335, Щербак 1997, 109, Mong.
cannot be borrowed from Turkic.
-bt῾é to bind: Tung. *botā-; Mong. *büči; Jpn. *pntk-; Kor. *pth-.
PTung. *botā- 1 to tie (with a knot) 2 to be bound, tied (1 вязать (узлом) 2 завязаться): Evk. botō- 1; Evn. beteb- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 97. Cf. also *beti-ke ‘the hip part of high boots, trousers’ (ТМС 1, 127).
PMong. *büči string, rope (веревка): MMong. buči ‘braid, cord, belt’
(HY 23); WMong. büči (L 143); Kh. büč; Bur. büše; Kalm. büčə; Ord. büči.
◊ KW 70. Mong. > Tat. meče- ‘to harness an outrunner’, Kum. mičew ‘tow-line’ (with
secondary m-), whence Russ. бечева.
PJpn. *pntk- to untie (развязывать): OJpn. podok-; Tok. hodók-;
Kyo. hódók-; Kag. hòdòk-.
◊ JLTT 691.
PKor. *pth- to be attached (быть прикрепленным, прицепленным): MKor. pth-; Mod. put- [puth-].
◊ Nam 275, KED 846.
‖ Cf. *puti ‘quilt, weave’ and *p῾út῾a ‘thread, yarn’: the roots are
sometimes hard to distinguish.
-buč῾o ( ~ -o-) to dry on fire, under the sun: Tung. *bučī-; Mong. *bučal-;
Jpn. *pt-pər-; Kor. *pčōi-.
PTung. *bučī- 1 to dry on fire 2 to become dry 3 unripe, coarse (1 сушить у огня, вялить на огне 2 пересыхать, ссыхаться 3 неспелый, необработанный): Evk. bučī- 1; Evn. bụčị- 1; Neg. bočị- 1, bočụxịn 3; Ul.
bučị- 2, bučule bi 3; Nan. bočo- 2, bočõ 3; Orch. buksa- 2, buču 3.
*buda - *buda
377
◊ ТМС 1, 97-98, 117.
PMong. *bučal- to boil (варить, кипеть): MMong. bučal- (SH), bučal(a)- (MA); WMong. bučal- (L 129); Kh. bucla-, bučla-; Bur. busal-; Kalm.
busl-; Ord. bučal-; Mog. bučōl-; ZM bečāl (14-7a); Dag. bačila- (Тод. Даг.
125), bačile- (MD 116); Dong. bučula-; S.-Yugh. puǯalu-.
◊ KW 63, MGCD 172.
PJpn. *pt-pər- 1 to emit heat 2 heat (1 испускать тепло 2 тепло):
OJpn. p(w)ot(w)op(w)or- 1; MJpn. fòtòfor- 1; Tok. hotoborí, hòtobori 2; Kyo.
hótóbórí 2; Kag. hotobóri 2.
◊ Dialects reflect both low and high tones. The consistent spelling fotofor- in RJ prevents the analysis *pə- ‘fire’ + *təm(p)ə-r- ‘burn’ presented in JLTT 693.
PKor. *pčōi- to dry on fire, under the sun (сушить на огне, на солнце): MKor. pčōi-; Mod. č:wē-.
◊ Nam 432, KED 1491.
‖ Korean has a usual loss of narrow vowel between a stop and an
affricate. Cf. also Kor. č:i- ‘to steam, cook’ (SKE 32).
-buda to attach, follow, accompany: Tung. *boda-; Turk. *bodu-; Kor.
*pt.
PTung. *boda- to follow smb., accompany (следовать за кем-л., сопровождать): Evk. bodo-; Evn. bod-; Neg. bodo-; Ul. bodo-; Ork. bodo-;
Nan. bodo-; Ud. bodo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 88.
PTurk. *bodu- 1 to fasten (with a nail, arrow) 2 to be fastened, attached 3 wooden nail in camel’s nose for fastening the tether 4 nail (1
прикреплять, прибивать (гвоздем, стрелой) 2 быть прикрепленным 3 деревянный гвоздик в носовой перегородке верблюда для
прикрепления привязи 4 гвоздь): OTurk. bodu- 1 (OUygh.), bodul- 2,
budlu 3 (OUygh. - YB); Karakh. bodu- 1 (MK), butlu ( = budlu) 3 (MK);
Tur. pojra ‘wheel hob’, dial. bujru, bujlu; Turkm. büjli 3; MTurk. bujla
(MA) 3; Uygh. bujla 3; Bashk. bujlɨq ‘a bridle detail, суголовник’; Kirgh.
bujla 3; Kaz. bujda 3; KKalp. bujda 3; Nogh. bojɨsqan (< *bodɨ-š-kan) ‘woollen lead for fastening calves during milking’; Khak. pozɨɣ 4; Shr. pozuɣ
4.
◊ EDT 300, 304, 305, ЭСТЯ 2, 287. The original meaning of the root is clearly ‘to fasten, attach’. The -u-vowel in the name of camel harness may be a result of borrowing in
Karakh. from a Kypchak-type dialect, with further dispersion from Karakh. Тurk. bujla >
Mong. bujla ‘id.’ > Tuva bujla.
PKor. *pt friend, companion (друг, товарищ): MKor. pt; Mod. pt
[pəs].
◊ Nam 256, KED 771.
‖ A rather usual case of secondary nominalizing in Korean (cf. pa
‘rope’ < *b ‘to bind’ etc.).
378
*bgà - *bùjre
-bgà heat, steam: Tung. *bugar; Mong. *baɣa-gi-; Turk. *būg; Jpn.
*bák-.
PTung. *bugar burnt forest, wood (гарь, горелый лес): Evk. buɣar;
Evn. bōrin.
◊ ТМС 1, 101.
PMong. *baɣa-gi- to fumigate (дымить): WMong. baɣagi- (L 68); Kh.
bāgi-.
PTurk. *būg steam, fog (пар, туман): Karakh. bu (MK, IM); Tur. bu
‘aroma’ (poet.), buɣu ‘steam’; Gag. bū; Az. buG; Turkm. būG; MTurk.
buɣ (Sangl., Pav. C.), muɣ (Pav. C.); Uzb. buɣ, buɣ-la- ‘to steam’; Uygh.
buɣ; Krm. buv; Tat. bu, bu-la-n- ‘to vaporize’; Bashk. bɨw; Kirgh. bū; Kaz.
buw; buw-la- ‘to steam’, bu-la- ‘to treat with steam (medically)’; KBalk.
buwaq ‘hoar-frost’; KKalp. puw; Kum. buɣaq ‘hoar-frost’; Nogh. buw;
buwaldɨr ‘hoar-frost’; Oyr. buu; Chuv. pъₙv.
◊ EDT 292, VEWT 86, ЭСТЯ 2, 229-230, Лексика 37. The behaviour of final -g after a
long vowel is probably regular (although this combination is rather rare). Turk. >
MMong. buɣ (АФМ) ‘steam’ (Щербак 1997, 163).
PJpn. *bák- to boil, seethe (кипеть, варить(ся)): OJpn. wak-; MJpn.
wák-; Tok. wàk-; Kyo. wák-; Kag. wák-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Martin 226 compares the Jpn. form with Kor. pagɨl-, but PA *-gcould not have been preserved in Korean. The latter should be rather
derived from PA *p῾ó[k]ù ‘swell’ q.v.
-bùjre wrong, bad: Mong. *buruɣu; Jpn. *bàr-; Kor. *ōi-.
PMong. *buruɣu wrong, bad (неверный, дурной, несправедливый): MMong. buru’u (SH, HY 51), burū (MA); WMong. buruɣu (L 138);
Kh. burū; Bur. burū; Kalm. burū; Ord. burū; Dag. borō (Тод. Даг. 128,
MD 126); Dong. buru; S.-Yugh. burǖ; Mongr. burū.
◊ KW 62, MGCD 170. Mong. > Evk. burū etc., see Doerfer MT 123.
PJpn. *bàr- bad (плохой): MJpn. wàrò-; Tok. warú-; Kyo. wárù-;
Kag. warú-.
◊ JLTT 844.
PKor. *ōi- 1 bad, wrong 2 left (1 плохой, неверный 2 левый):
MKor. ōi- 1; Mod. ōi- 1, 2.
◊ Nam 386, KED 1221.
‖ In TM cf. perhaps Evn. bēruw- ‘to slander’ (ТМС 1, 127). Medial
*-j- should be reconstructed to account for the loss of *-r- in Korean; the
Korean word may belong here if it is another case of *b- > 0-, like in úrí
‘we’ < *b-ŕV, ì- ‘to be’ < *bíju, ù- ‘well’ < *bujri, ùsrk ‘badger’ <
*borso-k῾V.
*bkà - *bŭkrV
379
-bkà chain, rim: Tung. *boKi-; Mong. *bugu-; Turk. *bukagu; Jpn.
*bàkù.
PTung. *boKi- chain (цепь): Neg. boxopụn; Ul. bojpụ(n); Nan. bojotõ;
Ud. baxula.
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
PMong. *bugu- 1 bracelet 2 noose (1 браслет 2 петля, аркан):
MMong. bugi ‘rope’, bugija ‘fetters’ (SH), buɣū 1 (IM 433), buqau 1 (MA);
WMong. buɣui, baɣu, baɣui 1 (L 71, 131), buɣujil 2 (L 131), baɣuu (SM) 1;
Kh. bugujvč 1, bugujl 2; Bur. bugāg 1, bugɨ, bugūli, bugɨbša 2; Kalm. buɣū
1, ‘neck bandage’; Ord. buGū 1; S.-Yugh. boʁopči 1; Mongr. baGūr 1 (SM
19).
◊ KW 58, MGCD 166, Дыбо 226. The word is attested already in SH, so it cannot be
(despite TMN 2, 278) a modern loanword from forms like Kirgh. buɣaw etc. See also notes
to *bog- (sub *bugu).
PTurk. *bukagu fetters, chain, string (путы, цепь, веревка): OTurk.
buqaɣu (OUygh.); Karakh. buqaɣu (MK); Tur. bukaɣɨ; Gag. buqaa, bɨqaa;
Az. buxov; Turkm. buqaw; MTurk. buqaɣu, buqaw (Sng., MA); Uzb.
bụɣɔw; Krm. buqov, buɣuw; Tat. boɣaw; Bashk. bɨɣaw; Kirgh. boɣoo; Kaz.
buɣaw; KBalk. buɣow; KKalp. buɣaw; Kum. buɣaw; Nogh. buɣaw; Chuv.
pъₙɣav ‘iron manacles’; Yak. bakājɨ (?).
◊ EDT 314, VEWT 87, ЭСТЯ 2, 248-250, Егоров 152, TMN 2, 277-278. Turk. > Mong.,
cf. MMong. buxa’u (SH) id., see TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 108. Yak. bakāji with irregular
-a- and -k- may reflect some interdialectal loan. Turk. > Hung. békó (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *bàkù spool, rim, frame (катушка, обод): Tok. wakú; Kyo.
wákù; Kag. wakú.
◊ JLTT 567.
‖ Дыбо 226 (Turc-Mong-TM).
-bŭkrV pea, nut, cone: Tung. *boKari, *boKa-kta; Mong. *buɣurčag;
Turk. *burčak; Kor. *phắs.
PTung. *boKa-ri, *boKa-kta 1 pea 2 cone 3 nut 4 tree fungus (1 горох 2 шишка 3 орех 4 древесная губа): Evk. bokoto, bokokto 2, 3; Evn.
bokot 2, 3; Neg. boxoto 2, 3; Man. boχori 1, baa 2; Ul. bōqto 3; Ork. bōqto 2,
3; Nan. bōqto 3; Orch. bokto 3; Ud. bo῾to 2, 4 (Корм. 213); Sol. boxrō 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 90, 91. TM > Dag. bokrō ‘peas’ (Тод. Даг. 127). Nan. boχorị ῾pea’ is most
probably < Manchu.
PMong. *buɣurčag pea (горох): MMong. burčax (HY 8); WMong.
buɣurčaɣ, (L 132) buɣurčai; Kh. būrcag; Bur. būrsag ‘semen, fruit of vegetables’; Kalm. būrcəg; Ord. burčaq; Dag. borečō (MD 126), borčō; Dong.
puča, puǯa; Bao. pəǯaG; S.-Yugh. purčaG; Mongr. puaG (SM 305), puǯaG.
◊ KW 65, MGCD 171. Variants without -ɣ- (WMong. burčaɣ etc.) should be regarded
as Turkisms), but those with -ɣ- can be hardly explained in this way, despite Clark 1980,
43, Sukhebaatar; Southern Mong. forms are ambiguous, because they could have underwent secondary vowel shortening.
380
*bktV - *bk῾e
PTurk. *burčak bean, pea (бобы, горох): OTurk. burčaq (OUygh.);
Karakh. burčaq (MK); Tur. burčak; Gag. borčaq; Turkm. burčaq; MTurk.
burčaq (Sangl.); Uzb. burčɔq; Uygh. počaq; Krm. burčax; Tat. borčaq;
Bashk. borsaq; Kirgh. [būrčaq < Mong.]; Kaz. buršaq; KBalk. burčaq;
KKalp. buršaq; Kum. burčaq; Nogh. buršaq; SUygh. pɨrčaq; Shr. mɨrčaq;
Oyr. mɨrčaq; Chuv. pъₙrźa, pəₙrźe.
◊ EDT 357, VEWT 89, ЭСТЯ 2, 275-277. Turk. > WMong. burčag, Kalm. burcəg (KW
62, see TMN 2, 281, Щербак 1997, 110). Chuv. > Mari pursa; Bulg. > Hung. borsó, see
Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *phắs beans, peas (бобы, горох): MKor. phắs; Mod. phat
[phath].
◊ Nam 462, KED 1739.
‖ Дыбо 10, AKE 15, EAS 58. Phonetically a rather complicated case
because of the rare medial cluster *-kr- with non-standard reflexes.
Turkic, Mongolian and probably Korean reflect a suffixed form
*bukrV-č῾V (MKor. phắs = *phắč < *bukVr-č῾V); medial -k- in the cluster
had disappeared in PT and yielded -ɣ- in Mong. Another derivative
from the same root may be the Turk.-Mong. name of various kinds of
berries: PT *bögürtlen ‘blackberry’ etc., Mong. *böɣerel(ǯi)gene ‘raspberry
etc.’ (KW 56).
-bktV leg, thigh: Tung. *begdi / *bugdi; Turk. *būt.
PTung. *begdi / *bugdi 1 leg 2 foot (1 нога (leg) 2 нога (foot)): Evk.
begdi 1; Evn. bȫdъl 1; Neg. begdi 1; Man. betxe 2; SMan. betəxə, betəkə 1, 2
(137, 2285); Jurch. bodi-xe (505) 2; Ul. begdi 1; Ork. begǯi 1; Nan. begd’i 2;
Orch. begdi 1; Ud. begdi 1; Sol. beldīr 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 118-119.
PTurk. *būt 1 thigh 2 leg, foot (1 бедро 2 нога): OTurk. but
(OUygh.) 2; Karakh. but (MK) 1; Tur. but 1; Gag. but 1; Az. bud 1;
Turkm. būt 1; Khal. būt 1; MTurk. but (Abush., Sangl.) 1; Uzb. but
‘groin’; Uygh. put 2; Krm. but 1; Tat. bot 1; Bashk. bot 1; Kirgh. but 2;
Kaz. but 1; KBalk. but 2; KKalp. put 1; Kum. but 2; Nogh. but 1; SUygh.
put 2; Khak. put 1; Oyr. but 2; Tv. but 2; Tof. but 2; Yak. būt 1; Dolg. būt
1.
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 297, ЭСТЯ 2, 280-281, Лексика 282, Stachowski 67.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 289, Лексика 282. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-bk῾e ( ~ -i) hill, mound: Tung. *būKa; Mong. *buka; Turk. *bük; Kor.
*puk ( ~ -ɨ-).
PTung. *būKa island (остров): Evk. būka, bukačān; Evn. bụqčan; Neg.
boxačan; Man. buqsa; Ul. bāča(n); Ork. boata; Nan. boačã; Orch. boača; Ud.
bugasa.
◊ ТМС 1, 104.
*buk῾V - *bli
381
PMong. *buka 1 canal 2 haycock, shock (1 канал 2 копна): WMong.
buqa 1, buqal 2; Kh. buxaĺ 2; Bur. buxal 2; Kalm. buxə 1; Mog. ZM boqqn
‘hillock’ (17-9a).
◊ KW 58. The original meaning was ‘heap, mound of earth’ (whence also ‘island,
dam > canal’, cf. the meanings in related languages).
PTurk. *bük 1 wood, forest 2 hill 3 meadow 4 valley between
mountains (1 лес 2 холм 3 луг 4 долина между гор): Karakh. bük
‘bushes, underwood’, büktir ‘rocky mountain top’ (MK); Tur. bük
‘thicket at the waterside’; MTurk. bük 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. bük ‘thick
(wood, garden)’; Tat. bük (dial.) 3, püktɛr ‘snow-drift’ (КСТТ); Kirgh.
bök 2, böktör ‘foot-hills’; Kaz. bökter ‘steep hill’; Khak. pük 3; Shr. pük 3;
Oyr. bük 4; Tv. bü’k 4.
◊ VEWT 91, EDT 324, 325, ЭСТЯ 2, 291, Лексика 94.
PKor. *puk ( ~ -ɨ-) heaping of earth (куча земли): Mod. puk.
◊ KED 823.
‖ SKE 208, Дыбо 11. Cf. *buge, *pāko. Jpn. *bká is rather to be derived from PA *úk῾e q.v. (although contaminations were possible).
-buk῾V to doubt, be stupid: Tung. *buK-; Mong. *bukinid-; Kor. *puki.
PTung. *buK- 1 to worry 2 to doubt, guess, contemplate (1 волноваться 2 догадываться, сомневаться, раздумывать): Man. bue- 2;
Nan. bogbị- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 105.
PMong. *bukinid- to be sad, grieve, be troubled (печалиться, горевать; томиться, застаиваться): WMong. bukinid-, bokinid- (L 133); Kh.
buxinda-; Bur. buxinda-; Kalm. buxtənə- KPC 125.
◊ Mong. > Evn. boqụtna- (ТМС 1, 91).
PKor. *puki idiotic person, stupid character (глупец, дурак): Mod.
pugi.
◊ KED 810.
‖ One of the many verbs of emotion reconstructed for PA; cf. *pgo,
and perhaps Mod. Jpn. baka ‘fool’ (with expressive b-).
-bli to stir, shake, smear: Tung. *bul-; Mong. *büli-; Turk. *bulga-; Jpn.
*púr-.
PTung. *bul- 1 to smear 2 to caress, stroke (1 мазать 2 гладить):
Evk. bulku- 1, bul- 2; Evn. bel-, böl- 2; Neg. bolkị- 1, bul- 2; Man. bilu- 2;
Ul. bụlčị- 2; Ork. bolda- 1, bụlị- 2; Nan. buli- 2; Orch. būli-či- 2; Sol. bulgu2.
◊ ТМС 1, 105-106, 108.
PMong. *büli- to stir (взбивать, помешивать (кумыс)): MMong.
bule- (SH); WMong. büli-, büle- (L 146); Kh. büle-; Bur. büli-; Kalm. bülə-,
büĺ-; Ord. büli-.
◊ KW 66. Mong. > Russ. Siber. булить ‘to churn butter’, see Аникин 141.
382
*bŭlu - *bŭlV
PTurk. *bulga- to stir, stir up (помешивать, перемешивать):
OTurk. bulɣa- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. bulɣa- (MK); Tur. bula-; Gag.
bula-; Az. bula-; Turkm. bula-; Khal. bulɣa-; MTurk. bulɣa-; bula- (Sangl.,
Abush.); Uzb. bula-, bulɣa-; Uygh. bulɣu-; Krm. bulɣa-, bolɣa-; Tat. bolɣa-;
Bashk. bolɣa-; Kirgh. bulɣa-; Kaz. bɨlɣa-, bulɣa-; KBalk. bulɣa-; KKalp.
bɨlɣa-; Kum. bulɣa-; Nogh. bɨlɣa-, bulɣa-; SUygh. polɣa-, pula-; Khak.
pulɣa-; Shr. pulɣa-; Oyr. bulɣa-; Tv. bɨlɣa-, (dial.) bulɣa-; Tof. bulha-; Chuv.
pъlxa-n- ‘to become turbid’; Yak. bulā-, bulkuj-, bɨlā-; Dolg. bulkuj-.
◊ EDT 337, VEWT 88, ЭСТЯ 2, 253-256, Ашм. X, 112, Stachowski 65. The Turk. root
is the probable source of Mong. bulɣa- ‘to confuse, uprise’ (see TMN 2, 322-323, Щербак
1997, 110).
PJpn. *púr- to shake up, wave, rub (взмахивать, трясти, тереть):
OJpn. pur-; MJpn. fúr-; Tok. fùr-; Kyo. fúr-; Kag. fúr-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ See EAS 57-58, 106.
-bŭlu ( ~ -a, -o) cloud: Tung. *bol-; Turk. *bulut (*bulɨt).
PTung. *bol- 1 autumn 2 air 3 to blow (of wind, snow) (1 осень 2
воздух 3 дуть, падать (о ветре, снеге)): Evk. bolo 1, bolgo 2, bolī- 3; Evn.
bolnị 1; Neg. bolo 1; Man. bolori 1; SMan. bolori ‘autumn, fall’ (2728);
Jurch. bolo (75); Ul. bolo 1; Ork. bolo 1; Nan. bolo 1; Orch. bolo 1; Ud.
boloni 1; Sol. bolo 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 92-93.
PTurk. *bulut (*bulɨt) cloud (облако): Karakh. bulut (MK); Tur. bulut; Gag. bulut; Az. bulut; Turkm. bulut; Sal. bu(:)lɨt; Khal. bulɨt; MTurk.
bulut (MA); Uzb. bulut; Uygh. bulut; Krm. bulut; Tat. bolɨt; Bashk. bolot;
Kirgh. bulut; Kaz. bult; KBalk. bulut; KKalp. bult; Kum. bulut; Nogh.
bulɨt; SUygh. pɨlɨt; Khak. pulut; Shr. pulut; Oyr. bulut; Tv. bulut; Tof. bulut; Chuv. pəₙləₙt ‘sky, cloud’; Yak. bɨlɨt; Dolg. bɨlɨt.
◊ VEWT 88 (the connection with PT *bulga- ‘to mix’ is not obvious at all); TMN 2,
323; EDT 333, ЭСТЯ 2, 262-264, Лексика 24, Stachowski 71. Turk. > MMong. (ИМ) bulut,
see Щербак 1997, 163. Derived are Kypch. forms like Kaz., KKalp. buldɨr ‘foggy, cloudy’,
Kirgh. buldur ‘fuzzy, cloudy’, Nogh. buldɨr ‘id.’
‖ A Turk.-TM isogloss. A Nostratic etymology (Ural. *pilwe et al.)
see in ОСНЯ 1, 179-180.
-bŭlV to grab, find: Tung. *bule-; Mong. *buliɣa-; Turk. *bul-.
PTung. *bule-n enemy (враг): Evk. bulēn; Evn. bulъn.
◊ ТМС 1, 109-110.
PMong. *buliɣa- to attack, rob, grab (нападать, грабить, хватать):
MMong. buli- (SH) ‘to rob’, bulqa- (SH) ‘to fight’, balɣa ‘fighting’ (IM);
WMong. bulija- (L 134), buliɣa-; Kh. bulā-; Bur. buĺā-; Kalm. bulā-; Ord.
bulā-; Dag. baliē- (MD 119), bolē-; Dong. bili-; Bao. bəl-, bula-; S.-Yugh.
bələ-; Mongr. bulə-, buli- (SM 33).
*bulV - *bĺa
383
◊ KW 59, MGCD 167. Mong. > Turk.: Kirgh. bula-, Uygh. bulu- ‘to rob’; > Yak., Dolg.
bɨlǯā- (Kał. MEJ 19, Stachowski 70). A Mong. source is possible also for the Chag. form
bula- (see above).
PTurk. *bul- to find (находить): OTurk. bul- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bul- (MK, KB); Tur. bul-; Gag. bul-; Khal. bul-; MTurk. bula(Pav. C. 174); Krm. bul-; Yak. bul-; Dolg. bul-.
◊ EDT 332, VEWT 87, ЭСТЯ 2, 252-253, Stachowski 65.
‖ KW 59, VEWT 87. A Western isogloss. In Turkic ῾find’ obviously <
῾grab, capture’, the original meaning being well preserved in PT *bulun
῾captive, prisoner’ (EDT 343).
-bulV ice, jelly-like substance: Tung. *belu / *bul-; Turk. *bul-.
PTung. *belu / bul- 1 flat, slippery ice surface 2 to become gelatinous, jelly-like (1 гладкая, скользкая поверхность льда 2 образоваться (о льде, шуге, насте), застывать, становиться густым, студенистым): Evk. belu 1, buldi-lē- 2; Evn. buldid- 2; Neg. bel, bulǯi- 2; Ul. belu,
bolu 1, bulde- 2; Ork. belu 1; Nan. belu, bulu 1, bulǯi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 107, 124. Cf. also *bul-da- ‘slippery’ (ТМС 1, 107).
PTurk. *bul- 1 hoar-frost 2 frazil, icy surface (1 изморозь 2 наледь):
Turkm. buldurčɨn 1, buldura- ‘to glitter (of dew, hoar-frost)’; Uzb. bulduriq 1; Oyr. puluɣ 2 (dial., Leb. R); Tv. buluq 2; Yak. bulūs ‘glacier’.
◊ Лексика 38.
‖ A Turk.-TM isogloss. ? Cf. Karakh. buldunɨ ‘a k. of milk dish’ (MK)
( = Evk. buldumna, - if the original meaning was “congeal”).
-bĺa confusion, fright: Tung. *bolga-; Mong. *bala-; Turk. *būĺ-; Jpn.
*básúr-.
PTung. *bolga- 1 to be afraid 2 to worry 3 to be shy, confused (1 пугаться 2 беспокоиться 3 робеть, смущаться): Evk. bolgo-; Neg. bolgo1; Ork. bolGo-; Nan. bōlda-ǯị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 92.
PMong. *bala- 1 guilt 2 reason, cause (1 вина 2 причина): WMong.
balaɣ 1, 2; Kh. balag 1, 2; Bur. balā 1, 2; Kalm. balā 2.
◊ KW 30.
PTurk. *būĺ- to be bad-tempered, irritable (быть раздражительным, иметь плохой характер, сердиться, возбуждаться): OTurk. buš(OUygh.); Karakh. buš- (MK, KB); Gag. būš-; Turkm. būš-la- ‘to be the
first to communicate good news’; MTurk. buš- (Abush., Sangl.); Uygh.
puš-; Krm. bušurɣan- ‘to argue, be disgusted’; Tat. poš-; Bashk. boš-;
Kirgh. bɨš-; KBalk. bušuw ‘sadness’; Kum. buš-; Khak. puzux- ‘to be sad’,
puzu-r-a- ‘to be inflamed’; Tv. bužurɣan- ‘to be anxious, angry’; Chuv.
pъžъ-r-ɣan- ‘to be anxious, sad’.
384
*bĺì - *bĺo
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 377, ЭСТЯ 2, 284-285, Мудрак Дисс. 96, Егоров 152, Федотов 1,
410. The devoicing in a number of Kypch. languages may be caused by the influence of a
Persian loan pušman, pušajman ‘remorse, regret’ (Гаффаров 1, 97).
PJpn. *básúr- to forget (забывать): OJpn. wasur-; MJpn. wásúrá-;
Tok. wàsure-; Kyo. wásúré-; Kag. wasuré-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Despite Poppe 75, the Tungus root has nothing to do with Mong.
bulga ‘confusion, uprise’ (a probable Turkic loanword, see under *búli).
Cf. *bùĺo.
-bĺì ( ~ -o-) joint, sinew: Tung. *bul-; Mong. *büli-ken; Jpn. *pùsì.
PTung. *bul- 1 to form, spring up (of an ulcer, lump, swelling) 2 to
be, become convex, pop out (of eyes) 3 sinew, cartilage (1 вскочить (о
волдыре, шишке) 2 вытаращить (глаза), быть лупоглазым, выпуклым 3 сухожилие, хрящ): Evk. bulbente- 1, bulle 3; Evn. boldụra 2, būlrъ
3; Neg. bule 3; Man. bulǯa- 1; Ork. bụldā-, bolǯịna 2; Nan. bolǯa- 2, bulte 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 106, 107, 108, 109.
PMong. *büli-ken sinew; thick part of sinew (толстое сухожилие,
мышечная связка): WMong. büleke, büleki, bülike(n); Kh. bülx; Bur.
bülxi(n); Kalm. bülkn.
◊ KW 66.
PJpn. *pùsì a knot, bamboo joint etc. (узел, сустав бамбука и т.п.):
OJpn. pusi; MJpn. fùsì; Tok. fushí; Kyo. fúshì; Kag. fushí.
◊ JLTT 418.
‖ Дыбо 311, Лексика 250-251.
-bĺo to pity, be sad: Tung. *bulī-; Jpn. *bsì-; Kor. *pr-.
PTung. *bulī- to be sad (тосковать): Evk. bulī-; Evn. bụl-; Ul.
bụldaǯị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 107-108.
PJpn. *bsì- to pity, regret (жалеть): OJpn. wosi-; MJpn. wòsì-; Tok.
oshí-; Kyo. óshì-; Kag. oshí-.
◊ JLTT 839.
PKor. *pr- to envy, be jealous (завидовать, ревновать): MKor.
pr-hằ-; Mod. purəp- (-w-).
◊ Liu 404, KED 813.
‖ Korean has a verbal low tone. An Eastern isogloss, but cf. *bĺa :
the two roots are very similar and their reflexes could have been mixed
in Turk. and Mong. (which also has a form bulara- (БАМРС) ‘to be exhausted, tired’).
*bŋe - *bri
385
-bŋe to howl: Tung. *būni-; Mong. *büŋsi-, *büɣüre-; Turk. *böŋre-;
Jpn. *bàmià-k- ( ~ -ai-).
PTung. *būni- to howl (выть): Evk. būnī-; Evn. būni-; Neg. būnī-; Ul.
buńi-ku ‘trumpet’; Ork. būni-; Nan. būni-ku ‘trumpet’; Ud. buni-; Sol.
būnī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 110. TM > Dag. būnī- (Тод. Даг. 128).
PMong. *büŋsi-, *büɣüre- to howl (выть): WMong. büŋsi- (MXTTT);
Kh. bünši-, bǖre-; Bur. ?? bǖje- ‘to hum’.
◊ A variant *möɣüre- is also attested (Khalkha mȫrö-, Mongr. mōro- (SM 242) etc.)
PTurk. *böŋre- to howl (кричать (в первую очередь, о животном)): OTurk. müŋre- (OUygh.); Karakh. müŋre- (MK); Tur. bögür-;
Turkm. möŋŋür-, möŋre-; MTurk. muŋra- (Sangl.); Uygh. möri-; Krm.
mövrä-; Tat. mögrɛ-; Bashk. möŋrä-; Kirgh. mȫrȫ-; Kaz. möŋire-; KKalp.
möŋrä-; Khak. mǖre-; Oyr. mȫrȫ-; Tv. mȫre-; Yak. möŋürüö-, mögürüö-.
◊ VEWT 342, EDT 770, ЭСТЯ 7. The variant *baŋra- is also attested (see VEWT 327).
PJpn. *bàmià-k- ( ~ -ai-) to howl (выть): MJpn. wamek-, womek-; Tok.
wamék-; Kyo. wámék-; Kag. wàmèk-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Poppe 35, 73. An onomatopaeic root, but widely represented and
(except for secondary fronting *būŋi- > *būni- in TM) with quite regular
correspondences.
-bŭrdV beard: Tung. *burgakta (/*gurgakta); Mong. *burǯi-; Turk.
*burut.
PTung. *burgakta (/*gurgakta) beard, moustache (борода, усы):
Evk. gurgakta; Evn. gụrgъt; Neg. gojgakta; Ul. bụǯaqta; Ork. Gụdaqta;
Nan. boGaqta / boǯaqta; Orch. baǯakta; Ud. guakta; Sol. gụggakta, gụrgakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 173. Some languages reflect a secondary assimilation *burga-kta >
*gurga-kta.
PMong. *burǯi- fleecy, curly (of hair) (курчавый, пушистый):
WMong. burǯi- (L 140); Kh. burǯgar; Bur. burǯagar; Kalm. burzəɣər; Ord.
burǯuGur.
◊ KW 63. Cf. also *burči- id. (Kalm. burcəgr, KW 62).
PTurk. *burut moustache (усы): Turkm. murt; MTurk. burut (Pav.
C., MA); Uzb. murt, murut; Uygh. burut; Tat. murt (dial., Sib.); Kirgh.
murut; Kaz. murt; KKalp. murt, murut; Nogh. murt, murut.
◊ EDT 301 (sub bɨδɨk), VEWT 90, TMN 2, 290-291, Лексика 224 (with etymological
discussion).
‖ Лексика 224. A Western isogloss. TM reflects an early assimilation (*burda-kta > *burga-kta) - the process which went on and led to a
further assimilation *burga-kta > *gurga-kta in some dialects.
-bri ( ~ -ū-, -e) to cover, shade: Tung. *bū-; Mong. *bürü-; Turk. *bürü-.
PTung. *bū- to shade (light) (заслонять свет): Evk. bū-.
386
*bŭri - *bùro
◊ ТМС 1, 99. Cf. perhaps also: Evk. boro ‘dusk’; Manchu boro ‘hat (made of straw)’
(see ТМС 1, 96). A possible derivative is also *bō-gda ‘hat; upper clothes’ (ТМС 1, 87).
PMong. *bürü- 1 to cover 2 dusk, darkening (1 закрывать 2 сумерки, сумеречный): MMong. buri- 1 (SH), b[o]r[o]nčäk ‘cover, blanket’
(IM); WMong. bürüj, bürüg 2 (L 150); Kh. büre- 1, bürǖl, bürij 2; Bur. büri1, bürǖl, bürǖr 2; Kalm. bür- 1, bürǖ 2; Ord. büri- 1; Dag. burī (Тод. Даг.
128, MD 127) 2, burgiēn 2; S.-Yugh. burʁoloG 2; Mongr. burə-, buri- 1.
◊ KW 68, 69, MGCD 177, 178. Mong. > Man. buri- etc., see Doerfer MT 142.
PTurk. *bürü-, *bür-ke- to cover up (покрывать, закрывать):
Karakh. bürün- ‘to be covered’ (MK, KB), bürkek ‘cloudy’, bürkür- ‘to
become cloudy’ (MK); Tur. bürü- (also of clouds), bürge, bürgü ‘kerchief,
thin curtain’; Gag. bürü-; Az. bürü-; Turkm. büre-; MTurk. bürke- (MA,
Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. burka-; Uygh. pü(r)kä-; Tat. börkɛ-; Bashk. börkä-n‘to be covered’, börköü ‘stifling’; Kirgh. bürkö-; Kaz. bürke-; KKalp.
bürke-; Kum. bürke- (also of clouds); Nogh. bürke-; Khak. pürge-; Shr.
pürge-; Oyr. bürke-; Tv. bürge- (also of clouds); Tof. bürhü-; Chuv. pəₙrke-;
Yak. bürüj-; bürküj- ‘to become cloudy’; Dolg. bürüj-; bürkük ‘cloudy’.
◊ EDT 363, 367, ДТС 133, VEWT 92, ЭСТЯ 2, 296-298, Stachowski 68. The form in
-ke- is an intensive and can hardly be regarded as a mongolism.
‖ KW 68, Poppe 111, ОСНЯ 1, 192. A Western isogloss - but Mong.
is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 111. Cf. *bṓrk῾i.
-bŭri ( ~ -ŕ-, -o-, -e) to die, perish: Tung. *bu(r)-; Mong. *bür-il-.
PTung. *bu(r)- to die (умирать): Evk. bu-; Evn. bu-ni ‘deceased’;
Neg. bu-; Man. buče-; SMan. bečə- (744); Jurch. bu-če-xie (389); Ul. bu(l)-;
Ork. bu(l)-; Nan. bude-, bu(r)-; Orch. bu-de-, bu-kki-; Ud. bu-de-, bu-kki-;
Sol. bu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 98-99.
PMong. *bür-il- to die, perish (погибать, разрушаться): MMong.
burel- (tr.) (SH); WMong. büril- (L 149); Kh. bürle-; Ord. bürilge-.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290, ТМС 1, 99. A Mong-Tung. isogloss. TM demonstrates an exceptional case of loss of *-r- (recoverable in some forms of
the paradigm) after an original short vowel, so the root may have been
monosyllabic (*buŕ) in PA.
-bùro ( ~ -o-, -ŕ-) to break, crush: Tung. *bur-; Mong. *burči-; Jpn. *br-.
PTung. *bur- to crush, demolish (ломать, уничтожать): Evk. burgī-;
Evn. borg-.
◊ ТМС 1, 112. Cf. also Evk. borowun ‘scraper (for bone)’, burbenti- ‘to break through’
(ТМС 1, 96, 111).
PMong. *burči- to crush, destroy (ломать, разрушать): WMong.
burči- (L 137); Kh. burša-, borči-; Bur. buršī- ‘to be wrinkled, rumpled’.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. burǯugui ‘корявый’ and a number of other Kypch. forms.
*bŭsi - *bté
387
PJpn. *br- to break; to bend (ломать; гнуть): OJpn. wor-; MJpn.
wòr-; Tok. ór-; Kyo. òr-; Kag. òr-.
◊ JLTT 742.
‖ A reconstruction of *-ŕ- is also possible; in the latter case Turkic
could have merged the root with *buŕ- < *muŕu q.v.
-bŭsi ( ~ -o-, -e) kidney, liver: Tung. *bosa-kta; Mong. *büse; Turk.
*bögse(k) < *bös-ge(k).
PTung. *bosa-kta kidney (почка): Evk. bosokto; Evn. bost; Neg.
boxokto; Man. bosχo; SMan. bošəqu, bosəqu ‘kidneys’ (92); Ul. bosoqto;
Ork. bosoqto; Nan. bosoqto; Ud. bōkto; Sol. bosokto.
◊ ТМС 1, 97. TM > Dag. basarta (Тод. Даг. 125).
PMong. *büse belt (пояс): MMong. buse (HY 23, SH), busä (IM), bus
(MA), būse (Lig.VMI); WMong. büse (L 151); Kh. büs(en); Bur. behe;
Kalm. büsə; Ord. büse; Dag. bese, buse (Тод. Даг. 126, MD 122); Dong.
pišie; Bao. se; S.-Yugh. pəsē; Mongr. puʒə, busə (Huzu).
◊ KW 69, MGCD 179. Mong. > Evk. buse, see Doerfer MT 94.
PTurk. *bögse(k) < *bös-ge(k) a part of human or animal trunk
(часть туловища): OTurk. bögsig ‘some part of body (belly?)’ (OUygh.);
Karakh. bökseg ‘woman’s breast; upper part of chest’ (MK); MTurk.
bökse ‘the part of a human or animal body above the waist’ (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. bụksa ‘side part of the body below the breast and down to
the hip; (dial.) lower part of body’; Tat. büksɛ ‘belly; bird crop’; Bashk.
bükϑä ‘short person (abusive)’; Kirgh. böksö ‘side of body; foot-hill’;
KBalk. böksün ‘half of animal carcass’; Tv. böskek ‘bird’s breast’; Tof. böksek ‘bird’s breast’; Chuv. pəₙźexe ‘crop’; Yak. böskö-j- ‘to appear abdominous’.
◊ EDT 329, VEWT 84, 83, ЭСТЯ 2, 213-214, Лексика 278. Forms without -k meaning
‘buttock’ or ‘lower part of body’ are most probably borrowed < Mong. *bögse, having
quite different origin (see under *poko) - although some contaminations were not excluded.
‖ A Western isogloss - but cf. also MKor. khòŋ-phắs ‘kidney’ (khòŋ
‘bean’), where phắs is also folk-etymologically analysed as ‘bean’, but
may in fact continue the same Altaic root.
-bté itch, scab: Tung. *butu-; Mong. *bodu(ɣa); Turk. *büt-; Jpn.
*pàtákài.
PTung. *butu- 1 a hoof disease, to suffer from hoof disease 2 pimple, pustule, to pustulate (1 копытница (болезнь оленей), болеть копытницей 2 прыщ, угорь, покрываться прыщами, пупырышками):
Evk. butu-, butun 1, buture- 2; Evn. butuke; Man. buturi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 116.
PMong. *bodu(ɣa) smallpox (оспа): WMong. bodu(-ɣa) (L 109); Kh.
bodō; Kalm. bodə; Ord. bodō.
388
*bt῾ù - *bt῾ù
◊ KW 48. Mong. > Evk. budan ‘rash’.
PTurk. *büt- to heal (of a wound) (заживать (о ране)): OTurk. büt(OUygh.); Karakh. büt- (MK); Turkm. bit-; bitik ‘scar, cicatrice’; MTurk.
büt- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bit-; Tat. bet-äš-; Bashk. böt-öš-; Kirgh. büt-;
Kaz. bit-; KKalp. pit-; Nogh. bit-; Khak. püt-; Oyr. büt-; Tv. bü’t-; Yak.
büt-.
◊ EDT 299 (sub *büt- ‘finish’), ЭСТЯ 2, 154-155. Cf. also Chuv. pɨtča ‘гнойный
лишай’.
PJpn. *pàtákài mange, scabies (чесотка): OJpn. patake; MJpn. fàtákè;
Tok. hàtake; Kyo. hàtákè; Kag. hataké.
◊ JLTT 401. The Tokyo accent is irregular (hátake would be expected).
‖ PJ has irregular devoicing *b- > p- here. Turkic forms may belong
here if they are not a specialized semantic development of *büt- ‘to finish, end’ (a secondary merger is possible).
-bt῾ù ( ~ -o-) to beat, break: Tung. *bute-, *butekte-; Mong. *buta-; Jpn.
*pùt-; Kor. *putɨ’ič-.
PTung. *bute-, *butekte- to break, crush (ломать, дробить, разбивать): Evk. butēkte-; butukte ‘piece’; Evn. bt-; Neg. bokta-l-; Ul. bụqta-;
Nan. boqta-; Orch. buktaga-; Ud. bukta-.
◊ ТМС 1, 116.
PMong. *buta- 1 to break 2 be broken (1 ломать 2 ломаться):
MMong. butăra- (MA); WMong. buta-ra- (L 141) 2; Kh. butar- 2, butal- 1;
Bur. butar- 2; Kalm. butr- 2; Ord. butara- 2; Dong. pudura- (MGCD), putura- 2; Mongr. pudərā- (SM 304) 2!.
◊ KW 63, MGCD 172. Mong. > Chag. butra- etc. (VEWT 90-91, ЭСТЯ 2, 308-309) (not
vice versa, despite Щербак 1997, 110: OTurk. budra- is invented, and OTurk. budraq ‘scattered’ is a hapax misinterpreted by Malov, see EDT 307).
PJpn. *pùt- to beat, hit (бить): Tok. bút-; Kyo. bùt-; Kag. bùt-.
◊ A verb (not attested in OJ) with an expressive voicing *p- > b-. See JLTT 680.
PKor. *putɨ’ič- to hit, bump, collide (бить, сталкиваться): MKor.
putɨ’ič-; Mod. pudit- [putič-].
◊ Nam 265, KED 812.
‖ Poppe 21, 101; Martin 233.
Č
-čằbà ( ~ -o) sack: Tung. *ǯaPku; Jpn. *tàpàra; Kor. *čar.
PTung. *ǯaPku quiver (колчан): Man. ǯabqu; Ul. ǯapaụ(n); Nan. ǯafụ;
Orch. ǯapku.
◊ ТМС 1, 251.
PJpn. *tàpàra sack (мешок): MJpn. tàfàra; Tok. tawará; Kyo. táwàrà;
Kag. tawará.
◊ JLTT 544.
PKor. *čar sack (мешок): MKor. čar; Mod. čaru.
◊ Nam 416, KED 1376.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Kor. *čàr is a contraction < *čawar < *čabar.
-čabV helmet, headgear: Tung. *ǯabuka; Mong. *daɣulga.
PTung. *ǯabuka ear-flaps, headgear (наушники): Ul. ǯawa; Nan.
ǯaụa; Orch. ǯawa, ǯauka; Ud. ǯauga.
◊ ТМС 1, 240.
PMong. *daɣulga helmet (шлем): MMong. du’uluqa (HY 19),
dăwulɣa (MA); WMong. daɣulɣa, duɣulɣa (L 271); Kh. dūlga; Bur. dūlga;
Kalm. dūlɣə, dūlxə; Ord. dūlGa.
◊ KW 104. Mong. > Chag. davulɣa, dubulɣa, duvulɣa, duluɣa, see Щербак 1997, 203.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-čágo a k. of small predator: Tung. *ǯagari; Mong. *ǯeɣe-ken; Turk.
*ToK- (?).
PTung. *ǯagari bear’s head; bear (3 y. old) (голова медведя; медведь (3-х лет)): Evk. ǯaɣari; Neg. ǯaɣaskačān; Man. ǯajra ‘медведица
(самка медведя-муравьеда)’; Nan. ǯārị; Ud. ǯāi.
◊ ТМС 1, 242.
PMong. *ǯeɣe-ken 1 wolverine 2 jackal (1 росомаха 2 шакал):
MMong. ǯo’ebori 2 (SH); WMong. ǯegeken (L 1051: ǯigege) 1, čöge-büri 2;
Kh. ʒēx(en) 1, cȫvör 2; Bur. zēgen 1; Kalm. zēgən 1 (КРС).
◊ On -büri see under *beltereg.
PTurk. *ToK- weasel (ласка): Khak. totxanax (Sag.); Shr. toqɨnas,
toqumas, toqumdas (R); Oyr. toqtonoq; Tv. toqtan (R).
◊ VEWT 485. A local Syberian form, probably a compound of the expected *dogwith some obscure second component (possibly *dog-kumtɨŕ ‘weasel-beaver’).
390
*čkte - *člo
‖ A Western isogloss. Initial ǯ- in Mong. is irregular (one should expect either *deɣe-ken or *čiɣe-ken: cf. in this respect the interesting
WMong. form čöge-büri ( < *čiɣö-büri ?) ‘jackal’); this may be due to an
interaction with Turk. *jēbke (see under *zībekV).
-čkte pine, larch: Tung. *ǯagda; Turk. *Tt.
PTung. *ǯagda pine-tree (сосна): Evk. ǯagda; Evn. ǯaɣd; Neg. ǯagda;
Man. ǯaqdan; SMan. ǯahədə, ǯahədā (2158); Ul. ǯagda; Nan. ǯāGda; Sol.
ǯagda.
◊ ТМС 1, 242. Cf. also Evk. dkta, Evn. dt, Orok ǯēqta ‘fir-needles, fallen leaves’ (ТМС
1, 202) - dialectal variants? A TM source is very probable for WMong. ǯodaw, Khalkha
ǯodō, Bur. žodō “Siberian fir tree”.
PTurk. *Tt larch-tree (лиственница): OTurk. tɨt (OUygh.); Karakh.
tɨt (MK); Tat. tet aɣac (dial., КСТТ 200); Kirgh. tɨt ‘mulberry tree’; Khak.
tɨt; Shr. tɨt; Oyr. tɨt; Tv. dɨt; Tof. tɨt (Рас. ФиЛ), dɨt / tɨt; Yak. tīt; Dolg. tīt.
◊ VEWT 479, EDT 449, Stachowski 224. The meaning in Kirgh. is influenced by tut <
Iran., see Стеблин-Каменский 1982, 88-89.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; the PT form, despite Helimski 1995, is
hardly < Sam.
-člo full, fill: Tung. *ǯalu(-m); Mong. *del-; Turk. *dōl-; Jpn. *tár-; Kor.
*čăra-.
PTung. *ǯalu(-m) full (полный): Evk. ǯalum; Evn. ǯalụ-; Neg. ǯalum;
Man. ǯalu-; SMan. ǯalū (2629); Jurch. ǯaw-lu-xa (726); Ul. ǯalụ(n); Ork.
dalụmǯị; Nan. ʒalo; Orch. ǯalu-; Sol. ǯal.
◊ Derived from PTM *ǯalu- ‘to fill, be filled’. See. ТМС 1, 247.
PMong. *del- 1 full, abundant, wide 2 to expand 3 wide, broad (1
полный, обильный, обширный 2 расширяться 3 обширный, широкий): MMong. delger 1, delge- 2, delike (HY 54), delegai 3 (SH); WMong.
delger 1 (L 249), delge-, dele-, deli- 2 (L 248, 249, 250), delegei 3 (L 248:
delegüü); Kh. delger 1, delge-, dele- 2, delxij, delǖ 3; Bur. delger; Kalm. delgr
1, del- 2; Ord. delger 1; Dag. delgere-, delgē- (Тод. Даг. 136: delge-, delgere-); S.-Yugh. delgeri, delgē-; Mongr. derge- ‘éteindre, déployer, étaler,
dérouler’ (SM 52), dəlge-.
◊ KW 86, MGCD 214, 215. Mong. > Yak. delegej, delej; > Oroch dele, Ul. delen, Nan. dele,
delekũ, Man. deleǯen ‘open space’ (ТМС 1, 233, 234).
PTurk. *dōl- full (полный): OTurk. tolu (OUygh.); Karakh. tolu
(MK); Tur. dolu; Gag. dolu; Az. dolu; Turkm. dōlɨ; Sal. doli(:); t῾olɨ (Kakuk); tōl- v. (ССЯ); Khal. tūol- (v.); MTurk. tola (Abush., Pav.C.); Uzb.
tụla; Uygh. tola, tolɣan; Krm. tolɨ; Tat. tulɨ; Bashk. tulɨ; Kirgh. tolo; Kaz.
tolɨ; KBalk. tolu; KKalp. tolɨ; Kum. tolu; Nogh. tolɨ; SUygh. tolo; Khak.
tol- (v.); Shr. tol-dɨr- (v.); Oyr. tolo; Tv. dolu; Tof. dolu; Chuv. tol- (v.), tolli;
Yak. tuol- (v.), toloru; Dolg. tuol- (v.), toloru.
*čălù - *čalu
391
◊ VEWT 486, EDT 491-492, ЭСТЯ 3, 257-259, Stachowski 226, 231. PT *dōl-ɨ is derived
from *dōl- ‘to get filled’.
PJpn. *tár- be sufficient, full (б. достаточным, полным, хватать):
OJpn. tar-; MJpn. tar-; Tok. tàri-; Kyo. tárí-; Kag. tarí-.
◊ JLTT 764.
PKor. *čăra- be sufficient, enough (быть достаточным): MKor.
čăra-; Mod. čara-.
◊ Nam 412, KED 1375.
‖ Martin 243, JOAL 133-137, Miller 1981, 853, 858, 863; 1986,
195-196, АПиПЯЯ 13, 45-46, 75, 282, Дыбо 12.
-čălù a k. of broad-leaved plant: Tung. *ǯali-kta; Mong. *daldawu; Turk.
*dal; Jpn. *tùrù; Kor. *čùr-kí.
PTung. *ǯali-kta 1 hawthorn 2 willow (1 боярышник 2 ива): Evk.
ǯalikta 1; Neg. ǯālta 1; Ul. ǯatala 2; Ork. dātaqta 1; Nan. ǯalaqta 2; Ud.
ǯalikta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 246, 253.
PMong. *daldawu lime-tree, linden (липа): WMong. daldau (L 226:
dalduu); Kh. daldū.
PTurk. *dal 1 branch 2 tree 3 willow (1 ветка 2 дерево 3 ива, верба):
OTurk. tal 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. tal 1 (KB), 3 (MK); Tur. dal 1; Gag. dal 1;
Az. dal 1; Turkm. tal 3; Sal. dāl 2; MTurk. dal 3 (Pav. C.), tal 1 (Pav. C.,
Abush.); Uzb. tɔl 3; Uygh. tal 3; Krm. tal 3; Tat. tal 3, (dial.) 1; Bashk. tal
3; Kirgh. tal 3; Kaz. tal 1, 3; KBalk. tal 3 (also ‘poplar’); KKalp. tal 1, 3;
Kum. tal 3; Nogh. tal 3; Khak. tal 3; Shr. tal 3; Oyr. tal 3; Tv. tal 3; Yak.
talax 3; Dolg. talak 1, 3.
◊ EDT 489, VEWT 457, ЭСТЯ 3, 130-131, Лексика 125-126, Stachowski 216. Turkm.
tal (with irregular t-) may be a loan from Kypchak: there seems to be no reason to postulate two different roots for PT.
PJpn. *tùrù vine (лоза): Tok. tsurú; Kyo. tsúrù; Kag. tsurú.
◊ JLTT 557.
PKor. *čùr-kí stalk, branch without leaves (стебель, ветка без листьев): MKor. čùrkí; Mod. čulgi, čulgəri.
◊ Liu 672, HMCH 297, KED 1507.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13, 77, 288, Дыбо 10. Jpn. and / or Kor. can be also
compared with TM *čuru- ‘willow, poplar’ (ТМС 2, 417); this could explain the tonal discrepancy between Jpn. and Kor.
-čalu wave, to overflow: Tung. *ǯal-; Mong. *dolgi-; Turk. *dal-g-.
PTung. *ǯal- 1 to overflow (of sea, river) 2 to be agitated, wave (of
sea) 3 spirit - master of the sea (1 заливать, затоплять водой 2 плескаться, волноваться (о море) 3 дух-хозяин моря): Evk. ǯalki- 2; Evn.
ǯāl-, ǯālqab- 1; Neg. ǯalalgun 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 245, 246. Evk. ǯalki- > Yak. ǯalkɨj- id. (not vice versa, despite ТМС).
392
*čma - *čaŋgu
PMong. *dolgi- wave (волна): MMong. doligijan (HY 3); WMong.
dolgija(n) (L 259); Kh. dolgio(n); Bur. dolgin, doljodo-; Kalm. doĺɣān; Dag.
dolǵēn (Тод. Даг. 137), doleǵēn (MD 137).
◊ KW 94, MGCD 184. Mong. > Evk. dolgin etc., see Doerfer MT 102; > Yak., Dolg. dolguj- (see VEWT 458, 487, Stachowski 81-82).
PTurk. *dal-g- wave (волна): Tur. dalga 2; Az. dalɣa 2; MTurk. talɣa
‘Wellenschlag’, talɣum, talqum ‘sea waves’.
◊ KW 94, VEWT 458, 487. An Oghuz word.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-čma to hesitate, argue: Tung. *ǯām-; Mong. *dam-; Jpn. *tàmiàrap- ( ~
-ai-).
PTung. *ǯām- 1 argument, quarrel 2 to argue (1 спор, ссора 2 спорить): Man. ǯaman 1, ǯamara- 2; Nan. ǯāmorã 1, ǯāmora- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 247.
PMong. *dam- to hesitate (сомневаться): WMong. damna-, damla- (L
228); Kh. damna-, damla-; Bur. damžag-guj ‘doubtless, certain’; Kalm.
damnə-.
◊ KW 75, 76.
PJpn. *tàmiàrap- ( ~ -ai-) to hesitate (сомневаться): MJpn. tàmèraf-;
Tok. tamerá-; Kyo. támérá-; Kag. tamerá-.
◊ JLTT 763. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular (under literary influence).
‖ One of the suffixed forms - *čma-rV- (TM *ǯāmV-ra-) or *čma-lV(Mong. *dam-la-) may be reflected in PJ *tàmià-ra-; the diphthong -ia- ( ~
-ai-) may, however, suggest a more complex origin of the Japanese
form.
-čamu a k. of tree: Tung. *ǯamu; Mong. *dom; Jpn. *tum(u)i.
PTung. *ǯamu brier (шиповник): Man. ǯamu, ǯamuri; SMan. ǯamərə
(2166); Ud. ǯamukta.
◊ See ТМС 1, 247-248.
PMong. *dom lime-tree, linden (липа): WMong. dom (L 260); Kh.
dom.
PJpn. *tum(u)i mulberry (тутовое дерево): OJpn. tum(j)i.
‖ Cf. *ńam(ń)ekt῾V (partial contaminations were possible). WMong.
ǯamur ‘fruit of sweet-briar (eglantine)’ (L 1033) is most probably a Manchu loanword.
-čaŋgu gift, loan: Tung. *ǯaŋ(g)-; Jpn. *tu(n)ku-.
PTung. *ǯaŋ(g)- 1 be in need, straitened 2 loan, as a loan (1 терпеть
нужду 2 долг, взаймы): Man. ǯaŋGala- 1; Sol. ǯan-da, ǯan-či 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 249.
PJpn. *tu(n)ku- 1 toll, tribute 2 to compensate, reimburse (1 пошлина, дань 2 компенсировать, вознаграждать): OJpn. tuki 1; MJpn.
*čărikV - *čĕk῾a
393
mí-túki-mono 1, tùkùnóf- 2; Tok. mìtsugi 1, tsuguná- 2; Kyo. mítsúgí 1,
tsúgúná- 2; Kag. mitsúgi 1, tsuguná- 2.
◊ JLTT 482, 772. Accent variation is not quite clear: the noun points to high tone, the
verb - rather to low tone (although their relationship can hardly be doubted).
‖ A Tungus-Japanese isogloss; not quite secure because of sparse attestation in TM.
-čărikV a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *ǯarikta; Mong. *čirgaj; Turk. *dẹrek.
PTung. *ǯari-kta hawthorn (боярышник): Ul. ǯaraqta; Nan. ǯarịqta;
Orch. ǯarakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 246.
PMong. *čirgaj dense, tall (forest) (густой, высокоствольный (о лесе)): WMong. čirɣai (L 192); Kh. čargaj; Bur. šereŋgi ‘thin growth, pinery’
(?); Kalm. čirɣā ‘dense (branches); a k. of tree or bush’.
◊ KW 442.
PTurk. *dẹrek 1 poplar 2 tree (1 тополь 2 дерево): Karakh. terek 1
(MK); Tur. tirek (dial.) 2; Turkm. derek 1; MTurk. terek 1 (Abush., Sangl.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. terak 1; Uygh. deräk 1; Krm. terak 2; Tat. tirɛk 1; Bashk.
tiräk 1; Kirgh. terek 1; Kaz. terek 1, 2; KBalk. terek 2; KKalp. terek 1; Kum.
terek 2; Nogh. terek 1; SUygh. terek 2; Khak. tirek 1; Shr. terek 1; Oyr. terek
1; Tv. terek 1; Chuv. tirek 1; Yak. tirex 1.
◊ VEWT 475, EDT 543, ЭСТЯ 3, 205-206, Лексика 105, 134-135. Iranian origin is quite
improbable.
‖ A Western isogloss. Closed *ẹ in PT is not quite clear: perhaps a
secondary narrowing in a disyllabic structure.
-čĕk῾a to repeat, again, always: Tung. *ǯeki; Mong. *daki-; Turk. *d(i)akɨ;
Jpn. *təkə.
PTung. *ǯeki always, constantly (всегда, постоянно): Neg. ǯek; Ul.
ǯek-ǯek; Nan. ǯek; Orch. ǯe, ǯeki; Ud. ǯe ‘at this time’.
◊ ТМС 1, 283.
PMong. *daki- 1 to repeat 2 one more time, again (1 повторять 2
снова): WMong. daki- 1 (L 223); Kh. daxi- 1, daxin 2; Bur. daxi- 1, daxin 2;
Kalm. däkən 2; Ord. daχi- 1; Dag. dagi- (MGCD 206), dagī ‘again’ (Тод.
Даг. 134).
◊ KW 73. Mong. > Evk. daki etc., see Doerfer MT 76.
PTurk. *d(i)akɨ 1 additionally, and others, plus 2 again, once more
(1 кроме того, к тому же, и другие, больше, вдобавок 2 опять, еще
раз): OTurk. taqɨ 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. taqɨ 1 (MK); Tur. daha 1, bir daha
2 (takɨ as a clitic); Gag. tā 1, 2; Az. däxi ‘too’; Turkm. daGɨ 1; Sal. tāɣɨ, taxi
1, 2 (ССЯ); Khal. taqɨ 1, 2; MTurk. daxɨ, taqɨ 1 (Abush., Sangl.), daɣɨ (MA)
1; Uzb. taɣin 2; Uygh. texi 1, 2; Krm. daa (K) 1, 2, daɣɨ (H, T) 1, 2, daɣɨn
(H,K) 2, daxɨ (K) 1, daxa (K) 1, 2; Tat. taɣɨn 2, ‘in order to’; Bashk. taɣɨ 2;
Kirgh. daa, daɣɨ, taɣɨ 1, 2; Kaz. taɣɨ 2; KBalk. daɣɨ-da 1, 2; KKalp. daɣɨ ‘al-
394
*člV - *čḕlV
though’, taɣɨ 1, 2; Kum. daɣɨ 1, 2; Nogh. taɣɨ 1, 2; SUygh. ta’qi, daɣi 2;
Khak. tā, dā 1; Oyr. daa ‘although’ (ГАЯ); Tv. dā 1, dān ‘wholly, always’,
tān ‘very, excessively’; Yak. daɣanɨ 1.
◊ VEWT 457, EDT 466, ЭСТЯ 3, 122-123. Phonology is somewhat uncertain because
the stem is functioning as a clitic.
PJpn. *təkə always, eternally (всегда, вечно): OJpn. toko.
◊ JLTT 548.
‖ Gombocz 1905, 278, KW 73, Владимирцов 319, . Mong. is hardly
< Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 153. Jpn. *təkə- < *takə because of the incompatibility of *a and *ə in PJ.
-člV a k. of small animal: Tung. *ǯele-kī; Jpn. *tái ( ~ -ia); Kor. *čār.
PTung. *ǯele-kī ermine (горностай): Evk. ǯelekī; Evn. ǯiliki; Neg.
ǯelexī; Man. ǯelken; Ul. ǯieli(n); Ork. ǯeĺei; Nan. ǯeli; Orch. ǯeleki; Ud.
ǯelexi.
◊ ТМС 1, 284.
PJpn. *tái ( ~ -ia) marten (куница): MJpn. té; Tok. ten.
◊ The source of -n in the modern form is not quite clear; MJ has explicitly no second
syllable.
PKor. *čār sable (соболь): Mod. čāl.
◊ KED 1392.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. The Jpn. form reflects a suffixed formation
*čĕl(V)-gV.
-čḕlV to split, hole, crack: Tung. *ǯēlge; Mong. *čilüɣe; Turk. *dil-.
PTung. *ǯēlge crack, narrow passage (щель, узкий проход): Evk.
ǯēlge; Nan. ǯelgẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 283. Nan. has a secondary vowel shortening (the old length is proved also
by the Dagur loanword from TM - ǯēlge, ǯēleg, see Тод. Даг. 143).
PMong. *čilüɣe space between, leisure (промежуток): MMong. čolo
(SH); WMong. čilüge(n) (L 183); Kh. čölȫ; Bur. sülȫ; Kalm. čöln; Ord.
čölȫ; Dag. čulē (Тод. Даг. 182, MD 131; MGCD šol); S.-Yugh. čölȫ;
Mongr. ćoloG ‘enfoncement’ (SM 454).
◊ KW 444, MGCD 577. Mong. > Evk. čulē etc., see Doerfer MT 101.
PTurk. *dil- to split, cut in slices (расщеплять, отрезать ломтики):
OTurk. til- (OUygh.); Karakh. til- (MK); Tur. dil-, dil ‘thin slice’; Gag.
dil-; Az. dilim ‘slice’; Turkm. dil-; Khal. tilim ‘slice’; MTurk. til- (Sangl.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. til-; Uygh. til-; Krm. dilim (K) ‘slice’; Tat. tel-; Bashk. tel-;
Kirgh. til-; Kaz. til-; KBalk. til-; KKalp. til-; Kum. til-; Nogh. til-; Khak.
təl-; Oyr. til-; Tv. dil-; Chuv. čəl-.
◊ VEWT 480, EDT 490-491, TMN 2, 553, ЭСТЯ 3, 230-231, Егоров 322, Мудрак 76.
‖ KW 444, Владимирцов 183, Poppe 16 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western
isogloss. The root was originally verbal (cf. PT); Mong. and TM reflect a
velar derivative *čḕlV-gV. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 554) criticism the
*čikŕo - *číńo
395
comparison still seems valid (although the narrowing *e > i in PT is not
quite clear). Miller (1985b, 207) cites a MJ tir- ‘cut in narrow strips’
which would be a nice match, but we were unable to identify the
source of the word.
-čikŕo firm, strong: Tung. *diktu ( ~ ǯ-); Mong. *čiɣirag; Turk. *Tɨgra- /
*Tɨgɨŕ; Jpn. *tíkàrà; Kor. *čirk-.
PTung. *diktu ( ~ ǯ-) firm, tough (плотный, коренастый, сильный): Neg. diktu; Man. ǯuktu; Ul. diktu; Ork. ǯiktu; Nan. ǯiktu; Orch.
diktu.
◊ ТМС 1, 205.
PMong. *čiɣirag firm, tough, strong (крепкий, сильный): MMong.
čijirax (HYt); WMong. čigiraɣ (L 179); Kh. čīreg; Bur. šīrag; Kalm. čīrəg;
Ord. čīraG; Dag. čira (Тод. Даг. 181); Dong. čəqara; Mongr. ćiraG (SM
456).
◊ KW 443. Mong. > Oyr. čīraq; > Man. čira etc., see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 48.
PTurk. *Tɨgra- / *Tɨgɨŕ 1 firm, tough 2 narrow, compact, firm (1
крепкий, плотный 2 узкий, тесный, плотный): OTurk. tɨɣra-q 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. tɨɣraq 1 (MK); Turkm. dɨqɨz 1 (a contamination with
dɨq- ῾to stuff’); Bashk. tɨɣɨz 1, 2; Kirgh. tɨɣɨz 2; Oyr. tūs 2; Chuv. tъₙvъₙr 2;
Yak. tɨjɨs 2.
◊ VEWT 477, EDT 471.
PJpn. *tíkàrà force, strength (сила): OJpn. tikara; MJpn. tíkàrà; Tok.
chikará; Kyo. chíkàrà; Kag. chikára.
◊ JLTT 546.
PKor. *čirk- tough, firm (прочный, крепкий): MKor. čirkɨi-; Mod.
čilgi-.
◊ Liu 686, KED 1551.
‖ Владимирцов 199, Poppe 15, Ozawa 121-123, JOAL 99, Miller
1985, 144-145. Mong. may be < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 156), but not
necessarily.
-číńo power, ability: Tung. *ǯiŋ; Mong. *čineɣe; Turk. *dɨŋ; Jpn.
*tíná-m-; Kor. *čń-.
PTung. *ǯiŋ very, extremely, really (очень, совершенно, действительно): Evk. ǯiŋ; Neg. ǯiŋ; Man. ǯin, ǯiŋ; Ul. ǯiŋ; Ork. ǯiŋ; Sol. ǯiŋ-ki
‘real’.
◊ ТМС 1, 258.
PMong. *čineɣe force, strength, ability (сила, способность):
WMong. činege(n) (L 188); Kh. činē; Bur. šenē(n); Kalm. činn; Ord. činē;
Dag. činē (Тод. Даг. 181, MD 130).
◊ KW 441, MGCD 572. Cf. MMong. (MA) čine- ‘to measure’, Mongor ćinē- id. (SM
452).
396
*čĭŋV - *čĭŋV
PTurk. *dɨŋ 1 very, strongly 2 strong, powerful 3 healthy 4 power 5
compact, dense (of earth) 6 to become strong 7 virgin soil (1 очень,
сильно, чрезвычайно 2 крепкий, сильный, мощный 3 здоровый 4
сила, мочь 5 залежный, плотный (о земле) 6 окрепнуть 7 целина):
OTurk. tiŋ ürki ‘recent’ (OUygh. - ДТС); Tur. din 1, dinč 2, 3; Gag. dinč 2;
Turkm. diŋ 1, diŋe ‘only’; Uzb. tin-ka 4, tiŋ 5; Uygh. tiŋ 5; Kirgh. tɨŋ 2,
tɨŋ- 6; Kaz. tɨŋ 2, 7, tɨŋ-aj- 6; KKalp. tɨŋ 7; Kum. tɨn 7; Khak. tɨŋ 2; Shr. tɨŋ
1; Oyr. tɨŋ 2; Tv. dɨŋ 1, dɨŋzɨɣ 2; Tof. dɨŋzɨ- 6; Chuv. tъnk ‘crammed,
stuffed’; Yak. tɨŋ 2; Dolg. tɨŋ 2.
◊ VEWT 478, Stachowski 238. Turk. > WMong. čiŋ, čiŋɣa (KW 437, 441), whence Nan.
čịŋqị et al. (ТМС 2, 397). Derivatives with the meaning ‘healthy’ in ЭСТЯ 3, 344-345 are
erroneously attributed to dɨn- ‘rest’; Yak. tɨŋ, dɨŋ ‘strained, tense’ belongs not here (despite VEWT, but to tɨŋ- ‘pull, stretch’).
PJpn. *tíná-m- be related, connected (быть связанным, иметь отношение к): MJpn. tíná-m-; Tok. chinám-; Kyo. chínám-; Kag. chinám-.
◊ JLTT 767. The Tokyo accent is irregular (*chìnam- would be expected).
PKor. *čń 1 shape, appearance, conduct 2 to make, produce (1 форма, вид, поведение 2 делать, производить): MKor. čń 1, čīs- (čīń-),
čìń- 2; Mod. čīt [čīs] 1, čīt- [čis-] (či-) 2.
◊ Nam 441, 445, KED 1557.
‖ Владимирцов 172. The Korean form speaks in favour of reconstructing palatal *-ń-; Turkic and Tungus reveal a secondary -ŋ- resulting from a suffixed form *číń(o)-gV ( = Mong. *čineɣe).
-čĭŋV to listen, consider: Tung. *ǯiŋ-; Mong. *čiŋla-; Turk. *dɨŋla- /
*diŋle-.
PTung. *ǯiŋ- 1 to understand 2 attentive, conscious (1 понимать 2
сознательный, серьезный): Evk. ǯiktew- ( < *ǯiŋ-ktew-) 1; Ul. dinile 2;
Nan. ǯiŋire, ǯiksi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 207, 256.
PMong. *čiŋla- to listen (слушать): WMong. čiŋna-, čiŋla- (L 190);
Kh. čagna-; Bur. šagna-; Kalm. čiŋnə- (КРС); Ord. čiŋna-; Dag. činčilə-;
Dong. čenlie-, čanlie-; Bao. čoŋlə-; Mongr. ćinla- (SM 452), čiŋla- (Huzu),
(MGCD čaŋla-).
◊ MGCD 559.
PTurk. *dɨŋla- / *diŋle- 1 to listen 2 to hear 3 to consider, meditate
(1 слушать 2 слышать 3 размышлять, обдумывать): OTurk. tɨŋla- 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tɨŋla- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. dinle- 1; Az. dinlä- 1;
Turkm. diŋle- 1; MTurk. diŋle-, tɨŋla- 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. tiŋla- 2; Krm.
dinle-, tɨŋla- 2; Tat. tɨŋma- 1; Bashk. tɨŋla- 1; Kirgh. tɨŋša- 1; Kaz. tɨŋda- 1;
KBalk. tɨŋla- 1; KKalp. tɨŋla- 1; Kum. tɨŋla- 1; Nogh. tɨŋla- 1; SUygh.
tɨnna- 2; Khak. tɨŋna- 1; Oyr. tɨŋda- 1; Tv. dɨŋna- 2; Tof. dɨŋna- 2; Chuv.
čъnla- 3.
*čipV - *čtu
397
◊ The verbal stem *dɨŋla- is derived from the noun *dɨŋ (OT tɨŋ, Turkm. diŋ ‘reason,
mind, cleverness’). See VEWT 478, EDT 522, ЭСТЯ 3, 236-237.
‖ Владимирцов 172. A Western isogloss. Mong. can be < Turk., see
Щербак 1997, 156.
-čipV ( ~ -b-) slow, sluggish: Tung. *ǯibge; Mong. *čibda-.
PTung. *ǯibge slow, sluggish; miserly (медленный, медлительный; скупой): Man. ǯibge.
◊ ТМС 1, 255. Attested only in Manchu, but having a probable Mong. parallel.
PMong. *čibda- slow, sluggish; thin (of water flow); miserly (медленный, медлительный; тонкий (о потоке воды); скупой): WMong.
čibdaɣ (L 174); Kh. čavdag; Bur. šabdag.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-čadu ( ~ *čoda) a k. of ungulate animal: Tung. *ǯudura; Mong.
*dudura-; Turk. *T(i)adun.
PTung. *ǯudura a pig (looking like a wild grey or white pig) (свинья (похожая на диких серых или белых кабанов)): Man. ǯudura.
◊ ТМС 1, 270. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *dudura- foal of a donkey, young of small cattle (осленок,
детеныш мелкого скота): WMong. dudurai, duduraŋ (L 270); Kh.
dudraj, dudran; Ord. dudurǟ.
PTurk. *T(i)adun 1 a one- or two-year old calf 2 ox (1 годовалый
или двухгодовалый теленок 2 вол): Karakh. taδun (MK) 1; Khak. tazɨn
2.
◊ EDT 457.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-čtu ( ~ *t-) sweet, taste: Tung. *ǯutī; Mong. *dadu-; Turk. *dāt.
PTung. *ǯutī sweet (сладкий): Evk. ǯutī; Evn. ǯut.
◊ ТМС 1, 279.
PMong. *dadu- to get accustomed (привыкать): MMong. dadu(SH); WMong. dadu-, (L 215) dad-; Kh. dad-; Bur. dada-; Kalm. dad-; Dag.
dadlag ‘experience’.
◊ KW 71, MGCD 188.
PTurk. *dāt- 1 to taste 2 taste 3 sweet, tasty 4 to get accustomed (1
иметь вкус (1а пробовать на вкус) 2 вкус 3 сладкий, вкусный 4 привыкать): OTurk. tat- 1, 1a (OUygh.), tatɨɣ 2 (OUygh.), tatɨɣ-lɨɣ 3 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tat-lɨɣ 3 (MK), tatɨ- 1 (MK, KB), tatɨɣ 2 (MK, KB),
tatɨɣ-lɨɣ 3 (MK); Tur. tat- (tatar) 1a, tat (-d-), tadɨm, tatɨk 2, tatlɨ 3, dad-a‘to bait, lure’, dad-a-n- 4; Gag. dat- 1a, dat 2, datlɨ 3, dad-a-n- 4; Az. dad1a, dad 2, dadlɨ 3, dadan- 4; Turkm. dāt/d- 1a, dāt 2, dāt-lɨ 3; Khal. tāt- 1;
MTurk. tat- 1a (Abush., Pav. C., Sangl.), tat 2 (Sangl.), tat-lɨɣ3 (Sangl.);
Uzb. tɔt- 1a, tati- 1, 1a tɔt 2, tɔtli 3; Uygh. teti- 1, 1a, tatq 2, tatliq 3; Krm.
tat- 1a, tatɨ- 1, 1a, tat (K), tatuv (T,H,K) 2, tatlɨ (T,H,K) 3, tatan- (K) 4; Tat.
398
*čobe - *čobeŕV
tat- 1, 1a, tat 2, tatlɨ 3; Bashk. tatɨ- 1a, tat 2, tatlɨ 3; Kirgh. tat- 1 a, tatɨ- 1,
tatɨq 2, tattuw 3, tatq-a-n- 4; Kaz. tat- 1, 1 a, tätti 3; KBalk. tat- 1 a, tatɨw 2,
tatlɨ 3; KKalp. tat- 1 a, tatɨ- 1, 1a, tatlɨ 3; Kum. tatɨ- 1, tatɨw 2, tatli 3;
Nogh. tat- 1, 1 a, tatɨq 2; SUygh. tatɨ- 1 a, tatɨɣ 3; Khak. tadɨ- 1, tadɨɣ 2,
tadɨlɨɣ 3; Shr. tatqɨ 2; Oyr. tatu 2, 3; Chuv. tuda-l- 1, tuda-n- 1a, todъ 2,
tut-lъ 3.
◊ VEWT 466, EDT 449-450, 452, 454, ЭСТЯ 3, 162-164, Федотов 2, 256-257. Oghuz
(Osman) devoicing is secondary. Turk. > Mong. *tati- > tači(ja)- ‘become accustomed’ (KW
385) > TM tati- id. (ТМС 2, 170.)
‖ See АПиПЯЯ 13, 14. A Western isogloss. The Turkic forms (where
both the meanings ‘to taste’ and ‘to get accustomed (*to taste)’ are represented), provide a good link between TM *ǯutī- ‘sweet’ and Mong.
*dadu- ‘to get accustomed’. See also notes to *dasa-.
-čobe ( ~ *t-) ten: Tung. *ǯuba-n; Jpn. *təwə.
PTung. *ǯuba-n ten (десять): Evk. ǯān; Evn. ǯān-nụ; Neg. ǯān; Man.
ǯuwan; SMan. ǯuan (2744); Jurch. ǯuwa (645); Ul. ǯụwa(n); Ork. ǯōn; Nan.
ǯoã; Orch. ǯā(n); Ud. ǯā(n); Sol. ǯ.
◊ ТМС 1, 248.
PJpn. *təwə ten (десять): OJpn. towo; Tok. tṓ; Kyo. tō; Kag. tṓ.
◊ JLTT 550. Original accent unclear, as in all numerals.
‖ JOAL 84. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-čobeŕV ( ~-abu-) salt; bitter, acid: Tung. *ǯujar-; Mong. *dabusu; Turk.
*dūŕ; Jpn. *túrá-; Kor. *čjr-.
PTung. *ǯujar- bitter, acid (горький, кислый): Evk. ǯri-pču; Evn.
ǯụịr, ǯụjịr; Neg. ǯojajị-gdị; Man. ǯu-šu-xun; SMan. ǯuuxun (431); Ul.
ǯụjụr-sị; Ork. dū.re; Nan. ǯojor-sị; Orch. ǯui-si; Ud. ǯūhi ‘sour’ (Корм.
235); Sol. ǯiil- ‘to turn sour’.
◊ ТМС 1, 254. Man. > Dag. ǯusun (Тод. Даг. 145).
PMong. *dabu-su salt (соль): MMong. dabusun (HY 24), ṭābuson
(IM), dabusun (MA); WMong. dabusu(n) (L 213); Kh. davs(an); Bur.
dabha(n); Kalm. dawsn; Ord. dawusu; Mog. dabsun, dōpsun; ZM dbsun
(24-6a); Dong. dansun; Bao. dabsoŋ; S.-Yugh. dābsən; Mongr. dabsə (SM
37).
◊ KW 80-81, MGCD 185. Mong. > Man. dabsu etc., see Poppe 1966, 195, Doerfer MT
38, Rozycki 52.
PTurk. *dūŕ (~ *-ǖ-) salt (соль): OTurk. tuz (OUygh.); Karakh. tuz
(MK, KB); Tur. tuz; Gag. tuz; Az. duz; Turkm. dūz; Sal. duz, düź, tuz;
Khal. tūz; MTurk. tuz (MA); Uzb. tuz; Uygh. tuz; Krm. tuz; Tat. toz;
Bashk. toδ; Kirgh. tuz; Kaz. tuz; KBalk. toδ; KKalp. duz; Kum. duz;
Nogh. tuz; SUygh. duz; Khak. tus; Shr. tus; Oyr. tus; Tv. dus; Tof. tus;
Chuv. tъₙvar; Yak. tūs; Dolg. tūs.
◊ VEWT 502, EDT 571, ЭСТЯ 3, 288-289, Stachowski 234.
*čŏge - *čŏge
399
PJpn. *túrá- unbearable, hard, bitter (горький; тяжелый, невыносимый): OJpn. tura-; Tok. tsùra-; Kyo. tsúrà-; Kag. tsúra-.
◊ JLTT 842.
PKor. *čjr- to be salty (быть соленым): Mod. čl- [čjl-].
◊ KED 1442.
‖ Владимирцов 258, АПиПЯЯ 13, 19, 49-50, 70, 285, Дыбо 11.
Mong. dabu-su regularly < *dabur-su; borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is absolutely improbable, despite Щербак 1997, 160. The Turk.-Mong. parallel is an old etymology (starting with Pelliot 1935, 231) which Doerfer
(TMN 2, 510-511) tries in vain to refute. A small problem is the preservation of *-b- (one should rather expect *daɣu(r)-sun in Mong.), which
should be probably explained by an old assimilation *čobeŕV- > *čopeŕV
in pre-PM. For Jpn. one has to assume a rather universal semantic
change ‘bitter’ > ‘hard, unbearable’. Cf. perhaps also MKor. čùijmí
‘vinegar dregs’.
-čŏge to give, exchange: Tung. *ǯugē-; Mong. *düji-; Turk. *dẹg-; Jpn.
*tai ( ~ *tia); Kor. *čù-.
PTung. *ǯugē- to exchange (обмениваться): Evk. ǯuɣē-lge-; Evn.
ǯuɣēn-met-/č-; Neg. ǯuɣe-t-; Man. ǯuwe-n ‘debt’; Jurch. ǯu-mu-sun- ‘to
lend’ (443); Ul. ǯue-či-; Ork. due-li-; Nan. ǯue-či-; Orch. ǯuwe-či-; Ud.
ǯue-si-; Sol. ǯugut-.
◊ ТМС 1, 270, 267.
PMong. *düji- to buy or sell wholesale (покупать оптом): WMong.
düi- (L 279); Kh. düj-.
PTurk. *dẹg- 1 to cost, to be worth 2 price 3 to change, exchange 4
allotment, portion 5 worth 6 change, exchange (1 стоить, быть достойным 2 цена 3 изменять(ся), обмениваться 4 доля (причитающееся)
5 достойный, положенный 6 перемена, обмен): OTurk. teg-im 1,
teg-im-lig 5, teg-ir 4 (OUygh.), teg-š-il-, teg-š-ür- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. teg1 (MK - ДТС), teg-ir 4 (MK), teg-iš 5 (KB), ‘given in exchange’ (MK),
teg-š-üt ‘exchange price’ (MK), teg-š-ür-ül- 3 (KB); Tur. deɣ- 1, dejer 2,
deɣ-im (dial.) 2, dejiš 6, dejiš- 3; Gag. dīš 6, dīš- 3; Az. däjär 2, däjiš- 3;
Turkm. deg- 1, degiš- 3; MTurk. (Xwar.) deg- 1, (OKypch.) deg-ir 2, teg-iš
2 (Sangl.), teg-iš- 3 (Sangl.); Uygh. tegiš- 3; Krm. tij- 1, degiš- 3; Kum. tij1; Chuv. tivəś ‘debt’.
◊ EDT 482, 485, 487, 488, ЭСТЯ 3, 181-182, 179-180, Лексика 338. Usually regarded as
a development of *dẹg- ‘to touch, reach’, which is somewhat dubious semantically; external parallels also seem to indicate that the two roots are originally distinct.
PJpn. *tai ( ~ *tia) goods for exchange (обмениваемые товары):
OJpn. te.
PKor. *čú- to give (давать): MKor. čù- ‘give’, čūi-čhú- ‘to present’;
Mod. ču-.
400
*čoke - *čùmi
◊ Liu 670, 673, HMCH 332, KED 435.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13 (with a different Mong. parallel). Mong. *düji- has a
secondary narrowing < *döji-; the early PJ form must have been *təjV,
with a subsequent contraction.
-čoke a k. of small animal (squirrel, otter): Tung. *ǯuku-n; Turk. *dEgiŋ;
Kor. *čúi.
PTung. *ǯuku-n otter (выдра): Evk. ǯukun; Evn. ǯȫkъn; Neg. ǯuxin;
Ork. dōkso; Nan. ǯuku(n); Orch. ǯūku(n); Ud. ǯugu; Sol. ǯūx.
◊ ТМС 1, 271. Cf. also Evk. ǯuktu ‘lynx’ (ibid.). Evk. > Dolg. ǯukun, ǯükün (see Stachowski 91).
PTurk. *dEgiŋ squirrel (белка): OTurk. tejiŋ (Orkh.); Karakh. tegiŋ
(MK - erroneously glossed ‘sable’, see EDT), tejiŋ (KB); Tur. dejin, deɣin
(dial.); MTurk. tejin (Sangl.); Uzb. tijin; Uygh. tijin; Tat. tijen; Bashk. tejen; Kirgh. tɨjɨn; Kaz. tijin, tɨjɨn; Oyr. tijiŋ; Tv. dīŋ; Yak. tīŋ; Dolg. tīŋ.
◊ VEWT 470, EDT 569, ЭСТЯ 3, 180-181, Лексика 164-165, Stachowski 224. Criticism
of the borrowing ( < Ugrian) theory see in Лексика 165, Аникин 546-547.
PKor. *čúi rat, mouse (крыса, мышь): MKor. čúi; Mod. čwi.
◊ Liu 673, KED 1517.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 14, Дыбо 7, Лексика 165. Voicing of -k- in PT must be
due to early assimilation.
-čòlú ( ~ t-) ice, hail: Tung. *ǯalka; Turk. *dolu; Jpn. *tùrárá.
PTung. *ǯalka 1 fine snow 2 to fall (of fine snow) (1 снежок 2 падать (о мягком снеге)): Neg. ǯalka- 1, ǯalka 2; Ud. ǯaka- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 246.
PTurk. *dolu hail (град): OTurk. tolɨ (OUygh.); Karakh. tolɨ (MK,
KB); Tur. dolu; Gag. tolu; Az. dolu; Turkm. dolɨ, (А-Б) dōlɨ; Khal. tôlɨ;
MTurk. tolɨ (MA), tolu (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. dụli; Uygh. tolɨ (dial.); Kaz.
dolɨ (dial.); Khak. toŋ-dol (toŋ- ‘frozen’); Tv. dolu; Yak. tolon; Dolg. tolot.
◊ VEWT 486, EDT 491, ЭСТЯ 3, 260-261, Лексика 31-32, Stachowski 226. Cf. also *Toĺ
‘ice’ (Tuva doš, Tof. do”š, Oyr. toš Лексика 18, VEWT 491, ЭСТЯ 3, 267).
PJpn. *tùrárá icicle (сосулька): MJpn. turara; Tok. tsùrara; Kyo.
tsùràrá; Kag. tsurará.
‖ Vocalism is not quite clear: in TM one would expect *ǯial-, but the
existing forms point rather to *ǯal- (note, however, that TM *-ia- and -atend to get confused after affricates).
-čùmi thousand: Turk. *Tümen; Jpn. *ti; Kor. *čmn.
PTurk. *Tümen ten thousand; very much (десять тысяч; очень
много): OTurk. tümen (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tümen (MK, KB),
(Kypch. 14 cent.) dümen; Tur. tümen; Turkm. tümen (arch.); MTurk.
tümen (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tuman; Uygh. tümän; Krm. tümen, kimen,
timen; Tat. tömɛn; Kirgh. tümön; SUygh. tmen (ЯЖУ); Oyr. tümen; Tv.
tümen; Yak. tümän.
*čnu - *čnu
401
◊ VEWT 504, EDT 507-508, Лексика 574-575. In general we agree with Doerfer’s arguments (TMN 2, 632-642: the Turkic word is the source of Persian tūmān ‘10000’, not
vice versa, although in some cases the word was borrowed back into Turkic (in particular: Az. tümän, Khal. timän ‘a Persian coin’, KBalk., Kum. tümen ‘10 roubles’); the Tokharian word, whose IE source is highly dubious, is most probably < Turkic; a Chinese source
is extremely dubious). Turk. > Mong. tümen (see TMN 2, 641, Щербак 1997, 160), whence
Evk. tumen etc., see Doerfer MT 78. Week evidence of initial voice (*d- should be expected
in PT) may be due to later cultural interborrowing.
PJpn. *ti thousand (тысяча): OJpn. ti; MJpn. ti; Tok. chi.
◊ JLTT 546.
PKor. *čmn thousand (тысяча): MKor. čmn.
◊ Nam 437.
‖ SKE 38. Despite TMN 2, 641 the Turk.-Kor. parallel seems quite
acceptable. Jpn. *ti reflects a suffixed form *čum(i)-gV.
-čnu blood; spirit, breath: Tung. *ǯun-; Mong. *čisu; Turk. *dn; Jpn.
*tí.
PTung. *ǯun- pulse, vein (пульс, кровеносный сосуд): Man. ǯun.
◊ ТМС 1, 275. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *čisu blood (кровь): MMong. čisun (HY 48, SH), čiṣun (IM),
čisun (MA); WMong. čisu (L 192); Kh. cus; Bur. šuha(n); Kalm. cusn; Ord.
ǯusu; Mog. čusun; ZM čosun (3-7b); Dag. čos (Тод. Даг. 182), čose (MD
130); Dong. čusun; Bao. čisoŋ; S.-Yugh. čusun, čüsən; Mongr. cəʒu, cəʒə
(SM 438), (MGCD čisə).
◊ KW 434, MGCD 582.
PTurk. *dn 1 spirit, breath 2 rest 3 to rest 4 to pant 5 to breathe 6
quiet 7 sultriness (1 дыхание, дух 2 отдых 3 отдыхать 4 задыхаться 5
дышать 6 спокойный 7 духота): OTurk. tɨn 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. tɨn 1
(MK, KB), tɨn 2 (MK); Tur. tin 1, din-le- 3; Gag. din-ne-n- 3; Az. tɨnč-ɨx- 4,
dinč 2; Turkm. dnč 2; Khal. tinč 6; MTurk. tɨn- 3 (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb.
tin 1, tin- 3; Uygh. tin 1, tin- 3; Krm. tɨn- 5, tɨnc 2; Tat. tɨn 1; Bashk. tɨn 1,
tɨn-s-ɨw 7; Kirgh. tɨn 1, tɨn- 3, 5; Kaz. tɨn-ɨs 1, 2; KBalk. tin 1, tɨn-č-ɨ- ‘to
rot, addle’, tɨn-č-aj- 3, tɨn-ɨm 2; KKalp. tɨn 1, tɨn- 3; Kum. tɨn-ɨš 1, tɨn-č-aj3; Nogh. tɨn-ɨs 1, tɨn-š-ɨq- 4, tɨn-š-a-j- 3; Khak. tɨn 1, tɨn- 5, tɨn-a-n- 3; Shr.
tɨn 1, tɨn- 5, tɨn-a-n- 3; Oyr. tɨn 1, 2, tɨn- 5; Tv. tɨn 1, tɨn- 5; Tof. tɨn 1, tɨn5; Chuv. čəm 1; Yak. tn 1, tn- 5; Dolg. tn 1, tn- 5.
◊ VEWT 478, EDT 512, ЭСТЯ 3, 341-345, Мудрак Дисс. 38-39, Stachowski 238, 239.
Some Oghuz reflexes have voiceless t-, probably because of Kypchak influence; still the
reconstruction of *d- seems preferable.
PJpn. *tí blood (кровь): OJpn. ti ‘blood; spirit, force’; MJpn. tí; Tok.
chì; Kyo. ch; Kag. chí.
◊ JLTT 545. The reading ti for ‘blood’ in OJ is quite certain because of the makurakotoba tipayaburu, which is written alternatively with the characters 知 (Kojiki), 千 (e.g.
Man’yōshū 2663) and 血 (Man’yōshū 3236).
402
*čŭru - *čuŕi
‖ Ozawa 120-121, АПиПЯЯ 72, 92, 274. The Jpn. form may reflect a
contraction of the suffixed *čn(u)-gV, but since loss of *-n- is not attested elsewhere, one cannot exclude a monosyllabic reconstruction
*čū, with a suffix *-n added in Turkic and TM. Cf. also Mong. *činar
‘quality, image’ (see Владимирцов 172, Poppe 15, 69; in VEWT 478
and KW 441 considered to be borrowed < Uygh. tɨnar).
-čŭru ( ~ -a) to scratch: Tung. *ǯurū-, *ǯura-n; Turk. *dɨrŋa-k; Kor. *čūr.
PTung. *ǯurū-, *ǯura-n 1 to draw 2 a scratch, line (1 чертить 2 черта, полоска): Evk. ǯurū- 1; Neg. ǯojan 2; Man. ǯiǯu- 1; SMan. ǯuǯu-, ǯuǯi1 (1315, 2380); Ul. ǯụra(n) 2; Nan. ǯorã 2; Orch. ǯurara ‘striped’; Ud.
ǯūnda- 1; Sol. ǯurī- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 278.
PTurk. *dɨrŋa-k finger-nail, claw (ноготь, коготь): OTurk. tɨrŋaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. tɨrŋaq (MK, KB); Tur. tɨrnak; Gag. tɨrnaq; Az. dɨrnaG;
Turkm. dɨrnaq; Sal. ʒɨrna(:)χ; Khal. tɨrnaq; MTurk. tɨrŋaq/tɨrŋaɣ (Sangl.);
Uzb. tirnɔq; Uygh. tirnaq; Krm. tɨrnax; Tat. tɨrnaq; Bashk. tɨrnaq; Kirgh.
tɨrnaq; Kaz. tɨrnaq; KBalk. tɨrnaq; KKalp. tɨrnaq; Kum. tɨrnaq; Nogh.
tɨrnaq; SUygh. dərmaq; Khak. tɨrɣax; Shr. tɨrɣaq; Oyr. tɨrGaq; Tv. dɨrɣaq;
Tof. dɨrɣaq ‘comb’; Chuv. čərne; Yak. tɨŋɨrax; Dolg. tɨŋɨrak.
◊ Derived from PT *dɨrŋa- ‘to scratch, scrape’. See VEWT 465, 479, TMN 3, 200 (there
are no reasons to postulate different roots here: we have obviously a case of a complicated behaviour of the medial -ŋ-); EDT 551, 549-50, ЭСТЯ III 345-349, Егоров 324, Дыбо
312, 323-325, Лексика 258, Stachowski 238.
PKor. *čūr file (напильник): MKor. čūr; Mod. čūl.
◊ Liu 672, HMCH 251, KED 1507.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281,13; Дыбо 311-312, 323-324. Despite Doerfer MT 77,
the TM forms are hardly borrowed from Mong. ǯiru-, which happens to
have a quite different origin (see *ńaŕe). Cf. also *č῾iŕV.
-čuŕi even, straight: Mong. *čir-; Turk. *düŕ; Kor. *čr-.
PMong. *čir- straight (прямой): WMong. čiraɣa, čirɣa; Kalm. čirɣə.
◊ KW 442.
PTurk. *düŕ even, level (1 ровный 2 упорядочивать): OTurk. tüz
(Orkh., OUygh.) 1, tüz- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. tüz 1, tüz- 2 (MK, KB); Tur.
düz 1, düz- 2; Gag. düz 1, düz- 2; Az. düz 1, düz- 2; Turkm. düz 1, düz- 2;
Sal. tüz, tiz 1; MTurk. tüz 1 (MA), tüz- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. tuz- 2; Uygh. tüz2; Krm. tüz, tiz 1, tüz-, tüzü- 2; Tat. töz 1, töz- 2; Bashk. töδö- 2; Kirgh. tüz
1; Kaz. tüz-e- 2; KBalk. tüz 1, tüz-e-t- 2; KKalp. düz 1, düz-, düze-, tüze- 2;
Kum. tüz 1; Nogh. tüz- 2; SUygh. tüz 1, tüz- 2; Khak. tüs 1, tüz-e-t- 2; Shr.
tüs 1, tüz-e-t- 2; Oyr. tüs 1, tüze- 2; Tof. düs; Chuv. türə, törə (NW) 1.
◊ See ЭСТЯ 3, 309-312, VEWT 508, EDT 571, 572. The word is interacting with *diŕ‘to string, thread’ (v. sub *čúŕu).
*čúŕu - *čŏĺe
403
PKor. *čr- to go straightly, take a short way (идти напрямик):
MKor. čr-; Mod. čirɨ-.
◊ Nam 436, KED 1530.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13. The Mong. reflex is not quite certain: it is attested
only in Kalm. and not quite satisfactory vocalically. The root is phonetically very close to *čúŕu ‘string’, and was obviously liable to contaminations (in particular, Jpn. *túrá ‘row’ may actually continue either
root).
-čúŕu string, to string: Mong. *dürü-; Turk. *diŕ-; Jpn. *túrá; Kor. *čur-.
PMong. *dürü- to stick into (втыкать): MMong. duru- (MA 185);
WMong. dürü- (L 283); Kh. düre-; Bur. düre-; Kalm. dür-.
◊ KW 105-106.
PTurk. *diŕ- 1 to bead, string 2 arrange in a row (1 нанизывать 2
располагать в ряд): OTurk. tiz- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. tiz- (MK, KB) 1;
Tur. diz- 1, 2; Gag. diz- 1, 2; Az. düz- 1, 2; Turkm. düz- 1, 2; Khal. tiz- 1;
MTurk. tiz-, tüz- (Abush., Sangl.) 1; Uzb. tiz- 1, 2; Uygh. tiz- 1, 2; Krm.
tiz- 1, tüz- 1, 2; Tat. tez- 1, 2; Bashk. teδe- 1, 2; Kirgh. tiz- 1, 2; Kaz. tiz- 1,
2; KBalk. tiz- 1, 2; KKalp. diz- 1, 2; Kum. tiz- 2; Nogh. tiz- 1, 2; Khak. təs-,
čəs- 1; Oyr. tis- 1; Tv. dis- 1; Chuv. tir- 1; Yak. tis- 1; Dolg. tis- 1.
◊ VEWT 482, EDT 572, ЭСТЯ 3, 218-220, Stachowski 223. The word (with the meaning ‘to arrange in a row’) interacts with *düŕ ‘even, level’ (v. sub *čuŕi) .
PJpn. *túrá row, line (ряд, линия): OJpn. tura; MJpn. túrá; Tok.
tsura.
◊ JLTT 556.
PKor. *čur- 1 to string, bead 2 string, line (1 нанизывать 2 линия,
веревка): MKor. čùr-hj- 1, čúr 2; Mod. čul 2.
◊ Nam 434, Liu 672, KED 1507. The noun is absent in Nam and HMCH, but adduced
with high tone in Liu, while the derived verb is given with low tone both in Nam and
Liu. The original accent is thus not quite clear.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 14, 77. Cf. also *čuŕi (with some contaminations possible).
-čŏĺe front, front part: Tung. *ǯule; Mong. *döli; Turk. *döĺ; Kor. *čɨrə.
PTung. *ǯule front, front part (перед, передняя часть): Evk. ǯulē;
Evn. ǯul; Neg. ǯul-lē; Man. ǯule-ri; ǯulkun ‘hollow under neck’; Jurch.
ǯule (ǯule-le) (598); Ul. ǯuli; Ork. duli, dulde; Nan. ǯule; Orch. ǯulē-du; Ud.
ǯulē (Корм. 235), ǯulie; Sol. ǯuldē-du.
◊ ТМС 1, 273-274.
PMong. *döli flat surface, Absatz auf dem Bergabhang (плоская поверхность, плато на склоне горы): WMong. döli, döl (L 267); Kh. döl;
Kalm. dölə.
◊ KW 98.
404
*čṓtakV - *čúrka
PTurk. *döĺ mountain slope (склон горы): Tur. döš (dial.); Az. döš;
Uzb. tụš; Uygh. töš; Kirgh. töš; Nogh. tös; Khak. tös; Tv. dö’š.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 287. The root should be kept distinct from *dȫĺ ‘breast’ q. v. sub *t῾ōĺi (see
Щербак 1970, 197).
PKor. *čɨrə before, beforehand (прежде, заранее): MKor. čɨrə, čɨrjə;
Mod. čire.
◊ Nam 436, KED 1529.
‖ KW 98 (Turk.-Mong.), SKE 35 (Kor.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 289.
-čṓtakV ( ~ -ukV) pulp, mushroom; lip: Tung. *ǯudakta / *ǯedukte; Turk.
*dōtak.
PTung. *ǯudakta / *ǯedukte 1 piece of meat (without bones) 2 tree
mushroom (1 кусок мяса (без костей) 2 древесный гриб): Evk.
ǯedukte, dial. dedukte 1; Ork. dụdaqta / ǯụǯaqta 2; Orch. dudakta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 219, 230, 282.
PTurk. *dōtak lip (губа): Tur. dudak; Gag. dudaq; Az. dodaG; Turkm.
dōdaq; Sal. totax, totɨx; Chuv. toda, tuda.
◊ VEWT 491, TMN 2, 603-604, ЭСТЯ 3, 251, Федотов 2, 256, Лексика 226.
‖ Лексика 226. An interesting Turk.-Tung. isogloss: phonetically
quite regular except secondary (assimilatory) voicing -t- > -d- in TM.
-čra to stand: Tung. *ǯur-; Turk. *dur-; Jpn. *tàt-; Kor. *čàrí.
PTung. *ǯur- to stand still (стоять (спокойно, молча)): Evn. ǯụr-ụl-.
◊ ТМС 1,278. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *dur- to stand (стоять): OTurk. tur- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. tur- (MK, KB); Tur. dur-; Gag. dur-; Az. dur-; Turkm. dur-; Sal.
dɨr-; Khal. tur-; MTurk. tur- (Pav. C.); Uzb. tur-; Uygh. tur-; Krm. tur-;
Tat. tor-; Bashk. tor-; Kirgh. tur-; Kaz. tur-; KBalk. tur-; KKalp. tur-;
Kum. tur-; Nogh. tur-; SUygh. dur-; Khak. tur-; Shr. tur-; Oyr. tur-; Tv.
tur-; Tof. dur-; Chuv. tъₙr-; Yak. tur-; Dolg. tur-.
◊ VEWT 500, EDT 529-530, ЭСТЯ 3, 296-301, Stachowski 232. Turk. > WMong. toru‘get smwh., arrive smwh.’ (KW 402).
PJpn. *tàt- to stand (стоять): OJpn. tat-; MJpn. tàt-; Tok. tát-; Kyo.
tàt-; Kag. tàt-.
◊ JLTT 765.
PKor. *čàrí seat; place, location (сиденье; место, расположение):
MKor. čàrí; Mod. čari.
◊ Liu 642, KED 1377.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 101, 277. Korean has a “verbal” low tone, showing that
the noun is a deverbative (although the original verb is not attested).
-čúrka ( ~ -o-) swift stream, current: Tung. *ǯurku; Mong. *dargil; Jpn.
*tákí, *tanki-t-.
PTung. *ǯurku 1 rapid, swift stream 2 fairway (1 быстрое течение,
быстрина 2 фарватер): Evn. ǯụrqụ 1; Neg. ǯojkụ 2.
*čúrka - *čúrka
405
◊ ТМС 1, 277.
PMong. *dargil rapid current (быстрина, быстрое течение):
WMong. dargil (L 233); Kh. dargil; Kalm. därgl.
◊ KW 89. Mong. > Evk. dargi etc., see Doerfer MT 123.
PJpn. *tákí, *tanki-t- 1 swift current, waterfall 2 to foam, overflow
(1 быстрый поток, водопад 2 пениться, переливаться): OJpn. takji 1,
tagjit- 2; MJpn. tákí 1, tagir- 2; Tok. tàki 1, tagír- 2; Kyo. tákí 1, tágír- 2;
Kag. táki 1, tagír- 2.
◊ JLTT 539, 761.
‖ Ozawa 119-120, 241-242 (Jpn.-Mong.). A good common Altaic
landscape term.
Č῾
-č῾a that, beyond, not very far: Tung. *čā-; Mong. *ča-; Kor. *č.
PTung. *čā- that, further (not very far) (тот (находящийся дальше)): Evk. čā-; Evn. čā-; Neg. čā-; Man. ča-; Ul. ča-; Ork. čō-; Nan. ča-;
Orch. čā-; Ud. ča-; Sol. sā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 376-377. Cf. also Manchu če ‘they’ (ТМС 2, 418-419).
PMong. *ča- that, beyond (тот): MMong. ča’a-da (SH) ‘near, close’;
WMong. ča-, či-, čiɣa- (L 157, 158); Kh. cā-; Bur. sā-; Kalm. cā-; Ord. čāna;
Dag. čā-š (Тод. Даг. 181), čāši ‘thither’ (MD 127); Bao. čiataŋ ‘near’;
Mongr. ćaGšə, taGšə (SM 442).
◊ KW 423, 424. Cf. also *čina- ‘beyond, other side’.
PKor. *č this (этот): MKor. č.
◊ Liu 650.
‖ KW 423, Poppe 26, Rozycki 43. Hardly a loanword in TM <
Mong., despite Doerfer MT 20.
-č῾abo to pinch: Tung. *čaba-; Mong. *čibka; Kor. *čūb-.
PTung. *čaba- 1 to grip (with claws) 2 claw 3 to pinch (1 хватать
(когтями) 2 коготь 3 щипать): Evk. čawarī- 1; Neg. čawa- 1; Ul. čawa-qta
2; Ork. čawa-qta 2; Nan. čawa-qta 2, (Bik.) cawači- 1; Ud. čaban 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 375.
PMong. *čibka trigger, slingshot, string (of a stringed instrument)
(smth. which is pinched) (курок, рогатка, струна (струнного инструмента) (то, что ущипывают)): WMong. čibqa (L 175); Kh. čavx; Bur.
šabxa; Kalm. čawəg (КРС).
PKor. *čūb- to pick (подбирать, собирать): MKor. čūs- (čūń-), čūń- (
< *čubuń-); Mod. čūp- (-w-), čūt- [čūs-].
◊ Nam 435, KED 1509.
‖ Cf. *č῾íp῾u.
-č῾abu army, war: Tung. *čabu-ka; Mong. *čaɣur; Turk. *čAbuĺ(č); Jpn.
*tupa-.
PTung. *čabu-ka army (войско): Neg. čawxa; Man. čōχa; SMan.
čuahə ‘soldier’(1141); Jurch. čaw-xa (269); Ul. čaụχa; Ork. čaụχa; Nan.
čaoχa; Orch. čaụxa; Ud. čawaha, čauha; Sol. čoɣa.
◊ ТМС 2, 402. Man. > Dag. čōga, čuag (Тод. Даг. 181).
*č῾bu - *č῾adVbV
407
PMong. *čaɣur military raid (военный поход): MMong. ča’ur (SH);
Bur. sūr sereg; Ord. čirik čūr ‘army’.
PTurk. *čAbuĺ(č) military commander (военный командир):
OTurk. čabuš (Orkh., Yen.), čavuš (OUygh.); Karakh. čavuš (MK); Tur.
čavuš; Az. čovuš ‘leader of a pilgrimage’; MTurk. čawuš (Sangl.); Krm.
čavuš (K) ‘senior worker’; Kum. čawuš ‘herald’.
◊ VEWT 101, EDT 399, TMN 3, 35-38. Criticism of the hypothesis of the word’s Iranian origin see in TMN.
PJpn. *tupa- 1 armour, weapon(ry) 2 soldier (1 вооружение, оружие 2 солдат): OJpn. tupa-m(w)ono 1, 2; MJpn. tufa-mono 1, 2; Tok.
tsùwamono 2; Kyo. tsuwamonó 2; Kag. tsuwamonó 2.
◊ JLTT 558. Accent is not clear.
‖ Владимирцов 209.
-č῾bu sound, fame: Tung. *čab-; Mong. *čuw; Turk. *č(i)āb; Jpn. *tuáp-.
PTung. *čab- 1 to be noisy 2 noise 3 to resound (1 шуметь 2 шум 3
отдаваться, разноситься (о звуке)): Evk. čiwi-, dial. čawir- 1; Neg.
čawgị- 1; Ul. čāo 2; Ork. čajịqotčị- 1; Nan. čawalị- 3, čaō 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389.
PMong. *čuw 1 rumour, gossip, echo, fame 2 to sound, cry (1 слух,
эхо, слава, дурная слава 2 звучать, кричать): WMong. čuu (L 207) 1,
čuugi- 2; Kh. čū 1, čūgi- 2; Bur. sū hurag 1, sūja- 2; Kalm. cǖ 1, cūgi-, cǖgi2; Ord. čū ‘notorious’, čūgi- 2; Dag. čōgīn 1.
◊ KW 435, 436. Mong. > Kirgh. čū and some other Kypch. forms.
PTurk. *č(i)āb fame, good reputation, news (слава, хорошая репутация , новости): Karakh. čav (MK, KB); Tur. čav; Az. čov; Turkm. čāv
(arch.); Khal. čov (may be < Az.); MTurk. čaw (Sangl.); Khak. sab-laɣ ‘renowned’; Shr. šap-tɨɣ ‘renowned’; Oyr. čap; Tof. šaɣ.
◊ VEWT 93, EDT 393. Final -p in Siberian languages is not quite clear.
PJpn. *tuáp- to address; to ask (обращаться; спрашивать): OJpn.
twop-; MJpn. tóf-; Tok. tò-, tó-; Kyo. tó-; Kag. tò-.
◊ JLTT 771. Tokyo tò- and Kagoshima tò- point to an accent variant *tuàp-.
‖ Владимирцов 256, Poppe 44; despite Щербак 1997, 193, not borrowed in Turk. < Mong. The vocalism is not entirely clear: the diphthong in OJ is either secondary (from *č῾ābu one would expect *tup-), or
points to a contraction < *tVwap-. In the latter case the PA form should
rather be reconstructed as *č῾āba, with the Jpn. form analysed as containing a frequent -p-suffix (note that the TM evidence does indeed allow for an alternative reconstruction *čiab-, because of the variation
-i-/-a- in Evk.).
-č῾adVbV scorpion, viper: Turk. *čAd(b)an; Jpn. *tatipi.
PTurk. *čAd(b)an scorpion (скорпион): Karakh. čaδan (MK, KB);
Tur. čajan, čɨjan ‘сколопендра’; Turkm. čajān; MTurk. čajan, čɨjan
408
*č῾[a]ge - *č῾aju
(Abush., Sangl.), čiban (R - Calc.Wb., Pav. C.); Uzb. čajɔn; Uygh. čajan;
Tat. čajan, (R, Буд. - Kas.) čejban ‘millipede’; Bashk. sajan; Kirgh. čajan;
Kaz. šajan; KKalp. šajan; Nogh. šajan.
◊ VEWT 94, EDT 403, Лексика 64, 184-185. Turk. > Kalm. cajə ῾crayfish’ (?), see Щербак 1997, 111.
PJpn. *tatipi viper (гадюка, ядовитая змея): OJpn. tadipji; MJpn. tatifi, tadifi.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss.
-č῾[a]ge a k. of plant (reed) and its bast: Mong. *čaɣal-su; Turk. *čɨg (~--);
Kor. *čjòhắi.
PMong. *čaɣal-su paper (бумага): MMong. ča’alsun (HY 20, SH),
čalsun (MA); WMong. čaɣasu(n) (L 159), čaɣalsun (DO 696); Kh. cās; Bur.
sārha(n); Kalm. cāsn; Ord. čāsu; Dag. čās (Тод. Даг. 180), čāse (MD 127);
S.-Yugh. čāsən; Mongr. ćā(r)ʒə (SM 441), ćālʒə (Huzu), (MGCD čālsə).
◊ KW 424, MGCD 553. Mong. > Evk. čārsun, see Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *čɨg (~--) 1 reed 2 reed mat 3 things woven from reed (1
тростник, чий 2 тростниковая циновка 3 изделия, плетеные из чия
(тростника)): OTurk. čɨɣ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čɨɣ (MK) ‘reed screen’;
Tur. čɨɣ, čiɣ ‘reed partition’; MTurk. čɨɣ 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. čij 1, 3; Uygh. čiɣ
1; Kirgh. čij 1, 3; Kaz. šij 1, 3; KBalk. čij 2; KKalp. šij 2; Nogh. šijboj
‘любисток’ (?); SUygh. ǯiɣ 1; Oyr. čij 1.
◊ VEWT 107, 110; EDT 404, 412. Turk. > MMong. (HY 20) čix, WMong. čig, Khalkha
čig, Ord. čīg ‘bamboo screen’. The Nogh. form may be a compound; for the second part cf.
*bɨńan.
PKor. *čjòhắi paper (бумага): MKor. čjòhắi; Mod. čoŋi.
◊ Nam 432, KED 1486.
‖ PKE 39 (Kor.-Mong.). The meaning ‘paper’ in Mong. and Kor.
must be derived from original ‘(reed) bast, bark’. Labialized -o- (as well
as the source of modern -ŋ-) in Kor. is not quite clear.
-č῾aju ( ~ -e-) resin, juice: Turk. *čAjɨr; Jpn. *tuju; Kor. *čr-.
PTurk. *čAjɨr resin, tar (смола, деготь): Tat. čɛjɨr; Bashk. sajɨr;
Kirgh. čajɨr; Kaz. šajɨr; KBalk. čajɨr; KKalp. šajɨr; Kum. čajɨr; Nogh. šajɨr.
◊ VEWT 95.
PJpn. *tuju juice (сок): OJpn. tuju; MJpn. tuju; Tok. tsuyu.
◊ See comments to *tuju ‘dew’ (s.v. *č῾iju).
PKor. *čr- slushy, watery (водянистый, жидкий): MKor. čr-; Mod.
čil-.
◊ Nam 439, KED 1551.
‖ Kor. *čr- (with contraction) = Turk. *čAjɨr. Cf. perhaps also
WMong. čei-dem, Kalm. čīdm, cīdm ‘water mixed with kumis’ (although
this may be a derivative of čeji- ‘white, whitish’).
*č῾jV - *č῾ằjǯV
409
-č῾jV ( ~ -ē-) sand, sandbar: Mong. *čeɣel; Turk. *čāj.
PMong. *čeɣel 1 deep (water) 2 spring, place with springs 3 small
pool (1 глубокая (вода) 2 источник, место с родниками 3 пруд, лужа): MMong. če’el (SH) 1; WMong. čegel 2 (L 169); Kh. cēl 2; Bur. sēl 1;
Kalm. cēl 3; Dag. čēle (Тод. Даг. 181).
◊ KW 428.
PTurk. *čāj 1 small river 2 sand, pebbles 3 flood, freshet 4 shallow (1
речка 2 песок, галька 3 половодье, наводнение 4 мелководный): Tur.
čaj 1; Az. čaj 1; Turkm. čāj 1, čǟge 2; MTurk. čaj 1, čeke 2; Bashk. saj ‘a
river weed’ (?); KBalk. čaj (in the hydronym qaračaj); Shr. šajɨq 3; Oyr.
čaj-r-am 4; Yak. čaj 2 (?).
◊ The word is poorly attested (almost only in some modern Oghuz languages and
Chag., see VEWT 95, Лексика 94; the Yakut parallel is phonetically unclear - borrowed
from Tuva or Altai?). Turk. *čāj-ka (Turkm. čǟge, Chag. čeke) > Kalm. cek (KW 426). The
forms (despite semantic difference) may have an Iranian origin: Pers. (Pekhl.) čāh ‘well,
spring’ < *čāϑa > Av. čāta, Kurd. čāl, Bel. čāt, Osset. čad ‘lake’, Wakhi čot ‘pond’ (Horn 97,
Аб. 1, 285, 329, Расторгуева 1990, 191, ЭСВЯ 130); a certain Persian loan is Khal. čā
‘Brunnen, Grube’. Osset. č’aj ‘well’ is regarded by Abaev as a borrowing from Pers.
through Georgian (a ‘well’). The relationship to the verbal stem čāj- ‘to swill’ (ОСНЯ 3,
59-60) ( < ‘wash water off from the surface’?) is yet to be determined.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Not quite reliable because of scarce attestation in Turkic (the form may actually have an Iranian origin).
-č῾ằjǯV breast: Tung. *ča(i)ǯa-n; Mong. *čeɣeǯi; Turk. *čičig (/*čɨčɨg);
Jpn. *tì, *tìtí; Kor. *čjč.
PTung. *ča(i)ǯa-n 1 breast (fem.) 2 udder (1 грудь (ж.) 2 вымя): Evk.
ǯadan 2; Evn. ǯeǯin(/-a-) 2; Neg. ǯojan 1; Man. čeǯen 1; Ork. dada-qta 1, 2;
Nan. ǯaǯaqta 1, 2 (On.) .
◊ ТМС 1,242, 2,419. The Manchu form may be < Mong. (see Rozycki 45); in that case
one has to reconstruct *ǯa(j)ǯa(n) for PTM. In both cases initial *ǯ- is historically a result of
assimilation to the medial -ǯ-.
PMong. *čeɣeǯi breast (грудь): MMong. če’eǯi (SH); WMong.
čegeǯi(n) (L 170); Kh. cēž; Bur. sēže; Kalm. cēǯə, čēǯə; Ord. čēǯi; Mog. čeiǯi
(Ramstedt 1906); Dag. čēǯi (Тод. Даг. 181, MD 128); S.-Yugh. čīǯ; Mongr.
śiǯan.
◊ KW 428, 438, MGCD 565.
PTurk. *čičig (/*čɨčɨg) 1 breast (fem.) 2 female sheep 3 sheep tail 4
roasted sheep tail 5 roasted fat (1 грудь (женская) 2 овцематка 3 курдюк 4 жареный курдюк 5 жареный жир): MTurk. čičiɣ 2, 3 (R Vamb.), čɨčɨɣ, čɨčɨq 4 (R - Zenker); Tat. čɨžɨq (R, Bud. - Kas.), čɨʒɨq (R Tob.) 5; Chuv. čəǯə 1.
◊ VEWT 110. An onomatopaeic root, attested late - but possibly archaic because of
the external evidence. The assumed semantic development in Chag. and Tat. is ‘udder’ >
‘roasted udder’ > ‘fat roasted piece of meat’.
410
*č῾ki - *č῾áko
PJpn. *tì, *tìtí breast (fem.) (грудь (женская)): OJpn. ti; Tok. chichí;
Kyo. chìchí; Kag. chichí.
◊ JLTT 545, 546.
PKor. *čjč breast (f.) (грудь (женская)): MKor. čjs; Mod. čət [čəč].
◊ Nam 426, KED 1460.
‖ Martin 227, Lee 1958, 107, АПиПЯЯ 32-33, 76, 88, 279. An expressive reduplicated root, but no doubt common Altaic. Because of its
structure, liable to assimilations (*č῾ằjǯV > *ǯằjǯV or *č῾ằjč῾V).
-č῾ki a k. of coniferous tree: Tung. *čāK-; Mong. *čigör-; Turk. *čEket.
PTung. *čāK- fir-tree (ель): Evk. čākre.
◊ ТМС 2, 379. Isolated in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *čigör- cypress tree (кипарис): MMong. čigorsun (pl. čigot)
(HY 6, SH).
PTurk. *čEke-t 1 coniferous forest 2 pistacio nut 3 (fruit) stone, seed
4 hazel-nut 5 wild jujube 6 young coniferous growth 7 bush, shrub 8 fir
branch (1 лес (хвойный) 2 фисташковый орех 3 косточка, семечко 4
лесной орех 5 дикая ююба 6 молодые хвойные поросли 7 кустарник 8 ветка ели): Karakh. šeki-r-tük 2 (MK); Tur. čeki-r-dek 3; Gag. čekerdek 3; MTurk. čeke-r-dek, čekidɛ 5 (Pav. C., R - Babur); Krm. čegirdek, čekirdek 3, čeger ‘blackthorn’; Tat. čiki 4 (dial.); Kirgh. čege-dek, čege-l-dek 8;
KBalk. čeget ‘forest, wood’ (Karach.), ‘North’ (Balk.); Nogh. šege-r 7; Shr.
šet 7 (R); Oyr. čet aɣaš 6; Tv. šet 6.
◊ VEWT 102, EDT 867-868. Morphologically -t - is a collective suffix, -dak/-dɨk - a
denominative suffix. The word is attested in MK, but in an aberrant (dialectal) shape
with š-, and the meaning ‘nut’ is probably secondary, the original meaning of the root
being ‘coniferous tree, branch’. Several other plant names may be related, cf.: Chag. čekɛ
‘berries found in the Fergana mountains’; Uzb. čakanda ‘облепиха крушиновидная’,
Uygh. čäkändä ‘a bush with red fruits’ (R 3, 1947 Taranchi, mod. čakanda ‘a k. of thorny
bush’), Az. čäkil ‘mulberry’; Kirgh. South. čekende ‘хвойник; кузьмичева трава; эфедра
двуколосковая’ (its pseudoberries are edible; despite Yudakhin, not < Iranian - the word
is not attested in Persian). Turk. > Pers. čäkäldäk ‘blackberry’ (Гафаров).
‖ EAS 63. A Western isogloss.
-č῾áko many; be full, enough: Tung. *čak; Turk. *čok; Jpn. *tákú-páp-;
Kor. *čhắ-.
PTung. *čak- 1 full 2 strongly (1 полный 2 сильно, крепко): Man.
čaq seme 2; Ork. čak bi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 379.
PTurk. *čok 1 many, very 2 vile, hooligan 3 to gather, multiply 4
group, crowd (1 много, очень 2 дурной, хулиган, баловник 3 собирать(ся), размножать(ся) 4 толпа, множество): Karakh. čoq 1 (ДТС KB), čōq 2 (MK - Oghuz), čoɣ-al- 3; Tur. čok (-ɣu) 1, čoɣal- 3; Gag. čoju 4,
čoq-la-n- 3; Az. čox 1, čoxal- 3; Turkm. čoq (-qu) 4; MTurk. čoq 1 (Sangl.,
Oghuz-nama, AH), čoq- 3 (Abush.); Krm. čoq 1, čoɣɨ 4 (K); Kirgh. čoq 1;
*č῾ak῾a - *č῾ak῾a
411
Kaz. šoɣɨr 4; KKalp. šoq 2, 4; Nogh. šoq ‘дружно’; Khak. sox 2; Oyr. čoq3; Tv. šoɣ 2.
◊ VEWT 113, EDT 405, 406. The Oghuz adverb ‘much’, in the 12th c. (KB) ‘very, extremely’, is probably the same word as čoq ‘bad, vile’(Ogh. 11) (cf. also the Tuva parallel).
Turk. > Mong. (Khalkha) cox in cox xara ‘very black’. The identification of čoq-(la-) ‘gather,
collect’ with čoɣ-la- ‘to bind, pack’ (ДТС) or čoq- ‘to bend’ (EDT) is rather dubious. Vocalic
length is unclear (cf. the voicing of -k- in Western Oghuz).
PJpn. *tákú-páp- to hoard, assemble (запасать, накапливать):
OJpn. takupap(a)-; MJpn. tákúfáf(a)-; Tok. takuwaé-, tàkuwae-; Kyo.
tàkùwàè-; Kag. takuwaé-.
◊ JLTT 762. Accent is somewhat uncertain, though most sources (RJ, Tokyo tàkuwae-,
Kagoshima) point to *tákúpáp-. It is also worth noting Middle Jpn. and modern takusán
‘much, many’: the word is shaped and perceived as a kango (澤山 ‘swamps and mountains’), but is apparently not attested in Chinese sources and may represent a folk etymology. Its accent, however, differs from that of *tákú-páp- (Kyoto tákùsàn and Kagoshima takusán, together with the Tokyo form, point to *tàkù-sà[mà]).
PKor. *čhắ- to be full, fill (быть полным, наполнять): MKor. čhắ-;
Mod. čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1561.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283. The comparison of PT *čok with Sino-Kor. čjok (SKE
39, AKE 7, EAS 63) should be, of course, rejected; on the other hand, the
comparison of Kor. čhă- (a regular reduction < *čăhă-) with Mong. čad-,
čas- in SKE 46 cannot explain the aspiration of č- in Korean. See further
МССНЯ,331.
-č῾ak῾a to wrap, tie: Tung. *čaK-; Turk. *čak-; Jpn. *ta(n)k-; Kor. *čhằ-.
PTung. *čaK- to wrap up, collect (заворачивать, собирать): Evk.
čak-; Evn. čaq-; Neg. čak-.
◊ ТМС 2, 378.
PTurk. *čak- to bind, fetters, harness (связывать, оковы, упряжь):
Tur. čakɨl- ‘to be bound, fastened’ (of yoke animals), čaɣan ‘camel fetters’; Gag. čaqɨldaq ‘rope harness’; MTurk. čaɣan ‘camel fetters’; Oyr. čaqɨ
‘stick for binding horses’.
◊ VEWT 94, 96 (but Oyr. čakɨ is regarded as borrowed < Mong. čaqu, on which see
*č῾ak῾V).
PJpn. *ta(n)k- 1 to bind one’s hair into a bun 2 to bundle together; to
wear on the belt (1 связывать волосы в узел 2 связывать; носить на
поясе): OJpn. tak- 1; MJpn. tagana- 2.
◊ JLTT 761.
PKor. *čhắ- to wear on the belt (носить на поясе): MKor. čhắ-; Mod.
čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1562.
‖ Дыбо 15. Korean has a frequent vowel reduction between a stop
and a fricative (*čhă- < *čəhă-).
412
*č῾ak῾e - *č῾ak῾V
-č῾ak῾e forearm: Tung. *čaxan; Turk. *čɨkan(ak); Kor. *čjàkái-.
PTung. *čaxan 1 place under the knee 2 calf of leg 3 back part of
heel 4 cubit, armpit (1 место под коленом 2 икра ноги 3 задняя часть
пятки 4 локоть, подмышка): Evk. čakan, čāke 1, čakča 2; Neg. čaxā 3;
Nan. čaχã 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 378, 380.
PTurk. *čɨkan(ak) elbow, forearm (локоть, предплечье): MTurk.
čaɣanaq (Sangl., CCum., AH); Uzb. čekänäk (dial.); Uygh. ǯäjnäk; Krm.
cɨɣanaq; Tat. cɨɣanaq (dial.); Bashk. sɨɣanaq (dial.); Kirgh. čɨqanaq; Kaz.
šɨɣanaq ‘bay’; KBalk. čɨna; KKalp. šɨɣanaq; Nogh. šɨɣanaq; SUygh. čikenek;
Khak. čɨɣanax; Shr. šɨɣanaq; Oyr. čaɣanaq; Tv. šenek; Tof. če’henɛk; Chuv.
čike ‘cubit’.
◊ VEWT 96, EDT 404, Егоров 325, Лексика 249.
PKor. *čjàkái- groin, inguinal region (пах, паховая область): MKor.
čjàkái’jám; Mod. čagämi.
◊ Nam 419, KED 1372.
‖ Дыбо 311, Лексика 250. A reconstruction *č῾ajk῾e is not excluded
because of the Korean form; this is perhaps the reason for *-x- in TM
(where in this context one would rather expect *čakan).
-č῾ăk῾i a k. of insect: Tung. *čaKu- ( ~ š-); Mong. *čoku; Turk. *čekü-rtke.
PTung. *čaKu- ( ~ š-) a k. of midge (мошка-мокрец): Evk. čakimukta; Neg. čoxomto; Ul. čōqta; Nan. čōqta.
◊ ТМС 2, 379.
PMong. *čoku beetle (жук): WMong. čoqu (L 199); Kh. cox; Bur. soxo.
PTurk. *čekü-rtke locust, grasshopper (саранча, кузнечик):
Karakh. čekürge (MK Oghuz; Tefs.); Tur. čekirge; Az. čekirtge; Turkm.
čekirtge; MTurk. čegürtke, čewürtke (Sangl.); Uzb. čigirtka; Uygh. čekätkä;
Krm. čegirtke; Tat. čikertkɛ; Bashk. siŋertkä; Kirgh. čegirtke; Kaz. šegirtke;
KKalp. šegirtke; Nogh. šegertki; Khak. saɣɨrtxɨ; Tv. šergi; Yak. saxsɨrɣa
‘fly’; Dolg. haksɨrga ‘fly’.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 416-417, Лексика 187, Stachowski 94. Forms like Tat. dial. sikertke
are a result of contamination with *sēk- ‘jump’ (v. sub *ski).
‖ A Western isogloss. Note a labial vowel in the second syllable
which in this case must be reflecting suffixation (*č῾ăk῾i-bV-); Mong.
*čoku < *čaku with a frequent secondary vowel assimilation.
-č῾ak῾V section, prop (in a building): Tung. *čaKi-; Mong. *čaku; Kor.
*čhái.
PTung. *čaKi- 1 partition (in house) 2 to tread a path ( < ‘make a
partition’?) (1 перегородка (в строении) 2 протоптать (тропу)): Evk.
čaki- 2; Man. čaxin 1.
*č῾ali - *č῾àlù
413
◊ ТМС 2, 379. The Evk. form (borrowed in Yak. čākɨ ‘rammed path’) presupposes a
secondary semantic development and is somewhat uncertain here. Man. > Dag. agin
(Тод. Даг. 180).
PMong. *čaku prop, support (подставка, подпорка): WMong. čaqu
(L 167); Kh. cax; Kalm. caxlūr (КРС).
PKor. *čhái section of a building (секция здания): MKor. čhái; Mod.
čhä.
◊ Liu 695, KED 1576.
‖ Korean has a frequent vowel loss between *č῾- and *-k-.
-č῾ali membrane, bark: Tung. *čalban; Turk. *čEl(p)-.
PTung. *čalban birch, birch bark (береза, береста): Evk. čalban;
Evn. čālban; Neg. čālban; Nan. čalbã; Orch. čā(b)ba; Ud. čafakt῾ai
‘березняк’.
◊ ТМС 2, 380-382. TM > Dag. čālbān (Тод. Даг. 180).
PTurk. *čEl 1 film, membrane 2 albugo 3 mucus discharged by the
eye 4 unhusked rice 5 thin bread, cake 6 husk in grain (1 пленка, кожица, подмездрина 2 бельмо 3 глазной гной 4 неошелушенный
рис 5 тонкая лепешка 6 шелуха в крупе): Karakh. čelpek 3 (MK); Tur.
čel-tik 4; čelpik 3 (Red. only); Az. čäl-tik 4; Turkm. čelpek 5, čel-tik 6; Khal.
čäl-tik 4; MTurk. čelpek 5 (Sangl.); Uzb. čalpak 5; Uygh. čälpäk 5; Tat. cilen
‘cow’s afterbirth’ (dial. КСТТ); Kirgh. čel 1, 2, čelpek 5; Kaz. šel 2, ‘fat
under skin’, šelpek 5; KKalp. šelpek 5; Nogh. šel-te- ‘to husk grain’; Oyr.
čel 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 418-419, Лексика 392. Ogh. čel-tik > Pers. čaltuk, šaltūk (despite
VEWT 104). Turk. čelpek > Pers. čalpak (TMN 3, 1111). The meaning ‘eye pus, mucus’ in
*čel-pek developed under the influence of the similar *čapak (see under *čap- ‘plaster’), but
the two roots should be clearly distinguished (despite EDT 418).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-č῾àlù sharp, to cut: Tung. *čal-; Mong. *čali; Turk. *čal-; Jpn. *tùrù(n)kì.
PTung. *čal- 1 to cut off 2 to cut, engrave 3 bed in cross-bow 4 arrow
head (1 отрезать 2 резать, вырезать 3 ложе в самостреле 4 наконечник стрелы): Evk. čalī 4; Neg. čōlị- 1; Man. čoli- 2; Ul. čālụ- 1, 2, čaɣlị,
čaịlqa 3; Ork. čaɣla 3; Nan. čālị- 1, 2; Orch. čali 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 382, 405. Some forms reflect a PTM derivative *čal-ga (*čal-gi).
PMong. *čali 1 sharp 2 sharp instrument, crowbar (1 острый 2 острый инструмент, лом): MMong. čalir 2 (SH); WMong. čali 1, čalir / čaril
2 (L 163, 166); Kh. calir / caril 2; Bur. salī- ‘to be sharp’; Kalm. caĺə, cäĺə 1,
caĺr, cäĺr 2; Ord. čalir 2.
◊ KW 420, 421.
PTurk. *čal- 1 to knock (down), hit, agitate 2 to whet 3 to slaughter 4
to mow 5 scythe 6 to sting, pierce 7 to sweep 8 to chop 9 a k. of broom
10 to sharpen, whet 11 whetstone 12 mowing, hay time 13 to trip 14
414
*č῾amo - *č῾amo
blade (1 сбивать, ударять, бить, взбалтывать 2 точить 3 убивать, закалывать 4 косить 5 коса 6 жалить, закалывать 7 подметать 8 изрубить, отрубить 9 вид метлы, веник-голик 10 точить 11 оселок 12 покос 13 дать подножку 14 острие, лезвие): OTurk. čal- 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. čal- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. čal- 1, čalgɨ 9, čalgɨ oraɣɨ 5; Gag. čalɨm 14;
Az. čal- 1, 6, 7, čalɣɨ 9; Turkm. čal- 10, 7, 6, čalGɨ 5, 11; Khal. čal- 1, 6; Uzb.
čal- 1, čalɣi ụrɔq 5; Uygh. čal- 1, čalɣa 5; Krm. cal- 1, 4, calqɨ, calɣɨ 5; Tat.
čal- 1, 3, čalɣɨ 5; Bashk. salɨ- 3; Kirgh. čal- 1, 3, čalɣɨ 5, čalɣɨn 12; Kaz. šal13, šalɣɨ 5, šalɣɨn 12; KBalk. čal- 4, čalqɨ 5; KKalp. šal- 1, 3, 13, šalɣɨ 5,
šalɣɨn 12; Kum. čal- 1, 4, čalɣɨ 5; Nogh. šal- 1, 3, 4, šalɣɨ 5; SUygh. čal(ɨ)- 8;
Khak. sal- 1; Shr. šalɣɨ 5; Oyr. čalɣɨ 5; Tv. šalɨ- 10; Chuv. śol- 4, śolъk 9;
Yak. sālɨn- ‘to fall abruptly’.
◊ VEWT 97, EDT 417-418 , Егоров 206, Федотов 2, 132, 133. The difference in length
between Turkm. and Yak. allows to suppose a merger of at least two roots, perhaps
originally distinguished semantically and phonetically as *čāl- ‘to knock down’ (reflected
in Yak., not reflected in Turkm.) - *čal- ‘to sharpen, whet’ (reflected in Turkm., not reflected in Yak.). Since “Verba des Schlagens” are generally vague semantically, in most
languages it is difficult to draw a line between them.
PJpn. *tùrù(n)kì sword (меч): OJpn. turugji; MJpn. tùrùgì, tùrùkì;
Tok. tsurugí; Kyo. tsúrùgì; Kag. tsurugí.
◊ JLTT 557. Kagoshima accent is irregular.
‖ KW 420, ОСНЯ 1, 196-197. KW 420, ОСНЯ 1, 196-197. The Jpn.
form can be alternatively compared with PTM *dargi ‘harpoon’.
-č῾amo to suffer hardships: Tung. *čamu-li-; Mong. *čima-; Turk. *čAm;
Jpn. *tamar-; Kor. *čắmh-.
PTung. *čamu-li- to eat smth. alone, be not willing to share (съесть
что-л. одному (не поделиться)): Neg. čamulị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 383. Attested only in Neg., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *čima- 1 to want or demand more, be dissatisfied 2 queasy
(1 быть неудовлетворенным 2 придирчивый, разборчивый):
WMong. čamaɣaŋ 2, čima-la-, čima-rqa-, čama-rqa- 1 (L 184); Kh. camān 2,
čamla-, čamarxa-, camārxa- 2.
PTurk. *čAm 1 a backbiting man 2 to exact a fine 3 claim 4 reproach
5 to be offended 6 to be angry (1 клеветник 2 штрафовать 3 претензия, рекламация (юрид.) 4 упрек 5 обижаться 6 сердиться): OTurk.
čam 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. čamɣuq 1 (MK); Khal. čammal-tur- ‘to look
nervous, angry’; MTurk. čam-la- ‘to speak with disgust’ (R, Pav. C.);
Kirgh. čam-da-n- 4; Kaz. šam ‘that which causes offence’, šam-da-n- 4;
KBalk. čam ‘joke, mockery’, čam-la-n- 6; KKalp. šam-la-n- 5, šam-šɨl ‘resentful, sensitive’; Nogh. šam-la-n- 6; SUygh. č῾imig ‘badly’; Oyr. čam
(dial., R) 4, čam-da-l- (dial., R) 5.
◊ EDT 421-422, 423, VEWT 98, D-T 97. At least part of the forms may ultimately have
a Chinese source (MC ʒäm ‘slander’). Cf. also čaman ‘lazy horse, dog’; Tur. čamura jat- ‘to
*č῾ámo - *č῾mro
415
decline from paying a debt’ (slang; lit. ‘to lie down in dirt’ - perhaps a reanalysis based
on the analogy with čamur ‘dirt’, cf. also čamur (metaph.) ‘low, humble’).
PJpn. *tamar- to endure, bear (терпеть, выносить): Tok. tamar-.
PKor. *čắmh- to endure, to bear (терпеть, выносить): MKor. čhắm-;
Mod. čhām-.
◊ Nam 448, KED 1571.
‖ The Kor. form reflects an earlier *čămh- < *čam(o)-g-, with a velar
suffix (cf. the Mong. form). The root is sufficiently attested in Mong.
and Kor.; but the Turkic forms may have a borrowed origin, the TM
and Jpn. forms are attested worse, so the archaic nature of the root is
somewhat dubious.
-č῾ámo ( ~ -e-) a k. of tree: Mong. *čöme-sü ?; Turk. *čAm; Jpn.
*támú-kui; Kor. *čămh.
PMong. *čöme-sü ? bird-cherry, cornel (черемуха, кизил): Kalm.
cöms.
◊ KW 432.
PTurk. *čAm 1 pine tree 2 fir-needle (1 сосна 2 хвоя): Tur. čam 1,
čam japraɣɨ 2; Gag. čam 1; Az. šam 1; MTurk. čam aɣač 1 (Pav. C.); Krm.
čam, cam 1; Khak. sabal 2; Shr. šabal 2.
◊ VEWT 97. Dmitrieva (Дмитриева 1979, 205) derives the Oghuz word for ‘fir-tree’
from Arab. šam ‘candle’, which is dubious phonetically and unlikely because of the Khak.
and Shor forms (pointing to *čamal); more probably an original Turkic root, although
localized.
PJpn. *támú-kui ash-tree (ясень): MJpn. támúki.
◊ JLTT 540.
PKor. *čămh oak-tree (вид дуба): MKor. čhăm-nam’u; Mod.
čham-namu.
◊ Liu 692, KED 1571.
‖ SKE 47. It is worth noting that the Korean word also means ‘sesame’ or ‘anise’ (in compounds, see KED 1570, 1571): this may be in fact
a merger with the reflex of PA *č῾umu ‘seed, cone’ (q.v.).
-č῾mro a k. of small animal: Tung. *čamduk-; Mong. *čindaga; Turk.
*čārba- (*čārma-).
PTung. *čamduk- 1 mouse 2 tarbagan (1 мышь 2 тарбаган): Evk.
čamukčān 1; Evn. čāmq 2, čāmqčan 1; Orch. čunduki 1; Ud. čundihe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 383, 390. The relation of Evn. čdɣa ‘polar suslik’ is not quite clear ( <
Mong. ‘hare’?).
PMong. *čindaga white hare (заяц-беляк): WMong. čindaɣa(n) (L
188); Kh. čandaga; Bur. šandaga(n); Kalm. čindəɣən; Ord. čindaGa(n); Dag.
šandag (Тод. Даг. 183).
◊ KW 441. Mong. > Man. čindaχan ‘snow rabbit, Lepus timidus’ (Rozycki 48).
PTurk. *čārba- (*čārma-) 1 squirrel 2 sable, marten (1 белка 2 соболь, куница): Khak. sarbax 1; Shr. šarbaq 1; Oyr. čɨrbɨq 1; Yak. sārba 2.
416
*č῾àńè - *č῾ăp῾a
◊ VEWT 100, 403. A regional Siberian root.
‖ Дыбо 8, Лексика 166. A Western isogloss, with a specific development of the medial cluster *-mr-.
-č῾àńè ( ~ *č-, -e-) building: Jpn. *tn; Kor. *čáń.
PJpn. *tn building, residence (здание, резиденция): OJpn. tono;
MJpn. tònò; Tok. tono.
◊ JLTT 550.
PKor. *čáń city wall, fortress, (KED) mountain pass (городская стена, крепость, (KED) горный перевал): MKor. čás ( < *čáń); Mod. čä.
◊ Nam 418, KED 1409. Only the later form čás is attested in MKor., but the modern
form čä points unambiguosly to *-ń-.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Dag. čēn ‘town’ (Тод. Даг.
181).
-č῾aŋo people, gathering: Tung. *čaŋit; Mong. *čiɣul-; Jpn. *tami; Kor.
*č(j)ōŋ.
PTung. *čaŋit 1 robber 2 enemy, clan enmity (1 разбойник 2 враг,
родовая вражда): Evk. čaŋit 1; Nan. čaŋgiči- ‘to wait for a convenient
time for retaliation’ (On.); Ork. taŋịčị 2; Orch. čaŋiti 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 384. Evk. > Dolg. čaŋɨt, čaŋit (see Stachowski 72).
PMong. *čiɣul- 1 to gather (of public) 2 public assembly, society (1
собираться 2 народное собрание, общество): WMong. čiɣul- 1,
čiɣulɣan 2 (L 178); Kh. čūla- 1, čūlgan 2; Ord. čūl- 1, čūlGan 2.
◊ Mong.> Evk. suglān ‘gathering’, see Аникин 509.
PJpn. *tami people, subjects (народ, подданные): OJpn. tam(j)i;
MJpn. tàmì; Tok. támi; Kyo. támì; Kag. támi.
PKor. *č(j)ōŋ slave (раб): MKor. čjōŋ; Mod. čōŋ.
◊ Nam 433, KED 1483.
◊ JLTT 540. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is quite irregular (reflecting an early
borrowing < Kyoto?).
‖ Jpn. and Mong. suggest that the original meaning was “people,
public gathering”; in TM and Korean the root shifted the meaning to
“foreign people” > (TM) “enemies, robbers”, Kor. “slave(s)”.
-č῾ăp῾a ( ~ -u, -i) to chop, hit: Tung. *čapka; Mong. *čabči-; Turk. *čap-;
Kor. *čak-.
PTung. *čapka fish spear (острога): Evk. čapka; Neg. čapka; Ul. čaqpa;
Ork. čapqa; Nan. čaqp.
◊ ТМС 2, 384.
PMong. *čabči- to chop, mow (колоть, рубить, косить): MMong.
č[e]wča- (IM), čabči- (MA); WMong. čabči- (L 154); Kh. cavči-; Bur. sabša-;
Kalm. capči-, čapči-; Ord. ǯabči-; Dag. čirč- (Тод. Даг. 181 čerči-), čarči-;
Dong. čɨǯɨ-; Bao. čəbči-; S.-Yugh. ǯabča-; Mongr. abśi- (SM 76), ćavći(Huzu), čabǯi (Minghe).
*č῾ăp῾a - *č῾ăp῾a
417
◊ KW 437, MGCD 555. Mong. > Man. sabči-, Nan. čapči- etc., see Doerfer MT 115,
Rozycki 172; > Kirgh. čapčɨ- ‘бить ногой (о лошади)’.
PTurk. *čap- 1 to beat, hit 2 to attack, rob 3 chisel 4 hack, hoe,
hatchet 5 to chop 6 to scythe, mow 7 to dig 8 to break 9 sharp 10 scythe
11 to whet, sharpen (a scythe) 12 metal shavings after forging 13 trap 14
whetstone for sharpening scythes 15 to whip 16 to hack, adze 17 shavings 18 booty 19 currycomb (1 бить, ударять 2 нападать, грабить 3 резец 4 мотыга, тяпка, сечка 5 рубить 6 косить 7 копать (кетменем) 8
разламывать 9 острый 10 коса 11 точить (косу) 12 обсечки металла
при ковке 13 капкан 14 брусок для точки кос 15 хлестать 16 тесать
17 стружка 18 добыча, трофей 19 скребница): Karakh. čap- 1 (MK);
Tur. čap- 2, čapla 3, čapa 4, čapak 12; Gag. čapanaq 18; Az. čap- 5, 2;
Turkm. čap- 5, 2, čapGɨ 4, čapGɨr 9; Sal. čap-, ča’- 1 (ССЯ); Khal. čap- 2;
MTurk. čap- 5, 2 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. čɔp- 5, 7, čɔpqi 4; Uygh. čap- 5, 6,
čapqu 4; Krm. cap- 1; čap- 1, 5, čapa 19; Tat. čap/b- 5, 6, 1, čapqɨ 4; Bashk.
sap/b- 6, 5, 1, sapqɨ 4; Kirgh. čap/b- 5, 7, 1, čapqɨ 4, 10; Kaz. šap/b- 5, 6, 2,
šapqɨ 4; KBalk. čab- 2; KKalp. šap/b- 5, 6, 2; Kum. čap- 5, čapɣɨ 4; Nogh.
šap/b- 5, šapqɨ 4; SUygh. ča’p- 1, 5, 8; Khak. sap- 1, 5, 6, saxpɨ, sapxɨ 10;
Shr. šap- 1, 6, šapqɨ 13; Oyr. čap- 5, 6, čapqɨ 10, 13; Tv. šap- 1, 2, šap-ta- 15;
Tof. šap-tɨ 17, šaptɨ-la- 16; Chuv. śop- 1, 11, śopkaś 14; Yak. sabā- 1.
◊ VEWT 99, EDT 394, Егоров 203, 219, Федотов 2, 85, 137-8, Ашм. XII, 247-249.
PKor. *čak- fish spear (острога, гарпун): Mod. čak-sal, čak-suŋi.
◊ KED 1387.
‖ KW 437, ОСНЯ 1, 201. Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 112. Several subgroups reflect a PA derivative
*č῾ap῾(V)-k῾V (PT *čapkɨ = PTM *čapka = Kor. *čak- ( < *čapk-)).
-č῾ăp῾a ( ~ -u, -i) glue, clay: Tung. *čapa; Mong. *čabaɣ(u); Turk. *čap-.
PTung. *čapa 1 fish roe, caviar 2 white clay (1 рыбья икра 2 белая
глина): Evk. čapa 1, čapida, čawiǯa 2; Neg. čapa 1; Nan. čapa 1; Orch. čapa
1; Ud. čafa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 74, 384.
PMong. *čaba- glue, fish glue (клей, рыбий клей): MMong.
č[a]bsun (IM); WMong. čabaɣu (L 154) čabau (DO 697); Kh. cavū(n); Bur.
sabū(n); Kalm. cawəg; Ord. čawū; Dag. čagu.
◊ KW 423, MGCD 1697.
PTurk. *čap- 1 to plaster 2 eye pus 3 to puncture (a tumour, furuncle) (1 мазать, залеплять, обмазывать 2 глазной гной 3 прокалывать
(опухоль, нарыв)): Karakh. čap- 1 (MK); Tur. čapak 2; Gag. čapaq 2; Uzb.
čapi- 1; Uygh. čap-li- 1, čapaq 2; Kirgh. čap-ta- 1, čabaq-ta- 3; Kaz. šabaq-ta3; KKalp. šabaq-ša-la- 3; Kum. (aq) čap- ‘to blanch, pipeclay’; Tv. šap- ‘to
pour water and stamp (ground)’(?); Chuv. śop- ‘заворачивать пирог’.
418
*č῾ap῾i - *č῾àro
◊ VEWT 99, EDT 394, Ашм. XII, 248. Turk. > Hung. csipa ‘eye pus’ (<*čapaɣ), see
Gombocz 1912.
‖ KW 423. A Western isogloss.
-č῾ap῾i ( ~ *č῾ep῾a) a k. of horned animal: Mong. *čaɣa; Turk. *čepiĺ.
PMong. *čaɣa reindeer (олень (домашний)): WMong. čaɣa (L 154:
ča); Kh. cā; Bur. sagān ‘breeding reindeer’; Kalm. cā (КРС).
PTurk. *čepiĺ a half-year or 1-year-old kid ((полу)годовалый козленок): Karakh. čepiš (MK); Tur. čepiš, čepič; Az. čäpiš; Turkm. čebiš;
Khal. čapiš ( < Az.?); Uygh. čivič; Kirgh. čebič; KBalk. čemič; Kum. čebič.
◊ VEWT 105, EDT 399, Щербак 1961, 120. Cf. also Chag. čiber ‘mountain goat’ (R).
The reflex -b- in Turkm. and Uygh. may be an indication of original vowel length (?)
Shcherbak’s hypothesis of the word being borrowed < Iranian is dubious; Pers. čapiš,
čapuš itself may well be borrowed < Turkic. In any case, the Persian form cannot be a
regular IE match for Lat. caper. Cf. WH 1, 157, sub caper: “Np. čapiš...lautlich unmöglich”; indeed, Common Iranian -p- (< IE -p-) > Mod. Pers. and NW-Iran. -b-, in exceptional cases -v- (Расторгуева ЗИФ 114-115); a parallel for caper may perhaps be found in
Sak. ca, Osset. cäv ‘goat’ (see Аб. 1, 307, Bailey 105). One should mention the problematic “Wanderformen” Rum. cap, Alb. tsap, Ital. dial. cappo, Crim.-Goth. stap, Slav. *cápъ
‘he-goat’; cf. also Oyr. čāp ‘one year-old roebuck’ ( < Mong.?). See Трубачев 1960, 89-90,
Orel 47 with literature; note especially Hubschmid’s (1954, 49) hypothesis of the Turkic
origin of this Wanderwort.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. There are alternatives: the Mong. form
can be compared with Evk. čenekū, čeŋek ‘reindeer’ (ТМС 2, 421), while
the Turkic may be compared with Evk. čubukī, čwakūn ‘mountain ram’
(ТМС 2, 410). On the whole, a rather obscure case: cf. Хелимский 2000,
286 on a possibility of the Mongolian word being borrowed < Sam.
-č῾are ( ~ -ŕ-, -o) bare, barefooted: Tung. *čara-ku; Mong. *čira-ma.
PTung. *čara-ku barefooted (босой): Ul. čaraqụ; Nan. čaraqõ.
◊ ТМС 2, 385.
PMong. *čira-ma naked, bare, nude (голый): WMong. čirama, čirma
(L 192); Kh. čarmā; Kalm. čirm.
◊ KW 442.
‖ A Tung.-Mong. isogloss.
-č῾àro to cut off, tear off: Tung. *čari-; Turk. *čar; Jpn. *tàt-; Kor. *čărɨ-.
PTung. *čari- to tear (рвать): Evk. čari-.
◊ ТМС 2, 385. Attested only in Evk., but with probable external parallels.
PTurk. *čar 1 whetstone 2 sickle 3 to whet (1 точильный камень 2
серп 3 точить): Sal. čār- ‘to cut, stick in’ (ССЯ: Udzh.); MTurk. čar-la- 3
(Pav. C.); Tat. čar 1, ‘mill stone’, čar-la- 3; Bashk. sar 1; Kaz. šar 1; KKalp.
šar 1; Kum. čar 1, ‘spool’; Nogh. šar 1; Shr. šar 1; Oyr. čar 1; Chuv. śorla
2; Yak. sardaɣa, sardāna ‘short heavy arrow with a broad head’ (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 99-100, Егоров 221, Федотов 2, 143 (borrowing < FU *śorva ‘horn’ is hardly
credible). Bulg. > Hung. sarló ‘sickle’, see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 494-495. The root is
*č῾ăǯV - *č῾ḗbV
419
certainly genuine, although some influence of the Iranian čarɨk, čarx ‘wheel’ could have
existed.
PJpn. *tàt- to cut, cut off (резать, отрезать): OJpn. tat-; MJpn. tàt-;
Tok. tát-; Kyo. tàt-; Kag. tàt-.
◊ JLTT 766.
PKor. *čărɨ- to cut off, chop off (отрезать, отрубать): MKor. čărɨ-;
Mod. čarɨ-.
◊ Nam 413, KED 1376.
‖ Martin 229, АПиПЯЯ 76, ОСНЯ 1, 209. The Japanese form may be
alternatively derived from PA *t῾at῾V q.v.
-č῾ăǯV cheek, cheekbone: Tung. *ǯaǯi-; Mong. *ǯaǯi-; Turk. *čAj-na-.
PTung. *ǯaǯi- cheekbone (скула): Man. ǯaǯin; Ul. ǯaǯịqta; Nan.
ǯaŋǯịχta.
◊ ТМС 1, 242.
PMong. *ǯaǯi- 1 to chew 2 part of cheek (1 жевать 2 часть щеки):
MMong. ǯeaǯolom- 1 (IM); WMong. ǯaǯi-la- (L 1041: ǯaǯil-) 1, ǯaǯi-ɣur 2
(L 1041); Kh. ʒaǯla- 1, ʒaǯūr 2; Bur. žažal-, zažal- 1; Kalm. ǯaǯl- 1 (КРС);
Ord. ǯaǯil- 1; Mog. ǯaǯul- 1 (Weiers), ǯaǯi- 1 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. ǯeǯile1; Dong. ǯaǯulu- 1; Bao. ǯɛǯal- 1; S.-Yugh. ǯaǯil- 1; Mongr. aili- (SM 77),
ǯaǯilə- 1.
◊ MGCD 422.
PTurk. *čAj-na- 1 to chew 2 to bite (1 жевать 2 кусать): Tur. čiɣne-,
čejne- 1 (R); Gag. čīne- 1; Az. čejnä- 1; Turkm. čejne- 1; Sal. čene-, čäinä- 1
(ССЯ); MTurk. čajna- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. čajna- 1; Uygh. čajna- 1; Krm. cajna-, čajna-, čejne- 1; Tat. čɛjnɛ- 1, 2; Bashk. säjnä- 1; Kirgh. čajna- 1; Kaz.
šajna- 1; KBalk. čajna- 1; KKalp. šajna- 2; Kum. čajna- 1; Nogh. šajna- 1;
Khak. tajna- 1; Shr. tajna- 1; Oyr. čajna- 1; Tv. dajna- 1; Tof. tajna- 1.
◊ VEWT 95, Расс. ФиЛ 168. Forms with t- in some Siberian languages are rather enigmatic.
‖ Дыбо 5, Лексика 220. A Western isogloss. In Mong. and TM one
has to presume an early assimilation (*ǯaǯi- < *čaǯi-).
-č῾ḗbV branch, forked branch; staff: Tung. *čebu-(gan); Mong. *čib-;
Turk. *čĀb-.
PTung. *čebu-(gan) 1 lever 2 forked branch 3 brace, clinch (1 рычаг
2 раздвоенная ветка (подпорка для подвешивания котла над огнем)
3 скоба, крепеж): Evk. čewe 2; Man. čoban 1; Nan. čebe 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 401, 419.
PMong. *čib- whip, lash (плеть, кнут): MMong. čiču’a (SH);
WMong. čibčirga (L 174); Kh. čavčirga; Ord. ǯibčarGa; Mongr. ś (SM
393).
◊ Mong. > Evk. čêčuɣa etc., see Doerfer MT 78, Rozycki 180; > Chag. čupčurɣa
420
*č῾éč῾í - *č῾egV(nV)
PTurk. *čĀb- whip-lash (плеть): Karakh. čavɨɣ, čaɣɨɣ (MK); Tur. čavun ‘leather whip’; Turkm. čāv-la- ‘to lash with a rod, whip’; Tv. ?
šavɨ-la- ‘to lash (of branches)’; Chuv. čъvъš ‘sound of the whip or rod’,
čъₙvaš-la- ‘to lash’.
◊ EDT 395. See also under *čp.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. also *č῾ipV, *č῾p῾a.
-č῾éč῾í to press, squeeze: Tung. *čeče-re-; Jpn. *tíntí-; Kor. *čìčr-.
PTung. *čeče-re- to press, squeeze in arms (жать, сжимать в объятиях): Man. čečere-.
◊ ТМС 2, 422. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable Kor.-Jpn. parallels.
PJpn. *tíntí- to press, compress (сдавливать): MJpn. tidi-k-; Tok.
chìjime-; Kyo. chíjímé-; Kag. chijimé-.
◊ JLTT 768.
PKor. *čìčr- to press down (давить, придавливать): MKor. čìčr-;
Mod. čiǯirɨ-.
◊ Nam 443, KED 1537.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-č῾eč῾u flower: Turk. *čeček; Jpn. *tutu(n)si.
PTurk. *čeček 1 flower 2 chicken-pox (1 цветок 2 оспа): OTurk.
čeček (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čeček (KB) 1; Tur. čiček 1, 2; Gag. čiček 1, 2; Az.
čičäk 1, 2; Turkm. čeček 1; Sal. čičex (ССЯ) 1, ‘bud’; MTurk. čeček (Sangl.)
1; Uzb. čečak 1, 2; Uygh. čečäk 1, 2; Krm. čiček, čeček 1, 2; Tat. čɛčɛk 1, 2;
Bashk. säsäk 2, säskä 1; Kirgh. čeček 2; aq čeček ‘a k. of tree’, čečekej ‘crystalline lens’; Kaz. šešek 1, 2; KBalk. čeček 2; KKalp. šešek 2; Kum. čeček 1,
2; Nogh. šešek 1, šešekej 2; SUygh. ῾uǯug; Oyr. čeček 1; Chuv. śeśke
‘flower, leaf’.
◊ VEWT 102, EDT 400-401, Лексика 120. Turk. > Mong. čečeg, see TMN 3, 57, Щербак 1997, 112. Kypch. > Chuv. čečče, čeček (see Егоров 322, Федотов 2, 408-409); some
Turkic forms (Tuva čeček, perhaps also Oyr. čeček and some of the Kypchak forms) may
be borrowed back < Mong.
PJpn. *tutu(n)si a k. of rhododendron (вид рододендрона): OJpn.
tutuzi; MJpn. tùdùsí; Tok. tsutsúji; Kyo. tsútsùjì; Kag. tsutsúji.
◊ JLTT 558. Accent reconstruction unclear.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss; not quite reliable. Cf. *č῾[i]č῾V: one cannot
exclude that this is the same expressive root (*’sprout’), with some irregular developments.
-č῾egV(nV) a k. of insect: Tung. *čegene-; Mong. *čeɣV- / *čiɣV-; Kor.
*čìni.
PTung. *čegene- crayfish (рак): Neg. čeɣenex; Ul. čēni; Ork. teinei;
Nan. čēnī; Orch. čeŋei; Ud. čendeuxie.
◊ ТМС 2, 419.
*č῾k῾à - *č῾k῾à
421
PMong. *čeɣV- / *čiɣV- 1 locust 2 multiped, wood louse (вид насекомого): MMong. čəurge 1 (HY 12); WMong. čigigči 2 (L 179); Kh. čijgč
2; Bur. šīgej 2; Kalm. čīgən 2.
◊ The WMong. and modern forms may have been influenced by čiɣig ῾wet’ (semantically cf. Russ. мокрица ῾wood louse’ < мокрый ῾wet’).
PKor. *čìni centipede,multipede (стоножка, многоножка): MKor.
čìni; Mod. čine.
◊ Liu 681, KED 1527.
‖ The TM and Kor. forms reflect a common *-n-suffixation.
-č῾k῾à ( ~ -a-) to strike fire: Tung. *či(K)u- ( ~ -e-); Mong. *čaki-; Turk.
*č(i)ak-; Jpn. *ták-; Kor. *čhắ-.
PTung. *či(K)u- ( ~ -e-) fire steel (кресало, огниво): Ul. čiu(n); Ork.
ču; Nan. čiũ; Ud. cui (arch.) (Корм. 311).
◊ ТМС 2, 400.
PMong. *čaki- to strike fire (высекать огонь): MMong. čaqi- (MA);
WMong. čaki-, čakil- (L 161); Kh. caxi-, caxila-; Bur. saxil-; Kalm. cak-,
cakl-, cäkl-; Ord. ǯakil- ‘to scintillate, glare, lighten’; Mog. ZM čaqeldour
(19-5b) ‘moonshine’; Dag. čakil- (Тод. Даг. 180 čakilgān ‘lightning’).
◊ KW 420, 424. Mong. > Evk. čakêlga, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *č(i)ak- 1 to strike fire 2 flint, fire steel (1 высекать огонь 2
кремень, огниво): OTurk. čaq- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čaq- (MK) 1; Tur.
čak- 1; Gag. čaq- 1; Az. čax- 1; Turkm. čaq- 1; Khal. čaqmaq 2; MTurk. čaq(Sangl.) 1; Uzb. čaq- 1; Uygh. čaqmaq-taš 2; Krm. čaq- 1; Tat. čaq- 1;
Bashk. saɣ-/saq- 1; Kirgh. čaq- 1; KBalk. čaɣ-/čaq- ‘to produce sparks,
shoot from a flint gun’; KKalp. šaq- 1; Kum. čaq- ‘to pull the trigger’,
čaqma 2; Nogh. šaqpa 2; SUygh. ča’q- 1; Khak. sax- 1; Shr. šaɣɨn ‘spark’;
Oyr. čaq- 1; Tv. šaq- 1; Tof. ča’q- 1; Yak. sax- 1.
◊ VEWT 95, TMN 3, 80-81, Лексика 373. Kypch. > Chuv. čakma ‘fire steel’, whence >
Mari, Udm. (Федотов 2, 387). The verb is usually regarded as one of the meanings of *čak‘hit, strike’, but the semantics ‘strike fire’ is attested quite early and allows to use the
Turkic material in the Altaic comparison.
PJpn. *ták- to burn, put on fire (жечь, зажигать): OJpn. tak-; MJpn.
ták-; Tok. tàk-; Kyo. ták-; Kag. ták-.
◊ JLTT 762.
PKor. *čhắ- flint, silicon (кремень, кремний): MKor. čhắ-tòr; Mod.
čhadol.
◊ Liu 690, KED 1562.
‖ KW 420, 424, Poppe 26, JOAL 99. Korean has a frequent vowel r eduction between a stop and a fricative. Mong. is hardly borrowed from
Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 112 (TMN 3, 82: “Onomatopoetica”).
422
*č῾èk῾ù - *č῾ēk῾V
-č῾èk῾ù ( ~ *č῾ok῾e, -k-) handle: Turk. *čEkük / *čEküč; Jpn. *tùkà; Kor.
*čhái.
PTurk. *čEkük / *čEküč hammer (молот): Karakh. čekük (MK:
Oghuz), čeküč (IM); Tur. čekič; Gag. čekič; Az. čäküč; Turkm. čekič;
MTurk. čeküč, čöküč (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. čọkič ‘hack’; Krm. cokuc, cekic,
čöküč; Tat. čükeč; Bashk. sükeš; KBalk. čögüč; Kum. čöküč; Nogh. šökiš.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 415. (< Iran., see TMN 3, 85-86?). Despite EDT, hardly derived
from ček- ‘to pull’. The controversy concerning the Iranian origin of the Turkic word vs.
the Turkic origin of the Modern Persian one (see Doerfer, Clauson), should be probably
resolved as follows: Old Persian ( = Av. cakuš- ‘axe / hammer for throwing’) > Pers. čakuš
‘hammer’; but Pers. čekoč, čekoǯ are phonetically aberrant (see Horn 99) and should be
regarded as Turkisms; Pers. čekuš is a mixed form. The source of Pers. čekoč is Turk. čeküč
- a diminutive in -č for the form čekük. Turkic forms in -š (Khal. čäkkuš, Kirgh. čöküš,
KKalp. šökkiš, possibly also Nogh. šökiš, Bashk. sükeš) may be iranisms. Turk. > Mong.
čeküč (see Щербак 1997, 112).
PJpn. *tùkà handle (ручка): OJpn. tuka; MJpn. tùkà; Tok. tsuká; Kyo.
tsúkà; Kag. tsúka.
◊ JLTT 554. Tone in Kagoshima is irregular (all other evidence points to *tùkà).
PKor. *čhái whip; handle (кнут; ручка): MKor. čhái; Mod. čhä,
čhä-č:ik.
◊ Nam 449, KED 1576.
‖ Korean has a usual vowel loss between a stop and a fricative.
-č῾ek῾V part of shoulder close to neck: Mong. *čekerej; Turk. *čekn.
PMong. *čekerej part of breast (close to upper spine) (часть груди
(у верхней части позвоночника)): MMong. čekerei (SH).
PTurk. *čekn part of shoulder between the neck and shoulderblade
(часть плеча между шеей и лопаткой): OTurk. čikin (OUygh.); Tur.
čekin, dial. čeɣin, čeɣn; Az. čijin; Turkm. čigin; Khal. čīn; MTurk. čikin
(Abush., Sangl.); Chuv. śan ‘body’.
◊ EDT 415, VEWT 103, Дыбо 129-130, Лексика 238-239 (see there about details of
phonetic reconstruction).
‖ Дыбо 308; Дыбо 130-131, Лексика 238-239 (but Evk. čeke ‘throat,
palate’ should rather be derived < *šek῾a q.v.): A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-č῾ēk῾V a k. of cloth: Tung. *čeKe; Mong. *čegedeg; Turk. *čĒk-; Kor.
*čjk-.
PTung. *čeKe 1 upper short clothes 2 velvet (1 короткая верхняя
одежда 2 бархат): Man. čeke 1, čekemu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 419 (other forms: Oroch, Ul., Nan. čeke ‘velvet’ may be borrowed from
Manchu).
PMong. *čegedeg a k. of cloth, short shirt (вид ткани, короткая рубашка): WMong. čegedeg (L 169); Kh. cegdeg, cegēdeg; Kalm. cegədeg;
Ord. čigedek ‘touloupe courte’.
◊ KW 426.
*č῾ep῾à - *č῾ep῾à
423
PTurk. *čĒk- 1 woven cotton fabric 2 cotton shirt 3 woollen cloth 4 a
k. of upper clothes (jacket, trousers, cloak) (1 хлопковая ткань 2 хлопковая рубашка 3 шерстяная ткань 4 вид верхней одежды (куртка,
шаровары, плащ)): OTurk. čekrek 2 (OUygh. - XIV c.); Karakh. čekrek 2
(MK); Tur. čekmen, čäpkän 4; Turkm. čǟkmen ‘gown’; MTurk. čekmen 4, 1
(Pav. C.); Uzb. čakmɔn 4; Uygh. čäkmän 4; Krm. cekmen, čekmän 3; Tat.
čikmɛn 4; Bashk. säkmän 4; Kirgh. čekmen, čepken 3, 4; KBalk. čepken 3, 4;
Oyr. čekpen, čepken 3, 4; Tv. šekpen 3, 4; Tof. šekpen 3.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 416, 413.
PKor. *čjk- shirt, coat (рубашка, куртка): MKor. čjk-sàm; Mod.
čəksam, čəgori.
◊ Nam 425, KED 1418, 1425.
‖ KW 426, SKE 27. A cultural term, but borrowing (either in Mong.
< Turk. or in Manchu < Mong.) is hardly possible. The Kor. form is
somewhat dubious (tone does not correspond to Turkic; perhaps we
should regard it as an old loan < Manchu; if it is not, a reconstruction
*č῾ējk῾V is possible). Mong. -g- speaks in favour of PA *-k-, but may be a
result of assimilation (before -deg, like *ogo-da-su < *oko-da-su), thus (on
Korean evidence) more probable is the reconstruction of *k῾.
-č῾ep῾à rag: Mong. *čoɣu-da-; Turk. *čepürek; Jpn. *tapai; Kor. *čapa- ( ~
-ă-).
PMong. *čoɣu-da- strip, long narrow piece (полоска, длинный узкий кусок): WMong. čoɣudasu(n) (L 195); Kh. cūdas.
PTurk. *čepürek 1 rag, patch 2 worn, used clothing (1 тряпка, лохмотья 2 изношенная одежда): OTurk. čopra (perhaps = čöpre) 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. čöpür-čepür ; čopra ( ~ čübrä) 2 (MK); Turkm. čüprek
‘oakum’; MTurk. (OKypch.) čüprek 1 (Houts.); Krm. čiprek, ciprek, čüpräk
1; Tat. čüpräk 1; Bashk. sepräk 1; Kirgh. čüpürek, čüpürek-čapɨraq 1; KKalp.
šüberek 1; Kum. čüpürek 1; Nogh. šiberek, šüberek 1; Khak. sübrek 1; Shr.
šübürek 1; Oyr. čeberek, čibirek 1.
◊ EDT 398, VEWT 118 (confused with *čöp ‘dirt’), Аникин 677. Perhaps (as suggested
in EDT 398) connected with Karakh. (MK) čöpür ‘goat’s hair’, Chag., Turkm. čöpür id.
PJpn. *tapai a k. of cloth (made of bast), cloth in general (вид ткани
(из лыка), ткань вообще): OJpn. tape; MJpn. tafe; Tok. shiro-tae.
◊ JLTT 537.
PKor. *čapa- ( ~ -ă-) rags, odd ends of paper or cloth (тряпка, лоскутья): Mod. čabägi.
◊ KED 1379.
‖ Mong. *čoɣu-da- - with a secondary (usual) labialization <
*čaɣu-da-. Cf. also *č῾op῾a, from which this root is sometimes difficult to
distinguish.
424
*č῾ḗp῾u - *č῾ibe
-č῾ḗp῾u ulcer, furuncle: Tung. *čepe; Mong. *čijigan; Turk. *čpgan; Kor.
*čjūpók.
PTung. *čepe ulcer, pustule (лишай, нарыв, прыщ): Evk. čepe.
◊ ТМС 2, 421. Attested only in Evk., but having reliable external parallels.
PMong. *čijigan tumour, albugo (опухоль, бельмо): MMong. čeiɣān
(IM), čiqan (MA); WMong. čijiɣan, čiqan; Kh. čīɣan, cagān; Bur. šīxan;
Kalm. cagā, cagǟ; Ord. čagā.
◊ KW 419.
PTurk. *čpgan 1 furuncle 2 rash, pimple (1 фурункул 2 сыпь,
прыщ): Karakh. čɨbɨqan (MK) 1; Tur. čɨban 1; Gag. čɨban 1; Az. čiban1,
čivzä 2; Turkm. čban 1; MTurk. čɨban (Sangl.) 1; Uzb. čipqɔn 1; Krm.
cɨban, čɨban 1; Tat. čuwan 1, čebi ‘цыпки’; Bashk. säbärt- ‘обметать губы’,
sebeške ‘цыпки’; Kaz. šɨjqan 1; Nogh. šɨjqan, dial. šuba 1; Shr. šɨbɨrɣan 2;
Oyr. čɨbɨtqan, (dial. - Верб.) čibiške 2; Tv. šiviški 2; Tof. šibiški 2, 1; Chuv.
śъₙban, śъₙvan 1.
◊ VEWT 106, EDT 396, TMN 3, 1151, Егоров 208, Федотов 2, 96. The Kaz. and Nogh.
forms may be < Mong. (although they differ semantically).
PKor. *čjūpók furuncle, ulcer (нарыв, прыщ): MKor. čjūpók; Mod.
čubu-kho ‘red bulbous nose’ ( = MKor. čjūpók-kò).
◊ Nam 436, KED 1498.
‖ Poppe 26 (Turc-Mong). Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk. In PT a
secondary vowel narrowing has occurred (probably *čpgan < *čpɨgan);
otherwise correspondences are quite regular. Note velar suffixation
reflected in PT, Mong. and Kor. (PA *č῾ēp῾u-ka-).
-č῾era ( ~ -o) snow, to freeze: Mong. *čar; Turk. *čar-.
PMong. *čar 1 snow crust 2 to freeze (1 наст, снежная корка 2 замерзать, затвердевать): WMong. čar 1, čarča- 2 (L 165); Kh. car 1, carca2; Bur. sarsa- 2, sarja ‘tramped snow’; Kalm. car 1; Ord. ǯarča- 2.
◊ KW 422. Mong. > Oyr. čarča- ‘to freeze’.
PTurk. *čar- 1 snow dust 2 fog (1 пороша 2 туман): Karakh.
(MKypch.) čas 2; Tur. (dial.) čars 2; Tat. čas 2 (dial.); Bashk. sar ‘animal
trace on snow’; KBalk. čars 2; Kum. čars 2; Oyr. dial. (Leb.) šarša 1.
◊ Лексика 29, 35. The derivative *čar-s is somewhat peculiar morphologically and
could be a loanword - from the (unattested) Mong. *čar-su(n) (?).
‖ KW 422. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-č῾ibe to twist, turn: Tung. *čib-; Mong. *čüw; Turk. *čebir-.
PTung. *čib- to wriggle, roll (извиваться, кататься): Evk. čiwar-.
◊ ТМС 2, 389. Cf. also Evk. čepče- ‘to roll; to plait (a string, rope)’. An expressive and
isolated root, therefore the PTM reconstruction is dubious.
PMong. *čüw ring (кольцо): WMong. čü (МXTTT); Kh. cǖ; Bur. süj.
PTurk. *čebir- 1 to twist, turn 2 round (1 крутить, поворачивать 2
круглый): Karakh. čevür- 1 (MK); Tur. čevir- 1; Gag. čevir- 1, čevrä 2; Az.
*č῾[i]č῾V - *č῾iju
425
čevir- 1; Turkm. čövür- 1; MTurk. čewür- 1 (Sangl.); Uygh. čäbir- 1; Krm.
сivir-, čevir- 1, civre 2; KBalk. čüjür- ‘to tuck’, čüjre ‘contrariwise’; Kum.
čüjür- ‘to wrap’; Nogh. šüjir- ‘to twiddle a whirligig’; Chuv. śavar-/śar1, śavra 2; Yak. sebirij- ‘to uncoil (of a twisted rope)’.
◊ VEWT 102, EDT 398, Егоров 201-201, Федотов 2, 80. Despite VEWT, there are no
reasons to regard the Chuv. word as a borrowing.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 287. A Western isogloss; Mong. *čüw < *čiw with secondary assimilative labialization. The PA nature of the root is somewhat
dubious because of its expressive meaning and the isolatedness of
Evenki forms.
-č῾[i]č῾V spout, prick, penis: Tung. *čiču; Mong. *čiči-; Kor. *čči.
PTung. *čiču 1 penis 2 spout (of a tea-pot) (1 penis 2 носик (чайника)): Man. čočo 1; Ul. čịčụ 1,2; Ork. tụtụ 1; Nan. čịčịqo 2; Ud. čičko 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 403.
PMong. *čiči- 1 to prick 2 prick, thorn, sprout (1 колоть, прокалывать 2 шип, росток): MMong. čičigina ‘Krautwurzel’ (SH); WMong.
čiči- 1, čičigür, čičijesü(n), čičiɣesü(n) 2 (L 176); Kh. čiči- 1, čičǖr 2; Kalm.
čičə- 1, čičǖr, čičsn 2; Ord. ǯiči- 1; Dag. čiči- 1 (Тод. Даг. 181).
◊ KW 442.
PKor. *čči penis (penis): Mod. čāǯi (orth. čči), čot [čoč].
◊ KED 1383, 1488.
‖ SKE 25 (Kor.-Tung.). An expressive word with not quite secure
vocalic correspondences (cf. also in Turkic: Uzb. čụčɔq ‘penis’ (of a
child) = Kirgh. čüčök ‘острица, брань по поводу детей’, Khal. čučo
‘pee’ (in childr. language); cf. also *č῾eč῾u ‘flower’.
-č῾iju wet, moisture: Tung. *čikpa-; Mong. *čiɣig; Turk. *čɨj-ɨk; Jpn.
*tuju; Kor. *čī-n, *čhuk-.
PTung. *čikpa- 1 wet 2 to become wet, soak (1 мокрый 2 мокнуть):
Neg. čịp- 2; Ul. čịqpa 1; Ork. čịqpa ~ čịpqa 1; Nan. čaqpa 1; Orch. čippa 1;
Ud. čipa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 398. Cf. also Evk. čīw- ‘to flow, leak’ (ТМС 2, 389) which could reflect the
original *čiju.
PMong. *čiɣig moisture (влага): WMong. čigig (L 179), čig; Kh. čijg;
Bur. šīg; Kalm. čīg; Ord. čīg; S.-Yugh. čīg.
◊ KW 443, MGCD 568.
PTurk. *čɨj, *čɨj-ɨk 1 wet, soaking, moist 2 dew 3 moisture 4 raw (1
мокрый 2 роса 3 влага, влажный 4 сырой): Karakh. či/čɨ 3 (MK), čɨ-la‘to moisten’ (MK), čɨq- ‘to absorb moisture’ (MK), čɨɣ-la-n- ‘to be
half-cooked’ (MK), čig 4 (IM); Tur. čiɣ, čij 1, 2; Gag. čij 1, 2; Az. čij ‘raw’;
Turkm. čīg 1, čG 2; Sal. čɨx-ču 2 (ССЯ); Uzb. čiq 2 (dial.), čɣ 1 (Xɔrazm);
Krm. čɨj, cij 4, čɨx 2, ‘hoar-frost’; Tat. čɨq 2; Bashk. sej 4, ɨsɨq 2; Kirgh. čij-ki
4, čɨq 2, 3; Kaz. šɨq 2; KBalk. čij 4, čɨq 2; KKalp. šɨq 2; Kum. čij 4, čɨq 2;
426
*č῾ika - *č῾ika
Nogh. šij 4, šɨq 2; Khak. sɨx 1, 3; Shr. šɨq 3, šɨqtɨɣ 1; Oyr. čij 4, čɨq 3; Tv. šɨq
3, ‘meadow’, šɨqtɨɣ 1; Tof. šɨq 1; Yak. sīk 2, 3; Dolg. hīk 2.
◊ EDT 393, 406,408, 413, 418, VEWT 107, Лексика 39, Stachowski 106. The actual reflexes are best explained if we postulate an opposition *čɨj ‘wet, raw’ - *čɨj-ɨk ‘dew, moisture’ (with further contractions). Some forms, however, could be secondarily borrowed
from Mong. (see Kal. 34).
PJpn. *tuju dew (роса): OJpn. tuju; MJpn. tuju; Tok. tsuyu.
◊ JLTT 558. There is considerable confusion of three words in Japanese: a) RJ tùjú,
Tokyo tsúyu, Kyoto tsúyú, Kag. tsúyu ‘dew’; b) RJ tújù, Tokyo tsúyu, Kyoto tsúyù, Kag.
tsuyú ‘juice’; Tokyo tsùyu, tsúyu, Kyoto tsúyú, Kag. tsúyu ‘early rainy season’. It seems
that there had existed several original words but their dialectal reflexes got hopelessly
mixed up.
PKor. *čī-n, *čhuk- 1 fluid, liquid, sap 2 be moistened, wet (1 жидкость, сок 2 быть мокрым, влажным): MKor. čīn 1, čhuk-,
čhùk-čhùk-hă- 2; Mod. čīn 1, čhuk-, čhukčhuk-ha- 2.
◊ Liu 685, 701, Nam 450, KED 1543, 1635, 1637.
‖ EAS 64, KW 443, Лексика 39. A PA derivative *č῾iju-k῾V is reflected in PT *čɨjɨk = Mong. čiɣig = PTM *čik- = Kor. *čhuk-. Also here
probably Kor. čhú-m ‘phlegm’. In Japanese (perhaps also in Korean)
there is some confusion of this root with *č῾aju ‘resin, tar’ q.v.
-č῾ika ( ~ -u) to stamp, ram; stamped path: Tung. *čiKi-; Mong. *čig;
Turk. *čɨgɨr.
PTung. *čiKi- 1 edge, border 2 to go along the shore, come out on
the shore 3 stamped snow (1 край, граница 2 идти по берегу, выходить на берег 3 утоптанный снег): Evk. čiki (Tomm.); Man. čikin 1,
čiki-ra- 2; Nan. čiku-le- 2 (Kur-Urm.).
◊ ТМС 2, 389, 391.
PMong. *čig 1 to stamp, ram 2 narrow, pressed 3 direction (1 набивать, затыкать 2 узкий, сдавленный 3 направление): WMong. čigǯi- 1
(L 180), čig 3 (L 178), čig 2; Kh. čigǯ- 1, čig 3; Bur. šegžǖn ‘набитый (о
трубке)’, šeg 3; Kalm. čig 2; Ord. čig; Dong. čɨGəi- 1; Bao. čiχə- 1;
S.-Yugh. čiGə- 1.
◊ MGCD 569, KW 438.
PTurk. *čɨgɨr 1 to stamp, ram (ground) 2 stamped snow 3 boundary,
limit 4 small path (1 топтать, утаптывать (землю) 2 утоптанный снег
3 граница 4 узкая тропа): Karakh. čɨɣru- 1, čɨɣɨr 4 (MK); Tur. čɨɣɨr 4,
‘coomb, trace of an avalanche’; Turkm. čɨGɨr 3; Khal. čɨɣɨr ‘bad road’;
MTurk. čɨɣɨr ‘thawed spot’ (Sangl.), ‘snow stamped by strong wind’
(Pav. C.); Uzb. čijir ‘trace’; Uygh. čiɣir jol 4; Tat. čɨɣɨr 3; Kirgh. čɨjɨr, čijir
4; Kaz. šɨjɨr ‘stamped’; KBalk. čɨjɨr-t- ‘to stamp snow, grass’; Tv. šr 2;
Tof. šr ‘spot on snow or ground with many tracks’.
*č῾k῾à - *č῾ĭk῾a
427
◊ VEWT 95, 107, EDT 409, 410. Cf. perhaps also PT *čig- ‘to draw a line’ (VEWT 110).
Turk. > Mong. Khalkha čijr ‘stamped road’, Kalm. čīr ‘eaten and stamped grass’ (KW
443).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. > Tung. (Evk. čigǯan, čigle- etc.), see
ТМС 2, 389 (perhaps also Nan. ǯịGda-, ТМС 1, 255) - although Evk. čiki
‘stamped snow’ must be genuine.
-č῾k῾à bead, treasure: Tung. *čiku-; Turk. *čEk- ( ~ -i-); Jpn. *tàkàrà.
PTung. *čiku- 1 bead 2 ornament (made of carp’s bones) (1 бисер 2
украшение (из костей карпа)): Evk. čikti 1; Neg. čịktị 1; Ul. čikukte 2;
Nan. čiku-kte (Sch.) 2, čīči 1 (Naikh.); Orch. čixite 1, čukčikti ‘beads’.
◊ ТМС 2, 392.
PTurk. *čEk- ( ~ -i-) silk bead embroidery (вышивка бисером по
шелку): Karakh. čikin ‘embroidered brocade’ (MK); MTurk. čikin ‘floral
designs embroidered in silk’ (Sangl.); Tat. čigen ‘golden embroidery’ (R
- Kas.); čig- ‘to embroider’; Bashk. sige- ‘to embroider’; KBalk. čij tigiš
‘вышивание гладью’.
◊ EDT 415-416, ДТС 143. Despite Clauson, cannot be < Chin.
PJpn. *tàkàrà treasure (сокровище): OJpn. takara; MJpn. tàkàrà; Tok.
takará; Kyo. tákàrà; Kag. takará.
◊ JLTT 538.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-č῾k῾ to cut, cutting instrument: Tung. *čikā-; Jpn. *tánkání.
PTung. *čikā- to cut, hack, chop off (отрезать, отрубать, отсекать):
Evk. čikā-; Evn. čịqị-; Neg. čịxa-; Man. čikiri ‘shavings’; Ork. čike ‘support
for cutting, hacking smth.’.
◊ ТМС 2, 390, 391.
PJpn. *tánkání chisel (долото, резец): OJpn. tagani; MJpn. tágáné;
Tok. tàgane; Kyo. tágáné; Kag. tagané.
◊ JLTT 537 (not mentioning the OJ form). Tone in Kagoshima is aberrant. Already in
MJ the word was obviously influenced by kane ‘metal’.
‖ A Tung.-Jap. isogloss.
-č῾ĭk῾a ( ~ -o, -u) to rise, sprout: Tung. *čiK(i)-; Mong. *čiki; Turk. *čɨk-;
Kor. *čhi-.
PTung. *čiK(i)- to sprout (прорастать, подниматься из земли):
Evk. čiki-ltu-; Man. čiq-ǯala-.
◊ ТМС 2, 391 (cf. also Man. čiqte-n ‘stem, stalk’, čiq-si- ‘to ripen, become grown-up’).
PMong. *čiki 1 sprout 2 to sprout (1 росток 2 прорастать):
WMong. čiki(n) 1, čikile- 2 (L 181); Kh. čix 1, čixle- 2; Bur. šexen 1, šexer- 2;
Ord. ǯiχile- 2; Mongr. ćigi (SM 448) 1.
◊ Homonymous with čiki(n) ‘ear’ - but certainly quite different etymologically.
PTurk. *čɨk- to go out, come out (выходить): Karakh. čɨq- (MK, KB);
Tur. čɨk-; Gag. čɨq-; Az. čɨx-; Turkm. čɨq-; MTurk. čɨq- (Abush., Sangl.);
428
*č῾ik῾ò - *č῾k῾o
Uzb. čiq-; Uygh. čiq-; Krm. čɨq-; Tat. čɨq-; Bashk. sɨq-; Kirgh. čɨq-; Kaz.
šɨɣ-/q-; KBalk. čɨɣ-/q-; KKalp. šɨɣ-/q-; Kum. čɨɣ-/q-; Nogh. šɨɣ-/q-; Khak.
sɨx-; Shr. šɨq-; Oyr. čɨq-; Yak. sɨɣarɨj- ‘to move, be displaced’ (?).
◊ EDT 405-406, VEWT 107-108.
PKor. *čhi- to raise, rise (поднимать, подниматься): MKor. čhí-;
Mod. čhi-.
◊ Nam 452, Liu 704, KED 1655.
‖ In Kor. - a usual vowel loss between a stop and a fricative; cf. also
SKE 48.
-č῾ik῾ò straw, chaff: Tung. *čixe-; Mong. *čiɣire; Turk. *čigit / *čɨgɨt ( ~
-k-); Jpn. *təkusa; Kor. *čùkr.
PTung. *čixe- 1 straw; bast 2 stub, broom remains (1 соломинка;
лыко 2 пенек, остаток от веника): Man. čike-ku 1; Nan. čixin 2 (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 392.
PMong. *čiɣire chaff, straw (солома): MMong. čiji’ulsun ‘matting’
(HY 21); WMong. čigire, (L 179) čigirsü(n); Kh. čijrs.
◊ KW 443. Mong. > Yak. sigiri ‘мочалка из лыка, стружки’.
PTurk. *čigit / *čɨgɨt ( ~ -k-) cotton seed(s) (хлопковое семя, семена): Karakh. čigit (MK - Argu); Tur. čɨɣɨt, čiɣit ‘seed; freckle’; Az. čijid;
Turkm. čigit ‘seed’; MTurk. čigit (Sangl., Pav.C); čɨɣɨt ‘spots on a pregnant woman’s face’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. čigit; Uygh. čigit; Kirgh. čigit; Kaz.
šijit; KKalp. šigit.
◊ EDT 414, TMN 2, 88, Лексика 116.
PJpn. *təkusa a k. of horse-tail (вид хвоща): MJpn. tòkùsà; Tok. tokusá; Kyo. tókùsà; Kag. tokúsa.
◊ JLTT 549. Kagoshima reflects *tkúsá, but all other forms reflect low tone, probably
under double influence of *kùsà ‘grass’ and *tùkúsi ‘horse-tail’ (q.v.).
PKor. *čùkr chaff (мякина): MKor. čùkr; Mod. čuk-čəŋi, č:uk-čəŋi.
◊ Liu 670, KED 1505.
‖ Дыбо 10, Лексика 116. In Jpn. it is difficult (but probably necessary) to distinguish the reflex of this root from *č῾ṑk῾e ‘forage grass’ ( >
Jpn. *tukusi ‘horse-tail’) q.v. The Mongolian form also raises problems:
it probably reflects a suffixed *č῾ik῾rV with a development -kr- > -ɣVr(cf. similarly buɣurčag < *bŭkrV, uɣurga < *uk῾rukV / *uk῾urkV); otherwise
-ɣ- is very hard to explain.
-č῾k῾o ( ~ -k-) pivot, bolt: Tung. *čiKi; Mong. *čigta; Turk. *čɨkanak; Jpn.
*tikiri; Kor. *čítóri.
PTung. *čiKi pivot (шарнир, петля): Evk. čiki; Evn. čq; Neg. čịx.
◊ ТМС 2, 391.
PMong. *čigta lock, bolt (засов, запор): WMong. čiɣta (L 178); Kh.
čagt; Bur. šagta; Kalm. čiktə ‘Leit- oder Halsstrick der Kälber und
Füllen’.
*č῾ĺč῾u - *č῾ĺč῾u
429
◊ KW 439. Mong. > Kirgh. čɨqta. Cf. also the common Mong. *čiki(n) ‘linchpin’ - formally coinciding with the word for ‘ear’, which may be a secondary coincidence.
PTurk. *čɨkanak lock, pivot (засов, стержень): Tat. cɨɣanak (Sib.);
Bashk. sɨɣanaq, dial. sɨɣansaq; Oyr. čɨɣanak, dial. čānaq (Верб.).
◊ Дыбо 171. It is also necessary to note Kaz. šege, Kirgh. čege ‘nail’, possibly going
back to the same root.
PJpn. *tikiri balance beam (коромысло, балансир (весов)): MJpn.
tikiri; Tok. chikiri.
PKor. *čítóri pivot, hinge (шарнир, петля): MKor. čítóri; Mod. čidoli.
◊ Liu 682, KED 1528. The explanation in KED < čì- ‘carry’ + tòr- ‘turn’ is tonally implausible and obviously folk-etymological.
‖ Дыбо 43. Note dental suffixation in Mong. and Kor. (PA
*č῾ìk῾(o)-t῾V).
-č῾ĺč῾u to swell: Tung. *čilču-; Mong. *čulčaji- / *čelčeji- / *čili-; Turk.
*sīĺč; Jpn. *tu(n)si-m-.
PTung. *čilču- swelling, gland (опухоль, железа): Evk. čilčun; Man.
čilčin; SMan. čiličin ‘wen’ (151); Ul. čulču-kte; Nan. čilču-kte; Ud. cikci
(Корм. 310).
◊ ТМС 2, 394.
PMong. *čulčaji- / *čelčeji- / *čili- to swell (пухнуть): WMong. čulčaji-, čulčuji- (L 206), čelčeji-, čiliji- (L 183); Kh. culc-, celc-; Bur. sulsaj- ‘to
be plump (about children)’; Kalm. culcī-, čilī-; Ord. ǯulčₙī- ‘to be swollen’.
◊ KW 433, 440. Cf. also Khalkha colcoŋ ‘nodule’. Mong. > Kirgh. čulčuj- etc.
PTurk. *sīĺč- 1 to swell 2 swelling, tumour (1 пухнуть 2 опухоль):
OTurk. sɨš-, šɨš- 1, šiš 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. sɨš 2, sɨšɨl- 1 (MK), šiš- 1 (Tefs.,
IM); Tur. šiš- 1, šiš 2; Gag. šiš- 1, šiš 2; Az. šiš- 1, šiš 2; Turkm. čīš- 1, čīš 2;
Khal. šɨš- 1; MTurk. šiš- (Sangl.) 1; Uzb. šiš-(mɔq) 1, šiš 2; Uygh.
išši-(maq) 1; Krm. šiš-, sis- 1; Tat. šeš- 1; Bashk. šeš- 1; Kirgh. šiši- 1; Kum.
šiš- 1; Nogh. sis- 1; SUygh. siz- 1; Khak. səs- 1, səs 2, (Qyz.) čəǯək 2; Shr.
šiš- 1, šiš 2; Tv. ɨ’š- 1; Chuv. šɨś- 1; Yak. is- 1; Dolg. is 2.
◊ VEWT 424, EDT 857, ДТС 524 , Егоров 341, Федотов 2, 467, Stachowski 128-129.
Languages display both assimilations and dissimilations (loss) of the first consonant.
Loss of length in Yak., Tuva and Tof. is not quite clear (Turkm. clearly demonstrates a
long -ī-); if we take into account the Chuv. reflex (-ɨ- corresponding to Common Turkic
i/ɨ), we should perhaps reconstruct a PT form *sjĺč- (see Мудрак Дисс. 158).
PJpn. *tu(n)si-m- to have discoloration appear on the skin (as in the
bruises from a beating) (появляться (о синяках на коже)): MJpn. tusim-, tuzim-.
‖ EAS 108, KW 440, Poppe 117, Мудрак Дисс. 91, Miller 1970, 129,
JOAL 119. In Turkic one has to suppose a dissimilation (*sīĺč < *čīĺč; cf.
Turkm. čīš-, perhaps preserving an archaism). PA *č῾ĺč῾u may be a par-
430
*č῾me - *č῾mu
tial reduplication, or else have a suffixed *-č῾V (*č῾ĺu-č῾V; cf. Mong. čili-,
perhaps reflecting an original simple stem). A possibility of reconstructing *č῾jĺu-č῾V should be also considered (see above on the Turkic
reflexes).
-č῾me knuckle, cartilage: Tung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-); Mong. *čimöge; Turk.
*čEmirčik; Kor. *čəŋk- ( < *čəm-k- ?).
PTung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-) 1 knee-cap, fat under the knee-cap 2 ankle,
huckle-bone (1 коленная чашечка, клейкая масса (в коленном суставе) 2 лодыжка): Evk. čīmečin 1; Evn. čimnēk 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 395.
PMong. *čimöge marrow, marrow-bone (костный мозг, мозговая
кость): MMong. čimegan (HY 48), čimigän (MA); WMong. čimüge(n),
čömüge(n) (L 186, 203); Kh. čömög; Bur. semege(n), dial. šemege(n); Kalm.
čimgn; Ord. čömögö; Dag. šimug (Тод. Даг. 183), šimehe (MD 216), šiməg;
Dong. čumeGe; S.-Yugh. čeŋgən; Mongr. ćimuge (SM 451).
◊ KW 440, MGCD 578. Mong. > Evk. čēŋa ‘marrow bone’; Yak., Dolg. čoŋku ‘marrow,
marrow bone’ (hardly < Evk. čūkī ‘scull’, despite Stachowski 75); cf. Аникин 516.
PTurk. *čEmirčik cartilage, gristle (хрящ): Tat. čəməj ‘knucklebone’;
Kirgh. čemirček ‘хрящ на лопатке и мечевидном отростке’; Kaz.
šemiršek; KKalp. šemiršek; Nogh. šemiršek; Oyr. čamaj ‘cheekbone’.
◊ VEWT 251. Widely spread forms like Chag. kämirčäk are probably due to contamination with *kEmük ‘bone’ (v. sub *k῾ome).
PKor. *čəŋk- 1 knee 2 shin, shank (1 колено 2 голень): Mod.
čəŋgaŋi, čəŋgäŋi 2.
◊ KED 1450.
‖ Лексика 261.
-č῾mu to pinch, pluck (with fingers): Tung. *č[i]m-; Mong. *čim-; Turk.
*čɨm-; Jpn. *túm-; Kor. *čum.
PTung. *č[i]m- 1 to grip with claws 2 to pick one’s teeth 3 to pinch
(1 хватать когтями 2 ковырять в зубах 3 брать щепотку): Evk. čomdokolō- 3; Neg. čimŋet- 2 (Цинциус 1982); Man. čamna- 1; Nan. čimi- ‘поджать под себя ноги’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 375, 406. Vocalism is hard to reconstruct: aberrations are probably due to
the root’s expressive nature.
PMong. *čim- 1 to pinch 2 a pinch (1 щипать 2 щипок): WMong.
čimki-, čimči- (L 185) 1; čim 2; Kh. čimxe- 1; Bur. šemxe- 1; Kalm. čimkə-,
čimčə- 1; Ord. čimke-; Dag. čuēk 2; Bao. čoŋGə- 1; S.-Yugh. čimke 2;
Mongr. ćiŋgi- (SM 453) 1; ćimō- ‘cueillir’.
◊ KW 440, MGCD 571. Mong. > Oyr. čimči- etc. (VEWT 111).
PTurk. *čɨm- 1 to pinch 2 a pinch, thimbleful (1 щипать, брать
щипком 2 щипок, щепотка): Tur. čimdik, čimǯik 2; Gag. čimdik 2; Az.
čimdik-le- 1, čimdik 2; Turkm. čümmük 2; MTurk. čimdi- 1, čimdik 2 (Pav.
*č῾mu - *č῾imV
431
C.), (CCum.) čɨmdɨ- 1; Uzb. čim-, čimči-, čimči-la-, čimdi-, čimi-t- 1,
čimdi-m 2; Uygh. čimdi-, čimqi- 1, čɨmdim 2; Krm. čimde- 1, čimdik 2,
cɨmda-, čɨmda- ‘to bite’; Tat. čemče-t-, čemče-n- 1, čemček 2; Bashk. semte- 1,
semte-m 2; Kirgh. čɨmčɨ-, čɨmčɨ-la- 1, čɨmčɨm 2; Kaz. šɨmšɨ-, šɨmšɨ-la- 1;
KBalk. čimdi- 1; KKalp. šɨmšɨ-, šɨmšɨ-la- 1, šɨm, šɨmšɨm 2; Nogh. šɨmtɨ- 1,
šɨmqɨm 2; SUygh. ǯume- ‘to pick out, pull out’; Khak. čɨmǯɨ-la- 1, čɨmčɨx 2;
Shr. šimči- 1, šimčik 2; Oyr. čɨmčɨ- 1, čɨmčɨ-m 2; Tv. šɨmčɨ- 1, šɨmčɨm 2; Tof.
šɨmǯɨ- 1, šɨmǯɨm 2; Chuv. čəbət- 1, čəptəm, čəpkəm 2 (?).
◊ VEWT 108, TMN 3, 99, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 413. Chuv. čəbət- is phonetically
strange; it may reflect a secondary denasalization (Мудрак Дисс. 50), but may actually be
a trace of a different root, cf. PA *č῾ip῾u or *č῾abo.
PJpn. *túm- to pluck (with fingers) (срывать, хватать (пальцами)):
OJpn. tum-; MJpn. túm-; Tok. tsùm-; Kyo. tsúm-; Kag. tsúm-.
◊ JLTT 775.
PKor. *čum fist, handful (кулак, горсть): MKor. čúm, čùmkúi; Mod.
čūm, čumək.
◊ Nam 433, 434, KED 1496, 1509. Original tone is not quite clear.
‖ Poppe 26, JOAL 98, АПиПЯЯ 76; TMN 3, 99 (“möglich, daß hier
ein Zusammenhang besteht...Jedoch sind die Wörter anscheinend expressiv, daher nicht gut als urverwandt vergleichbar.”)
-č῾mu top, edge: Tung. *čīme; Mong. *čimarkai; Turk. *čɨm- / *čum(*čom-); Jpn. *tuma.
PTung. *čīme 1 top (of tree, mountain) 2 crown, sinciput (1 вершина (дерева, горы) 2 темя): Evk. čīme 1; Evn. čem 1; Nan. čimčik 2 (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 395. Cf. also Evk. čīmka ‘middle post in the house’.
PMong. *čimarkai temple (of head), sides of forehead (висок, стороны лба): WMong. čimarqai (L 184); Kh. čamarxaj; Bur. sabirgaj ‘temple, temporal’; Ord. čimarxǟ.
PTurk. *čɨm- / *čum- (*čom-) 1 top, upper part 2 staff (with a knob)
3 lump, pompon, knob (1 верхушка 2 палка (с набалдашником) 3 комок, помпон, набалдашник): Karakh. čomaq 2; Az. čomaG 2; Turkm.
čömmek 1; Uygh. čomčak 1; Chuv. čъₙmak 3.
◊ VEWT 115, TMN 2, 94-95, EDT 422. The Chuv. reflex points to *-ɨ-.
PJpn. *tuma edge, side, rim; skirt, lap (бок, сторона; подол): OJpn.
tuma; MJpn. tuma; Tok. tsumá; Kyo. tsúmà; Kag. tsúmà.
◊ Accent reconstruction difficult (see JLTT 555).
‖ The root seems reliable, although in Turkic its reflex is rather hard
to distinguish from a homonymous reflex of *č῾úmu ‘rounded object’.
-č῾imV a k. of fish: Tung. *čime; Mong. *čima.
PTung. *čime 1 a k. of salmon 2 burbot (1 вид кеты 2 налим): Man.
čima, čime 1; Ul. čịmada ‘name of a fish’, (Sch.) čêmada 2; Orch. čume 1;
Ud. cuma ‘тихоокеанский лосось’ (Корм. 312).
432
*č῾ipV - *č῾p῾a
◊ ТМС 2, 414. Neg. čŋan, Oroch čīŋen ‘burbot’ perhaps reflect a contamination with
*siaŋa-n ‘burbot’ (v. sub *sāŋa).
PMong. *čima a small carp (маленький карп (рыба чам)): WMong.
čima (L 184); Kh. čam.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, and borrowing in Mong. < TM is not excluded (although the meanings differ); in Turkic cf. perhaps Chuv.
śomga ‘rainbow trout’.
-č῾ipV sharp edge, peg: Tung. *čibuke; Mong. *čibe; Turk. *čib.
PTung. *čibuke 1 awl 2 through(out) (1 шило 2 насквозь): Evk. čiwuke 1; Nan. čịoqo 1; Orch. čiok-čiok 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389. The word resembles Mong. siböge ‘awl’, but this is probably fortuitous:
siböge cannot be borrowed as *čibuke, and has a separate TM parallel.
PMong. *čibe penis (penis): WMong. čibe (L 174); Kh. čiv; Bur. šebe
‘мочевой проток (анат.)’; Kalm. čiwə, čiwl.
◊ KW 442, 443.
PTurk. *čib 1 nail, peg 2 corner 3 penis 4 fir (1 гвоздь, колышек, чека 2 угол 3 penis 4 хвойное дерево): OTurk. čɨ/iv 2 (OUygh.); Karakh.
(čiǯ 1 MK - a miswriting instead *čiv?); Tur. čivi 1; Gag. čivi 1; Az. čiv 1;
Turkm. čüj 1; Uzb. čuv 1; Uygh. čüä 3 (R, by animals), čivä ‘space between legs above the knees’, čivilän ‘back saddlegirth’ (fixed with a
wooden peg); Krm. čüj, čüw, (K) čivij 1; Tat. čöj ‘wedge, cotter’; Bashk.
söj 1; KBalk. čüj 1; KKalp. šüj 1; Kum. čüj 1; Nogh. šüj 1; Oyr. čiiš
‘wedge’.
◊ VEWT 110, 121, EDT 393-394, 396, Лексика 125, 398. Because of well known semantic correlations of the type ‘penis’: ‘thorn’: ‘fir (needle)’ it is tempting to compare also
the name of the fir-tree: Tat. dial. (КСТТ) čivi, cɨvɨ, Khak. sɨbɨ, Shor šübe, Oyr. čibi (Tuba
čɨbɨ), Tuva šivi, Tof. šibi. However, the intermediate form meaning ‘thorn’ is not attested,
and the medial consonant here is rather *-p- (unless we suppose interdialectal loans), so it
may be unrelated.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *č῾p῾a, *č῾ḗbV.
-č῾p῾a branch, sharp branch: Tung. *čipa-; Turk. *čp.
PTung. *čipa- 1 edge of sledge brake-stick 2 sharp (1 наконечник
палки-тормоза для саней 2 острый): Evk. čịpan 1; Neg. čịp-čịp 2; Nan.
čip ‘(to stick into, pierce) deeply’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 398.
PTurk. *čp branch (ветка): Karakh. čɨp, čɨbɨq (MK); Tur. čɨbɨk, čubuk;
Gag. čɨbɨq; Az. čubuG; Turkm. čbɨq; MTurk. čubuq (Sangl.); Uzb. čiviq;
Uygh. čiviq; Krm. cɨbuq, cubuq, čubuq ‘lash’; Tat. čɨbɨq [čɨbɨrqɨ ‘lash’];
Bashk. sɨbɨq; Kirgh. čɨbɨq; Kaz. šɨbɨq; KBalk. čɨbɨq ‘lash’; KKalp. šɨbɨq;
Kum. čubuq; Nogh. šɨbɨq; Khak. sɨmɨx; Shr. šɨmɨq; Oyr. čɨbɨq; Tv. šɨvɨq;
Tof. šɨbɨq; Chuv. čъbъk ‘lash’.
*č῾íp῾ú - *č῾p῾[ú]
433
◊ EDT 393, 395, VEWT 106, TMN 3, 1059, Лексика 118-119, Егоров 320, Федотов 2,
403-404. Forms meaning ‘lash’ reflect a contamination with PT *čĀbɨk ‘lash’ (v. sub
*č῾ōbé).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; possible but not very reliable. The root
seems to be distinct from *č῾ḗbV ‘branch, staff’ and from *č῾ipV ‘sharp
edge’ q.v. - although contaminations were of course possible.
-č῾íp῾ú to press (with fingers), pinch: Tung. *čip-; Jpn. *túmp-m-; Kor.
*čìp-.
PTung. *čip- 1 to press (with fingers) 2 to squeeze, press 3 to stuff,
stick 4 to clutch 5 to pick with a finger (food remnants) 6 to lick (1 сжимать (пальцами) 2 жать, давить 3 набивать, заталкивать 4 хватать,
зажимать 5 подбирать пальцем (остатки еды) 6 лизать, облизывать): Evk. čīpčī- 3, čipka- 2, čīw- 6; Evn. čịpčụ- 3, č- 6; Neg. čipixet- 1,
čịpịxịla- 2, čịpčị- 3, čịw- 6; Man. čibu- 3; Ul. čipeči- 5; Ork. čịpo- 5; Nan. čịp
‘tightly’, sefele- (Bik.) 4; Orch. čipči- 3, čipopu(n) ‘index finger’; Ud. čipči3.
◊ ТМС 2, 389, 398, 399. Evk. length in some forms is probably expressive or compensatory.
PJpn. *túmp-m- to stuff, press into (сжимать, сужать): MJpn.
tuboma-; Tok. tsùbome-; Kyo. tsúbómé-; Kag. tsubomé-.
◊ JLTT 771.
PKor. *čìp- 1 to pick up, pinch 2 tongs, tweezers (1 щипать, брать
пальцами 2 клещи, щипцы): MKor. čìp- 1, čìpki 2; Mod. čip- 1, čipke 2.
◊ Liu 687, KED 1554, 1555.
‖ An Eastern isogloss (but cf. *č῾abo, with possible contaminations).
In Turk. cf. Chuv. čəbət- ‘to pinch’ - possibly reflecting a contamination
of the above root with Turk. *čim- (q.v.).
-č῾p῾[ú] small bird: Tung. *čipi-; Mong. *čuwčali; Turk. *čɨpčɨk; Jpn.
*tùmpá-mái ( ~ -ia); Kor. *čjpì.
PTung. *čipi- 1 a small bird 2 swallow (1 птичка 2 ласточка): Evk.
čipi-čā 1; Evn. čbln 1; Neg. čịptịja 1; Man. čibin 2; SMan. čivaqən 2
(2240); Nan. čịpịaqo 2; Ud. čiwjau ‘sparrow’.
◊ ТМС 2, 398. The root is expressive and subject to various irregular changes.
PMong. *čuwčali snipe (кулик): WMong. čuučali (L 207); Kh. cūcaĺ;
Bur. sūsālžan ‘кулик’, sūsagālžan ‘бекас’; Kalm. čūčl (КРС); Ord. čūčil-.
◊ Mong. > Man. čōanli, čočori ‘the common snipe’ (Rozycki 49).
PTurk. *čɨpčɨk sparrow (воробей, мелкая птица): Karakh.
(MKypch.) čapčuq, čɨpčɨq (AH), šɨpšɨq (Ettuhf.); Tur. čimček, (dial.) čabčɨk,
čɨpčɨk; Turkm. čɨmčɨq, dial. čɨpǯɨq; MTurk. čɨpčuq, čupčuq (MA, Abush.,
Pav. C.), čimčik (Pav. C.); Uzb. čumčuq; Uygh. tumučuq; Krm. cɨfcɨq; Tat.
čɨpčɨq, dial. čɨpɨj; Bashk. säpseq ‘wagtail; (dial.) sparrow’, sɨpqaj ‘утка-поганка’; Kirgh. čɨmčɨq; čimeldirek (South.) ‘a small green bird’; Kaz.
434
*č῾ĭre - *č῾ĭre
šɨbɨšɨq; KKalp. šɨmšɨq; Kum. ǯimčiq, dial. čimčik; Nogh. šɨmšɨq; Shr. čimčigeš ‘titmouse’ (Верб., Upper-Kond.); Oyr. čibilčik (dial.) ‘a k. of bird’
(R, Верб., Kumd.).
◊ VEWT 109, Лексика 176. Turk. > Mong. čipčiqaj (TMN 3, 123, Щербак 1997, 113).
PJpn. *tùmpá-mái ( ~ -ia) swallow (ласточка): OJpn. tubame; MJpn.
tubame; Tok. tsùbame; Kyo. tsùbàmé; Kag. tsubamé.
◊ JLTT 552.
PKor. *čjpì swallow (ласточка): MKor. čjpì; Mod. čēbi.
◊ Nam 425, KED 1464.
‖ SKE 26 (Tung.-Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 293, Дыбо 8, EAS 63, Лексика
176-177. The vocalism is not quite certain because of expressive
changes (Mong. *čuwčali may be < *čiɣu-čali, but -j- in Kor. is harder to
explain). Cf. *sipV.
-č῾ĭre to stink, be rotten: Tung. *čiri-; Mong. *čer; Turk. *čẹr; Kor. *čiri-.
PTung. *čiri- to stink (вонять, плохо пахнуть): Evk. čiri-; Nan.
čịrịftala- (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 2, 399.
PMong. *čer 1 phlegm 2 tumour (1 слизь, мокроты 2 опухоль):
WMong. čer; Kh. cer 1; Bur. ser 2; Kalm. cer 1; Ord. čir 1; Dag. čire ‘dirt,
manure’.
◊ KW 427.
PTurk. *čẹr 1 bodily heaviness, constipation (euphem.) 2 rotten, foul
3 to rot 4 illness 5 dirt 6 to be sick, ill 7 rot 8 glue 9 anguish, sorrow (1
запор (эвфем.) 2 гнилой, сгнивший 3 гнить 4 болезнь 5 грязь 6 болеть, хворать 7 труха, гниль 8 клей 9 тоска, скорбь): Karakh. čer 1
(MK), čer-le-n- ‘to be constipated; to suppurate (of eyes)’ (MK); Tur. čer
4, čirk 5, čiriš ‘flour paste’; Gag. čiriš 8; Az. čär ‘horse’s heart attack’,
čärlä- 6, čirk 5; Turkm. čirk ‘(dirty) spot; insult’, čerrik ‘illness (of cattle)’;
MTurk. čir ‘tumeur, clou’, čire- ‘se dégoúter’; Uzb. čiri- 3, čirik 2, čirk
‘snuff; hardened wheel ointment’; Uygh. čiri- 3, čirik 2; Krm. ciri-, čiri- 3,
cirik, čirik 2, čɨrɨš 8; Tat. čir 4, čirlä- 4, čere- 3, čerek 7; Bashk. sir 4, sere- 3,
serek 2; Kirgh. čer 9, ‘hard tumour’, čerle- ‘to be anguished’, čiri- 3, čirik
2, čirenč 8; Kaz. šer 4, 9, širi- 3, širik 2; KBalk. čiri- 3, čirik 2; KKalp. šer 9,
šir- 3, širik 2, širiš ‘slime’; Kum. čer 4, 9, čiri- 3, čirik 2, čirkew ‘maggots in
rotten food’; Nogh. šer 4, širi- 3, širik 2; Oyr. čiri- 3, čirik 2; Chuv. čir,
dial. čẹr 4, śər- 3, 6, śərək 2.
◊ VEWT 105, EDT 427, 430, TMN 1077, Егоров 211-212, 326, Федотов 2,111-112, 420.
As Doerfer notes, Turkic forms of the type čirkin ‘dirty, nasty, ugly’ (Chag., Tur., Gag.,
Tat., Uzb.) are rather borrowed from Persian čirkin (which itself is derived from čirk, borrowed < Turkic).
PKor. *čiri- to be foul, emit a foul odour (плохо пахнуть): Mod.
čiri-.
*č῾ire - *č῾abo
435
◊ KED 1531.
‖ EAS 63, SKE 35, ОСНЯ 1, 207.
-č῾ire to cut, scrape: Tung. *čire-; Turk. *čert-.
PTung. *čire- to scrape off (сцарапать, содрать): Evk. čir-čī-; Nan.
čīre ‘(to cut smth.) across’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 400.
PTurk. *čert- 1 to cut (off edges), make notches 2 to click 3 to pinch 4
to pinch (a musical instrument) (1 обрезать (края), делать зарубки 2
щелкать 3 щипать 4 играть на щипковом инструменте): Karakh.
čert- 1 (MK); Az. čärt- 1, 2; Turkm. čirt- 1, 3; Khal. čirt- 2; Uzb. čert- 2, 4;
Tat. čirt- 2, 3, čärdäk-lä- ‘to hew’; Bashk. sirt- 2, 3; Kirgh. čert- 2, 4; Kaz.
šert- 2, 4; KBalk. čert- ‘to mark’; KKalp. šert- 2, 4; Kum. čert- 1, 2, 4;
Nogh. šert- 2, 3, 4; Khak. sirte- 2; Shr. širte- 2; Oyr. čert- 1, 2; Chuv. śart ‘a
dent for inserting bottom into banded vessels’.
◊ VEWT 105, EDT 428, Федотов 2, 87-88. The semantic development here is ‘to make
notches, indents’ > ‘break the edge’, ‘pinch’ (whence ‘to click with fingers’) - not onomatopoetic, as suggested by Clauson.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Not quite reliable because of scarce attestation in TM.
-č῾iŕV to drag, draw: Mong. *čir-; Turk. *čiŕ-.
PMong. *čir- to drag, pull (тащить, тянуть): WMong. čir- (L 191);
Kh. čire-; Bur. šere-; Kalm. čir-; Ord. čir-/šir-; Dag. šoro- (Тод. Даг. 184),
šore- (MD 218); Bao. čirgə-; S.-Yugh. čirGa-, čerGa-.
◊ KW 442, MGCD 563, 572. Mong. čir-ɣa ‘sleigh’ > Dolg. hɨrga, sɨrga, see Stachowski
119.
PTurk. *čiŕ- to draw (чертить): OTurk. čɨ/iz- (OUygh.); Tur. čiz-;
Gag. čiz-; Az. čiz-; Turkm. čɨz-; Khal. či/ɨz-; MTurk. čiz-, sɨz- (Pav. C.);
Uzb. čiz-(mɔq); Uygh. siz-(maq); Krm. cɨz-, čɨz-; Tat. sɨz-; Bashk. hɨδ-;
Kirgh. čɨz-, sɨz-; Kaz. sɨz-; KBalk. sɨz-; KKalp. sɨz-; Kum. sɨz-; Nogh. sɨz-;
Khak. sɨz-ɨr- ‘to scrape, plane’; Chuv. čər- ‘to draw, scrape, tear’.
◊ VEWT 112, EDT 432, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 413-414. . The variant *sɨŕ- is probably
due to assimilation.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; not quite reliable, since the Mong. word
can also belong to *čuru q.v.
-č῾abo ( ~ *č῾obe) foam, bubble: Tung. *čobī- ( ~ š-); Mong. *čeɣer.
PTung. *čobī- ( ~ š-) 1 foam 2 saliva 3 to sprinkle (1 пена 2 слюна 3
прыскать): Evk. čowī-ksa 1,2; Evn. čoɣlị 1; Neg. čoxsa 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 402.
PMong. *čeɣer 1 foam or scum 2 bubble (1 накипь 2 пузырь):
WMong. čeger 1 (L 169); Kh. cēr 1, cevrǖ 2; Bur. seberǖ 2.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
436
*č῾abVk῾V - *č῾āk῾e
-č῾abVk῾V oyster, shell: Tung. *čiabikta; Kor. *čjòkài.
PTung. *čiabikta shell (раковина): Evk. čwɨka (Il.); Neg. čōkta; Ul.
čoịqta; Ork. toịqta; Nan. čoịqta; Orch. čojikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 387, 404.
PKor. *čjòkài oyster, shell, clam (моллюск, раковина): MKor.
čjòkài; Mod. čogä.
◊ Nam 432, KED 1469.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-č῾aga cold, frozen snow: Tung. *čiaga; Mong. *ča(g)-su; Kor. *čhằ-.
PTung. *čiaga 1 frozen snow 2 to become frozen (of snow) (1 наст 2
образовываться (о насте)): Evk. čēɣa 1; Evn. čaqaj 1; Man. čaq-ǯa- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 387.
PMong. *ča(g)-su snow (снег): MMong. časun (HY 1, SH), čāson
(IM), časun (MA); WMong. času(n) (L 166); Kh. cas(an); Bur. saha(n);
Kalm. casn; Ord. ǯasu; Mog. čōsun; ZM čϑun (19-9a); Dag. čas (Тод. Даг.
180), čase (MD 128); Dong. časun, ǯansun; Bao. časoŋ, čabsoŋ (Tungren);
S.-Yugh. čekseu (MGCD ǯasən), čeksen (Sichuan); Mongr. ćasə (SM 444),
čaxsə (Minghe).
◊ KW 423, MGCD 564.
PKor. *čhắ- cold (холодный): MKor. čhắ-; Mod. čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1561.
‖ Kor. čhiw- ‘cold’ is a secondary derivation from čhằ-. Mong. ča-sun
may actually reflect a contamination with *čar-sun, cf. *čar ‘crust (of
snow), наст’ (see *č῾era); Southern Mongolian languages seem, however, to preserve traces of a velar *čag-su.
-č῾āk῾e time: Tung. *čiK-; Mong. *čag; Turk. *čiāk; Jpn. *tkì; Kor. *čək.
PTung. *čiK- grown-up (возмужалый, совершеннолетний (о
мужчине от 30 до 40 лет)): Man. čiqsin.
◊ ТМС 2, 392. Attested only in Manchu, but quite possibly going back to the Altaic
root for ‘time’ (*’timely’ > ‘grown-up’).
PMong. *čag time (время): MMong. čax (HY 5, SH), čaq (MA);
WMong. čaɣ (L 156); Kh. cag; Bur. sag, segēn; Kalm. cag; Ord. čag; Dag.
čag(i) (Тод. Даг. 180); Dong. ča; S.-Yugh. čeg; Mongr. čaG.
◊ KW 419, MGCD 556.
PTurk. *čiāk 1 time, measure 2 precisely, exactly (1 время, пора 2
точно, впору): OTurk. čaq 1, 2 (late OUygh.); Karakh. čaq 2 (MK); Tur.
čaɣ 1; Gag. čāq, čaq ‘up to’; Az. čaɣ 1; Turkm. čāG 1; MTurk. (OKypch.)
čaq ‘when (conj.)’; Uzb. čɔq 1, čɔqum ‘certainly’; Uygh. čaq 2; Krm. čaɣ
(K), caq (H) 1; Tat. čaq 1, 2; Bashk. saq 1, 2; Kirgh. čaq 1, 2; Kaz. šaq 1, 2;
KBalk. čaq 1, čaq-lɨ ‘this much’; KKalp. šaq 1, 2; Kum. čaq 1, 2; Nogh. šaq
1, šaq-lɨ ‘this much’; Khak. sax 2; Oyr. čaq 1; Tv. šaq 1, 2; Chuv. čox 1;
*č῾k῾e - *č῾[a]k῾i
437
Yak. sax 1, saɣa ‘about (the time when, the size of)’; Dolg. haga ‘about
(the time when, the size of)’; sagɨna ‘while’.
◊ VEWT 95, Егоров 327, Лексика 67, EDT 404, ДТС 139, Федотов 2, 425, Stachowski
92-93, 208. Forms like Chag. čaɣ, Uygh. čaɣ or Tof. šaɣ ‘time’ are borrowed < Mong., but
this cannot be assumed for most other forms quoted above.
PJpn. *tkì time (время): OJpn. tokji; MJpn. tòkì; Tok. tokí; Kyo. tókì;
Kag. tokí.
◊ JLTT 548.
PKor. *čək time (время): MKor. čək; Mod. čək.
◊ Nam 422, KED 1423.
‖ EAS 64, KW 419, Poppe 26, Martin 244, Menges 1984, 266, АПиПЯЯ 76. Jpn. tone is irregular; it may be, however, due to an influence
of another root (cf. *ček῾a, OJ toko ‘always, eternally’ /accent unknown/).
Mong. čag may be < Turk. (see TMN 3, 27-28, Щербак 1997, 112), but
may as well be genuine. The Kor. reflex is quite regular (the attested čək
is just an orthographic variant of the expected *čjək), despite Doerfer’s
doubts in TMN ibid.
-č῾k῾e ( ~ -u) small: Mong. *čaka; Turk. *čĀka; Kor. *čjāk-, *čjk-.
PMong. *čaka new-born child (новорожденный ребенок):
MMong. čaxun (~ ajaqa) ‘small cup, pan’ (HY 19); WMong. čaqa (L 166);
Kh. cax; Ord. ǯaxa ‘inheritor’.
◊ Mong. > Tuva čaɣa ‘bear cub’ (Менгес 1979, 170).
PTurk. *čĀka new-born child (новорожденный ребенок, детеныш): Tur. čaɣa (dial.); čaɣa ‘young of birds’ (Old Osm. XIV c.); Az.
čaɣa; Turkm. čāGa; MTurk. čaqa (Pav. C.), (Xwar.) čaqa ‘young of birds’
(Фазылов 2, 511); Uzb. čaqalɔq, (Tashk.) čaqa; Uygh. bala-čaqa ‘children’
(dial.); Tat. čaɣa; Kirgh. bala-čaqa ‘children’; Kaz. qɨzɨl šaqa ‘quite naked
(of young of animals)’; KKalp. qɨzɨl šaqa ‘quite naked (of young of animals)’; Nogh. bala-šaɣa ‘children’.
◊ VEWT 96, Менгес 1979, 170.
PKor. *čjāk-, *čjk- small (маленький): MKor. čjāk-, čjk-; Mod. čak-.
◊ Nam 419, 425, KED 1386.
‖ SKE 20, EAS 64. Turkic forms are attested late and can be < Mong.;
however, Turkm. čāGa with a long vowel is hard to explain as a loan.
On the other hand, cf. Karakh. čekün ‘young of marmot’ (EDT 415),
Evk. čekše ‘tarbagan’: if these words are related, the PA reconstruction
should be changed to *č῾ek῾a.
-č῾[a]k῾i temple; ear: Tung. *čaKar; Mong. *čiki; Turk. *čẹke; Kor.
*čăkami.
PTung. *čaKar temple; eyelid (висок; веко): Evk. čakar; Evn. čaqarba.
◊ ТМС 2, 378. Occasional forms with -o- (Evk. dial. čōkawran, čokomī, Evn. čoqrron)
may actually reflect PA *č῾òk῾e q.v.
438
*č῾ale - *č῾ālu
PMong. *čiki ear (ухо): MMong. čikin (HY 45, SH), ček[ä]n (IM), čiqin
(MA); WMong. čike, čiki(n) (L 181); Kh. čix(en); Bur. šexe(n); Kalm. čikn;
Ord. ǯike(n); Mog. čekin, čikin; ZM čeqin (2-1b); Dag. čiki (Тод. Даг. 181,
MD 129); Dong. čəqeŋ, čəGən, čɨGɨn; Bao. čixaŋ, čixoŋ; S.-Yugh. čəGən,
čiGən; Mongr. ćigi (SM 448).
◊ KW 439, MGCD 573.
PTurk. *čẹke 1 temple 2 cheekbone (1 висок 2 скула): Karakh.
(MKypch.) čeke 1 (At-Tuhf.); Turkm. čekge 1, 2; MTurk. čeke ‘back of
head’ (Vamb.); Uzb. čakka 1, 2; Uygh. čekä 1; Krm. čege 1; Tat. čigɛ 1;
Bashk. sikä 1; Kirgh. čeke 1; Kaz. šeke 1; KKalp. šeke 1; Kum. čeke 1; Nogh.
šeke 1; Chuv. čigə 1.
◊ VEWT 103, TMN 3, 87f, Егоров 326, Лексика 203. Despite the lack of ancient attestation, the root is evidently archaic.
PKor. *čăkami chin of helmet (подбородок шлема): MKor. čăkami;
Mod. čagämi.
◊ Nam 412, Liu 631.
‖ KW 439, Poppe 55, АПиПЯЯ 294 (without the Tung. form), Дыбо
4, Лексика 203. The vocalism is not quite certain: a reconstruction of
*-a- is possible if we admit a secondary monophthongization *ča- >
*ča- in PTM.
-č῾ale to spread, open wide: Tung. *čildi-; Mong. *čala-.
PTung. *čildi- 1 to spread, open wide 2 become wider (of footwear)
(1 расширяться, широко раскрываться 2 разнашиваться (об обуви)): Evk. čildi- 1; Evn. čịldụm- 2; Nan. čildin- ‘прибывать (о воде)’
(On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 393. The Nan. meaning reflects a contamination with čilqa- < *tilka- q.v.
PMong. *čala- to open wide, have a wide opening (широко раскрываться): WMong. čalaji- (L 162); Kh. calaj-; Bur. salū ‘spacious’;
Kalm. calǟ-; Ord. čalǟ-.
◊ KW 420.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-č῾ālu ( ~ *č῾ōla) to talk nonsense, babble: Tung. *čōlī-; Mong. *čal-;
Turk. *čAl-.
PTung. *čōlī- 1 to gossip, prattle, babble 2 tongue (1 болтать, пустословить, лепетать 2 язык): Evk. čōlī- 1, čōlī 2; Neg. čōl- 1; Nan. čolči(On.) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 405.
PMong. *čal- to talk nonsense, blab (говорить чепуху, болтать):
WMong. čalči- (L 162); Kh. čalči-; Bur. šali-, šalšaran ‘lisping’; šalšagana‘to talk nonsense’; Kalm. čälčə-; Ord. ǯalči-; Dag. čolči-.
◊ KW 438, MGCD 561.
*č῾álV - *č῾aŋu
439
PTurk. *čAl- 1 noisy, talkative man 2 blasphemy (1 болтун, болтовня 2 богохульство): OTurk. čo/ulvu (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. čalaŋ 1 (MK).
◊ EDT 418, 420.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾álV a k. of thorny plant: Tung. *čil-; Mong. *čulkir; Turk. *č(i)alɨ-;
Jpn. *tára.
PTung. *čil- 1 growth, bushes 2 a k. of tree with red bark (1 растительность, кусты 2 вид дерева (краснокорый лозняк)): Evn. čịldụqa 1;
Man. čolχo mō 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 393, 405.
PMong. *čulkir a k. of plant (кумарчик гобийский): WMong. čulkir
(МХТТТ); Kh. culxir.
PTurk. *č(i)alɨ-(gan) 1 bush, shrub 2 nettle 3 thorn (1 куст 2 крапива 3 колючка): Tur. čalɨ 1; Gag. čalɨ ‘blackthorn; thorn’; Az. čalɨ 1;
Turkm. čalɨ ‘солянка кустарниковая’; Khal. čalu ‘eine Pflanze zum
Verbrennen’; MTurk. čalaɣan 2 (R - Vam.); Uzb. čalɔw ‘ковыль
волосистый’; Kirgh. čalqan 2; Shr. šalɣɨn, (R) šalɣanaq 2; Oyr. čalqančaq 2.
◊ VEWT 97, Лексика 110. Clauson (EDT 420) relates here OT (МК) čalqan ‘spread of
an injury’ which is not quite probable (rather a derivative from the polysemic čal-).
PJpn. *tára a k. of plant, Aralia manchurica (japonica) (вид растения, аралия): OJpn. tara; MJpn. tára; Tok. tara(noki).
◊ JLTT 542.
‖ The root denotes a wild plant, probably thorny; the vocalic reconstruction is not quite certain. In TM one would expect a *čial-, but the
diphthong may have been distorted in a long form with initial affricate;
Mong. *čulukir may similarly represent a later assimilation < *čalu-kir.
In that case one could reconstruct *č῾ála.
-č῾aŋu ( ~ *č῾oŋe) a sharp bone, sharp instrument: Tung. *čoŋkī-; Turk.
*čeŋe; Kor. *čŋ ( ~ *čjŋ).
PTung. *čoŋkī- 1 to peck 2 pecking, beak (1 клевать 2 клевание,
клюв): Evk. čoŋkī- 1, čoŋkī 2; Evn. čoŋq- 1, čoŋqn 2; Neg. čoŋkị- 1, čoŋk
2; Man. čoŋgi-, čoŋki- 1; Nan. čoŋkị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 407.
PTurk. *čeŋe jaw (челюсть): Gag. čenä; Az. čänä; Turkm. čene (dial.);
Khal. čänä; MTurk. čaŋa, čeŋe (Pav. C., AH); Krm. ceŋge; Kum. čene; Yak.
seŋie.
◊ Лексика 220. Despite Буд. 1, 483-484, D-T 98 the Pers. čānah ‘lower jaw’ cannot be
the source of Turkic forms; it does not have any Iranian etymology and is itself most
likely a Turkism.
PKor. *čŋ ( ~ *čjŋ) chisel (зубило): Mod. čŋ.
◊ KED 1450.
‖ It is also tempting to compare PJ *tùnuá ‘horn’.
440
*č῾apa - *č῾ṑk῾e
-č῾apa groin, hip: Tung. *čiabu-; Mong. *čabi.
PTung. *čiabu- 1 thigh, hip 2 buttock (1 бедро 2 ягодица): Ul. čiwu
1; Nan. čêokị 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389.
PMong. *čabi groin (пах): WMong. čabi (L 155); Kh. caỻ; Kalm. cävə;
Ord. cawi.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Not quite secure: the TM forms can be alternatively derived from *čiKü-ki, a diminutive of *čiKi (*čiKü) ‘pivot’
(q. v. sub *č῾k῾o ); cf. with the same anatomical meaning Ewk. čiki, Ewn.
čq, Neg. čịx, Ud. cigi (ТМС 2, 391, Корм. 310). For this etymological
direction see Дыбо 1988, p. 120.
-č῾ṑk῾e ( ~ -k-) grass, weed: Tung. *čūKa; Turk. *čekin; Jpn. *tùkúsi;
Kor. *soksăi.
PTung. *čūKa grass (трава): Evk. čūka; Evn. čūk; Neg. čōxa; Sol. čuka.
◊ ТМС 2, 411.
PTurk. *čekin different weed kinds (различные виды сорных
трав): Karakh. čikin / čekin ‘a plant growing among the vines and eaten
by cattle’ (MK); MTurk. čekin ‘greens, grass; a weed on rice fields, with
black seeds and sharp awns’ (Pav. C., Sangl.), čekil-dam ‘tulip bulb; a
root similar to wild garlic’ (Pav. C., for dam cf. Uzb. dam ‘pungency,
bitterness’ < Pers.); Uzb. čakalak ‘bush thicket’ (or perhaps to PT
*čEke-t?); Tat. čɛkɛn ‘corn cob’ (< Chuv.?); Bashk. sɛkɛn ‘corn cob’ ( <
Chuv.?); Kirgh. čeken ‘рогоз широколистый’; KKalp. šigin ‘weed
growing on rice fields, куриное просо’, šigildik ‘reed’; Khak. səgen ‘dry
grass’; Chuv. čakan ‘reedmace’.
◊ VEWT 111, EDT 415, Рас. ФиЛ 277, Егоров 316. Chuv. čakan, despite Дмитриева
1997, 52-53 and Rona-Tas, is not connected with *jeken ‘reed’ (v. sub *dék῾à). Cf. other
grass names: Chuv. čiken kurъkə ‘geranium’ (according to Ашм., grass helping from colics
- Дмитриева 1997, 56); śikka kurъkə ‘camomile’ (according to Ашм. it hosts a plantlouse,
to summon which the children say “śikka!” - Дмитриева 1988,51); Uygh. čigä ‘plant fibre,
wild hemp (VEWT), Yak. sige ‘тальниковые стружки, лыко’. Tuva sigen ‘hay’ (Tuva),
(Tof. ‘grass’) has an irregular s-, so perhaps should be regarded as borrowed from Khak.
PJpn. *tùkúsi horse-tail (хвощ): Tok. tsùkushi; Kyo. tsùkúshì; Kag.
tsukushí.
PKor. *sok- horse-tail (хвощ): MKor. soksai, soksăi; Mod. soksä.
◊ Liu 464, KED 983.
‖ Mong. čike-n in names of plants may be a merger of this root and
*č῾ik῾a q.v. Kor. soksăi ‘horse-tail’ is hard to separate from Jpn. tukusi id.;
most probably we are dealing with an assimilation here (soksăi <
*čoksăi).
*č῾k῾ó - *č῾ṓli
441
-č῾k῾ó to agree, confirm: Tung. *čixa; Mong. *čoku-; Turk. *čok-; Jpn.
*tnká-.
PTung. *čixa 1 will, wish, agreement 2 to agree, to wish (1 воля, желание, согласие 2 соглашаться, желать): Man. čiχa 1, čiχala- 2; SMan.
čihalə- ‘to be fond of, like to’ (1890); Ul. tịχala- 2; Nan. čịχala- 2; Orch.
čixala- 2; Ud. čāla-, čahala- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 390-391.
PMong. *čoku- to agree, confirm (соглашаться, подтверждать):
WMong. čoqu- (L 199); Kh. coxo-; Bur. soxom (adverb); Ord. ǯuxum ‘vrai’.
PTurk. *čok- 1 to pray 2 to sacrifice 3 to baptize 4 to worship 5
bailment, pledge (1 молиться 2 приносить жертву 3 креститься 4 поклоняться 5 порука, поручительство): Turkm. čoqun- 3; Uzb. čọqin- 3,
1 (disapprovingly), 4; Uygh. čoqun- 3; Tat. čuqɨn- 3; Bashk. suqɨn- 3;
Kirgh. čoqun- 3, 4; KKalp. šoqɨn- 3; Kum. čoqun- 3; Nogh. šoqɨn- 3;
SUygh. čoq et- 1 (ЯЖУ); Khak. čoɣɨn- 1 (Sag.- R 2, 2014); Shr. šoqta- ‘to
besprinkle idols with an exclmation šoq!’ R 4, 1024); Oyr. čoɣɨr- 2 (Lebed. R 3, 2014), čoqto- ‘to besprinkle idols with an exclamation čoq!’ (R
3, 2009); Chuv. śъk 5.
◊ VEWT 113-114, Егоров 328, Федотов 2, 426-427. Räsänen’s attempt to explain the
verb as “baptism through immersion” (linking Kypch. čoqur ‘pit’ and Taranchi čoqur- ‘to
sink’ (R 3, 2007) appears unconvincing. The former word is derived from čok- ‘to delve’,
and the latter should be corrected to čökür- according to more modern sources. The semantic transfer of a pagan ceremony to the Christian one seems quite natural in an
islamicized society. The same root may be represented by the exclamation (made during
a libation), Oyr. čoq!, Shor šoq!, and further - the approbatory exclamation Kirgh. čok!,
Kaz. šoq! etc. Quite unlikely is the hypothesis of a loan from Hebrew (Y. Malov, quoted in
Федотов). In fact, the meaning in Chuv. (’pledge’) and the external parallels suggest that
the religious component in the meaning of *čok- is relatively late (having evolved after
the separation of Bulgars): ‘pledge’ > ‘sacrifice’ > ‘praying’ > ‘baptizing’. Turk. > Hung.
csök ‘sacrifice’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *tnká- to commit, fulfil, come to an agreement (совершать,
достигать, приходить к соглашению): OJpn. t(w)oga-; MJpn. tògá-;
Tok. togé-; Kyo. togé-.
◊ JLTT 769. Accent in Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ A good common Altaic verbal root.
-č῾ṓli ( ~ -e, *č῾lo) grey, light: Tung. *čolka; Mong. *čil- / *čel-; Turk.
*čĀl.
PTung. *čolka grey, white (of hair) (седой): Evk. čolko; Neg. čolko.
◊ ТМС 2, 405. Cf. also *čul- ‘green, blue’.
PMong. *čil- / *čel 1 albino 2 clear, cloudless (1 альбинос 2 ясный,
безоблачный): WMong. čilbaŋ 1 (L 182), čil, čel 2 (DO 703), čilge- 2; Kh.
čalbaŋ, čil; Bur. šalgar 2; Kalm. cel, čilgr 2; Ord. čilbaŋ 1, čil 2.
◊ KW 426, 440.
*č῾ŏl[m]i - *č῾ŏl[m]i
442
PTurk. *čĀl grey, grey-headed (серый, седой): Karakh. čal (MK,
KB); Tur. čal; Az. čal; Turkm. čāl; MTurk. čal ‘having grey hair amid
black hair’ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. čɔl ‘old man’; Krm. čal; Tat. čal ‘grey
hair’; Bashk. sal; Kirgh. čal; Kaz. šal ‘old man’; KBalk. čal; KKalp. šal;
Kum. čal; Nogh. šal; Khak. čal; Oyr. čal; Yak. sālɨr ‘light-bay (horse);
pepper-and-salt (hair)’.
◊ EDT 417, VEWT 96, TMN 2, 31, Аникин 640. Turk. > WMong. čal, Kalm. cal,
Khalkha cal būral ‘grey-haired, roan’; Russ. чалый.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾ŏl[m]i ( ~ -e, *č῾ăl[m]o) to hobble, tether: Tung. *čulupkī-; Mong.
*čilbur; Turk. *č(i)al-, *č(i)alma.
PTung. *čulupkī- 1 to hobble (a dog) 2 dog-collar (1 привязывать
(собаку) 2 собачий ошейник): Evk. čulupkī- 1, čulupkīwun 2; Evn. čölipkin 1, čölipkin- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 413.
PMong. *čilbur bridle (уздечка): MMong. čilbur (HY 18, SH), čolbor
(Lig.VMI), čəlbur (MA 403); WMong. čilbuɣur, čulbuɣur (L 182); Kh. culbūr; Kalm. culwūr; Ord. čulbūr; Dag. šolbur (Тод. Даг. 184); S.-Yugh.
čəlbūr.
◊ KW 433-434, MGCD 581. Mong. > Oyr. čɨlbɨr etc.; > Man. čilburi, see TMN 1,
309-310, Doerfer MT 137, Rozycki 48.
PTurk. *č(i)al- 1 turban 2 noose, lasso 3 to plait, wrap 4 to bind by
throwing the rope 5 to become entangled 6 to entangle 7 band, strap 8
to bind around, wrap around 9 to plait (1 тюрбан 2 аркан, лассо 3 заплетать, заворачивать 4 связывать захлестом, наметывать 5 заплетаться 6 запутать 7 тесьма, завязка 8 обвязывать, обматывать 9 плести): Tur. čalma 1; Gag. čal- 8, čalma 1; Az. čalma 1; Turkm. čalma 1, čal3, čalšɨq ‘entangled (of a rope)’; MTurk. čalma 1, ‘flask fastened to the
saddle’ (Pav. C., Sangl.), ‘apron’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. čal-(mɔq) 4, čalma 1;
band, facing; Uygh. čal-ma-š- 5; Krm. cal- 8, calma 1, calman ‘wattle’; Tat.
čal- 4, čalma 1; Bashk. salɨ- 8, salma 1; Kirgh. čal- 4, čalɣɨč 7, čalma 2; Kaz.
šal- 8; KBalk. čalma 1, čal- 9, čalman ‘wattle’; KKalp. šal- 8; Kum. čal- 9,
čalma 1; Nogh. šalma 1, šaluw 7; Khak. salba (Sag.) ‘лычко для метания
камней’; Oyr. čalma 2, dial. (Leb.) čalɨ- 6; Tv. šalba 2; Tof. šalɨšqaq
‘criss-crossing’.
◊ EDT 420, VEWT 97, Лексика 395. Turk. > Mong. čalma, salma ‘lasso’, see TMN 4,
316-317, Щербак 1997, 163 (although the meaning ‘lasso’ is not widely spread in Turkic,
Doerfer suggests that it may have been the original, pre-Islamic, meaning of the derivative *čal-ma). Note Chuv. čъₙlɣa- ‘to entangle’ - usually derived as a loanword < Tat. čulɣa< PT *čog-la-, but in this case one would rather expect čulɣa- - so the Chuv. form may
actually reflect PT *čial-. The root is attested late, but does not seem to be borrowed, or a
specialized development of *čal- ‘hit, chop’ (as suggested in TMN).
*č῾olu - *č῾op῾a
443
‖ A Western isogloss. The medial cluster is not quite secure (perhaps one should rather reconstructed *č῾ŏli with different suffixes). It is
interesting to mention MKor. čjmpúr ‘horse’s mudguards’ (Nam 426) perhaps a (somewhat distorted) loanword < Mong. čilbur.
-č῾olu crippled: Tung. *čial-; Mong. *čile-; Turk. *čol-; Jpn. *tur-; Kor.
*črk.
PTung. *čial- 1 to be unable 2 to choke 3 exhausted 4 to stumble
(while going down the hill) (1 не мочь 2 застревать в горле, давиться
3 истощенный 4 спотыкаться (при спуске с горы)): Evk. čelgek 3, čelē4; Evn. čelgъk- ‘break (limb)’; Man. čili- 2; Ul. čla- 1; Nan. čla- 1; Orch.
čīla- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 393, 420. The peculiar vocalism is best explained by supposing *čial- Cf.
also *čulug- (ТМС 2, 413) < *čialug- (?).
PMong. *čile- to stiffen, get oedema (неметь, затекать, уставать):
MMong. čile- ‘erschöpft sein’ (SH); WMong. čile- (L 182); Kh. čile-; Bur.
šelden (adj.), šele- ‘to peter’, šala-; Kalm. čilə- ‘become ill, powerless (of
princes)’; Ord. čile-; Dong. čɨla-.
◊ KW 440, MGCD 570. Mong. > Yak. sɨlaj-, Dolg. hɨlaj- (see Stachowski 118).
PTurk. *čol- 1 crippled 2 to deteriorate, dwindle 3 defect 4
short-statured (1 калека (с дефектной рукой) 2 убывать, иссякать 3
порок, изъян 4 куцый, короткий): OTurk. čoluq (OUygh.) 1, čol- 2,
čolmaq 3 (OUygh. late - Suv.); Karakh. čoluq (MK) 1; čolquj ‘worn (of a
sole), crippled (of an arm, hand)’ (MK); Tur. čolak; čolpa ‘unskilful,
awkward’; Gag. čolaq 1; Az. čolaG 1; Turkm. čolaq 1; Khal. čolaq ‘handless, lame’; MTurk. čolaq (Sangl.); Uzb. čọlɔq ‘handless, lame’, čọltɔq 4;
‘bungler, unskilled person’; Uygh. čolaq 1, 4; Krm. čolaq (K) 1; Tat. čulaq;
Bashk. sulaq 1; Kirgh. čolu- ‘to pull out, pick out’, čolǯuj- ‘become
curved, warp’, čoloj- ‘become short, limbless’, čoloq 1, 4; Kaz. šolaq 4,
šoltɨj- ‘to shorten’; KBalk. čolaq 1; KKalp. šolaq 1, 4; Kum. čolaq 1; Nogh.
šolaq 1; šoltaŋ-la- ‘to move aside angrily’; Oyr. čoltuq 4; Tv. šoluq ‘sensitive, huffish’.
◊ EDT 419-420, VEWT 115, TMN 3, 89, Дыбо 152. Turk. > Mong. čolaq (Щербак 1997,
113). The existing forms are derived from a verb *čol- ‘become defective’ (cf. the attested
OUygh. čol- and forms like Kirgh. čolu-).
PJpn. *tur- to have cramps (сводить судорогой): Tok. tsur-.
PKor. *črk lame (хромой, с больными руками или ногами):
MKor. črk.
◊ Nam 422.
‖ Cf. also Kor. čjəri-da ‘to be stiff (of limbs)’, SKE 30, ОСНЯ 1, 203.
-č῾op῾a ( ~ *č῾ap῾u) a k. of clothing: Tung. *čop-; Mong. *čuba; Turk.
*čAp.
PTung. *čop- a k. of overcoat (вид плаща): Evn. čobaqa; Sol. čibkeǯa.
444
*č῾op῾è - *č῾op῾è
◊ ТМС 2, 388, 401.
PMong. *čuba overcoat (плащ, верхняя одежда): WMong. čuba (L
203); Kh. cuv; Bur. suba; Kalm. cuwə ‘(fur) coat’ (КРС); Ord. čuwa.
◊ Mong. > Man. čuba id., KBalk. čuba ‘corset’ (but cf. also Gag. čupak). The traditional
etymology ( < Arab. ǯubba) is not plausible phonetically.
PTurk. *čAp- 1 a k. of cloak 2 lap, skirt 3 used clothing 4 bedding
under the saddle 5 woman’s gown 6 gown 7 gusset (in clothes) (1 род
плаща 2 подол, фалда 3 старая, потертая одежда 4 подстилка под
седло, чепрак 5 женский халат 6 халат 7 клин (в одежде)): Karakh.
čapɣut ‘a padded garment’ (MK); Tur. čaput 3, čaprak 4; Gag. čapraq 4;
Turkm. čabɨt 5, čapan 6, čapɨ ‘ornamental trimming for clothes’ lap’;
Khal. čabuɣ ‘trimmed section on a woman’s tunic’; MTurk. čapan 1 (R;
Pav. C. jamaɣlɨɣ čapan ‘mended cloak’), čabuq 2 (Pav. C.), (OKypch.)
čapɣut 3 (AH); Uzb. čɔpɔn 1; Uygh. čapan 1; Tat. čapan 1, čapraq 4, čabu 2;
Bashk. sapan 6, sabɨw 2; Kirgh. čabū 7; čapan 6, čapan-čapqɨt ‘upper
clothes’, čopqut ‘quilted coat under armour; expensive costume’; Kaz.
šabu 2, šapan 6; KKalp. šabuw 7, šapan 6, šobɨt ‘used things’, šopqɨt ‘rags’;
Kum. čabɨw 7, 2; Nogh. šabuw ‘gusset-like front part of gown’s laps’;
Khak. sabɨɣ 7; Shr. šabɨr 6; Oyr. čabu 7; Tv. šavɨɣ 7; Tof. šabɨɣ 7.
◊ VEWT 99, EDT 396, TMN 3, 47, Аникин 643. Several derivations are clearly distinguishable: a) *čap-gut ‘upper clothes, garment’ (with later development > ‘used clothes’);
b) *čap-rak ‘bedding under the saddle’; c) *čap-an ‘cloak, gown’; d) *čap-gu ‘lap, gusset’ all clearly related to each other.
‖ A Western isogloss; somewhat difficult - but necessary - to distinguish from *č῾ep῾à ‘rag’ q.v.
-č῾op῾è water container, vessel: Tung. *čup- / *čop-; Mong. *čöɣerüm;
Turk. *čap-; Jpn. *tpî ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *č(j)apa-.
PTung. *čup- / *čop- 1 pit, deep place 2 to submerge, dive (1 яма,
глубокое место 2 погружаться, нырять): Evk. čopkī, čuper 1, čopo- 2;
Neg. čop tịk- 2; Ork. čubbe- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 408, 416.
PMong. *čöɣerüm pond (пруд, водоем): WMong. čögerüm, čögerem,
čögürüm (L 201); Kh. cȫröm; Bur. sȫrem; Kalm. cȫrm (КРС).
PTurk. *čap- 1 big vessel, barrel, pail 2 basin (1 большой сосуд,
бочка, чан, кадка 2 бассейн, яма для стока воды): OTurk. čopun 1
(OUygh., late - Suv.); Tur. čopul 2; MTurk. sapčaq (AH) (OKypch.); Krm.
capcaq, čapčaq 1; Tat. čapčaq 1; Bashk. sapsaq 1; Kirgh. čapčaq 1; KBalk.
čapčaq 1; KKalp. šapšaq ‘wooden vessel for shaking up milk’; Kum. čapčaq 1; Nogh. šapšaq 1; Khak. saban, sapčax 1; Shr. šapčaq 1; Oyr. čapčaq 1;
Tv. šopulaq ‘spoon’; Chuv. śöpśe 1; Yak. sabaraj 1.
◊ VEWT 99, ДТС 153, Егоров 223,Федотов 2, 148-149. Forms with -u- in the second
syllable demonstrate vowel assimilation (čopu- < *čapu-). External parallels strongly suggest that the word is not derived from *čap- ‘hit’, but is an original noun.
*č῾[o]ra - *č῾[g]a
445
PJpn. *tpî ( ~ -ua-) gutter (желоб): Tok. tói; Kyo. tòî; Kag. toí.
◊ JLTT 548.
PKor. *č(j)apa- earthenware jar, bowl (глиняный кувшин): Mod.
čabägi.
◊ KED 1379.
‖ A common derivative *č῾op῾è-rV is reflected in Mong. *čöɣe-rü-m
and Evk. čupe-r; another suffixed form, *č῾op῾è-k῾V (originally diminutive) may be reconstructed on the basis of Evk. čop-kī and Kor. čabä-gi.
The root must have denoted a big water container, perhaps both artificial and natural.
-č῾[o]ra a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *čuru-; Mong. *čara-su; Turk. *čar-;
Kor. *čori-.
PTung. *čuru- a k. of willow (вид ивы): Evk. čurumkurē; Neg. čojomka; Nan. čoromqola.
◊ ТМС 2, 417.
PMong. *čara-su oak tree (дуб): WMong. čarasu (МХТТТ); Kh. cars;
Bur. sarsa; Dag. carese (MD 128).
PTurk. *čar- 1 plane tree 2 gooseberry 3 asp tree 4 a k. of poplar (1
платан 2 крыжовник 3 осина 4 вид тополя): Karakh. čarun (MK) 1;
Uygh. čarčaj 2 (?); Kirgh. čar terek 4; Tv. šarlan 3.
◊ VEWT 110, EDT 430, Дмитриева 1972, 186.
PKor. *čori- oak tree (дуб): MKor. čoričham-namo; Mod. čoričham-namu.
◊ Liu 662, KED 1472.
‖ The vocalism is uncertain; it is possible that the TM form should
be removed from here and compared with Jpn. *tùrù, see notes to PA
*čălu. In such case a reconstruction *č῾aro for the present root would be
possible.
-č῾[g]a scarce, poor: Tung. *čuki; Mong. *čukag; Turk. *čgań.
PTung. *čuki bad (плохой): Ul. čụqana; Nan. čukĩ (On.); Orch. čuki.
◊ ТМС 2, 411.
PMong. *čukag scarce, poor, rare (редкий, бедный): WMong. čuqaɣ
(L 208); Kh. čuxag; Bur. šuxag; Kalm. cuxəɣ; Ord. ǯuxaG.
PTurk. *čgań 1 poor 2 mischief 3 impolite, rough (1 бедный 2 беда,
несчастье 3 грубый, неучтивый): OTurk. čɨɣań (Orkh.), čɨɣaj (OUygh.)
1; Karakh. čɨɣaj (MK), čɨɣan (MK - Argu) 1; Tur. čɨɣaj, čɨɣan (dial.) 1;
MTurk. čɨɣaj (R), čɨɣan (R, Pav. C.) 1; Krm. čɨjɨr 2 (with an unexplained
-r); Kum. čɨɣɨn 3; Khak. sāj 2; Shr. šāj 2.
◊ VEWT 107, EDT 408-409, Лексика 334. Chuv. čuxan ‘poor’ may be of different origin (cf. an aberrant reflex of *g), cf. čux ‘mediocre’, čuxъ ‘poor’ ( < *jok?).
446
*č῾ugu - *č῾úmu
‖ A Western isogloss, somewhat questionable phonetically. Unclear
is -k- in TM and Mong. (*-g- would be expected). A possible solution is
to reconstruct for all three subgroups a suffixed form *č῾ugu-kV.
-č῾ugu to tie up, bandage: Tung. *čuga-; Mong. *čig; Turk. *čɨg-.
PTung. *čuga- to fix, attach (приделывать, прикреплять): Ud.
čuga-.
◊ ТМС 2, 410. Attested only in Ud., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *čig bandage, splint (бандаж, лубок): WMong. čig (L 179);
Kh. čig.
PTurk. *čɨg- 1 to tie up (a parcel) 2 to sew (with small stitches) 3
parcel, pack 4 knot 5 to tie in a knot (1 увязывать (тюк, сверток) 2
шить (мелкими стежками), подшивать 3 узел (упаковка) 4 узел 5
завязать узлом): Karakh. čɨɣ- 1; Tur. čɨkɨ, čɨkɨn 3; Gag. čɨqɨ 3; Turkm. čig5, čigin 4; Khal. (tīn u) čɨqɨn ‘small parcels in women’s working room’;
MTurk. čik 4 (Pav. C.), (OKypch) čɨq- 1 (AH); Uygh. čig- 5, čigik 4; Kirgh.
čije 4; KKalp. šije ‘tightly bound’; SUygh. čig-, čik- 5; Khak. sɨɣ-la- 2; Oyr.
či-de- 2.
◊ EDT 405, VEWT 94. Forms apparently pointing to *čɨk- most probably reflect a contraction of the suffixed form *čɨgɨ-k-.
‖ A Western. isogloss; borrowing in Mong. is possible, but not very
probable for semantic reasons.
-č῾me ( ~ -i) a k. of insect: Tung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-); Turk. *čümeli; Kor.
*čóm.
PTung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-) a k. of insect (насекомое (мухообразное с
пестрыми крыльями)): Evk. čīmečīldūn; Ud. cimgi (Корм. 310).
◊ ТМС 2, 395.
PTurk. *čümeli ant (муравей): OTurk. čümeli (OUygh.); Karakh.
čümeli (MK - Chigil); MTurk. čü/umadu ‘small ants’ (Pav. C.); Uzb.
čumɔli; Uygh. čümälä (R - Tar.); Tat. čümöldü (R - Bar.); Oyr. čumalɨ, dial.
čubalɨ; Tv. šɨmɨl ‘maggot’.
◊ EDT 423, VEWT 121, Лексика 184.
PKor. *čóm a k. of worm, teredo; poisonous insect, poison
(червь-древоточец): MKor. čóm; Mod. čom.
◊ Liu 665, KED 1482.
‖ Лексика 184.
-č῾úmu round(ed) object: Tung. *čumbu-; Mong. *čom-; Turk. *čɨmur;
Jpn. *túmúnsí.
PTung. *čumbu- 1 globe, sphere 2 rounded, swollen (of a mosquito)
3 (sleigh) arc (1 шар 2 раздувшийся (о комаре) 3 дуга (нарты)): Evk.
čumbukte 1, čumkilēptin 2; Nan. čembu-čembu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 414.
*č῾umu - *č῾p῾a
447
PMong. *čom- 1 bouquet; bud 2 bud-shaped (1 букет; почка 2
имеющий форму бутона): WMong. čomurlaɣ, (L 197) čomurliɣ 1,
čombuɣar, čombun 2; Kh. comorlog 1, combogor, combon 2; Ord. čomȫ- ‘avoir la forme de bouton de fleur’.
PTurk. *čɨmur 1 buds 2 lily 3 sphere, globe, fist (1 почки 2 лилия 3
шар, округлость, кулак): Oyr. čomur 2; Tof. šomur 1 (Рас. ФиЛ 89, 231);
Chuv. čъₙmъₙr 3.
◊ The Chuvash form points to *-ɨ-. The root is very localized, but seems to be distinct
from *čɨm- / *čum- ‘top; stick with a knob’ (although a contamination was of course possible).
PJpn. *túmúnsí hair-whorl (завихрение волос): OJpn. tumuzi;
MJpn. túmúzí; Tok. tsùmuji; Kyo. tsúmújí; Kag. tsumují.
◊ JLTT 556. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ An expressive common Altaic root; both in Turkic and Japanese
its reflexes may have partially coincided with the reflexes of *č῾mu ‘top,
edge’ q.v., but in Mongolian and TM they seem to be distinct.
-č῾umu seed, cone: Tung. *čum- / *čim-; Mong. *čöme; Turk. *čɨm.
PTung. *čum- / *čim- cone (of any fir tree) (шишка): Evk. čunmī ( <
*čum-nī); Neg. čimčukte; Ul. čimčikte; Ork. čipčikte; Nan. čimčikte; Orch.
čimčikte.
◊ ТМС 2, 395, 414.
PMong. *čöme fruit stone, grain, seed (косточка, зерно, семя):
WMong. čöme, čömü (L 202); Kh. cöm; Bur. seme- ‘щелкать кедровые
орехи’.
◊ Mong. > Evk. čīme, čēme etc. (see ТМС 2, 421).
PTurk. *čɨm 1 turf 2 meadow 3 various kinds of grass (with seeds)
(1 дерн 2 луг, лужайка 3 различные виды трав): Karakh. čɨ/im 1, čimgen 1, 2; Tur. čimen 2, čim 1; čemen ‘тмин; пажитник’; Gag. čim 1, čimen
1, 2; Az. čämän 2, čim 1; Turkm. čemen 2, ‘bundle, bouquet’; Khal. čämän,
čimän 2 (< Pers.?); Uzb. čaman 2, čim 1; Uygh. čim 1, čimän 2; Kirgh. čɨm
1; čemirček ‘травянистое растение со съедобным корнем’ (cf. also
čɨmɨldɨq ‘повилика’, čɨmɨldɨrɨq, čɨmɨndɨq (dial.) ‘чина’); Kaz. šɨm 1; Nogh.
šɨm 1; Khak. čɨm-čolɣaj ‘хлебенки (an edible bulbous plant’); Oyr. čemene ‘потничная трава’; Chuv. čemčem/n ‘горец, птичья гречишка’
(Дмитриева-Саллонтаи VII, 49).
◊ The primary root is *čɨm ‘turf’, whence *čim-gen ‘meadow’, borrowed in Pers. čaman
(see EDT 423; not vice versa, despite TMN 2, 99-100); but many of the modern forms
meaning ‘meadow’ or ‘bouquet’ are already backloans from Persian.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾p῾a ( ~ -u) a k. of insect: Tung. *čope-; Mong. *čubali; Turk. *čpɨn.
PTung. *čope- 1 locust 2 larva (of insects) (1 саранча 2 личинка (насекомых)): Evk. čepeder 1; Ul. čobị 2; Nan. čobị 2.
*č῾p῾ì - *č῾ṓga
448
◊ ТМС 2, 401, 421.
PMong. *čubali ant (муравей): MMong. čubali (MA 136).
PTurk. *čpɨn 1 fly 2 gad-fly 3 mosquito 4 bee (1 муха 2 овод 3 комар 4 пчела, шершень): Karakh. čɨbɨn 1, 3 (MK); Tur. ǯibin 1, 3; Az.
čibin 1,2; Turkm. čbɨn 3; Uzb. čibin 3; Uygh. čivin 1,2; Tat. čeben 1, 2;
Bashk. seben-le- ‘to be annoyed by fly-bites (of animals)’; Kirgh. čɨmɨn
1,2; Kaz. šɨbɨn 1,2; KBalk. čibin 1,2; Kum. ǯibin 1,2; Oyr. (dial.) čɨmɨn 4.
◊ VEWT 110, EDT 838, TMN 3, 53, Лексика 186.
‖ An expressive Western isogloss.
-č῾p῾ì small, narrow: Tung. *čip[u]-; Mong. *čüɣe-n; Jpn. *tìpì-sà-; Kor.
*čòp-.
PTung. *čip[u]- narrow (узкий): Evk. čipikte, čipileme; Evn. čụpụtị.
◊ ТМС 2, 398.
PMong. *čüɣe-n, -ken small (in number), few (мало, немного):
MMong. čuejen (HY 44), čun (MA); WMong. čüge(ge)n, (L 201:) čögen,
čögeken, čögüken; Kh. cȫn; Bur. šȫdej; Kalm. cȫ(k)n; Ord. čȫkön, čȫröm;
Dag. čuēn (Тод. Даг. 182); Dong. čueGuan (MGCD čoɣuan); Bao. čoŋ;
S.-Yugh. čǖn; Mongr. ćōn (SM 454), ćōgwən (SM 453).
◊ KW 432, 460, MGCD 577. In Bur. two roots are contaminated *čüɣe-n ‘few’ and
*öčü- ‘sm, little’. šȫdej means ‘little’, but üsȫ(n) - ‘few’.
PJpn. *tìpì-sà- small (маленький): OJpn. tip(j)isa-; MJpn. tìfìsa-; Tok.
chīsá-; Kyo. chésa-; Kag. chsa-.
◊ JLTT 842. Kagoshima has an irregular reflex; otherwise all dialects point to low
tone.
PKor. *čòp- narrow (узкий): MKor. čòp-; Mod. čop-.
◊ Liu 665, KED 1482.
‖ Martin 249. Korean has a “verbal” low tone. In Turk. cf. perhaps
Kirgh. čɨpqa ‘strainer’, čɨpqala- ‘to strain’.
-č῾ṓga ashes, glowing coals: Tung. *čuguk ( ~ -b-); Turk. *čōg, -ak.
PTung. *čuguk- ( ~ -b-) 1 snuff 2 to burn (with fire) 3 to hiss (of
glowing coals in contact with water) (1 нагар 2 обжечь (огнем) 3 шипеть (о раскаленных углях в соприкосновении с водой)): Evk. čuke,
dial. čuwukī 1, čuwkān- 2; Neg. čowixān 3; Ud. čauk-čuk (expr.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 410, 412.
PTurk. *čōg glowing heat, glowing coals (жар, тлеющие уголья):
OTurk. čoɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. čoɣ (MK); Turkm. čōg; MTurk. čoɣ
(Vamb.); Uzb. čụɣ; Uygh. čoq, čoɣ; Kirgh. čoq; Kaz. šoq; SUygh. čoɣ;
Khak. soɣ; Shr. šoɣ; Oyr. čoq; Yak. suos; Dolg. huos.
◊ VEWT 113, 114, Лексика 366-367, EDT 405, Stachowski 113 (Yak. suos = Tur. čogaš
‘sun heat’). Turk. > WMong. čoɣ, Kalm. cog (KW 429, TMN 2, 119, Щербак 1997, 113).
Mong. > Yak. čox.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
*č῾ṑk῾a - *č῾òk῾e
449
-č῾ṑk῾a to peck, gouge: Tung. *čōk(i)-; Mong. *čoki-; Turk. *čok-; Kor.
*čhắ-.
PTung. *čōk(i)- 1 to gauge 2 to stick into 3 to peck 4 to dig, delve (1
выдалбливать, вырезать 2 втыкать 3 клевать 4 копать, ковырять):
Evk. čōk- 4; Evn. čuq- 4; Neg. čok- 1; Man. čoki- 2; Ul. čoqị- 3; Nan. čoqị- 3;
Ud. cugu ‘adze’ (Корм. 311).
◊ See ТМС 2, 403. Secondary vowel shortening in Nan.
PMong. *čoki- to strike, punish (бить, наказывать): MMong. čoqoli’ul- ‘to overthrow’ (SH); WMong. čoki- (L 196); Kh. coxi-; coxi-lo‘клевать’; Bur. soxi-; Kalm. cok-; Ord. ǯoki-; Mog. ZM čqor ‘axe’ (22-4a);
Dag. čoki-; Mongr. čugu- ‘клевать’ (SM 440).
◊ KW 429.
PTurk. *čok- 1 to peck 2 to delve, dig 3 to pick at 4 to stab 5 to pick
(eyes) 6 pitfall, delve (1 клевать 2 долбить, копать 3 ковырять 4 закалывать 5 выкалывать (глаза) 6 рытвина, углубление): OTurk. čoq- 4
(OUygh.); Karakh. čoq- ‘to rush at the prey (of a bird)’ (MK); Tur. čoku1, čukur 6; Gag. čuqur 6; Az. čuxur 6; Turkm. čoq- 1, čuqanaq, čuxur 6;
MTurk. čo/uqu- (Sangl., Pav. C. (5)); čuqur 6 (Sangl.; starting with Old
Kypch.); čux-la- 3 (MA 137); Uzb. čụqi- 1, čuqu-la- 2, 3, čuqur 6; Uygh.
čoqu- 1; Krm. čoq- ‘to sting’, čoɣɨ- 1 (K), č/сuqu/ɨr 6; Tat. čuqɨ- 1, čoqɨ- 2;
Bashk. suqɨ- 1, soqo- 2, 3; Kirgh. čoqu- 1, čuqu- 3; Kaz. šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 1, 3;
KKalp. šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 2, 3; Kum. čoqu- 1; Nogh. šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 2, 3; Khak.
sox-la- 1; Oyr. čoqu- 1, 3.
◊ VEWT 114, 119, EDT 406. Kypchak languages suggest a distinction between *čokɨ‘to peck’ and *čukɨ- ‘to dig, delve’, absent elsewhere, and possibly a result of interdialectal
loans.
PKor. *čhắ- to kick (бить, пинать): MKor. čhắ-; Mod. čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1562.
‖ EAS 64, KW 429, Дыбо 13, Doerfer MT 68. Martin 239 compares
OJ tuk- which can belong here, too, but is an obvious merger of several
roots.
-č῾òk῾e ( ~ -u-) cheek bone: Mong. *čoku; Turk. *čügde; Kor. *čjókái.
PMong. *čoku temple, sinciput (висок, темя): WMong. čoqu (L 199);
Kh. cox; Bur. soxo ‘forehead; (Okin.) temple’; Kalm. coxə (КРС); Dag.
čoko (Тод. Даг. 181).
◊ Mong. > Man. čoki, see Doerfer MT 137; Kirgh. čoqu etc. (see TMN 3, 119).
PTurk. *čügde 1 the projecting bone behind the ear 2 back of head 3
back of axe (1 выступающая кость за ухом 2 затылок 3 обух топора):
OTurk. čügte (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čügdei (MK) 1; Turkm. čüwde 2, 3;
Uzb. (dial.) čüjdä 2; Bashk. šöjδä ‘papilla of the first neck vertebra, back
side of blade’; Kaz. šüjde 2, 3; KKalp. šüjde 2; Nogh. šüjde 2, cerebellum;
Chuv. śivət, śütə ‘woman’s plait’ (Ашм.).
450
*č῾ŏk῾i - *č῾ŏli
◊ EDT 414, Егоров 213, Федотов 2, 116 (both gloss the Chuv. word as obscure), Лексика 202.
PKor. *čjókái cheek (щека): MKor. pó-čjókái (a compound with pó‘cheek’).
◊ HMCH 199, Nam 261.
‖ Лексика 203. Cf. also notes to *č῾[a]k῾i.
-č῾ŏk῾i to incline, sink: Tung. *čoK[i]-; Mong. *čökü-; Turk. *čök-; Jpn.
*tuku-(m)pap-; Kor. *čùk-.
PTung. *čoK[i]- 1 to incline, bow 2 to squat (1 наклоняться, кланяться 2 сидеть на корточках): Evk. čoko- 2; Neg. čoxịtịn- ‘свернуться
клубком’; Man. čuqu- 1; Nan. čoqčojgan ‘squatting’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 411, 404. Cf. also *čūči- ‘to squat’ (ТМС 2, 418) < *čUk-či- (?).
PMong. *čökü- to lose all hope, to be a beggar (терять надежду,
быть нищим): WMong. čökü-, čöküre- (L 201); Kh. cöxö-, cöxrö-; Bur.
süxer-; Kalm. cökə-, cökr-; Ord. ǯöχörölči-; Dag. čakaral ‘утомление,
усталость’ (Тод. Даг. 180); Mongr. ćugo ‘eclipse’.
◊ KW 431, 432.
PTurk. *čök- 1 to kneel down 2 to sink 3 to sit (1 опускаться на колени 2 оседать, тонуть 3 присесть, сесть на корточки): OTurk. čök- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. čök- 1 (MK); Tur. čök- 1; Gag. čök- 1, 2, 3; Az. čök- 2;
Turkm. čök- 1, 2; Sal. čök-, čöx- 1 (ССЯ); MTurk. čök- 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. čụk1, 2; Uygh. čök- 1, 2; Krm. čök-, cok- 1; Tat. čük- 1; Bashk. sük/g- 1, 2;
Kirgh. čök- 1, 2; Kaz. šök/g- 1, 2; KBalk. čök/g- 1, 2, 3; KKalp. šök/g- 1, 2;
Kum. čök/g- 1, 2, 3; Nogh. šök/g- 1, 2; SUygh. čoGe- 3; Shr. šök- 2; Oyr.
čögö-dö- 1; Chuv. śъk- ‘to fall’, śъₙg-ъₙn- 1; Yak. sügürüj- 1.
◊ VEWT 117, TMN 3, 120-122, EDT 413-4, Егоров 205, Федотов 2, 90-91. Turk. >
WMong. čökü(le)-, Kalm. čökl- (KW 444; TMN 2, 121, Щербак 1997, 113).
PJpn. *tuku-(m)pap- to squat (сидеть на корточках): MJpn.
tuku-baf-; Tok. tsukuba-.
PKor. *čùk- 1 to die 2 to kill (*čùk-jo-) 3 to bow, incline 4 to squat (1
умирать 2 убивать (*čùk-jo-) 3 наклоняться 4 сидеть на корточках):
MKor. čùk- 1, skúr- 3, čùskrí- 4, čùkjó-m ‘killing’; Mod. čuk- 1, čugi- 2,
k:ul(h)- 3, č:ugɨri- 3, 4.
◊ Nam 433, 434, 63, KED 1503, 1504, 219, 1470, 1494.
‖ VEWT 117, KW 431 (without the Korean form), EAS 64, SKE 43,
АПиПЯЯ 286. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 3, 122) criticism, the root is certainly common Altaic. In Mong. cf. also reduplicated forms: Khalkha
cogcojǯ sū-, Bur. sogsojžo hū- ‘to squat’, sogsogono- ‘to curtsey’. The original meaning must have been ‘squat’, ‘kneel down’ - whence ‘incline,
sink’, and further metaphorical developments: ‘lose hope’, ‘die’.
-č῾ŏli ( ~ -e) steppe: Tung. *čulbi-; Mong. *čolid; Turk. *čöl.
PTung. *čulbi- a small hill (небольшой холм): Evk. čulbikān.
*č῾óme - *č῾omi
451
◊ ТМС 2, 413. Attested only in Evk., with possible parallels in Turk. and Mong.
PMong. *čolid area with many small lakes (местность, покрытая
мелкими озерами): WMong. čolid (L 197); Kh. coĺd.
PTurk. *čöl steppe, desert (степь, пустыня): OTurk. čölig ‘name of a
country’ (Orkh.); Tur. čöl; Az. čöl; Turkm. čöl; MTurk. čöl (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. čụl; Uygh. čöl; Krm. čöl; Bashk. sül ‘desert’; Kirgh. čöl; Kaz.
šöl; KKalp. šöl; Kum. čöl; Nogh. šöl; SUygh. čöl (ЯЖУ); Khak. söl; Oyr.
čöl; Tv. šöl ‘field, plaza’; Tof. šöl ‘steppe, desert’.
◊ VEWT 117, TMN 3, 122-123, EDT 420. Turk. > WMong. čöl ‘desert’ (because of uncertainty of OT čölig doubted by Clark 1977, 135).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾óme together, all: Tung. *čuŋnu; Mong. *čöm; Jpn. *tmə.
PTung. *čuŋnu all, entirely (весь, все, целиком): Neg. čuŋnu; Ul.
čuŋnu; Nan. čuŋnu; Ud. čoŋno.
◊ ТМС 2, 415.
PMong. *čöm all, entirely (весь, целиком): WMong. čöm (L 202);
Kh. cöm; Bur. süme; Kalm. cöm; Ord. čöm.
◊ KW 432. Mong. > Chag. čö/om ‘tout entier; tous’ (Pav.C.) .
PJpn. *tmə together (вместе): OJpn. tomo; MJpn. tómó; Tok. tomó,
tómo; Kyo. tómò; Kag. tómo.
◊ JLTT 549. Most sources point to high tone in the first syllable (except the aberrant
Tokyo variant tómo).
‖ A not quite clear phonetic development in TM; perhaps one has to
reconstruct *č῾óŋme, with cluster simplification in Mong. and with dissimilation *čuŋmu > *čuŋnu in TM.
-č῾omi ( ~ -e) stack, to stack: Tung. *čum-; Mong. *čomu-; Turk. *čömele.
PTung. *čum- 1 to put into a stack 2 a wood stack (1 собирать в кучу 2 поленница): Evk. čumče- 1, čumče 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 414. Attested only in Evk. (Evk. > Yak. čömčöx, not vice versa), but having
probable Turkic and Mongolian parallels.
PMong. *čomu- 1 to collect, stack 2 haystack (1 собирать, складывать в стог 2 стог): WMong. čomu-ru- 1, čomuɣ 2 (L 197); Kh. comro- 1,
comog 2; Bur. somo 1, somō 2; Kalm. coməɣ ‘cone hillock’; Mongr. čumoG
‘petite tente’ (SM 440), ćomboG ‘tas, meule’ (SM 454).
◊ KW 430.
PTurk. *čömele stack, haystack (стог, копна): Uygh. čömülä; Krm. ?
čömel ‘więzy’; Tat. čümɛlɛ; Bashk. sümälä; Kirgh. čömölö; Kaz. šömele;
Chuv. śəₙmel.
◊ Егоров 210, Федотов 2, 108, Мудрак Дисс. 137.
‖ A Western isogloss.
*č῾òmu - *č῾ṑrV
452
-č῾òmu ( ~ -o-) to cram, stop up: Jpn. *tùm-; Kor. *čắm-, *čằm-.
PJpn. *tùm- to be crammed, to cram (быть впихнутым, впихивать):
OJpn. tum-; MJpn. tum-; Tok. tsúm-, tsúme-; Kyo. tsùm-, tsùmè-.
◊ JLTT 774, 775.
PKor. *čắm- to be closed, shut; to hide, submerge (быть закрытым;
прятать, погружать): MKor. čắm-; čằmằ-tì-, čắm(ki)- ‘to soak, submerge’; Mod. čam-gi-, čam-gɨ-.
◊ Nam 413, 417, KED 1395, 1396.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; Western parallels may have merged with
*šmo ‘to dive, scoop’ q.v.
-č῾op῾i ( ~ -e) dregs, dirt: Tung. *čupa; Mong. *čöb; Turk. *čöp.
PTung. *čupa dregs, grounds; porridge (гуща, осадок; каша): Evk.
čupa.
◊ ТМС 2, 415.
PMong. *čöb dirt, dregs (грязь, осадок): WMong. čöb (L 200); Kh.
cöv; Bur. süb; Kalm. cöb; Ord. cöb caG “dirty time” = ‘time of war, hunger etc.’.
◊ KW 431.
PTurk. *čöp 1 dregs, impurity, rubbish 2 stick, small branch, straw 3
penis 4 grass, hay (1 мусор 2 палочка, веточка, соломинка 3 penis 4
трава, сено): OTurk. čöb, čöbik 1 (OUygh. Budd.); Karakh. čöb ‘dregs of
wine; any piece of noodles’; čübek 3 (MK; with Kypch. phonology šöbik
‘огрызок от фрукта’); Tur. čöp 1, 2, 3; Gag. čöp, čep ‘gag in a barrel’,
čepkä ‘grapevine, wine dregs’, čepel ‘dirty’; Az. čöp 2; Turkm. čöp 2; Sal.
čöp ‘weed, grass’; MTurk. ču/üb 2 (Pav. C.), 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. čụp 1, 2;
Uygh. čöp ‘grass; noodles’; Krm. čöp 1, 4; Tat. čüp 1, čübek ‘oakum,
combings’; Bashk. süp 1, ‘weed’; Kirgh. čöp 4; ‘afterbirth’; čöbögö ‘dregs
after boiling butter’; Kaz. šöp 1, 4; KBalk. čöb 2, 4; KKalp. šöp 1, 4; Kum.
čöp 1, ‘weed; lot’; Nogh. šöp 1, 2; Shr. šöp 1, šöbek ‘hemp straw’; Oyr. čöp
1; 4; afterbirth’; Chuv. śüpə 1; ‘newborn child’.
◊ VEWT 118, EDT 394, 396, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 148. Turk. > Russ. Siber. čup
‘dregs’, see Аникин 677.
‖ A Western isogloss; Mong. may be < Turkic.
-č῾ṑrV pike: Tung. *čōr-; Mong. *čurukai; Turk. *čortan.
PTung. *čōr- 1 pike 2 young fish (1 щука 2 рыбья молодь): Man.
čurχu 2; Sol. sōraldī 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 113, 400. The Manchu form is regarded as a mongolism by Rozycki, but
(unlike Evk. čirukaj ‘pike’) is more probably a genuine cognate.
PMong. *čurukai pike (щука): MMong. čuraqa (SH); WMong. čurqai,
(L 207:) čuruqai; Kh. curxaj; Bur. surxaj; Kalm. curxə.
◊ KW 434. Mong. > Evk. čirukai, see Doerfer MT 131. Cf. also Kalm. cordəg ‘young
pike’ (KW 430) - possibly a Turkism.
*č῾ùgù - *č῾ukV
453
PTurk. *čortan 1 eel 2 pike (1 угорь 2 щука): Tur. čortan 1; Turkm.
čortan 2; Uzb. čụrtan 1; Tat. čurtan 2; Bashk. sortan 2; Kirgh. čorton 2;
Kaz. šortan 2; KKalp. šortan 2; Kum. čortan 2; Nogh. šortan 2; Khak. sortan 2; Shr. šortan 2; Oyr. čorton 2; Tv. šortan 2; Chuv. śъₙrdan, śъₙrtan 2;
Yak. sordoŋ 2; Dolg. hordoŋ 2.
◊ VEWT 116, Лексика 178, Stachowski 108.
‖ KW 434, Лексика 178. A Western isogloss.
-č῾ùgù bundle: Mong. *čug-; Turk. *čug; Jpn. *tùkà; Kor. *čok.
PMong. *čug- 1 together 2 to bind together (1 вместе 2 связывать):
WMong. čuɣ 1, čuɣla- 2 (L 205), čuɣčala- ‘accumuler’; Kh. cug, cugla-;
Bur. sug; Kalm. cuG, cuɣlə-; Ord. čugla- ‘s’assembler’; S.-Yugh. čoG;
Mongr. ćoG (SM 453), ćuolo- ‘entasser, amonceler, se rassembler’ (SM
460).
◊ KW 433, MGCD 580. Mong. > Oyr. čuq etc. (VEWT 119).
PTurk. *čug 1 bundle 2 to bind, pack, wrap (1 связка 2 связывать,
упаковывать, обматывать): OTurk. čuɣ 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. čuɣ 1,
čuɣ-la- 2 (MK); Tur. (dial.) čuɣ 1; Az. čulɣa- 2; MTurk. čuɣ ‘yoke’ (Pav.
C.), čulɣa- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. čulɣa- 2; Krm. čulɣa- 2; Tat. čolɣa- 2; Bashk. sɨw
‘placenta’, solɣa- 2; Kirgh. čū 1, (South.) čuq ‘swaddle’ (*čuguk), čulɣa- 2;
Kaz. šuw-maq 1, šulɣaw ‘портянки’; KBalk. čulɣa- 2; KKalp. šuw-maq-la2, šulɣa-n- ‘обертываться портянками’; Nogh. šuw-maq 1; Khak. sulɣa2; Shr. šu 1 (R), šulɣa- 2; Oyr. (dial.) čū 1, čū-la- 2 (R); Tv. šuɣla- ‘to cover
(with a blanket)’; Yak. sū ‘wrapper’, sū-lā- 2; Dolg. hū-lā- 2.
◊ VEWT 119, EDT 405, 407, Stachowski 114.
PJpn. *tùkà bundle (связка): OJpn. tuka; tuka-na- ‘to bundle’; MJpn.
tùkà, tùkà-nè.
◊ JLTT 554.
PKor. *čok women’s hairdo (женская прическа, узел): MKor. čok;
Mod. č:ok.
◊ Nam 430, KED 1477.
‖ Korean *čok should be explained as a contraction < *č῾ugu-k῾V, with
a frequent suffixed -k.
-č῾ukV ( ~ -o-) to jump, trot: Tung. *čuKe-rē-; Mong. *čogi-; Kor. *čhú-.
PTung. *čuKe-rē- to move warily; to jump cautiously (осторожно
передвигаться; осторожно прыгать): Evk. čukerē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 412. Attested only in Evk., but having probable parallels in Mong. and Kor.
PMong. *čogi- to trot (not very swiftly) (скакать, бежать (не слишком быстро)): WMong. čogi- (L 196); Kh. cogi-; Bur. sojor-; Ord. čogi-.
PKor. *čhú- to dance (танцевать): MKor. čhu-; čhú-m ‘dance’ (n.);
Mod. čhu-.
◊ Liu 701, KED 1629.
‖ Korean has a frequent vowel loss between a stop and a fricative.
454
*č῾úk῾i - *č῾upa
-č῾úk῾i ( ~ -u-) a k. of fish: Turk. *čüke; Kor. *čòki.
PTurk. *čüke sterlet (стерлядь): Tat. čökɛ, dial. (КСТТ) čükä; Bashk.
sögä; Chuv. śъₙga.
◊ VEWT 121, Федотов 2, 152. A local Volga region word; cf. however Turkm. čüj balɨk
‘pike’, lit. ‘nail-fish’ - which may be a reanalysis of the original root.
PKor. *čòki gilthead fish (Collichthys fragilis); porgy (sea bream)
(вид рыбы): MKor. čòki, čjokɨi; Mod. čogi.
◊ Nam 427, 432, KED 1470.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-č῾uli to grow less, shrink: Tung. *čulbi-; Mong. *čölü-; Turk. *čülik-;
Kor. *čūr-.
PTung. *čulbi- to starve, become lean (худеть, истощаться): Evk.
čulbi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 413. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *čölü- to diminish, deteriorate (уменьшаться, ухудшаться): WMong. čölüi- (L 202); Kh. cölij-.
◊ Cf. also WMong. čuluid- id.
PTurk. *čülik- to become shabby (становиться потрепанным, заношенным): Karakh. čülik- (čülük-) (MK); Tur. (dial.) čil ‘little’; Turkm.
čül-čaGa ‘little children’, čülpe ‘small child’; MTurk. čüle- ‘être alteré’
(Pav. C.); Kirgh. čölük- ‘to be exhausted, weakened’; Khak. sülek- ‘to
wear unusual clothes’.
◊ VEWT 121, EDT 420.
PKor. *čūr- 1 to shrink, grow less 2 to starve, be famished (1 уменьшаться, сокращаться 2 голодать): MKor. čuri-hi- 1 (tr.), čūri- 2; Mod.
čūl- 1, čūri- 2.
◊ Liu 670, KED 1496, 1508.
‖ SKE 44.
-č῾upa grey: Tung. *čub-rī-; Mong. *čabidar; Turk. *čubar.
PTung. *čub-rī- green, blue, yellow (зеленый, синий, желтый):
Evk. čūri-n,-rin; Evn. črụńa; Neg. čojīn; Sol. srĩ, (Ивановский) čuɣurin.
◊ The root is probably *čub-; see ТМС 2, 417-418.
PMong. *čabidar yellowish (of horse’s color) (желтоватый, игреневый (о масти)): MMong. čabdar (MA); WMong. čabidar (L 155); Kh.
caỻdar; Bur. sabidar; Kalm. cäwdr (КРС); Ord. čawidar ‘robe de cheval:
alezan à crinière et queue blanches’; Dag. čebdəg; S.-Yugh. čabdar.
◊ MGCD 554.
PTurk. *čubar variegated (пестрый): Tat. čuwar; Kirgh. čār.
◊ VEWT 118-119. Note however that most of the forms listed in VEWT actually reflect PT *čopur (v. sub *šop῾é), so the root *čubar appears to be very late and local.
*č῾up῾V - *č῾up῾V
455
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 431, Poppe 26, 48. Mong. > late MTurk.
čabdar (see Щербак 1997, 202), Evk. čabidar etc., see Doerfer MT 101,
Rozycki 41.
-č῾up῾V through: Tung. *čup-; Mong. *čoɣu.
PTung. *čup- 1 through and through, completely 2 to pull out (1 насквозь, совершенно 2 выдергивать): Evk. čup 1, čuptū- 2; Evn. čöptъre
1, čụptl- 2; Neg. čop 1, čoptụ- 2; Ul. čụp 1, čụptụǯi- 2; Ork. tụp, čụp 1,
tụptụllị- 2; Nan. čop 1; Orch. čop 1, čụppụ- 2; Ud. čofu 1; Sol. sụttā- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 415-416.
PMong. *čoɣu 1 through and through, completely 2 to pierce, make
a hole 3 to be pierced (1 насквозь, совершенно 2 протыкать, делать
отверстие 3 продырявиться): WMong. čoɣu 1, čoɣul- 2 (L 195), čoɣuru3; Kh. cō 1, cōlo- 2; Bur. sōlgo ‘ice-hole, прорубь’, sōnog ‘hole’; Kalm. cōl2 (КРС); Ord. čōl- 2; Mog. čōlō; ZM čl ‘hole, window’ (14-4b); Dag.
čōro- 3 (Тод. Даг. 182); Bao. čolə-, čorə- 2; S.-Yugh. čūl-; Mongr. ćōli- (SM
454), čōlə- (Huzu) 2.
◊ MGCD 573, 574.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss (but cf. also Tuva šuptu ‘all’ < TM?). See
PKE 38 (although Kor. čōi hardly belongs here).
D
-dắgá near; to follow: Tung. *daga; Mong. *daɣa-ri-; Turk. *jạgu-; Jpn.
*dánká-; Kor. *ta(h)-.
PTung. *daga 1 near 2 soon 3 for a short time (1 близкий 2 вскоре 3
ненадолго): Evk. daga 1; Evn. dā-lị 1; Neg. daɣa 1; Man. da-rtaj 2; SMan.
aritī, dartai ‘at once, instantaneously’ (2689); Jurch. di-ɣa-sa (681) 1;
Nan. da-ptị 3; Ud. dā-sa῾ 1 (Корм. 226); Sol. daga 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 187-188.
PMong. *daɣa-ri- to pass; to hit in passing, offend (проходить мимо; задевать): MMong. da’ari- (SH, HYt); WMong. daɣari- (L 218); Kh.
dajra-; Bur. dajra-; Kalm. dǟr-; Ord. dāri-; Dag. dāri-; S.-Yugh. dār-;
Mongr. dāri- ‘rencontrer en chemin, dire en passant’ (SM 45).
◊ KW 83, MGCD 191, TMN 1, 318. Mong. > Chag. darɨ-; Yak., Dolg. tārɨj- (Kał. MEJ
28, Stachowski 219); Man. dari- id. The original meaning is ‘to pass closely’ (not ‘hit’, pace
Doerfer).
PTurk. *jạgu- 1 to draw near 2 near (1 приближаться 2 близкий):
OTurk. jaɣu- (OUygh.) 1, jaɣuq (Orkh.) 2; Karakh. jaɣu- (MK, KB) 1,
jaɣuq (MK) 2; Tur. javuk 2; Az. javɨ- 1 (dial.), jowuG 2; Turkm. jovu- 1
(dial.), jowuq 2; MTurk. javu- (Pav. C.) 1, javuq (Abush.) 2; Uzb. jɔvuq 2;
Tat. jawuq, juwɨq (dial.); Kirgh. ǯū- 1, ǯūq 2; Kaz. žuw- 1, žuwɨq 2; KBalk.
žuwuq, zuwuq; KKalp. žuw- 1, žuwɨq 2; Kum. juwuq 2; Nogh. juwɨ- 1;
Oyr. jū-, u- 1, jūq, ūq 2; Tv. čōq 2; Chuv. śɨvъx 2; Yak. čugas 2; Dolg.
hugas, čugas 2, hugahā- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 62-63, EDT 898, 901, Stachowski 75, 110.
PJpn. *dánká- soon after, before long (вскоре, немного спустя) :
MJpn. jágáte; Tok. yàgate; Kyo. yàgàté; Kag. yagáte.
◊ JLTT 570. The accent in Kagoshima is aberrant, otherwise all dialects point to high
tone.
PKor. *ta(h)- following (следующий): Mod. taɨ-m.
◊ KED 388.
‖ EAS 51, 91, 92, KW 72, Poppe 22, Doerfer MT 241, АПиПЯЯ 15,
26-27, 71, 278, Дыбо 12. Closed vowel in Turkic is unexpected (*jagwould be a normal reflex).
*dằgì - *dagV
457
-dằgì enemy, alien: Tung. *dagu-r; Mong. *dajin; Turk. *jagɨ; Jpn.
*(d)ìkùsà; Kor. *tōi.
PTung. *dagu-r 1 friend 2 Daghur 3 allied kin (1 друг 2 дагур(ы) 3
союзный род): Evk. doɣor, daɣor 1; Evn. doɣō 1; Man. daχur 2; Nan. doχa
1, 3; Sol. daɣr 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 189, 211, 212. Neg., Oroch, Ul., Orok doχa ‘allied kin’ < Nan. (which itself
may be historically a Manchurism). TM > WMong. daɣur, Dag. dagur, daur (Тод. Даг. 134),
Yak. doɣor, Dolg. dogo, dogor (Stachowski 81).
PMong. *dajin war (война): MMong. dai’jin, dai’jisun (SH), dāin ‘enemy’ (IM), dain (MA); WMong. dajin (L 222); Kh. dajn; Bur. daj(n); Kalm.
dǟn; Ord. dǟn ‘war; enemy’; Dag. dain, daisan (Тод. Даг. 134, MD 132);
S.-Yugh. dain.
◊ KW 83, MGCD 192. Mong. > Man. dain etc., see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 54.
PTurk. *jagɨ enemy, war (враг, война): OTurk. jaɣɨ (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaɣɨ (MK); Tur. jaɣɨ; Az. jaɣɨ; Turkm. jaɣɨ; Khal. jaɣɨ; MTurk. jaɣɨ
(Houts.); Uzb. jɔw, (dial.) jaw, jāɣɨ; Uygh. jaw, jaɣɨ, jäɣɨ (dial.); Tat. jaw;
Bashk. jaw; Kirgh. ǯō; Kaz. žaw; KBalk. ǯaw, žaw, zaw; KKalp. žaw; Kum.
jaw; Nogh. jaw; SUygh. jaɣɨ; Khak. čā; Shr. čā; Oyr. jū, u; Tv. čā; Chuv.
śu ‘heathen’; Yak. sɨa-kār ‘rogue, villain’.
◊ VEWT 178, ЭСТЯ 4, 55-56, Лексика 561, Федотов 2, 129 (?).
PJpn. *(d)ìkùsà warrior, war (воин, война): OJpn. ikusa; MJpn.
ìkùsà; Tok. ikusá; Kyo. ìkúsà; Kag. ikusá.
◊ JLTT 423. Kyoto points to *ìkúsà, all other forms - to *ìkùsà.
PKor. *tōi barbarian (варвар): MKor. tōi; Mod. twē.
◊ Nam 161, KED 496.
‖ EAS 50, 88, KW 83, Владимирцов 267, Дыбо 7, 15. Borrowing in
Mong. from Turk. (TMN 4, 101-102, Щербак 1997, 121) is impossible. A
suffixed form *dagi-gu (*dagi-u) accounts for labialization in the second
syllable (in TM, Jpn. and, originally, in Kor.).
-dagV shoulder bone, back: Tung. *daga-; Mong. *dajira / *daɣari; Turk.
*jagɨr, *jagrɨn.
PTung. *daga- hip, hip bone, shoulder bone (бедро, бедренная
кость, плечевая кость): Evk. daɣańa; Neg. daɣańa; Man. dabsi ‘shoulder’;
Ork. dāna.
◊ ТМС 1, 184, 188. TM > Dag. dagan (Тод. Даг. 134).
PMong. *dajira / *daɣari 1 withers 2 abrasion, sore on back of animal (1 холка 2 ссадина на спине животного): MMong. da’ari 1 (SH),
dari 2 (MA); WMong. dajira 1 (L 222: dajir 2), daɣari 2 (L 218); Kh. dajr 1,
2; Bur. dāri, dajr 2; Kalm. dǟrə 1; Ord. dāri 2; Dag. dāre (MD 131), dāri, dāŕ
(Тод. Даг. 135), dār 2,; Dong. daru-san 2; S.-Yugh. dārə 2; Mongr. dārə,
dāri (SM 45) 2.
◊ KW 83, MGCD 182. Mong. > Evk. daɣarin etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, Doerfer MT 76.
458
*dáku - *dằk῾ì
PTurk. *jagɨr, *jagrɨn back, shoulderblade (спина, лопатка): Tur.
jaɣrɨ, dial. jaɣɨr, jaɣrɨ; Turkm. jaɣɨrnɨ; jaɣɨrɨn, jaɣrɨn (dial.); Sal. jaɣrə (Kakuk); MTurk. jaɣrɨn (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jaɣrin; Tat. jawɨrɨn,
jawɨrnɨ, ǯawɨr (dial.); Bashk. jawɨrɨn (dial.); Kum. jawrun; Nogh. jawɨrɨn.
◊ VEWT 178, ЭСТЯ 4, 65-67, Дыбо 139-141, Лексика 242.
‖ Владимирцов 318, Колесникова 1972a, 89-91. A Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 121 Mong. is not < Turk. Turk. *jagɨr
represents in fact a merger of two different original roots (see *ńeka).
See also TMN 4, 177-178 (with unconvincing criticism).
-dáku coverlet: Tung. *dakan-; Turk. *jogurgan; Jpn. *dúká.
PTung. *dakan- 1 to cover 2 coverlet, mat (1 покрывать 2 покрывало, подстилка): Ul. daqan- 1, daqanča(n) 2; Ork. daqan- 1, daqapta 2; Nan.
daqa- 1, daqača 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 191.
PTurk. *jogurgan blanket (одеяло): OTurk. joɣurqan (OUygh.);
Karakh. joɣurqan (MK); Tur. jorɣan; Gag. jorɣan; Az. jorɣan; Turkm.
jorɣan; Sal. jorɣan; Khal. jorɣān; MTurk. jorɣan (Ettuhf.), jurɣan (Houts.),
jawurqan (MA); Uygh. jo(r)tqan; Krm. jorɣan; Tat. jurɣan; Bashk. jurɣan;
Kirgh. ǯūrqan; KBalk. ǯuwurɣan, ǯūrɣan, žuwurɣan, zuwurɣan; Kum.
jowurɣan; Nogh. jurqan, juwɨrqan; Khak. čorɣan; Oyr. ūrqan; Tv. čōrɣan;
Yak. suorɣan; Dolg. huorgan, suorgan.
◊ EDT 907, VEWT 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 225-226, Stachowski 112.
PJpn. *dúká floor (пол): OJpn. juka; MJpn. júká; Tok. yùka; Kyo.
yúká; Kag. yúka.
◊ JLTT 579. Cf. Kor. jò ‘cushion, mattress’ < Jpn.?
‖ Cf. also Bur. dagadxa ‘unworked leather, leather mat’. Turk. -omust be a result of secondary narrowing in a polysyllabic word <
*jagu-rgan.
-dằk῾ì follow, near: Tung. *daxa-; Mong. *daka-, *daga-; Turk. *jAk-ɨn;
Jpn. *tìkà-.
PTung. *daxa- to follow, obey (следовать, подчиняться): Neg.
daxaw-; Man. daχa-; SMan. dahə- (1181); Jurch. tai-xa (360); Ul. daχaụ-;
Ork. daχụrị-; Nan. daχa-; Orch. daχu-; Ud. dahala- (-li-) ‘to agree’ (Корм.
226).
◊ ТМС 1, 191.
PMong. *daka-, *daga- to follow (следовать за к.-л.): MMong. daqa(HY 33, SH); WMong. daɣa- (L 216); Kh. daga-; Bur. daxa-; Kalm. daxə-;
Ord. daGa-; Dag. daga- (Тод. Даг. 134), dahe (MD 131); Dong. daGa-; Bao.
daGa-, (MGCD) degə-; S.-Yugh. taʁa- (MGCD daʁā-); Mongr. daGā- (SM
38).
◊ KW 72, MGCD 189. The variant with -g- is obviously a result of later assimilation <
*daka-.
*dla - *dla
459
PTurk. *jAk- 1 to come near 2 near 3 to come near to each other,
pass 3 good (1 приближаться 2 близкий 3 приближаться, подходить 4 хороший): OTurk. jaq- (OUygh.) 1, jaqɨn (OUygh.) 2, jaqɨš(OUygh.) 3; Karakh. jaq- (MK, KB) 1, jaqɨn (MK) 2, jaqɨš- (MK) 3, jaχšɨ
(MK) 4; Tur. jakɨn 2, jakɨš- 3, jakšɨ 4; Gag. jaqɨn 2, jaqɨš- 3; Az. jaxɨn 2, jaxšɨ
4; Turkm. jaq- 1, jaqɨn 2, jaGšɨ 4; Sal. jaχɨn 2, jaχšɨ 4; MTurk. jaqɨn (MA)
2, jaχšɨ 4 (MA); Uzb. jaqin 2, jaxši 4; Uygh. jaq- 1, jeqin 2, jaqši 4; Krm.
jaqɨn 2, jaqšɨ 4; Tat. jaqɨn 2, jaxšɨ 4; Bashk. jaqɨn 2, jaqšɨ 4; Kirgh. ǯaqɨn 2,
ǯaqšɨ 4; Kaz. žaqɨn 2, žaqsɨ 4; KKalp. žaqɨn 2, žaqsɨ 4; Nogh. jaqɨn 2, jaxšɨ 4;
SUygh. jahGɨn 2, jaxš(i) 4; Khak. čaɣɨn 2, čaxsɨ 4; Tv. čɨɣ ‘close to’; Tof.
čɨ’xa- ‘to press to’.
◊ VEWT 178, 180, EDT 896-9, 901, 904, 908-9, ЭСТЯ 4, 63-64, 81, 84, TMN 4, 179.
PJpn. *tìkà- near (близкий): OJpn. tika-; MJpn. tìkà-; Tok. chiká-;
Kyo. chíka-; Kag. chiká-.
◊ JLTT 842.
‖ KW 73, ОСНЯ 1, 215-216, Doerfer TMN 4, 105 (with some unsubstantial criticism), MT 241, АПиПЯЯ 15, 26-27, 71, 278. Despite Doerfer
MT 142, TM is hardly borrowed from Mong.
-dla wave, deep place: Tung. *dal-; Mong. *dalaj; Turk. *dāl-; Jpn.
*dara.
PTung. *dal- 1 overflow, inundation 2 small wave, jet (1 наводнение, половодье 2 струя, рябь, волны): Neg. dalan 1; Man. dol-čin 2; Ul.
dala(n) 1; Nan. dalã 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 193, 214. Rozycki 61 proposes Man. dolčin < Mong. dolgijan (v. sub *čalu),
which is hardly possible.
PMong. *dalaj sea, ocean (море, океан): MMong. dalai (HY 3, SH),
dalai (MA); WMong. dalai (L 224); Kh. dalaj; Bur. dalaj; Kalm. dalǟ, dalā;
Ord. dalǟ; Dag. dalai (Тод. Даг. 134: daĺē MD 132); S.-Yugh. dalī; Mongr.
dalī, dal (SM 41).
◊ KW 73, MGCD 193, 633. Mong. > Evk. dalai (Doerfer MT 125); Chag. dalaj etc., see
TMN 1, 325, VEWT 130).
PTurk. *dāl- 1 to sink 2 ocean (1 погружать(ся) 2 море, океан):
OTurk. taluj 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Tur. dal- 1; Gag. dal- 1; Turkm. dāl- 1
(dial.); MTurk. tal-, dal- 1; Krm. dal- 1; Tat. tal- 1 (dial.); Tv. tal- (Castr.)
῾swim’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 133-134 (to be separated from *Tal- ῾to faint’); EDT 502 (the Chinese etymology of OT taluj seems hardly plausible: the compound MC dâj-lwi is not attested, and
we would expect *Tajluj, not *Taluj anyway).
PJpn. *dara sea bottom, deep place (морское дно, глубокое место):
OJpn. jara.
460
*dala - *dli
‖ Владимирцов 368, Doerfer MT 125. Despite TMN 1, 325, EDT 502
Mong. cannot be < Turkic (initial d- cannot be explained). See notes to
*t῾ṑle.
-dala ( ~ -e-) a k. of building: Mong. *dal; Jpn. *da.
PMong. *dal warm shelter for large cattle (хлев, стойло): WMong.
dal (L 223); Kh. dal; Bur. dal; Kalm. dalə (КРС).
PJpn. *da house (дом, комната): OJpn. ja; MJpn. já; Tok. yá; Kyo. yà;
Kag. yà.
◊ JLTT 569. RJ has the “right upper” dot and the original accent is not quite clear.
‖ Street 1985, 640. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-dàli to roast, burn: Tung. *dalga-; Mong. *dölü; Jpn. *(d)ìr-; Kor. *tàr-.
PTung. *dalga- to roast (жарить): Evk. dalga-; Evn. dalgat-/č-; Neg.
dalga-; Ul. ǯalGa-; Ork. dalda-; Nan. dalGa-; Sol. dalga- ‘to burn’.
◊ ТМС 1, 193-194.
PMong. *dölü flame (пламя): WMong. dölü, döli (L 267); Kh. döl;
Bur. düle(n).
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. tölön (Stachowski 228).
PJpn. *(d)ir- to roast, fry (жарить): OJpn. ir-; MJpn. ìr-; Tok. ír-; Kyo.
ìr-; Kag. ìr-.
◊ JLTT 698.
PKor. *tàr- to roast, burn (жарить, жечь): MKor. tàr-hí-; Mod. tāl‘be hot, burned’.
◊ Liu 200, KED 403.
‖ EAS 1, 124, SKE 252. Korean has a usual verbal low tone; Mong.
*dölü < *delü (from an earlier *deli-w). On a possible Turkic reflex see
under *ǯale.
-dli glue; to glue, stick: Tung. *dāl-bu-; Mong. *ǯil-; Turk. *jẹli-m.
PTung. *dāl-bu- to glue, stick to (клеить, прилипать): Evk. dalbu-;
Evn. dālbu-; Neg. dālbụ-; Man. dalu-; Ul. darpụ-; Nan. dālpo-; Ud. dagbu-.
◊ Cf. also Evk. dāl- ‘to stick to, be boring’ (which probably reflects the original suffixless stem *dāl(a)-). See ТМС 1, 192.
PMong. *ǯil- fish glue (рыбий клей): MMong. ǯil-sün (MA);
WMong. ǯilaɣan; Kalm. ǯalān ‘Schleim’; Bao. ǯilsoŋ ‘glue’; Mongr. ǯulsə
‘glue’.
◊ KW 107, MGCD 555.
PTurk. *jẹli-m glue (клей): OTurk. jelim (OUygh.); Karakh. jelim
(MK); Tur. jilim; Turkm. jelim; MTurk. jelim (Ettuhf.), jilim (AH); Uzb.
jelim; Uygh. jelim; Tat. ǯilem; Bashk. jelem; Kirgh. ǯelim; Kaz. želim;
KBalk. jelim, ǯelim, želim; KKalp. želim; Nogh. jelim; SUygh. jilɨm; Shr.
čelim; Oyr. jelim, elim; Chuv. śiləm; Yak. silim; Dolg. hilim.
◊ EDT 928-929, VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 179-180, TMN 4, 189, Stachowski 103.
*dalo - *dlV
461
‖ ЭСТЯ 4, 180. A Western isogloss. Turkic must have a secondary
narrowing *e > *ẹ here (in a disyllabic structure?).
-dalo sweet, tasty: Tung. *dal-di; Turk. *j[ɨ]l-ɨnčga; Kor. *tằr-.
PTung. *dal-di tasty, sweet (вкусный, сладкий): Evk. dalli, daldi;
Evn. dalr; Neg. dalịgd.
◊ ТМС 1, 195.
PTurk. *j[ɨ]l-ɨnčga tasteless food (пресная пища): Karakh. jɨlɨnčɣa
(MK).
◊ EDT 931.
PKor. *tằr- sweet (сладкий): MKor. tằr-; Mod. tal-.
◊ Nam 140, KED 403.
‖ SKE 253, EAS 51. In Turk. *-a- would be expected; Karakh. jɨlɨnčga
is probably an assimilation < *jalɨnčga.
-dalp῾V ( ~ -e-, -p-) to shake, sway: Mong. *delbe- / *dalba-; Turk. *jelpi/ *jalpɨ-.
PMong. *delbe- / *dalba- to shake, sway, wave (качать, трясти):
MMong. dilbu- ‘to fan’ (MA 213); WMong. delbegene-, delbelǯe-, dalbalǯa(L 225, 247); Kh. delbegne-, delbelʒe-, dalbalʒa-; Bur. dalba- ‘махать,
развеваться’; Kalm. delwlzə-, dalwlzə-; Dag. delebure ‘fan’ (MD 136).
◊ KW 75, 87. A Mong. origin is probable for Oyr. talbɨ-, Turk. tal(a)bɨ-, dalabɨ- etc. (see
EDT 493), although one should note that the derivatives talpɨn- and talpɨr- are already
attested in MK.
PTurk. *jelpi- / *jalpɨ- 1 to flap, winnow 2 to shake, sway 3 fan (1
махать, веять 2 трясти, качать 3 веер, опахало): Karakh. jelpit- 1
(caus.) (MK); Tur. jelpaze 3; Az. jelpik 3; Turkm. jelpe- 1; MTurk. jelpi(Sangl.); Uzb. jelpi- 1; Uygh. jälpü- 1; Krm. jelpi- 1; Tat. ǯilpe- 1; Bashk.
jelpe- 1; Kirgh. ǯelpi-, ǯelbire- 1; Kaz. želpi- 1; KKalp. želpi- 1; Kum. jelpi- 1;
Nogh. jelpi- 1; Khak. čelbe-, čalbra- 2; Oyr. jelbi-, elbi- 1, jalbra- 2; Tv.
čelbi-, čelwi- 1; Yak. salbɨrā- 2.
◊ EDT 920, VEWT 182, 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 182. Derivation from *jel ‘wind’ is highly improbable (at the most we can speak of a secondary contamination of roots).
‖ KW 87. An expressive Turk.-Mong. isogloss, tending to merge
(both in Turk. and Mong.) with the reflexes of *delp῾a ‘flat, broad’ (“to
shake, flatter (of flat objects)”). One cannot exclude that a merger indeed took place, and the original shape of the root had been *dalV ( ~
-e-) without the *-p῾-: cf. WMong. dalaji- ‘to brandish, swing’ (see TMN
1, 328-329), dele- ‘to wave, flap (wings)’; Karakh. jalŋu ‘flip-flap, the
swing’ (EDT 930), see SKE 258.
-dlV ( ~ -ē-) nape, withers: Mong. *dalaŋ; Turk. *jāl; Kor. *tər-mi.
PMong. *dalaŋ counter, withers, nape of neck (of animals) (загривок, холка): WMong. dalaŋ (L 224); Kh. dalaŋ; Bur. dalan; Kalm. dalŋ
462
*dằĺà - *dàma
(КРС); Ord. dalaŋ ‘long hill’; Mog. ? dallanä ‘to carry on the shoulders’
(Ramstedt 1906).
◊ Mong. > Evk. dalaŋ etc., see Poppe 1974, 121, Doerfer MT 96, Rozycki 54.
PTurk. *jāl mane, counter, scruff (холка, грива): Karakh. jal (MK);
Tur. jal (dial.); Az. jal; Turkm. jāl; Khal. jāl; MTurk. jal (AH); Uzb. jɔl;
Uygh. jal; Krm. jal; jalda- ‘to swim grasping the horse’s counter; to
swim’; Tat. jal; Bashk. jal; Kirgh. ǯal; Kaz. žal; KBalk. ǯal; KKalp. žal;
Kum. jal; Nogh. jal; Shr. čal; Oyr. jal, al; Tv. čal; Yak. sāl.
◊ Дыбо 220-222, EDT 916, ЭСТЯ 4, 85-86, 93-94 (for *jāl-da-), Лексика 146-147.
PKor. *tər-mi counter, scruff (затылок, загривок, шиворот): Mod.
təlmi.
◊ KED 449.
‖ KW 73, Poppe 97, Дыбо 306, Лексика 147; TMN 4, 106
(“...unklar”). The root seems to be distinct from *dḗlì (*dḗjlì) q.v.
-dằĺà ( ~ -o) to close, hide: Tung. *dal(i)-; Mong. *dal-; Turk. *jaĺ-; Jpn.
*dàsìr; Kor. *tjr.
PTung. *dal(i)- to close (закрывать): Evk. dal(i)-; Man. dali-; SMan.
dali- ‘to defend’ (794); Ul. dālị-; Nan. dālịa-.
◊ See ТМС 1, 192. TM > Dag. dali- (Тод. Даг. 134). Length in Ul. and Nanai is not
clear.
PMong. *dal- hidden, secret (тайный, спрятанный): MMong. dalda
‘Schirm, Schutz’ (SH), dalda, daldadu (MA 138); WMong. dalda (L 225);
Kh. dald; Bur. dalda; Kalm. daldə; Ord. dalda; Dag. dalda (Тод. Даг. 134;
MGCD dalida), dalede (MD 132); S.-Yugh. dalda.
◊ KW 73, MGCD 195. Mong. > late MTurk. dalda (see ЭСТЯ 3, 138-139, Щербак 1997,
203), Sol., Nan. dalda etc. (see Doerfer MT 18, Rozycki 54).
PTurk. *jaĺ- to close, hide (закрывать(ся), прятать(ся)): OTurk. jaš(OUygh.); Karakh. jaš- (MK); Az. jaš- (dial.); Turkm. jaš-; MTurk. jaš(AH); SUygh. jas-; Yak. sas-.
◊ VEWT 192, ЭСТЯ 4, 160-161. Very widely spread are also the derivatives *jaĺɨn-,
*jaĺɨr-, see ibid.
PJpn. *dàsìr shrine, enclosure for worship of deities (храм): OJpn.
jasiro; MJpn. jàsìrò; Tok. yáshiro; Kyo. yáshìrò; Kag. yashiró.
◊ JLTT 574. Accent in Tokyo is irregular.
PKor. *tjr temple (храм): MKor. tjr; Mod. čəl.
◊ Nam 155, KED 1441. Kor. > OJ tera (*tiárà), see JLTT 545.
‖ EAS 51, KW 73, Владимирцов 365, Poppe 22-23, 77, Дыбо 12,
Miller 1970, 127, Street 1980, 297, JOAL 86. Despite Doerfer MT 18,
PTM *dali- cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-dàma ill, sick, bad: Tung. *dam-; Turk. *jAman; Jpn. *dàm-.
PTung. *dam- 1 old, worn out 2 to act as an aggressor (1 ветхий,
старый 2 выступать зачинщиком): Nan. dambịča- 2; Ud. dāmpihi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 195.
*dmù - *dằŋk῾V
463
PTurk. *jAman 1 bad, wicked 2 sickness, inflammation (1 плохой,
скверный 2 болезнь, воспаление): OTurk. jaman 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
jaman 1 (MK); Tur. jaman 1; Az. jaman 1; Turkm. jaman 1, 2; Sal. jaman 1;
MTurk. jaman (AH) 1; Uzb. jɔmɔn 1; Uygh. jaman 1; Krm. jaman 1; Tat.
jaman 1; Bashk. jaman 1; Kirgh. ǯaman 1; Kaz. žaman 1; KBalk. aman 1;
KKalp. žaman 1; Kum. jaman 1; Nogh. jaman 1; SUygh. jaman 1; Oyr.
jaman, aman 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 937, ЭСТЯ 4, 109. Cf. Yak. sɨmɨja ‘lie, deceit’. The meaning ‘bad
disease’ is attested already in Old Turkic.
PJpn. *dàm- to be ill, sick (болеть): OJpn. jam-; MJpn. jàm-; Tok.
yám-; Kyo. yám-; Kag. yám-.
◊ JLTT 785. RJ and Tokyo point to *jàm-; the tonally aberrant Kyoto and Kagoshima
reflexes may have been influenced by the literary language.
‖ Despite SKE 75 there is no reason at all to suppose a Chinese origin of the Turkic form (MC ja-mạn ‘savage, barbarian’ is too distant semantically; the usage of PT *jAman for a bad disease, sickness is very
close to Japanese and may suggest that the original meaning of the root
was ‘ill(ness), sick(ness)’).
-dmù only: Tung. *dāmu; Jpn. *dùmài.
PTung. *dāmu 1 only, merely 2 perhaps, rather (1 только, единственно 2 может быть, пожалуй): Evk. dāmukte 2; Man. damu 1; SMan.
damə 1 (2970); Nan. damụ 1 (may be < Manchu).
◊ ТМС 1, 195.
PJpn. *dùmài ever (usually with negation) (когда-либо, только
(обычно с отрицанием)): OJpn. jume; MJpn. jùmé; Tok. yúme, yumé;
Kyo. yúmè; Kag. yumé.
◊ JLTT 579. Modern dialects point also to a variant *dùmài.
‖ An interesting TM-Jpn. isogloss. It is perhaps worth noting the
particle jamu mentioned by MK for contexts like “sen barɣɨl jamu” ‘go,
will you’ (see EDT 934).
-dằŋk῾V ( ~ t-) blame, guilt: Tung. *daŋ-; Jpn. *tnká.
PTung. *daŋ- to blame, rebuke (упрекать, делать выговор): Neg.
daŋǯaxan-; Man. daŋsi-; Ul. daŋsụ-; Nan. daŋsị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 196.
PJpn. *tnká guilt (вина): OJpn. toga; MJpn. tògá; Tok. tóga; Kyo.
tógà; Kag. togá.
◊ JLTT 547. Accent in Kyoto is irregular (perhaps influenced by the Tokyo pronunciation).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
464
*dpà - *dărV(mV)
-dpà to cross (a mountain): Tung. *dāb-; Mong. *daba-; Jpn. *dàmà.
PTung. *dāb- to cross (a river) (переправляться): Evk. dāw-, dāɣ-;
Evn. daw-; Neg. daw-; Man. dō-; SMan. dau- (1219); Ul. daụ-; Ork. dāụ-;
Nan. dā(w)-; Orch. dau-; Ud. dau-.
◊ ТМС 1, 187 (the words in 185-186, e.g. Man. daba-, dabaGan, are < Mong., cf. Doerfer
MT 38, Rozycki 52).
PMong. *daba- cross (a mountain) (переваливать (через гору)):
MMong. daba-, daba’an (SH); WMong. daba- (L 211); Kh. dava-; Bur.
daba-; Kalm. daw-, dawān; Ord. dawa-; Dag. dawa-, dau-, dawā (n.) (Тод.
Даг. 134, MD 133); Dong. dava-; S.-Yugh. dawa-; Mongr. dawā- (SM 47).
◊ KW 80, MGCD 184. All languages also reflect the derivate *daba-ɣan ‘mountain
pass’. Mong. > Chag. taban ‘mountain pass’ (see Щербак 1997, 203).
PJpn. *dàmà mountain (гора): OJpn. jama; MJpn. jàmà; Tok. yamá;
Kyo. jámà; Kag. jamá.
◊ JLTT 571.
‖ KW 80, Poppe 23, 45, JOAL 85, 86, Murayama 1962, 108, АПиПЯЯ
15, 104, 109 (with an explanation of Jpn. -m-: *dàmà < *dàpa-(ga)n =
Mong. dabaɣan), 276.
-dari ( ~ t-) to freeze: Tung. *dar-; Mong. *dereji-; Jpn. *(d)ita-.
PTung. *dar- 1 icedrift 2 snow crust 3 water flowing over ice (1 торос 2 наст 3 вода, текущая поверх льда): Evk. dar 1, darkin 2, 3; Nan.
darχol 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 198. Cf. also Yak. tarɨn ‘frazil’ - possibly from some TM source.
PMong. *dereji- to become stiff, freeze stiff (замерзать, застывать):
WMong. dereji- (L 253); Kh. derij-.
PJpn. *(d)ita- to freeze, freeze stiff (замерзать, застывать): MJpn.
ita-.
‖ The root is not widely represented, but seems to be well reconstructable for PA.
-dărV(mV) back, waist: Tung. *darama; Mong. *dere(me); Turk. *jarɨn.
PTung. *darama waist, back (поясница, спина): Evk. darama; Evn.
darъm; Neg. dajama; Man. dara, darama; SMan. darəmə (95); Ul. darama;
Ork. darama; Nan. darama; Orch. dāma; Ud. dāma; Sol. darama.
◊ ТМС 1, 198. TM > Dag. daram, darma (Тод. Даг. 135); > Dolg. darama (Stachowski
77).
PMong. *dere(me) pillow, cushion (подушка): MMong. dere (HY
21, SH), dir (MA); WMong. dere (L 253), derem-deg; Kh. der(en); Bur.
dere; Kalm. derə, derm-deg; Ord. dere; Dag. derbe (Тод. Даг. 136; MGCD
dereb, MD 136: derebe); dareme ‘back’ (MD 133);; S.-Yugh. dere; Mongr.
dere (SM 52), (MGCD dəre).
◊ KW 89, MGCD 218.
*dasa - *dắsi
465
PTurk. *jarɨn shoulder, shoulderblade (плечо, лопатка): OTurk.
jarɨn (OUygh.); Karakh. jarɨn (MK); SUygh. jarɨn; Khak. čarɨn; Shr. čarɨn;
Oyr. jarɨn, arɨn; Tv. čarɨn; Chuv. śorъm; Yak. sarɨn; Dolg. sarɨn, sannɨ.
◊ EDT 970, ЭСТЯ 4, 66, Лексика 242, Дыбо 139-141, Федотов 2, 142, Stachowski 209.
Forms going back to *jagrɨn are due to a merger with *jagɨr (v. sub *dagV).
‖ A Western isogloss. Somewhat different in Дыбо 305, Лексика
242; for Turkic cf. also PTM *dīre ‘shoulderblade’ (ТМС 1, 205).
-dasa to regulate, govern: Tung. *dasa-; Mong. *das-; Turk. *jAsa-; Kor.
*tàs-.
PTung. *dasa- to govern, regulate (править, управлять): Man.
dasa-; SMan. dasə- (1039).
◊ ТМС 1, 201. Man. > Dag. dasa- ‘to correct, govern’ (Тод. Даг. 135).
PMong. *das- to get accustomed (привыкать): WMong. das-, dasu(L 236, 237); Kh. das-; Kalm. das-; Ord. das-; Dag. dasūn ‘sweet’ (Тод.
Даг. 135); S.-Yugh. dasanna- (MGCD 188).
◊ KW 79.
PTurk. *jAsa- 1 to determine, govern 2 to create (1 определять,
управлять 2 создавать): Tur. jasa- 1; Turkm. jasa- 2; Sal. jasa- 2; MTurk.
jasa- 1 (Ettuhf., Pav. C., Abush.) 1, 2; Uzb. jasa- 2; Uygh. jasa- 2; Krm.
jasa- 1, 2; Tat. jasa- 1, 2; Bashk. jaha- 1, 2; Kirgh. ǯasa- 1, 2; Kaz. žasa- 2;
KKalp. žasa- 2; Kum. jasa- 2; Nogh. jasa- 2; Khak. čaza- 2; Shr. čaza- 2;
Oyr. jaza-, aza- 1, 2; Tv. čaza- 2.
◊ VEWT 191, ЭСТЯ 4, 150-152. The verb has been also read in the Kül-Tegin inscription (8th c.), but Clauson (EDT 974) contests the reading. Turk. > Mong. ǯasa- id. (KW
468), whence Evk. ǯasa- etc., see Doerfer MT 61; TMN 4, 92-96, EDT and Щербак 1997,
204, however, regard the Turkic forms as Mongolisms).
PKor. *tàsắr- 1 to govern, regulate 2 to improve, order, correct (1
управлять, регулировать 2 улучшать, упорядочивать, исправлять):
MKor. tàsắr- 1, tàsk- 2; Mod. tasɨri- 1, tak:- 2.
◊ Liu 194, 202, KED 386, 392.
‖ Lee 1958, 107 (TM-Kor.). The combination of meanings in Mong.
here is suspiciously similar to PA *čtu ( > Mong. dadu-); so one may
wonder if Mong. *das- is not actually a derivative of *dad- (*dad-s-). In
that case the form should be removed from the present etymology.
-dắsi a flat cover: Tung. *dasi-; Mong. *dasinga; Turk. *jAs-; Kor. *tìsài.
PTung. *dasi- to cover (покрывать, закрывать): Evk. das-; Evn. das-;
Neg. das-; Man. dasi-; Ul. dasị-; Ork. dasị-; Nan. dasị-; Orch. dasi-; Ud.
dahi- (dai-) (Корм. 226).
◊ ТМС 1, 200-201.
PMong. *dasinga board (доска, полка): WMong. dasiŋɣa (L 236);
Kh. dašinga.
466
*dḕ - *debí
PTurk. *jAs- flat and broad (широкий и плоский): Karakh. jasɨ
(MK); Tur. jassɨ; Gag. jasɨ; Az. jastɨ; Turkm. jasɨ; MTurk. jassɨ (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jassi; Tat. jassɨ, jastɨ; Bashk. jaϑɨ; KBalk. ǯassɨ; Kum. jassɨ.
◊ VEWT 191, EDT 973-974, ЭСТЯ 4, 153-154, 155-156 (see there the list of other derivatives of the root *jAs-), Лексика 98.
PKor. *tìsài tile (черепица): MKor. tìsài.
◊ Nam 179. The word is not attested in modern dictionaries, but KED 920 mentions a
bound noun -sä ‘roof tile’, attested in compounds ok-sä, maŋ-sä and pət-sä. It is quite
probable that this -sä is a later contraction < *tsä < tisai.
‖ The Turk. form can also be derived from *nese ‘to flatten, make
even’ q.v.
-dḕ to lie: Tung. *dē-; Mong. *de-b-; Turk. *jạt-; Jpn. *dànt-r-.
PTung. *dē- 1 to lie 2 bed 3 decking (1 лежать 2 постель 3 настил):
Man. dedu- 1; SMan. dudu- 1 (522); Jurch. dedu-rie (355) ‘to lie, to sleep’;
Ul. deduxu 3; Ork. deduxi 3; Nan. dederi 3; Orch. dē 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 227, 230.
PMong. *de-b- 1 to lay, put, spread, bed 2 saddle cushion 3 mat, rug
(1 класть, подстилать, 2 подушка седла 3 подстилка): MMong. debusger (HY 23) 2, däbos- (IM), dibs- 1, dĭbisgr 2 (MA), debsgər 2 (LH);
WMong. debǯije 3, debsi 2 (L 239: debse); Kh. devǯē 3, devs(en), devsger 2;
Bur. debdi- 1, debhe(n) 2; Kalm. dewsə- 1 KPC 191, dewsə 2; Ord. dewes- 1;
Dag. debseg 2, deuse- 1; Bao. dēsə- 1; S.-Yugh. debse 2, debsger 3; Mongr.
dēsəgu 3, d(w)ēsə- , debse- (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 90, MGCD 209.
PTurk. *jạt- to lie, to sleep (лежать, спать): OTurk. jat- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jat- (MK); Tur. jat-; Gag. jat-; Az. jat- 1, 2; Turkm. jat-;
Sal. jaht-; Khal. jat-; MTurk. jat- (MA); Uzb. jɔt-; Uygh. jat-; Krm. jat-;
Tat. jat-; Bashk. jat-; Kirgh. ǯat-; Kaz. žat-; KBalk. žat-; KKalp. žat-; Kum.
jat-; Nogh. jat-; SUygh. jat-; Khak. čat-; Shr. čat- (R); Oyr. at-; Tv. čɨ’t-;
Tof. čɨ’t-; Yak. sɨt-; Dolg. hɨt-.
◊ VEWT 192, EDT 884, ЭСТЯ 4, 156-158, Stachowski 120.
PJpn. *dànt-r- to spend the night (ночевать): OJpn. jador-; MJpn.
jàdor-; Tok. yadóru; Kyo. yádór-; Kag. yadór-.
◊ JLTT 784. The form seems to be derived from *dá ‘room, house’, but the tone contradicts it (all dialects except Kagoshima point to *dà(n)tr-).
‖ One of the common Altaic monosyllabic verbal roots. Note dental
suffixation (probably *dē-ta-) reflected in PT, TM and Jpn.
-debí ( ~ ǯ-) bad, to suffer: Mong. *ǯib-; Turk. *jAb-; Jpn. *(d)impi-r-;
Kor. *jbúi-.
PMong. *ǯib- aversion, disgust, indignation (отвращение, негодование): WMong. ǯibegüü, ǯebegüü (L 1048); Kh. ǯivǖ(n), ʒevǖ(n); Bur.
zebǖ(n) ‘arrogant, proud’.
*debV - *debV
467
◊ Mong. > Evn. ǯöbēnŋъ ‘austere, serious’ (ТМС 1, 266).
PTurk. *jAb- 1 bad, coarse, wicked 2 to become bad, weak 3 heavy,
difficult, severe 4 tasteless, insipid (1 плохой, грубый 2 ухудшаться,
слабеть 3 тяжелый, трудный, суровый 4 пресный, безвкусный):
OTurk. jabɨz 1 (Orkh.), javɨz 1 (OUygh.), javɣan 1 (OUygh.), jablaq
(Orkh.) 3, javlaq (OUygh.) 3; Karakh. javrɨ- 2, javra- ‘to become rough,
coarse’, javɨz 1, javɣan 1, javlaq 3 (MK); Tur. javuz 1, javan 4; Gag. javan 4;
Az. javan 4; Turkm. jovuz 1, 3, juwan 4 (dial.); MTurk. javlaq (R) ‘very’ ,
javuz (Ettuhf., AH) 1; Uzb. jɔwuz 1, jōɣan 4 (dial.); Uygh. javuz 1; Tat.
jawɨz 1; Bashk. jawɨδ- 1; Kirgh. ǯūɣan 4; Kaz. žawɨz 1; KKalp. žawɨz 1;
SUygh. jus 1; Khak. čaɣban 4; Yak. suos 3.
◊ VEWT 176, EDT 879, 881-882, ЭСТЯ 4, 47-48, 51. Turk. > WMong. ǯabqai, ǯabaɣan
(KW 468), whence again some Turkic forms (Kirgh. ǯabɨq etc., see ЭСТЯ 4, 9-10). One
could perhaps also note Kaz. žawra-, Uzb. ǯɔwra- ‘to suffer from cold, shiver’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 20)
which may be = Karakh. javra-, javrɨ- and thus should not be compared to Mong. daɣara(despite KW 82).
PJpn. *(d)impi-r- to oppress (угнетать): MJpn. ibir-; Tok. ibir-.
PKor. *jbúi- to get emaciated, haggard (истощаться, становиться
изможденным): MKor. j’úi-, j’ói-; Mod. jəwi-.
◊ Liu 563, KED 1165.
‖ Finch 1987, 17 (Jpn.-Mong.). One of the few exceptional cases of
*ǯ- > *j- in Kor. (cf. *ǯa ‘eight’).
-debV young (of birds or animals): Tung. *debere; Mong. *deɣü; Turk.
*jabrɨ.
PTung. *debere-n young (of birds) (птенец): Man. deberen; SMan.
devərəxən ‘puppy, young’ (2179); Ul. deuru(n); Ork. dewre(n); Nan.
deuruẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 239.
PMong. *deɣü younger sibling (младший брат или сестра):
MMong. de’u (HY 28, SH); WMong. degü, (L 246:) degüü; Kh. dǖ; Bur.
dǖ; Kalm. dǖ; Ord. dǖ; Mog. döün; Dag. deu (Тод. Даг. 136, MD 136);
Dong. ǯiao, ǯiau; Bao. dəu, du; S.-Yugh. dǖ; Mongr. dǖ (SM 56), dū.
◊ KW 106, MGCD 242. Mong. > Man. deo etc., see Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT 117,
Rozycki 59.
PTurk. *jabrɨ young of birds and animals (детеныш птиц и животных): Tur. javru, javrɨ; Gag. javru; MTurk. javrɨ (Ettuhf.); Chuv. śъₙvъₙr,
śurъ.
◊ VEWT 176, ЭСТЯ 4, 53, Лексика 168-169, TMN 4, 220, Федотов 2, 140-141.
‖ Poppe AU 105, Дыбо 9, Лексика 169. A Western isogloss.
468
*d[é]gì - *dḕgni
-d[é]gì feather, wing: Tung. *dekte-; Mong. *ǯiɣür; Turk. *jüg; Jpn.
*(d)íká.
PTung. *dekte- 1 feather 2 wing (1 перо 2 крыло): Evk. dektenne 1,
2; Evn. detle 1, 2; Neg. detele 1; Man. detxe 1, 2; SMan. detəxə 1 (2294); Ul.
dektekte 1; Ork. dektekte 1; Nan. degdece 1; Orch. dektese 1, 2; Ud. dektehe 1,
2; Sol. dettele 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1,231.
PMong. *ǯiɣür wing (крыло): MMong. ǯəu’ur (HY 15), ǯi’ur (SH),
ǯebūr (Lig.VMI); WMong. ǯigür (L 1053); Kh. žigǖr < lit.; Bur. žegǖr < lit.;
Ord. ǯigǖr < lit.; Mongr. ār, ćār, sār.
◊ KW 114.
PTurk. *jüg feather (перо): Karakh. jüg (MK, KB); Tur. jüg, jüv
(dial.), Osm. jüg; Khak. čüg; Tv. čüg.
◊ EDT 910, Лексика 150. Räsänen (VEWT 211b) confuses this root with *juŋ ‘wool’,
but they are certainly unrelated (although may tend to contaminate).
PJpn. *(d)íká kite (out of paper) (бумажный змей): MJpn. ika,
ika-nobori.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 44, 287, Лексика 150. Labialization in PT is probably
secondary (*jüg < *jegü < *jegi-gü, cf. the Mong. form).
-dḕgni needle, thorn, arrow: Tung. *dēŋgu; Mong. *ǯeɣü-wün; Turk.
*(j)igne; Jpn. *(d)inka.
PTung. *dēŋgu 1 cross-bow 2 arrow (1 самострел 2 стрела): Ul.
dēŋgure 1; Ork. dēŋgure 1; Nan. dēŋgure 1; Orch. deŋgu 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 234.
PMong. *ǯeɣü-wün needle (игла): MMong. ǯou’un (HY 20), ǯe’u
(SH), ǯūn (IM); WMong. ǯegün (L 1044: ǯegüü, ǯeü, ǯegün); Kh. ʒǖn; Bur.
zǖ(n); Kalm. zǖn; Ord. ǯǖ; Mog. ǯöwn (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. ǯū, (Тод.
Даг. 143) ǯeu; Dong. ǯun; Bao. ǯuŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯǖn; Mongr. ū (SM 94), ǯū.
◊ KW 485, MGCD 465.
PTurk. *(j)igne needle (игла): OTurk. jiŋne (OUygh.); Karakh. jigne
(MK); Tur. ijne; Gag. īnä; Az. ijnä; Turkm. igne, iŋne; Khal. īnä ( < Az.);
MTurk. igne (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. ignä; Uygh. ignä, jiŋnä, jignä;
Krm. ijne; Tat. inä; Bashk. ĭnä; Kirgh. ijne; Kaz. ĭjna; KBalk. ijne; KKalp.
ijne; Kum. ine; Nogh. ijne; SUygh. jiŋne; Khak. iŋe; Shr. ingä; Oyr. ijne;
Tv. ine; Yak. inne, ińe; Dolg. iŋne, ińe, inne.
◊ EDT 110, VEWT 169, ЭСТЯ 1, 367-369, Лексика 106.
PJpn. *(d)inka thorn, bur (шип): Tok. igá; Kyo. ìgâ; Kag. íga.
◊ JLTT 421. The word is not attested in OJ, and the modern accentuation is controversial: Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *(d)ínkà, while Kyoto rather to *(d)ìnkâ.
‖ Владимирцов 196. Mong. *ǯeɣü-ɣün must go back to *ǯiɣe-ɣü-n.
*dkà - *dék῾à
469
-dkà to burn: Tung. *deg-ǯe-gi-; Turk. *jak-; Jpn. *dák-; Kor. *thằ-.
PTung. *deg-ǯe-gi- to burn (жечь): Evk. ǯegdī-; Evn. ǯegde ‘burned
place’; Neg. ǯegdī-; Man. dejǯi-; SMan. deǯi-, diǯi- (483); Jurch. ǯeh-din-ku
(686); Ul. ǯegdečiwu; Ork. degde-; Nan. ʒegdi-; Orch. ǯegdi-; Ud. ǯegdi-.
◊ A causative form derived from PTM *degǯe- ‘to burn’, see ТМС 1, 281-282.
PTurk. *jak- 1 to burn (tr.) 2 light, ray 3 to produce fire (1 жечь 2
свет, луч 3 высекать огонь): Karakh. jaq- 1 (MK); Tur. jak- 1; Gag. jaq- 1;
Az. jax- 1; Turkm. jaq- 1, jaɣtɨ 2; Khal. ja:q- 1; MTurk. jaq- 1 (Abush.);
Uzb. jɔq- 1, jɔɣdu 2; Uygh. jaq- 1; Krm. jaq- 1; Tat. jaɣ- 1, jaqtɨ 2; Bashk.
jaq- 1, jaqtɨ 2; Kirgh. ǯaq- 1; Kaz. žaq- 1; KKalp. žaq- 1, žaqtɨ 2; Kum. jaq- 1;
Nogh. jaq- 1; Tof. ča’q- 3; Chuv. śot- 1, śo-dъ 2; Yak. saq- 1.
◊ VEWT 180, TMN 4, 201-202, EDT 897, ЭСТЯ 4, 62, 81-82, Федотов 2, 146, Лексика
362. This stem should be distinguished from *jan- ‘to burn (intr.)’.
PJpn. *dák- to burn (tr.) (жечь): OJpn. jak-; MJpn. ják-; Tok. yàk-;
Kyo. ják-; Kag. jáT.
◊ JLTT 784.
PKor. *thằ- to burn (гореть, жечь): MKor. thằ- (itr.), thằi’ó- (tr.);
Mod. tha- (itr.), thäu- (tr.).
◊ Nam 456, 457, KED 1684, 1697.
‖ Martin 227, JOAL 90-94, АПиПЯЯ 35-36, 90, 279. Korean has a
usual vowel reduction between a stop and a fricative.
-dék῾à a k. of reed or bamboo: Tung. *deke-; Mong. *dek-; Turk. *jEken;
Jpn. *tákái; Kor. *tái.
PTung. *deke- 1 a k. of willow 2 rope made from it 3 bush 4 tree (1
тальник 2 канат из тальниковых прутьев 3 куст 4 дерево): Neg. dekke
1, dexen 2; Jurch. do-ɣo (115) 4; Ul. deke(n) 2, deksu(n) 3; Ork. deksu(n) 3;
Nan. dē 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 231.
PMong. *dek- a k. of grass (вид травы): Kalm. dekm ‘Leinpflanze’.
◊ KW 85.
PTurk. *jEken a k. of grass, reed (вид травы, тростника): OTurk.
jigen (OUygh.); Karakh. jigen (MK); Turkm. jeken; MTurk. jekän (R.),
jigän (AH); Uzb. jäkän; Uygh. jekän; Tat. jegɛn (dial.), ǯikɛn; Bashk. jekän;
Kirgh. ǯeken; Kaz. žeken; KBalk. zegen; KKalp. žiken; Nogh. jeken; Oyr.
jeken, jekken, ēken.
◊ EDT 913, VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 172-173. Turk. > Mong. ǯeken, ǯege-sün (KW 472,
Щербак 1997, 123); Hung. gyékény (MNyTESz 1, 1125).
PJpn. *tákái bamboo (бамбук): OJpn. take; MJpn. táké; Tok. tàke;
Kyo. táké; Kag. táke.
◊ JLTT 539.
PKor. *tái bamboo (бамбук): MKor. tái; Mod. tä.
◊ Liu 204, KED 418.
470
*dek῾V - *dlp῾à
‖ Martin 225, Whitman 1985, 188, 215, Дыбо 11. The tone incongruence between Kor. and Jpn. should be explained by contraction in Kor.;
however, the zero reflex in Kor. is somewhat strange (one would at
least expect *tahi).
-dek῾V ( ~ -k-) harness, hook: Tung. *deken; Turk. *jEk-.
PTung. *deken last pair of dogs in the team (последняя пара собак
в упряжке): Ul. deke(n); Nan. dekẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 231.
PTurk. *jEk- to harness (запрягать): Krm. jek-, jik-; Tat. ǯik-; Bashk.
jek-; Kirgh. ǯek-; Kaz. žek-; KBalk. žek-; KKalp. žek-; Kum. jek-; Nogh. jek-;
Oyr. jek-, ek-.
◊ VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 172.
‖ Дыбо 12. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-dḗlì mane; collar: Tung. *delü-n; Mong. *del; Turk. *jēl; Jpn. *(d)iárì.
PTung. *delü-n mane (грива): Evk. delin; Man. delun; SMan. delən,
dulun (2281); Nan. derbini (?).
◊ ТМС 1,232. The Nan. form may be < Mong. (Bur. delben).
PMong. *del mane, crest (грива, холка): MMong. del (HY 15, SH),
dīl- (IM), dil (MA); WMong. del (L 247); Kh. del; Bur. delben; Kalm. del;
Ord. del; Dag. dēlbur (Тод. Даг. 136) delin (MD 136); S.-Yugh. del.
◊ KW 74, 85, MGCD 212.
PTurk. *jēl 1 mane 2 feather (1 грива 2 перо): OTurk. jel 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. jel 1 (MK); Tur. jele 1; Gag. jelä 1; Az. läläk 2; Turkm.
jelek 2; Khal. jälǟk 2; Krm. lelek 2; SUygh. ǯeĺɨ 1; Khak. čilen 1; Tv. čel 1;
Tof. čel 1; Chuv. śilɣe 1; Yak. siel 1.
◊ VEWT 181, TMN 4, 188-189, EDT 916, ЭСТЯ 4, 85-86 (confused with *jāl, v. sub
*dlV), Лексика 147, 566. The Oghuz name of ‘feather’ (jelek / lelek, see ЭСТЯ 4, 179) is
probably derived from this root; perhaps also *jel-ke ‘back of head (including the neck)’,
see VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 181.
PJpn. *(d)iárì collar (воротник): MJpn. eri; Tok. erí; Kyo. érì; Kag. éri.
◊ JLTT 393.
‖ EAS 52, KW 74, 85, Poppe 22, 75, АПиПЯЯ 72, 287, Лексика 147;
TMN 4, 106 (“...unklar”). TM is hardly < Mong., despite Doerfer MT 76,
Rozycki 58. The diphthong in Jpn. may indicate PA *dḗjlì. Cf. *dlV.
-dlp῾à flat, wide: Tung. *delpi-n; Mong. *dalba-; Turk. *jalpɨ; Jpn.
*tàpìra.
PTung. *delpi-n wide, roomy (широкий, просторный): Man.
delfin.
◊ ТМС 1, 233. Attested only in Manchu, but having quite probable external parallels.
PMong. *dalba- to be flat and wide (быть плоским и широким):
MMong. dalba-ru (SH); WMong. dalbaji- (L 225); Kh. dalbaj-; Bur. dalba-;
Kalm. dalwǟ-.
*dlp῾i - *depo
471
◊ KW 75.
PTurk. *jalpɨ 1 broad, flat 2 blade, paddle 3 shallow (1 широкий,
плоский 2 лист, лопасть 3 мелкий): Karakh. jalbɨ 1 (MK); Tur. jalpɨk 1;
Gag. jalpaq 1; Turkm. jalpa 2, jalpaq 1, 3; MTurk. jalpaq 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb.
jɔlpɔq 1; Uygh. jalpaq 1; Krm. jalpaq 1; Tat. ǯɛlpɛk 1; Bashk. jalpaq 1;
Kirgh. ǯalpaq 1; Kaz. žalpaq 1; KKalp. žalpaq 1; Kum. jalpaq 1; Nogh. jalpaq 1; Khak. čelbax, nalpax 1; Oyr. jalbaq, albaq 1; Tv. čalbaq 1; Tof. čalbaq
1; Yak. salbax 2; Dolg. halbax ‘span; foot’.
◊ EDT 919, VEWT 182, ЭСТЯ 4, 14, 100-101, Stachowski 94. This root should be distinguished from *japur-gak ‘leaf’ and from *jalpɨ- / *jelpi- ‘to shake, sway’.
PJpn. *tàpì-ra flat, even (плоский, ровный): OJpn. tapjira; MJpn.
tàpìrá; Tok. tàira, tairáka; Kyo. tàìrá; Kag. taíra.
◊ JLTT 538. Tokyo and Kagoshima point rather to *tápírá.
‖ VEWT 183, KW 75 (Turk.-Mong.), Цинциус 1984, 8, АПиПЯЯ 71,
287. Mong. has also a front vowel variant delbe ‘flatness’, delbeger
‘broad, wide’, ǯilbigar id.
-dlp῾i to burst, break: Tung. *delpe-; Mong. *delbe-; Turk. *deĺ-; Jpn.
*timpə-.
PTung. *delpe- to split (раскалываться, трескаться): Evk. delpe-rge-,
delpe-m-; Evn. depčerge-; Neg. detpejkin-; Sol. delpe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 233.
PMong. *delbe- to burst, break through (лопаться, разрываться):
WMong. delbe-le, -re- (L 247, 248); Kh. delbere-, -le- (Tr.); Bur. delber-, delbel- (Tr.); Kalm. delwl-; Ord. delbel-.
◊ KW 87.
PTurk. *deĺ- to make holes (продырявливать): Karakh. teš- (MK);
Tur. deš-; Gag. deš-; Az. deš-; MTurk. teš- (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. teš-;
Uygh. täš-; Krm. teš-; Tat. tiš-; Bashk. tiš-; Kirgh. teš-; Kaz. tes-; KBalk.
teš-; KKalp. tes-; Kum. teš-; Nogh. tes-; Khak. tis-; Oyr. teš-; Tv. deš-; Tof.
deš-; Yak. tes-; Dolg. tes-.
◊ VEWT 476, EDT 559, ЭСТЯ 3, 210-212, TMN 2, 657, Stachowski 221.
PJpn. *timpə- to become worn down, out (изнашиваться, приходить в упадок): MJpn. tib(u)-; Tok. chibi-.
◊ JLTT 767. PJ accent not clear.
‖ Poppe 44 (Mong.-Tung.), Дыбо 13. Despite Doerfer MT 64, the
TM form is hardly borrowed from Mong.
-depo ( ~ -b-) wet, soak: Tung. *deb-; Mong. *debte-; Turk. *jẹbi-.
PTung. *debe- 1 paste, fool 2 to paint 3 paint (1 пастила, кисель 2
красить 3 краска): Evk. dewe- 2; Evn. dewe- 2; Neg. dewekse 3; Man.
debse 1; Ul. dewekse 3; Ork. dewē- 2; Orch. dewukse, dewekse 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 227, 228.
472
*dĕp῾a - *deŕa
PMong. *debte- to soak, become wet (мокнуть): WMong. debte-,
debtü- (L 239); Kh. devte-; Bur. debte-; Kalm. deptə-; Ord. debte-; Mog. ZM
debtäl- ῾to make fall into the water’ (15-3a); Dag. debte- (Тод. Даг. 135),
derte-; S.-Yugh. debtē-; Mongr. təbdē-, tudē- (SM 427).
◊ KW 88, MGCD 210. Cf. MMong. (SH) debul- ‘to boil’.
PTurk. *jẹbi- to become wet, soak (мокнуть): Karakh. jebe ‘dampness’ (MK); Uzb. ivi-; Uygh. ivi-; Krm. jibi-, ibi-; Tat. ǯebe-; Bashk. jebe-;
Kirgh. ǯibi-; Kaz. žibi-; KKalp. žibi-; Kum. jibi-; Nogh. jibi-; Shr. čibi-;
Oyr. ibi-; Chuv. śəₙve ‘whey’; Yak. sibīn- ‘fresh’.
◊ EDT 872, VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 196-197. Except Uzb., Uygh., Chuv. and possibly
Yak. all languages actually reflect *jẹp- (*jip-); the Inlaut stop may be a result of secondary
gemination, or reflect a merger with some other root. Original voiced *-b- ( > -v-), however, is well preserved in the derivative *jẹbiĺ(č) ‘wet’ (Karaim jüvüš, Tat. jüwiš, Bashk.
jĭvĭš). Turk. > Kalm. ǯī- ‘durchnäßt werden’ (KW 114; although phonology is somewhat
strange: one would rather expect Kalm. ǯiw-).
‖ KW 88. A Western isogloss.
-dĕp῾a ( ~ *t-) soft, fluffy: Tung. *dep-; Kor. *tàpók-.
PTung. *dep- 1 fluffy, furry 2 squirrel’s nest 3 rot, soft (1 мягкий,
пушистый 2 беличье гнездо 3 гнилушка): Evk. debdirin 1; depe,
depe-me 3; Evn. debuli 1; Neg. depe-depe ōj 1; Ork. deberūli 1; Nan. debǯini
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 227, 236.
PKor. *tàpòk- thick, luxurious (густой, пышный): MKor. tàpòk-;
Mod. tabok-, taborok-.
◊ Nam 130, KED 385.
‖ An expressive TM-Kor. isogloss.
-déru ( ~ -ŕ-) to shake, sway: Tung. *der(gi)-; Mong. *derbe-; Jpn. *dúr-.
PTung. *der(gi)- 1 to shiver, tremble 2 to sway (1 дрожать, трястись 2 развеваться): Evk. dergi-, deriŋ- 1; Man. dergiše- 2; Ul. derǯi- 1,
dēremneči- 1; Nan. dergi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 237.
PMong. *derbe- to sway, swing (махать, колыхаться): MMong. derbel- (SH); WMong. derbe- (L 252); Kh. derve-; Bur. derbelze-; Kalm. derwə-;
Ord. derwe-.
◊ KW 90.
PJpn. *dúr- to shake, sway (качать(ся), махать): MJpn. jur-; Tok.
yùr-; Kyo. yúr-; Kag. yúr-.
◊ JLTT 788.
‖ Cf. also PTM *deri(n)- ‘jump, run’.
-deŕa ( ~ -o) to flatten, flat: Mong. *daru-; Turk. *jạŕ-; Kor. *tàrì-.
PMong. *daru- to press down (прижимать, припечатывать):
MMong. daru- (HY 39, SH), dāra- (IM), daru- (MA); WMong. daru- (L
*dible - *dible
473
233); Kh. dar-; Bur. dara-; Kalm. dar-; Ord. daru-; Mog. daru- (Ramstedt
1906), dōru-; Dag. dara- (Тод. Даг. 135), dare- (MD 132); Dong. daru-;
Bao. da(r)-; S.-Yugh. dārə-; Mongr. dāri- (SM 45).
◊ KW 77, MGCD 201.
PTurk. *jạŕ-, *jạŕɨ 1 flat 2 steppe, flat ground 3 to spread, spread out,
flatten folds (1 плоский 2 степь, плоская почва 3 расстилать, расправлять складки): OTurk. jaz- 3 (OUygh.) jazɨ 1,2 (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaz- 3 (MK, KB), jazɨ 2 (MK); Tur. jazɨ 2; Gag. jaz- 3; Az. jazɨ 2
(dial.); Turkm. jaz- 3, jazɨ 2; MTurk. jaz- 3 (Pav. C.), jazɨ 2 (Ettuhf., AH);
Uzb. jɔz- 3; Uygh. jaz- 3, jazi, jezi 2 (dial.); Tat. jaz- 3; Bashk. jaδ- 3; Kirgh.
ǯaz- 3, ǯazɨ 1, 2; Kaz. žaz- 3, žazɨ 2 (dial.); KKalp. žaz- 3; Kum. jaz- 3;
Nogh. jaz- 3, jazɨ 2 (dial.); SUygh. jaz- 3; Khak. čazɨ 2; Oyr. jas-, as- 3,
jazɨ, azɨ 1, 2; Tv. čas- 3; Yak. sɨh 2.
◊ VEWT 194, EDT 983, 984, ЭСТЯ 4, 69-70, 73, Лексика 97.
PKor. *tàrì- to iron (утюжить): MKor. tàrì-; Mod. tari-.
◊ Nam 129, KED 383. Cf. also Mod. Kor. taru- ‘to tan, make pliant’ (KED 382).
‖ SKE 257, 258.
-dible hem: Tung. *dilbi-; Mong. *dewel; Turk. *jEl(b)-.
PTung. *dilbi- 1 to make facing 2 hem, hemming 3 skin (for a coat)
4 raincoat, umbrella (1 подшивать (подол) 2 кант, окантовка 3 шкура
(на парку) 4 накидка от дождя, зонтик): Evk. dilbikte 3; Neg. ǯilbu- 1;
Man. ǯilbi- 1, ǯilbi(n) 2; delbin 2; Ul. deli-ku 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 206, 232.
PMong. *dewel fur coat; list, facing (меховое пальто, тулуп; окантовка, облицовка): MMong. dejel (HY 22), de’el-ün (ǯaxa) (HY 23), de’el
(SH), dil (IM), dil (MA), dəbəl (LH); WMong. degel, debel (L 238), degelen,
degelei (L 243); Kh. dēl; Bur. degel; Kalm. dewl, degl; Ord. dēl; Dag. debel,
dēl (Тод. Даг. 135); Mongr. dēr (SM 51), del (Huzu).
◊ Mong. > Man. dexelen etc. (see Doerfer MT 61), Chag. dägälä; > MKor. təkɨrəi (Lee
1964, 193). KW 85, 90. A variant of the same stem is probably WMong. dülei, Khalkha
dülij ‘raincoat’. Bur. > Russ. Siber. dygýl, see Аникин 192-193.
PTurk. *jEl(b)- a k. of short coat (вид короткой куртки): Tur. jelek;
Az. jeläk, jelän (dial.); Turkm. jelek (dial.), jelbegej; MTurk. jeläk (Pav. C.,
Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ǯeläk; Krm. jelek; Tat. ǯilɛn, ǯilbɛgɛj; Bashk. jelän, jelbägäj; Kirgh. ǯelek, ǯelbegej, dial. ǯelegej; Kaz. želek, želeŋ, želbegej, želegej;
KKalp. želek, želeŋ, želbegej; Kum. jelbegej; Nogh. jeleŋ.
◊ VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 177, 178.
‖ KW 85, EAS 174 (with several misquoted forms), TMN 1, 328. A
Western isogloss. Some rather strange variants coexist within Mong.
and TM, and archaic interborrowing is not excluded; it is also possible
that the root should be reconstructed as *dible, to account for the development in Mong. Another possibility is comparing the Mong. forms (at
474
*dijV - *dile
least part of them) with Evk. lipêre ῾a k. of winter clothes’, Tuva čüvür
῾trousers’ (?).
-dijV ( ~ *t-) tar, to melt: Tung. *dī; Jpn. *(d)í-; Kor. *tī-.
PTung. *dī pitch, tar (вар, смола): Orch. dī; Ud. dī.
◊ ТМС 1, 202.
PJpn. *(d)í- to cast (лить (металл)): OJpn. i- ; MJpn. í-; Tok. ì-; Kyo.
í-; Kag. í-.
◊ JLTT 698.
PKor. *tī- to forge, to cast (ковать, отливать (из металла)): MKor.
tī-.
◊ Nam 178.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-dile udder: Tung. *dilba; Mong. *deleŋ; Turk. *jẹlin.
PTung. *dilba diaphragm; breast (диафрагма, брюшина; грудь):
Evk. dilba; Evn. dịlb; delbe ‘пах’; Neg. dịlba; Ul. dịlba ‘women’s breast
cover’; Ork. ǯịlịa ‘nipple’; Nan. ǯịlba ‘women’s breast cover’; Ud. digba
‘stomach cavity’ (Корм. 227); Sol. dilva.
◊ ТМС 1, 206, 232.
PMong. *deleŋ udder (вымя): WMong. deleŋ (L 249); Kh. deleŋ; Bur.
delen; Kalm. deləŋ; Ord. deliŋ; Dag. delīn; Dong. ǯielien; S.-Yugh. deleŋ;
Mongr. dəlaŋ, diliŋ (SM 55).
◊ KW 86, MGCD 213. Mong. > Evk. deleŋ etc., see Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 58.
PTurk. *jẹlin udder (вымя): Karakh. jelin (MK); Tur. jelin; Gag. jelin;
Az. jelin; Turkm. jelin; MTurk. jelin (R., Буд.), jilin (AH); Uygh. jelin,
jilim, žilim; Tat. ǯilen; Bashk. jelen; Kirgh. ǯelin; Kaz. želin; KBalk. jelin,
ǯelin, želin; KKalp. želin; Kum. jelin; Nogh. jelin; Oyr. jelin, eli; Chuv.
śilə; Yak. silin.
◊ EDT 930, ЭСТЯ 4, 180-181, Лексика 148.
‖ Poppe 22, 76, Лексика 148 (with lit.). A Western isogloss. Despite
Щербак 1997, 123 Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk.
-dile ( ~ t-, -ĺ-) a k. of insect or worm: Tung. *dilu-kē; Mong. *dele-; Kor.
*tīroŋ.
PTung. *dilu-kē fly (муха): Evk. dilkēn; Evn. diliken; Neg. dirkēn;
Man. derxuwe; SMan. durəwē, duruwū (2256); Ork. ǯiĺokto; Nan. ǯiluekte;
Sol. dilx, diluk.
◊ ТМС 1, 207.
PMong. *dele- 1 beetle 2 midge (1 жук 2 мошка): WMong. delegči 1
(L 248); Kh. delegč 1, delenč 2; Kalm. delənč 2 (КРС).
PKor. *tīroŋ worm, earth-worm (червь, земляной червь): MKor.
tiroŋ’i, tirjoŋ, tirjoŋ’i; Mod. čīrəŋi.
◊ Liu 260, KED 1529.
*dlo - *dilu
475
‖ A common derivative *dile-kV (-k῾V) is reflected in Mong. *dele-gand TM *dilu-kē.
-dlo year; sun, sun cycle: Tung. *dilačā; Mong. *ǯil; Turk. *jɨl; Jpn. *tsì;
Kor. *torč.
PTung. *dilačā sun (солнце): Evk. dilačā; Neg. dilača.
◊ ТМС 1, 206.
PMong. *ǯil cycle year (год, годовой цикл): MMong. ǯil (SH, HYt),
ǯīl (LH); WMong. ǯil; Kh. žil; Bur. žel; Kalm. ǯil; Ord. ǯil; Mog. ǯil ‘time’
(Weiers); Dag. ǯil (Тод. Даг. 143), ǯile (MD 178); S.-Yugh. ǯəl; Mongr. ir,
ur (SM 92), (MGCD ǯil).
◊ KW 109, MGCD 444. Mong. > Dolg. ǯɨl (Stachowski 92, 118).
PTurk. *jɨl year (год): OTurk. jɨl (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jɨl (MK);
Tur. jɨl; Gag. jɨl; Az. il; Turkm. jɨl; Sal. jel; MTurk. jɨl (MA), il (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jil; Uygh. jil; Krm. jɨl; Tat. jɨl; Bashk. jɨl; Kirgh. ǯɨl; Kaz. žɨl; KBalk.
žɨl; KKalp. žɨl; Kum. jɨl; Nogh. jɨl; SUygh. jil; Khak. čil; Shr. čɨl; Oyr. ɨl;
Tv. čɨl; Tof. čɨl; Yak. sɨl; Dolg. hɨl.
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 917, ЭСТЯ 4, 275, Лексика 70-71, Stachowski 118.
PJpn. *tsì year (год): OJpn. tosi; MJpn. tòsì; Tok. toshí; Kyo. tóshì;
Kag. toshí.
◊ JLTT 551.
PKor. *torč (-s) anniversary (cycle) (полный год, годовщина):
MKor. tors; Mod. tot [tols], tol.
◊ Liu 230, KED 478.
‖ EAS 52, KW 109, Владимирцов 171, Martin 246, ОСНЯ 1, 220,
JOAL 119, АПиПЯЯ 31, 88, 278-279, Дыбо 11, Лексика 71. Mong. may
be < Turk. (see TMN 4, 251, Щербак 1997, 124). The Eastern form go
back to a suffixed *dlo-č῾V.
-dilu juice, resin: Tung. *dilgu; Mong. *ǯilij; Turk. *jülük / *juluk.
PTung. *dilgu tree juice (древесный сок): Evk. dilgu; Evn. dịlgs;
Neg. dịlgụksa; Ul. ǯlčụma; Ork. ǯịlụ; Nan. ǯịlkõ; Orch. duguksa.
◊ ТМС 1, 207.
PMong. *ǯilij rosin, colophony (канифоль, смола): WMong. ǯilij
(МXTTT); Kh. ǯilī; Bur. želī.
PTurk. *jülük / *juluk juice (сок): Oyr. juluq, uluq, jülük; Tv. čuluq.
◊ VEWT 212, EDT 927-928, ЭСТЯ 4, 266, Лексика 263-264. The root should be distinguished both from *jilik and from *julɨŋ (v. sub *làlè, *dilu), although all three tend to contaminate.
‖ Дыбо 10. A Western isogloss. One wonders if the root is not actually derived (as *dij-lu) from *dijV ‘tar, to melt’ q.v.
476
*dilu - *dísa
-dilu brain: Tung. *dili; Mong. *ǯiluɣa / *ǯulaj; Turk. *julɨŋ / *jülüŋ.
PTung. *dili 1 head 2 horn foundation (1 голова 2 основание рогов): Evk. dil, del 1; Evn. dịl 1; Neg. dịl 1; Man. ǯili 2; Ul. dịlị 1; Ork. ǯịlị 1;
Nan. ǯịlị 1; Orch. dili 1; Ud. dili 1; Sol. dẹli, dil(i) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 205-206. The comparison with Mong. ǯiluɣa, Turk. *jular ‘halter’ (EAS 52,
KW 114, Poppe, 23) is hardly acceptable.
PMong. *ǯiluɣa / *ǯulaj 1 brain 2 sinciput, fontanelle (1 мозг 2 темя): MMong. ǯ[o]lā 1 (IM); WMong. ǯiluɣa (Schmidt) 1, ǯulai, ǯula 2 (L
1078); Kh. ʒulaj 2; Bur. zulaj 2; Kalm. zulā 2 (КРС); Ord. ǯulǟ 2; Dag. ǯol 2
(Тод. Даг. 144), ǯole ‘the temple (of the head)’ (MD 179).
PTurk. *julɨŋ / *jülüŋ marrow, spinal marrow (костный мозг,
спинной мозг): Karakh. julun (MK); MTurk. jülün (MA), julun (Pav.
C.); Uzb. jülüŋ (dial.); Uygh. julun (dial.); Bashk. jɨlɨm, dial. jelen, jelem,
jolon; Kirgh. ǯülün, ǯulun; Kaz. žulɨn; KKalp. žulɨn; Nogh. julɨn; Khak.
čələŋ; Shr. čɨlɨŋ; Oyr. jülün, ülüŋ; Tv. čün; Yak. sülün; Dolg. hünńü.
◊ EDT 930, ЭСТЯ 4, 266, Лексика 263, Stachowski 115.
‖ Дыбо 314, Лексика 263. A Western isogloss; but cf. notes to
*mańa.
-diŋe to win: Tung. *diŋe-; Mong. *dejil-; Turk. *jẹŋ-.
PTung. *diŋe- to press; to win (давить; побеждать): Ud. diŋe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 207. Attested only in Ud., but having probable Turk. and Mong. parallels.
PMong. *dejil- to win (побеждать): WMong. dejil-, dejile- (L 246);
Kh. dijl-; Bur. dīle-; Kalm. dīl-; Ord. dīl-.
◊ KW 92.
PTurk. *jẹŋ- to win (побеждать): Karakh. jeŋ- (MK); Tur. jen-; Gag.
jen-; Az. jen-, jin- (dial.); Turkm. jeŋ-; Khal. jeŋg-; MTurk. jeŋ- (Ettuhf.);
Uzb. jeŋ-; Uygh. jäŋ-; Krm. jeŋg-, jeń-; Tat. ǯiŋ-; Bashk. jeŋ-; Kirgh. ǯeŋ-;
Kaz. žeŋ-; KBalk. ǯeŋ-; KKalp. žeŋ-; Kum. jeŋ-; Nogh. jeŋ-; Khak. čiŋ-;
Shr. neŋ-, neg-; Oyr. jeŋ-, eŋ-; Chuv. śən-.
◊ EDT 942, ЭСТЯ 4, 187, Лексика 576. Ramstedt’s hypothesis of *jeŋ- being derived
from *jeg- ‘better, top’ could be accepted, but the Ud. parallel diŋe- makes it questionable.
We prefer to regard -ŋ- here as the root consonant.
‖ KW 92. A Western isogloss. The Turkic and Mong. forms are no
doubt related, but Ramstedt treats them both as derived from *deg‘top’. Since we divide the traditional reconstruction of the latter root
into *dòge and *tēga (q.v.), such a derivation seems less plausible. The
Ud. form diŋe-, albeit isolated in TM, also supports deriving Turk. *jẹŋand Mong. dejil- from a separate root.
-dísa to guard, preserve: Tung. *disu-; Mong. *ǯise-; Jpn. *jásí-nap-.
PTung. *disu- to guard, preserve (защищать): Evk. disut-; Evn.
disut-; Neg. disut-; Nan. ǯīsun-.
◊ ТМС 1, 208.
*dági - *dno
477
PMong. *ǯise- to guard; to prepare (сторожить; готовить(ся)):
WMong. ǯise-, ǯese- (L 1047, 1063); Kh. ʒese-; Bur. zehe-; Kalm. zesə-;
Mongr. īsəle- ‘faire attention, garder, veiller à’ (SM 93).
◊ KW 473.
PJpn. *jásí-nap- to feed, take care of (кормить, растить, заботиться
о): OJpn. jasinap-; MJpn. jásínaf-; Tok. yàshina-; Kyo. yáshíná-; Kag. yashiná-.
◊ JLTT 785.
‖ A good common Altaic verbal root.
-dági ( ~ -o-) fish: Mong. *ǯiɣa-; Jpn. *(d)íwuá; Kor. *thi.
PMong. *ǯiɣa- fish (рыба): MMong. ǯiqasun (HY 12, SH), ǯixuči
‘fisher’ (HY 30), ǯanɣāṣu (IM), ǯiɣasun, ǯiqasuni (Partit.) (MA); WMong.
ǯiɣasu(n) (L 1050); Kh. ʒagas; Bur. zagaha(n); Kalm. zaɣъsn; Ord. ǯaGasu;
Dag. ǯagas, ǯaus (Тод. Даг. 141), ǯause (MD 176); Dong. ǯaGasun; Bao.
ǯil(G)asoŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯaɣasən; Mongr. aGasə (SM 78).
◊ KW 463, MGCD 423. -g- is probably secondary ( < *ǯigag-?); with *-ɣ- cf. *ǯiɣarčag
‘косяк рыб’ (Khalkha ʒārcag).
PJpn. *(d)íwuá fish (рыба): OJpn. iwo; MJpn. íwó; Tok. ùo; Kag. íwo.
◊ JLTT 563.
PKor. *thi fish (a suffix in fish names) (рыба (суффикс в назв.
рыб)): MKor. kàmó-thì etc.; Mod. kamul-čhi ‘eel’, sam-čhi ‘mackerel’ etc..
‖ АПиПЯЯ 100, 275, Дыбо 46, Лексика 178, Vovin 2000. TM *ǯoji
(in fact *ǯobi) ‘Salmo lenoc’ (compared in some of the above sources)
has a precise match in WMong. ǯebege and has to be separated; see
*ǯabo. The Jpn. form could also belong there phonetically, but the close
match with Kor. thi makes its derivation from *dági more plausible.
-dno ( ~ *dṓne) flat surface, land: Tung. *dunse; Mong. *denǯi; Turk.
*jān.
PTung. *dunse 1 earth 2 land 3 wood, taiga (1 земля 2 суша 3 тайга): Evk. dunne, dunde 1; Evn. dȫmŋe, dōnde 2; Ul. duente 3; Nan. duente 3;
Ud. dühö 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 224.
PMong. *denǯi terrace (between the steppe and the river bank)
(терраса (между равниной и речным берегом)): WMong. denǯi, (L
252:) deŋǯi; Kh. denǯ; Kalm. denǯ; Ord. denǯi; Dag. denǯi ‘small hill,
mound’ (MD 136).
◊ KW 88.
PTurk. *jān side (сторона): OTurk. jan (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jan
(MK); Tur. jan; Gag. jan; Az. jan; Turkm. jān; Sal. jan; Khal. jān; MTurk.
jan (Bor.Bad, Abush.); Uygh. jan; Krm. jan; Tat. jan; Bashk. jan; Kirgh.
ǯan; Kaz. žan; KBalk. ǯan, žan, zan; KKalp. žan; Kum. jan; Nogh. jan;
SUygh. jan; Khak. nan, čan; Shr. čan; Oyr. jan, an; Tv. čan; Chuv. śom.
478
*dari - *dòge
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 940, ЭСТЯ 4, 113, 118-119, TMN 4, 120, Федотов 2, 135. The word
has an anatomical meaning (’hip’) in old sources, but the meaning ‘side’ is also attested
and must be more archaic, to judge from external evidence; the more abstract meaning in
Chuvash (’vicinity’) also supports ‘side’ as the original meaning.
‖ A Western isogloss. The meaning ‘side’ in Turkic is easily deducible from ‘land’ (cf. Russ. страна - сторона).
-dari a small animal (flying squirrel): Tung. *ǯ(i)arami ( ~ d-); Mong.
*ǯirke; Turk. *jar- / *jer-; Jpn. *(d)ìtàti; Kor. *tằràmí.
PTung. *ǯ(i)arami ( ~ d-) otter (выдра): Ork. daramị(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 198. An isolated Orok word, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯirke chipmuck (Tamias sibiricus Laxmann) (Gomb.) (бурундук): WMong. ǯirke (MXTTT); Kh. žirx; Bur. žerxi; Kalm. ǯirxə
(КРС).
◊ Not from Evk. ǯeleki ‘ermine’, pace Аникин 184.
PTurk. *jar- / *jer- bat (летучая мышь): Karakh. jersgü, jerise (MK
Chigil); Tur. jarasa, jarasɨk; Gag. jarasa; Az. jarasa; Turkm. jarasa (dial.),
jarɣānat; Sal. jeresen; MTurk. jarasa (AH), jar-qanat (Ettuhf.); Uzb.
jɔr-qanɔt; Krm. jeri qanatɨ; Tat. jar-qanat; Bashk. jar-ɣanat; Kirgh.
ǯar-ɣanat; Kaz. žar-qanat; KKalp. žar-ɣanat; Kum. jar-qanat; Nogh.
jar-ɣanat; Khak. čar-xanat; Oyr. jar-ɣanat, ar-ɣanat; Tv. ča’sqɨ; Chuv.
śara-śerźi; Yak. sar kɨnat.
◊ EDT 972, VEWT 189, TMN 4, 143, ЭСТЯ 4, 140-141, Лексика 168. The word is etymologically difficult because of the unclear suffix *-sa / *-se attested in early forms and
some of the modern reflexes. In most modern languages the word is folk-etymologically
rebuilt as *jarɨ-Kiajnat ‘film-wing’ (or ‘naked sparrow’ in Chuv.).
PJpn. *(d)ìtàtì Mustela itatsi itatsi, kolinsky (колонок, ласка): OJpn.
itati; MJpn. ìtàti; Tok. ìtachi, itachí; Kyo. ítàchì; Kag. itachí.
◊ JLTT 427. Tokyo reflects a tone variation between *(d)ìtàtì and *(d)ìtátí.
PKor. *tằràmí flying squirrel (белка-летяга): MKor. tằràmí; Mod. taram-čwi.
◊ Nam 135, KED 382.
‖ Лексика 168. Low tone in Jpn. does not correspond to Kor. (but cf.
different dialectal variants). The root must have denoted some small
rodent, possibly a flying squirrel (which could explain the meaning
‘bat’ in Turkic). One should also mention PM *ǯaraɣa ‘hedgehog, porcupine’ = Karakh. jarpuz ‘mongoose’, possibly derived from the same
root. A different etymology of the Turkic word (comparing it with Evk.
ńarbakin ‘naked’ and deriving from a *ńarV ‘naked skin’, see Stachowski 1999) seems less likely to us.
-dòge good, better: Mong. *ǯaɣa; Turk. *jẹg-; Jpn. *d-; Kor. *tjōh-.
PMong. *ǯaɣa good, well (ладно, хорошо): MMong. ǯa’arin (SH)
‘omen’; WMong. ǯaɣa, (L 1022: zaɣa-bala ‘for certain’); Kh. ʒā; Bur. zā;
Kalm. zā, zǟ, ǯǟ; Ord. ǯā; Dag. ǯē, ǯā (Тод. Даг. 143), ǯē (MD 176); Dong.
*dokt῾V - *dúblu
479
ǯa; S.-Yugh. ǯa; Mongr. āri ‘signe par lequel la divinité manifeste sa
volonté’ (SM 83), ē-le- ‘consentir’ (SM 87).
◊ KW 469, MGCD 416.
PTurk. *jẹg- 1 better 2 upper part, surface (1 лучше, лучший 2
верх, поверхность): OTurk. jeg 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jeg 1 (MK);
Tur. jeɣ, jej 1; Az. jeg (dial.) 1; Turkm. jeg 1; MTurk. jik 1 (AH); Chuv. śi,
śije 2.
◊ EDT 909-910, VEWT 194, ЭСТЯ 4, 165-166, TMN 4, 184-185, Федотов 2, 115-116.
PJpn. *d- good (хороший): OJpn. jo-; MJpn. jò-; Tok. í-, yó-; Kyo. ḕ;
Kag. yò-.
◊ JLTT 845.
PKor. *tjōh- good (хороший): MKor. tjōh-; Mod. čō- [čōh-].
◊ Nam 162, KED 1488.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 103, 275. Despite the meaning of the Chuvash form
(“up”) the Turk. root should be rather compared with this Korean and
Japanese data than with Mong. degde- ‘rise’ etc. (see VEWT 194 with
literature). On the latter root see under *tēga. The Mong. vocalism in
*ǯaɣa is somewhat aberrant: it is probably a result of early vowel assimilation < *ǯiɣa (the variants ǯiɣa- and ǯaɣa- in WMong. interchange
frequently).
-dokt῾V ( ~ t-) socks, stockings: Tung. *dokta; Mong. *degtej.
PTung. *dokta-n socks, stockings (носки, чулки): Evk. dokton; Evn.
dōtn; Neg. dokton; Ul. doqto(n); Ork. doqto(n); Nan. doqto(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 213.
PMong. *degtej fur stockings (унты, меховые чулки): WMong. degtei; Kh. degtī (Амаржаргал).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-dúblu ( ~ -a) a k. of predator: Tung. *dolbi; Mong. *ǯilar; Turk.
*jolbars.
PTung. *dolbi fox (лиса): Man. dobi; SMan. ovi (2207); Jurch. dolbi
(153) , do-bi (151).
◊ ТМС 1, 211.
PMong. *ǯilar cat (кошка): WMong. ǯilar (МXTTT); Kh. ǯalar.
◊ Sukhebaatar derives the word from Tib. byi la ‘cat’, but the final -r is hard to explain.
PTurk. *jolbars panther, leopard, tiger (пантера, леопард, тигр):
OTurk. jolbars (OUygh.: Suv.); Turkm. jolbars; MTurk. jolbars (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jọlbars; Uygh. jolbars; Tat. julbarɨs; Bashk. julbarɨϑ; Kirgh. ǯolbars;
Kaz. žolbarɨs; KKalp. žolbarɨs; Nogh. jolbarɨs.
*dŭlgu - *dlu
480
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 219, Лексика 157. The Turkic form is analysed as ‘road panther’ which is
most probably a folk etymology (under the influence of the borrowed bars ‘panther’):
even if one takes jol with a secondary late attested meaning ‘line, stripe’, shortness of -oin Turkm. contradicts the etymology (*jōl ‘road’ has a long vowel).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-dŭlgu ( ~ -a) a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *dulgikta; Mong. *dolugana;
Turk. *jɨlgun.
PTung. *dulgi-kta alder (ольха): Evk. dulgik; Evn. döktъ; Orch. duggimtu; Ud. dugumpe (Корм. 228), duɣumne.
◊ ТМС 1, 222.
PMong. *dolugana hawthorn, mayflower (боярышник): WMong.
doluɣana, doluɣuna, dolunu (L 260); Kh. dolōgono; Bur. dolōgono; Kalm.
dolānə.
◊ KW 94. Mong. > Yak. doloɣon etc. (see TMN 4, 315, ЭСТЯ 3, 269-270, Лексика
123-124).
PTurk. *jɨlgun tamarisk (тамариск): Karakh. jɨlɣun (MK); Tur. ɨlɣɨn;
Az. julɣun; Turkm. jɨlɣun, jɨlɣɨn; MTurk. jɨlɣɨn (Houts.), julɣun (Pav. C.);
Uzb. julɣun; Uygh. žulɣun; Kirgh. ǯɨlɣɨn, ǯɨlɣam; Kaz. žɨŋɣɨl; KKalp.
žɨŋɣɨl; SUygh. julɣum, jolɣam.
◊ VEWT 165, 200, EDT 926, ЭСТЯ 4, 277-278, Лексика 134. Kaz. > Russ. dial. džengil’, see Аникин 183-184.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-dlu warm: Tung. *dūl-; Mong. *dulaɣan; Turk. *jɨlɨ-g; Jpn. *dù.
PTung. *dūl- to warm (of sun) (пригревать (о солнце)): Evk. dūl-;
Evn. dl-.
◊ ТМС 1, 221.
PMong. *dulaɣan warm (теплый): MMong. dula’an ‘hot, sunheat’
(HY 6); WMong. dulaɣan (L 272); Kh. dulān; Bur. dulān; Kalm. dulān;
Ord. dulān; Dag. dulān (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 138); S.-Yugh. dulān (MGCD
dəlān).
◊ KW 101-102, MGCD 237.
PTurk. *jɨlɨ-g warm (теплый): OTurk. jɨlɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨlɨɣ,
ɨlɨɣ (MK); Tur. ɨlɨk; Gag. ɨlɨ; Az. ilɨG ‘warmish’; Turkm. jɨlɨ; Sal. jili;
MTurk. ɨlɨq, jɨlɨq (Abush., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. iliq; Uygh. ilman; Krm. jɨlɨ;
Tat. ǯɨlɨ; Bashk. jɨlɨ; Kirgh. ǯɨluu; Kaz. žɨlɨ; KBalk. žɨlɨ; KKalp. žɨllɨ; Kum.
jɨlɨ; Nogh. jɨlɨ; SUygh. ilɨɣ; Khak. čɨlɨɣ; Shr. čɨlɨ- (v.); Oyr. ɨlu; Tv. čɨlɨɣ;
Tof. čɨlɨɣ; Yak. sɨlās; Dolg. hɨlās.
◊ Derived from *jɨlɨ- ‘to be warm’. See VEWT 200, EDT 919, 925, ЭСТЯ 4, 275-276,
Лексика 21, Stachowski 118.
PJpn. *dù warm water (теплая вода): OJpn. ju; MJpn. ju; Tok. yú;
Kyo. yū; Kag. yù.
◊ JLTT 578.
*dup῾ú - *dṓn(e)k῾V
481
‖ EAS 51, KW 102, Владимирцов 174, Poppe 23, 75, JOAL 85,
ОСНЯ 1, 221-222, Murayama 1962, 108, АПиПЯЯ 51, 72, 284, Дыбо 11,
Лексика 21. Despite Щербак 1997, 124, Mong. cannot be explained as a
Turkic loanword, and despite Doerfer MT 72 the TM and Mong. forms
should be regarded as genuinely related. Note that several forms reflect
an original derivative *dūl(u)-gV (Turk., Mong. and Jpn. *dù < *dul-gu).
-dup῾ú wing, fin: Mong. *ǯiber; Jpn. *tumpasa.
PMong. *ǯiber 1 fish fin 2 wing (1 рыбий плавник 2 крыло):
WMong. ǯiber (L 1048) 1; Kh. ǯiver 1; Bur. žeber 2; Kalm. ǯiwr (КРС) 1, 2.
PJpn. *tumpasa wing (крыло): OJpn. tubasa; MJpn. túbásà; Tok.
tsúbasa; Kyo. tsùbásà; Kag. tsubasá.
◊ JLTT 552. Accent not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to *tùmpásà.
‖ JOAL 98. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps Tuva čakpa ( < *japka)
‘fin’.
-dṑ ( ~ t-) inside, middle: Tung. *dō; Mong. *do- / *du-; Kor. *tắi.
PTung. *dō inside (внутренность): Evk. dō; Evn. dō; Neg. dō(n);
Man. do; SMan. do-, o- (2586-2589); Jurch. do-lo (600); Ul. dō; Ork. dō;
Nan. dō; Orch. dō; Ud. dō (Корм. 227); Sol. dō-.
◊ ТМС 1, 209-210.
PMong. *do- / *du- 1 inside 2 middle, mediocre 3 middle (1 внутри
2 средний, посредственный 3 середина): MMong. dotora (HY 50),
dotona (SH) 1, dutar, dutură (MA) 1, dunda (HY 50, SH) 2, dumda, donda
(IM), dundă (MA) 3; WMong. do-tur(a) 1 (L 265), du-li 2, du-mda 3 (L
273); Kh. dotor 1, duĺ 2, dund 3; Bur. dosō 1, dunda 3; Kalm. dotr 1, dundə
3; Ord. dotor 1, dunda 3; Mog. dotōna 1, dunda 3; ZM dotana (4-3a) 1,
donda (9-1b) 3; Dag. duatar, dotor 1, duanda 3, duande (MD 137) 3; Dong.
tudoro, sudoro 1, dunda 3; Bao. dorə; S.-Yugh. hdoro 1, dunda 3; Mongr.
turo (SM 434), šduro, tudor (SM 427) 1, dunda (SM 64) 3.
◊ KW 97,102, MGCD 227, 237. Mong. du-li > Evk. dulin etc., see ТМС 1, 222-223; Doerfer MT 20; Rozycki 63.
PKor. *tắi place, inside (место, внутренность): MKor. tắi; Mod. te.
◊ Nam 147, KED 454.
‖ ТМС 1, 210, Rozycki 61. One of the few monosyllabic roots in PA.
-dṓn(e)k῾V withers, back: Tung. *doŋka; Mong. *döŋ(ge); Turk. *jōnak;
Kor. *tŋ.
PTung. *doŋka saddle (for children or horses) (седло (детское; конское)): Evk. doŋqa.
◊ТМС 1, 216. Attested only in Evk. and rather problematic. It matches phonetically
Evn. dōŋqn, Nan. dōŋqo (On.) ‘place where wild birds roost’, derived in ТМС 1, 211
from *dō- ‘to sit down’. Let us note, however, that the verb means exclusively ‘sit down
(of birds), roost’, so the meaning ‘saddle’ is hardly derivable from it. We may well be
dealing with a secondary semantic contamination in Nan. and Evn.
482
*dōre - *dōre
PMong. *döŋ(ge) 1 neck cangue 2 prop, support (1 шейная колодка 2 подпорка): WMong. döŋge 1, döŋ 2 (L 267, 268); Kh. döngö 1; Bur.
dünge 1; Kalm. döŋ 2; Ord. döŋgö 1; Dag. duŋgu (MGCD 229).
◊ KW 99.
PTurk. *jōnak saddleblanket (потник): Karakh. jonaq (MK); Turkm.
jōna; MTurk. jona, juna (Houts., Pav. C.); Kaz. žona (dial.); KKalp. žona;
SUygh. junaq; Oyr. jonoq; Tv. čonaq.
◊ VEWT 206, 211, EDT 949, ЭСТЯ 4, 222-223, Лексика 543.
PKor. *tŋ back (спина): MKor. tŋ; Mod. tɨŋ.
◊ Liu 255, KED 546.
‖ The Kor. word is alternatively compared with Mong. tüŋke ‘muscles of the back’ (SKE 268, EAS 49, 120) - but we were unable to find the
word in available sources.
-dōre to go, walk, approach: Tung. *dūrē-; Mong. *dürbe-; Turk. *jorɨ- /
*jüri-; Jpn. *dr-.
PTung. *dūrē- 1 to walk, wander (off) 2 to run 3 to leap, gallop (1
идти пешком, бродить 2 бежать 3 прыгать, скакать): Evk. dūrē- 1,
dūrēŋi-3; Evn. ǯūre-nǯid- 1; Neg. dūjē- 1; Man. ǯura- 1; SMan. ǯura- ‘to
start, to set out, to leave’ (1173); Nan. duere- 1; Ul. duere- 1; Ork. dūruŋu3; Orch. due-, duwe- 1; Ud. due- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 226, 277, 278. Variants with ǯ- are not quite clear.
PMong. *dürbe- to run (in panic) (бежать (в панике)): MMong.
durbe- (SH, HYt); WMong. dürbe-, (L 281) dürbi-; Kh. dürve-.
PTurk. *jorɨ- / *jüri- to walk (ходить): OTurk. jorɨ- (Orkh., OUygh.),
jüri- (Orkh.); Karakh. jor(ɨ)- (MK, KB), jüri- ~ jöri- (KB); Tur. jürü-; Gag.
jörü-; Az. jeri-, jürü-; Turkm. jör(e)-; Sal. jür-; MTurk. jüri- ~ jöri- (MA),
jürü- (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jur-; Uygh. žür- (jür-), jörü-; Krm. juru-, jürü-;
Tat. jörü-, jör-; Bashk. jörö-; Kirgh. ǯür(ü)-; Kaz. žür-; KBalk. žür(ü)-;
KKalp. žür-; Kum. juru-, jürü-; Nogh. jür(ü)-; SUygh. jor-, ǯor-, jör-, jür-;
Khak. čör-; Shr. čör-; Oyr. or-; Tv. čor(u)-; Tof. čoru-; Chuv. śüre-; Yak.
sɨrɨt-; Dolg. hɨrɨt-.
◊ VEWT 207, 213, EDT 957-8, ЭСТЯ 4, 229-231, TMN 4, 217-218, Stachowski 120.
Clauson regards both forms together, but notes that jorɨ- is attested earlier than jür(i)-.
PJpn. *dr- to approach (приближаться, подходить): OJpn. jor-;
MJpn. jór-; Tok. yòr-; Kyo. yór-; Kag. yór-.
◊ JLTT 787.
‖ EAS 52, АПиПЯЯ 284, Дыбо 13. The frequently compared with
Turk. WMong. ǯorči- ‘to ride, wander’ (see KW 476, Владимирцов 187,
VEWT 207), is most likely a loanword (ǯorči- < *ǯorti-, from the Turk.
derived form *jor(ɨ)t- (ЭСТЯ 4, 226-227); cf. also *jorɨga ‘pedestrian; ambler’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 225) > WMong. ǯiruɣa, see VEWT 207, KW 115, TMN 4,
152, whence Yak., Dolg. ǯoruo, see Kał. MEJ 23, 35, Stachowski 91)),
*dòru - *dòru
483
*jorɨ- > WMong. ǯori- ‘to head (somewhere)’ (KW 478; hence Man. ǯori-,
see Doerfer MT 115); see Щербак 1997, 125. Note that Doerfer’s criticism (TMN 4, 219-220) of the Tung.-Turk. comparison is unacceptable.
However, an archaic opposition of two roots (with *d- and *ǯ-) cannot
be excluded: besides a peculiar variation *jorɨ-/ *jüri- in PT note also the
tonal mismatch between PT *dūr- and PJ *dr-.
-dòru rule, permission: Tung. *dora(n); Mong. *dura-; Turk. *jor-; Jpn.
*dùrù-.
PTung. *dora-n law (закон): Man. doron; SMan. dorən ‘official
rank’(1047); Jurch. doro-un (255); Ul. doro(n); Ork. doro(n); Nan. dorõ;
Orch. doro(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 216-217. Borrowing from Mong. töre is excluded, despite Rozycki 62.
PMong. *dura- 1 will, intent; 2 wish, desire, liking 3 to wish, love (1
воля, намерение 2 желание, симпатия 3 любить; желать): MMong.
durat- ‘to hope, consider’ (HY 33), durala- 3 (HYt), dura(n) (SH), dura(n)
(MA) 1; WMong. dura (L 274) 1; Kh. dur 1,2, durla- 3; Bur. dura(n) 1,
durla- 3; Kalm. durn 1; Ord. dura 1; Mog. dɔrɔn 2 (Weiers); ZM dorn
(5-5a) 1; Dag. duar (Тод. Даг. 137) 1, duare 1, duarele- 3 (MD 138); Dong.
duran 1; S.-Yugh. dura 1; Mongr. durān (SM 66) 1.
◊ KW 103, MGCD 238.
PTurk. *jor- to explain, interpret (a dream) (толковать (сон)):
Karakh. jor- (MK, KB); Tur. jor-, jora-; Turkm. jor-; MTurk. jor- (AH,
Pav. C.); Uygh. ǯoru-; Krm. jor-, jora-; Tat. jura-; Bashk. jura-; Kirgh.
ǯoro-, ǯoru-; Kaz. žor-; KKalp. žorɨ-; Nogh. jorɨ-.
◊ EDT 955, VEWT 208, ЭСТЯ 4, 223-224. Turk. > Mong. jor- (Щербак 1997, 125). The
root should be distinguished from *jȫr- ‘to untie, release’ (Yak. süör-, OT jör-) - the latter is
different both phonetically and semantically, although it can, through contamination,
also attain the meaning ‘to interpret’ (thus in MK and OUygh.).
PJpn. *dùrù- 1 to be allowed 2 to allow (1 быть разрешенным 2
разрешать, позволять): OJpn. jurus- 2; MJpn. jùrù- 1, jùrùs- 2; Tok.
yurús- 2; Kyo. yùrùs-; Kag. yùrùs-.
◊ JLTT 788.
‖ An interesting common Altaic root, with the original meaning reconstructable perhaps as ‘interpretation (of desires or intentions)’ and
thus ‘permission, rule’.
-dòru weak, slack, emaciated: Tung. *duru-; Mong. *doru; Turk. *jor-;
Jpn. *dùrù-.
PTung. *duru- to become worn out, old (одряхлеть): Man. duru-.
◊ ТМС 1, 225. Attested only in Manchu, but having reliable external parallels.
PMong. *doru weak, feeble, emaciated (слабый, истощенный):
WMong. doru, dorui (L 263); Kh. dor, doroj; Bur. doroj; Kalm. dorū;
Mongr. durī.
484
*dorVkV - *dle
◊ KW 96, MGCD 226.
PTurk. *jor- to tire, tired (уставать, усталый): Tur. jor-, jorul-, jorɣun;
Gag. jorul-, jorɣun; Az. jor-, jorul-, jorɣun; Turkm. jor-, jorɣun; MTurk.
jorul- (Ettuhf., AH), jorɣun (Pav. C.); Krm. jorul-, jorɣun; Kum. jorul-.
◊ VEWT 207, ЭСТЯ 4, 223.
PJpn. *dùrù- slack, languid, quiet (вялый, расслабленный, спокойный): OJpn. juru-, jura-; MJpn. jùrù-; Tok. yurú-; Kyo. yúrù-; Kag. yurú-.
◊ JLTT 845.
‖ The root is homonymous with *dòru ‘rule, permission’, but hardly
has anything in common with it etymologically.
-dorVkV a k. of badger: Tung. *d[o]riken; Mong. *dorugun; Turk.
*jorukan.
PTung. *d[o]rike- 1 lynx 2 a k. of bear 3 wild boar (1 рысь 2 вид
медведя 3 дикая свинья): Evn. deriken 2; Neg. dejexe 1; Man. dorGori 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 230, 237, 217.
PMong. *dorugun badger (барсук): MMong. dūrqan (LH); WMong.
doroɣon, doruɣu(n), dorɣu (L 262, 263); Kh. dorgo; Bur. dorgon; Ord. dorGo.
◊ Mong. > Evk. dorokon etc., see Doerfer MT 39, Rozycki 62.
PTurk. *jorukan 1 badger 2 suslik (1 барсук 2 суслик): Khak. čoraxa
(Radl.); Oyr. joroqon (Radl.).
◊ VEWT 207. Turk. > WMong. ǯoruɣan, ǯoruqan, Kalm. zorɣən, zorxən (KW 476).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-dubi ( ~ t-) skilled, accustomed: Tung. *dub-; Mong. *düj.
PTung. *dub- to get accustomed (привыкать, приучаться): Evk.
dū-; Evn. d-; Man. dubi-; Jurch. tu-bi-ba tei-bew ‘fixed habits’ (784).
◊ ТМС 1, 217-218.
PMong. *düj 1 skill, dexterity 2 to be right or correct (1 умение,
сноровка 2 быть верным, правильным): WMong. düi 1, düi- 2 (L 279);
Kh. düj 1, düj- 2; Bur. düj 1.
◊ Despite Lessing ibid., düji- is hardly < Chinese.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-dle night: Tung. *dolba; Mong. *düli-; Jpn. *duà, *duà-rû.
PTung. *dolba night (ночь): Evk. dolbonī; Evn. dolb; Neg. dolbon;
Man. dobori; SMan. ovərə ‘night, evening’ (2661); Jurch. dol-wo (78); Ul.
dolbo; Ork. dolboni; Nan. dolbo; Orch. dobbo; Ud. dogbo; Sol. dolbo.
◊ ТМС 1, 213-214.
PMong. *düli- to spend the night (without sleep) (проводить ночь
(без сна)): WMong. düli- (L 280); Kh. düle-; Kalm. dül-; Ord. düli-; Dag.
dule- (MD 139).
◊ KW 105. Mong. > Man. duli- etc., see ТМС 1, 223, Rozycki 63.
PJpn. *duà, *duà-rû night (ночь): OJpn. jwo(ru); MJpn. jò(rú); Tok.
yóru; Kyo. yòru; Kag. yorú.
*dli - *dŭŕi
485
◊ JLTT 575, 577.
‖ Murayama 1962, 108, АПиПЯЯ 71, 97, 276 (but the Turkic parallels listed there should be rejected). PJ *duà reflects a suffixed form <
*dl(e)-gV (-bV).
-dli mad, crazy: Tung. *dulbu-; Mong. *dülei; Turk. *jǖl-; Kor. *tor.
PTung. *dulbu- 1 stupid, dumb 2 deaf (1 глупый 2 глухой): Evk.
dulbu-n 1; Evn. dụlbụr 1; Man. dulba 1; Ork. dụl-dụl 1; Nan. dulbi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 221-222.
PMong. *dülei deaf (глухой): MMong. dulaiji (HY 49), dolä (IM),
duläi (MA), dūli (LH); WMong. dülei (L 280); Kh. dülij; Bur. dülij; Kalm.
dül; Ord. dülī; Dag. dulī (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 139); Dong. dulei; Bao. dəli;
S.-Yugh. delī-; Mongr. dulī (SM 64).
◊ KW 105, MGCD 244. Mong. > Kaz. dülej etc. (ЭСТЯ 3, 324-325).
PTurk. *jǖl- 1 to be mad, crazy 2 anger 3 to be sexually excited (1
сходить с ума 2 гнев 3 быть в состоянии полового возбуждения):
Oyr. ül- 1; Chuv. śilə 2; Yak. sǖl- 3.
◊ VEWT 213, ЭСТЯ 4, 33. Chuv. > Hung. gyűlöl ‘be angry’. Forms like Kirgh. ǯȫlü-,
Uygh. ǯölü- ‘to go mad, speak in one’s sleep’ are obviously < Mong. ǯeɣüle-, but the Chuv.
and Yak. forms, as well as the Oyr. form ül- seem to be archaic.
PKor. *tor wicked, base, wild (дикий, грубый): Mod. tol; tul- ‘stupid; clumsy’.
◊ KED 478, 509, 510.
‖ SKE 272, Lee 1958, 108.
-dure ( ~ t-, -ŕ-, -i) to burn, set fire: Tung. *dur-; Mong. *dür-.
PTung. *dur- 1 to burn, blaze, flame 2 to set fire (1 гореть, пылать 2
разводить огонь): Evn. dur- 1; Man. dobu- 2; Ul. durǯegdeli- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 211, 224-225. Man. dobu- < *dur-bu- = Evn. durъb-.
PMong. *dür- to blaze, flame (вспыхивать, пылать): WMong.
dürbelǯe- (L 281); Kh. dürelʒe-, dürsxij-; Bur. dürge-, düre-; Kalm. dürwə-;
Mog. dürgä-, dürü- (Ramstedt 1906).
◊ KW 106.
‖ Poppe 22. Мудрак Дисс. 185. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but despite
Doerfer MT 147, hardly a loanword in TM.
-dŭŕi ring: Tung. *dur-; Mong. *dörü; Turk. *jüŕ-.
PTung. *dur- 1 a k. of bracelet 2 stirrup 3 saddle (for children) (1
вид браслета 2 стремя 3 седло (детское)): Evk. durēki 2; Ork. dūrēke 3;
Nan. durǯi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 217, 225. The word for ‘stirrup’ (cf also Sol. durēŋki id., see ТМС 1, 226) may
be a Mongolian borrowing, see Doerfer MT 126.
PMong. *dörü 1 ring in bull’s nose 2 stirrup (1 кольцо в носу у быка 2 стремя): MMong. doro’e (HY 18), dorebči (SH) 1, durǟ (IM) 2;
WMong. dörü 1, dörüge 2 (L 269); Kh. dör 1, dörȫ 2; Bur. düre 1, dürȫ 2;
486
*dŭŕi - *dŭŕi
Kalm. dör 1, dör 2; Ord. dörö 1, dörȫ 2; Dag. durēŋǵ 2 (Тод. Даг. 138
durēŋgi); S.-Yugh. durē 2; Mongr. durō (SM 67), durōm ‘anneau, boucle’
(MGCD 230).
◊ KW 99, MGCD 230.
PTurk. *jüŕ- 1 finger ring 2 joint 3 stirrup (*üŕeŋgü < *jüŕeŋgü) (1
кольцо (на палец) 2 сустав (пальцевый) 3 стремя): Karakh. jüzük 1
(MK), üzeŋü 3 (KB); Tur. jüzük 1, üzengi 3; Gag. jüzük, üzük 1; Az. üzük 1;
Turkm. jüzük 1, üzeŋŋi 3; MTurk. jüzük 1 (AH, Ettuhf.), üzük 1 (Pav. C.,
Abush.); Uzb. uzuk 1; Uygh. üzük 1; Krm. jüzük, üzük, ezik, izik 1; Tat.
jözek 1; Bashk. jöδök 1; Kirgh. ǯüzük 1; Kaz. žüzik 1; KBalk. ǯüzük, züzük
1; KKalp. žüzik 1; Kum. jüzük 1; Nogh. jüzik 1; Khak. čüstük 1; Shr.
čüstük 1; Oyr. jüstük, üstük 1; Tv. čü’stük 1, čüs 2; Chuv. śəₙrəₙ 1, jъrana
3; Yak. sühüöx 2, iheŋe 3; Dolg. hühüök 2.
◊ EDT 986, VEWT 214, TMN 2, 146,147-148, ЭСТЯ 1, 623-625, 4, 260, 261-262, Егоров
212, Лексика 548-549, Stachowski 115. Turk. > Hung. gyűrű (see Lig. MNyTK 77-79). The
reason of *j- > 0- in the PT name of “stirrup” ( < *”ring-formed”) is unclear (irregular
change in a long form?).
‖ KW 99, Poppe 23, Лексика 549. A Western isogloss.
E
-é that (deictic root): Tung. *e-; Mong. *e-ne; Turk. *ạ(-n); Jpn. *á-; Kor.
*ā-mò.
PTung. *e- this (этот): Evk. er, eri; Evn. er; Neg. ej; Man. ere; SMan.
erə (2881); Jurch. e(r)se (854); Ul. ej; Ork. eri; Nan. ei; Orch. ei; Ud. eji; Sol.
er.
◊ ТМС 2, 460-462.
PMong. *e-ne this (этот): MMong. ene (SH, HYt), enɛ (IM), in
(MA); WMong. ene (L 316); Kh. ene; Bur. ene; Kalm. enə; Ord. ene; Mog.
enä; ZM ena (13-6a); Dag. ene (Тод. Даг. 139); Dong. ene; Bao. ene, ine;
S.-Yugh. ene; Mongr. ne.
◊ KW 122, MGCD 262.
PTurk. *ạn- that (obl.cases) 2 here, look (part.) (тот (основа косв. падежей) 2 вот, тут): OTurk. an-ta (loc.), aŋ-ar (dat.) (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. an-da (loc.), oŋ-a (dat.) (MK, KB); Turkm. ana 2; Sal. an-dɨ (loc.),
aŋ-a (dat.); Khal. ärä ‘that side’ (vocalism under influence of bärä ‘this
side’); MTurk. an-da (loc.), aŋ-a (dat.) (Babur); Krm. an-da (loc.), an-ar
(dat.); Tat. an-da (loc.), aŋ-a (dat.), an-ar (dat.) (Mish.); Bashk. an-ta, an-da
(loc.), aŋ-a (dat.); Kirgh. an-ta (loc.), a-(ɣ)a (dat.); KBalk. an-da (loc.),
aŋ-ɣa (dat.); SUygh. a (nom.); Khak. an-da (loc.), a-ɣaa (dat.); Shr. an-da
(loc.), a-(ɣ)a (dat.); Oyr. an-da (loc.), o-(ɣ)o (dat.); Tv. ɨn-da (loc.), a(ŋ)-a
(dat.); Tof. ɨn-da (loc.), a(ŋ)-a (dat.); Chuv. on-da (loc.), ъₙn-a (dat.); Yak.
ana-rā 2.
◊ VEWT 19, EDT 165, ЭСТЯ 1, 147-150, 157. In OT and most modern languages the
root a(n)- acts as an oblique stem for ol ‘that’ (as well as a deriving stem for pronominal
adverbs). Only in SUygh. a- is the direct stem.
PJpn. *á- that (тот): MJpn. a-; Tok. à-re, à-no; Kyo. áre.
◊ JLTT 376.
PKor. *ā-mò someone, some (кто-то, некоторый): MKor. āmò (cf.
also n ‘some, someone’, àrắm ‘oneself’); Mod. āmu.
◊ Nam 337, KED 1072.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 111-112, 277; EAS 126, KW 122, АПиПЯЯ 56, 292, Doerfer MT 21, Rozycki 70.
488
*e - *ĕbà
-e not: Tung. *e-; Mong. *e-se.
PTung. *e- not (не (отрицательный глагол)): Evk. e-; Evn. e-; Neg.
e-; Jurch. ej-xe (476), esi(n)-in (710); Ul. e-; Ork. e-; Nan. e-; Orch. e-; Ud.
e-; Sol. e-.
◊ ТМС 2, 432.
PMong. *e-se not (не): MMong. ese (SH, HYt), ise (IM), is() (MA);
WMong. ese (L 333); Kh. es; Bur. ehe; Kalm. es; Ord. ese; Mog. sa, sɛ; ZM
eϑϑä (27-7a); Dag. es (Тод. Даг. 140); Dong. ese; Bao. se; Mongr. sə, sī.
◊ KW 128, MGCD 272.
‖ Poppe 65, KW 128, ОСНЯ 1, 265, АПиПЯЯ 44, 291. A
Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-èbà to join, meet: Tung. *ebu-re-; Mong. *aɣu-lǯa-; Turk. *ab-; Jpn. *àp-;
Kor. *àbór-.
PTung. *ebu-re- 1 to meet 2 to wait (1 встречать 2 ждать): Ul.
eureči- 1, 2; Nan. ērūče- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 471.
PMong. *aɣu-lǯa- to meet, join (встречаться, объединяться):
MMong. a’ulǯa-, a’ulča- (SH), a’ulǯa- (HYt) ‘to have an audience of a
khan’; WMong. aɣulǯa- (L 17); Kh. ūlʒa-; Bur. ūlza-; Kalm. ūlzə-; Ord.
ūlǯa-; Dag. aulǯi- (Тод. Даг. 122), auleǯi (MD 116).
◊ KW 454, MGCD 663, TMN 1, 169. A variant with h- is attested in the Leiden manuscript (hawulǯarin ‘present’), but this is certainly not the reason for reconstructing
*haɣu-lǯa- - against the overwhelming weight of other Middle Mong. sources and Dagur;
it should be rather compared with Mongr. fūla- ‘offrir, sacrifier’ (105) (further perhaps to
*hab ‘sorcery’ q. v. sub *p῾ăp῾a).
PTurk. *ab- to crowd, come together (собираться, встречаться):
OTurk. av- (OUygh.); Karakh. av- (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 4, 10, ДТС 69.
PJpn. *àp- to meet, join, fit, agree (встречать; соединяться, подходить): OJpn. ap-; MJpn. àf-; Tok. á-; Kyo. à-; Kag. à-.
◊ JLTT 679.
PKor. *àbór- to unite, join (объединять, соединять): MKor. à’ór-;
Mod. aulɨ-, əulɨ-.
◊ Nam 340, KED 1076, 1134.
‖ SKE 12, Martin 234, Ozawa 167-168. An attempt of Doerfer (TMN
1, 173) to disprove Ramstedt’s etymology (by supposing *h- in Mong.)
is unsuccessful. Korean has a low tone, typical for the verbal subsystem.
-ĕbà to winnow, fan: Tung. *ebiri-; Turk. *ebis-; Jpn. *apu-.
PTung. *ebiri- to shuffle, hoard (сгребать, смахивать): Evn. ewerge
‘two-paddled oar’; Nan. ebiri-.
◊ ТМС 2, 433.
*éba(-ku) - *bè
489
PTurk. *ebi-s- to winnow, blow (веять): Karakh. evüs- (MK); Tur.
evis-; Az. äs-; Turkm. övüs-, ös-; Khal. häp(i)s-, häs-; Chuv. avъs-.
◊ EDT 15, VEWT 49, ЭСТЯ 1, 553-554. Cf. also *epki-n ‘cool wind, gust of wind’ (Лексика 42). The form es-, attested already in MK (see EDT 240, ЭСТЯ ibid.) is possibly a
contraction of *ebs-.
PJpn. *apu- to blow, fan (раздувать, обвевать): MJpn. afu-r-, afu-t-;
Tok. aór-; Kyo. áór-; Kag. aór-.
◊ JLTT 676. Accent not quite clear: Kyoto and Tokyo point to *àpùr-, but Kagoshima to *ápúr-.
‖ The root is not widely represented, but seems quite reliable. A derivative *ĕbà-rV is reflected in Nan. ebiri- = OJ apu-t-, apu-r-.
-éba(-ku) marshmallow, hollyhock: Tung. *ebke-; Mong. *(h)abuga; Jpn.
*ápúpi; Kor. *à’ók.
PTung. *ebke- 1 heather 2 a k. of plant 3 hawthorn (1 вереск 2 вид
растения 3 боярышник): Evk. ebkemkirē 1; Neg. epkexin 2; Ul. ewxexi 2;
Ork. ewxexi 2; Nan. opokta 3; Orch. ewxexi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 22, 433.
PMong. *(h)abuga marshmallow (пастушья сумка): WMong. abuɣa
(МХТТТ); Kh. avga (МХТТТ).
◊ Mong. > Man. abuχa (ilχa) id.
PJpn. *ápúpi hollyhock (шток-роза): OJpn. apupji; MJpn. áfúfi; Tok.
àoi; Kyo. áóí; Kag. aói.
◊ JLTT 382.
PKor. *à’ók marshmallow (алтей аптечный или лекарственный
(Althaea officinalis)): MKor. à’ók; Mod. auk.
◊ Nam 340, KED 1076.
‖ Lee 1958, 105 (Man.-Kor.).
-bè to carry on the back: Tung. *ebe-; Mong. *eɣüre-; Jpn. *p-; Kor.
*p-.
PTung. *ebe- carry (on oneself) (переносить): Evk. ewe-; Nan. ịwarị‘to unload’; Orch. ewugi- ‘to bring’, iwa-dala- ‘to put a person on one’s
shoulder (in play)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 295, 2, 436.
PMong. *eɣüre- to carry on the back (нести на спине): MMong.
u’ur- (SH); WMong. eɣüre- (L 301: egür-, ügür-); Kh. ǖre-; Kalm. ǖr-;
S.-Yugh. orɣu-; Mongr. urgu-.
◊ KW 461, MGCD 686.
PJpn. *p- to carry on the back (нести на спине): OJpn. op-; MJpn.
òf-; Tok. ò-; Kyo. ò-; Kag. ó-.
◊ JLTT 743. Tone is controversial: RJ and Kyoto < *p-, but Tokyo and Kagoshima <
*p-.
PKor. *p- to carry on the back (нести на спине): MKor. p-; Mod.
əp-.
490
*ebí - *ebo
◊ Liu 554, KED 1149.
‖ Martin 238. Korean has a verbal low tone.
-ebí to be weak, to wither: Tung. *ebe-; Jpn. *impu-sia-; Kor. *bí-.
PTung. *ebe- 1 weak 2 to yield, be submitted 3 foolish, obstinate 4
lax, tarrying (1 слабый 2 уступать, подчиняться 3 глупый, упрямый
4 медлительный, расслабленный): Evk. ewe-ǯekin ‘едва-едва’; Man.
ebe-ri, ebi-lun 1; Ul. ebe-le 3; Ork. ebe-le 4; Nan. ebe-ri- 2; Orch. ebe-le 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 436. Some forms (esp. those in -ri) may be borrowed from Mongolian (see
under *apo), while the Ul. and Orok forms may be < Manchu (because of -b- instead of the
expected -w-).
PJpn. *i(m)pu-sia- in bad spirits, bad-mooded (в дурном настроении, расстроенный): OJpn. ibuse-; MJpn. ibuse-.
◊ JLTT 829.
PKor. *bí- 1 to be exhausted, hungry 2 to lack, be insufficient (1
быть истощенным, голодным 2 недоставать, не хватать): MKor. ’uí1, psìw-, ps- 2; Mod. p- [ps-].
◊ HMCH 95, Nam 369, KED 1150.
‖ PKE 59. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *àpo.
-èbla egg: Tung. *(x)elū-; Mong. *(h)eɣülde; Turk. *o(bɨ)l-duruk; Kor.
*árh.
PTung. *(x)elū- 1 to hatch 2 egg (1 высиживать яйца 2 яйцо): Evk.
elū- 1; Evn. olŋa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 15, 448. Cf. also Evk. elī-mektekēn, Sol. ēluxē ‘newborn child’.
PMong. *(h)eɣülder breed (порода): WMong. egülder (L 300); Kh.
ǖlder; Bur. ǖlter.
PTurk. *o(bɨ)l-duruk milt, roe (молоки, икра): Tur. oɣulduruk
‘womb, ovary’; Turkm. ovulduruq; MTurk. oɣulduruq (R - ShS); Uzb.
ɔvuldɨrɨq (dial.); Tat. uwuldɨq; Bashk. ɨwɨldɨrɨq (dial.); Kirgh. ulduruq; Kaz.
ulduruq, üldürük; Chuv. vəₙlǯəₙ.
◊ VEWT 358. Usually derived from *ogul ‘son’, which is rather dubious for external
reasons. See Мудрак Дисс. 146. Дыбо 156.
PKor. *árh egg (яйцо): MKor. ár (árh-); Mod. al.
◊ Nam 346, KED 1088.
‖ In Turk. *obɨl-duruk probably < *abɨl-duruk with secondary narrowing in a long wordform. Kor. *árh reflects a suffixed *èbla-gV.
-ebo enough, big: Tung. *ebi-; Mong. *(h)öɣ- / *(h)öb-; Kor. *ò’ắ-.
PTung. *ebi- 1 enough 2 to be satiated 3 greedy 4 to eat greedily (1
достаточно 2 насыщаться, наедаться): Evk. uwi- 2; Man. ebi- 2; Jurch.
oh-pih-leh 2; Ul. ebiri- 4, ebe-su(n) 3; Nan. ebe-sũ 3; Orch. eburi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 243, 433.
*ebVrV - *ḗbǯo
491
PMong. *(h)öɣ- / *(h)öb- 1 huge, big 2 complete, whole (1 громадный, большой 2 весь, целиком): WMong. ögelei 1 (L 631), öb-či 2 (L
627); Kh. ȫlij 1, övč 2.
PKor. *ò’ắ- whole, complete (целый, быть целым): MKor. ò’ắ-n,
ò’ắr-.
◊ Nam 381.
‖ Cf. PJ *p- ‘big’ which may reflect a merger of this root with *p῾o
q.v.
-ebVrV worm, snake: Tung. *ūre; Turk. *ebren; Jpn. *brtì ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *ūre 1 worm 2 snake (1 червь (дождевой) 2 змея): Evk. ūre
1; Neg. uje 1; Ul. were(n) 2; Ud. wē (Корм. 219), uje.
◊ ТМС 1, 132; 2, 289.
PTurk. *ebren snake (змея): Tur. (Osm.) evren ‘dragon’, cf. mod.
‘heaven vault’ ( < ῾snake-rainbow’ ?); Gag. ievrem ‘fiery snake’; MTurk.
MKypch. ewren ‘adder’ (Houts.); Chuv. vəₙre śəlen ‘dragon’ (lit. ‘hot
snake’), vereni (Bulg.).
◊ EDT 14.
PJpn. *brtì ( ~ -ua-) big snake (большая змея): OJpn. woroti;
MJpn. wòròtì, wòròdì; Tok. órochi; Kyo. óròchì; Kag. oróchi.
◊ JLTT 512. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ The Turkic form strongly suggests that PJ *brtì is a contraction of
a longer *brtì.
-ḗbǯo to see, understand: Tung. *eǯe-; Mong. *üǯe-; Turk. *ȫ(j)-.
PTung. *eǯe- to understand, remember (понимать, запоминать):
Man. eǯe-; SMan. eǯə- ‘to memorize’ (1866); Ul. eǯe-; Ork. ede-mu-; Nan.
eǯe-; Orch. eǯe-; Ud. egǯe-.
◊ ТМС 2, 439. TM > Dag. eǯi- (Тод. Даг. 138).
PMong. *üǯe- to see (видеть): MMong. uǯe- (HY 32, SH); uǯɛ- (IM),
uǯä-, huǯä- (MA); WMong. üǯe- (L 1014); Kh. üʒe-; Bur. üze-; Kalm. üz-;
Ord. üǯi-; Mog. üǯä-; ZM ouž (5-4b); Dag. uǯi- (Тод. Даг. 170, MD 231),
uǯ-; Dong. uǯe-; Bao. nǯe-; S.-Yugh. eǯe-; Mongr. ua- (SM 465), ue-.
◊ KW 460, MGCD 331, 689.
PTurk. *ȫ(j)- to think, understand (думать, понимать): OTurk. ö(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ö- (MK); Yak. üöj-.
◊ EDT 2-3, VEWT 368. Derived is probably *ȫ-g ‘thought’, *ȫg-re- ‘to learn’ (see ЭСТЯ
1, 496-498, 501-502, Stachowski 198, 252).
‖ A Western isogloss. The medial cluster with *-b- should be reconstructed in order to account for labialization in Turk. and Mong. However, the Turkic form may be alternatively compared with Mong. ojun
‘thought’ - if the latter is not related to PT *ōd ‘thought’ (as suggested
by Владимирцов 285 and supported in Мудрак Дисс. 103).
492
*éča - *ĕda
-éča early, morning: Tung. *esī; Jpn. *àsâ; Kor. *àčhắm.
PTung. *esī now, just now, not long ago (сейчас, только что, недавно): Evk. esī; Evn. esi-me; Neg. esī; Man. esi ‘yes, certainly’; Ul. esi;
Ork. esi; Nan. esi; Orch. esi; Ud. esi; Sol. eī.
◊ See ТМС 2, 467-468.
PJpn. *àsâ morning (утро): OJpn. asa; MJpn. àsà; Tok. ása; Kyo. àsâ;
Kag. asá.
◊ JLTT 384.
PKor. *àčhắm morning (утро): MKor. àčhắm; Mod. ačhim.
◊ Nam 342, KED 1077/
‖ Martin 236. An Eastern isogloss.
-ēč῾o be weak, exhausted: Tung. *eče-; Turk. *č; Jpn. *tr-; Kor. *č-.
PTung. *eče- to feel constrained (чувствовать стеснение): Ul. ečise-;
Nan. ečisi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 471.
PTurk. *č hunger (голод): OTurk. ač (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ač
(MK); Tur. ač; Gag. āč; Az. aǯ; Turkm. āč; Khal. āč, ču-; MTurk. aǯ (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ɔč; Uygh. ač; Krm. ač; Tat. ač; Bashk. as; Kirgh. ač; Kaz. aš;
KBalk. ač; KKalp. aš; Kum. ač; Nogh. aš; Khak. as; Shr. aš; Oyr. ač; Tv. aš;
Chuv. vɨźъ; Yak. ās; Dolg. ač-čɨk ‘hungry’.
◊ EDT 17, VEWT 3, ЭСТЯ 1, 208-209, Stachowski 28.
PJpn. *tr- 1 to be worse 2 to become weak (1 быть хуже, уступать
2 слабеть): OJpn. otor- 1, ot(w)or(w)op- 2; MJpn. òtòr- 1, òtòròf- 2; Tok.
otór- 1, otoroé- 2; Kyo. ótór- 1, ótóróé- 2; Kag. otór- 1, òtòròè- 2.
◊ JLTT 743. The Kagoshima accent in otór- is irregular (probably under literary influence).
PKor. *č- to be in disorder, confusion (быть в беспорядке, смятении): MKor. črp- (-w-) 2; Mod. əǯirəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 365, KED 1136.
‖ The parallel seems reliable despite tone discrepancy between
Turk.-Tung., on the one hand, and Kor.-Jpn., on the other.
-ĕda thing, goods: Tung. *idegē (/*e-); Mong. *aǯi- / *ada-; Turk. *ed.
PTung. *idegē (/*e-) thing (вещь): Evk. ideɣē; Nan. id ‘reason’ (On.)
◊ Cf. also Il. egdekē ‘clothes’. ТМС 1, 298.
PMong. *aǯi- / *ada- 1 household 2 work (1 домашнее хозяйство 2
работа): WMong. aǯi 1, aǯil (L 61) 2; Kh. aǯ 1, aǯil 2; Bur. ažal, adal 2;
Kalm. aǯəl 2; Ord. aǯi 2; Dag. aǯil (Тод. Даг. 118).
◊ KPC 29.
PTurk. *ed, *ed-gü 1 thing, goods 2 good, excellent 3 good action,
benefit (1 вещь, добро, имущество 2 хороший, отличный 3 благодеяние): OTurk. ed 1 (OUygh.), edgü 2; Karakh. eδ 1, eδgü 2 (MK, KB);
*ēda - *ĕdV
493
Tur. iji 2; Turkm. ejgi-lik 3; Sal. ī 1; Tat. ige, ijge; Kirgh. ijgi-lig 3; KBalk.
igi,izgi 1; Nogh. ijgi 1; Tv. eki 2; Tof. e’kki 2; Yak. ütüö 2; Dolg. ötüö 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 245-247, 248-249, 329-330, VEWT 35-36, EDT 33, 51, Stachowski 201. PT
*ed-gü is derived from PT *ed ‘thing, goods’ (Лексика 326) ( > Mong. ed, MMong. (SH etc.)
ed, see Щербак 1997, 113). Mong. edege- ‘to feel better, recover’ (Dag. edge-) is also possibly < Turkic.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ēda silly, evil: Tung. *ēde-; Mong. *ada; Turk. *Ada; Jpn. *ántá.
PTung. *ēde- 1 silly 2 defect, shortcoming (1 глупый 2 недостаток,
увечье): Man. eden 2; Ul. ede(n) 1; Nan. ēdẽ 1; Orch. ede 1; Ud. ēde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 439. Man. > Dag. eden (Тод. Даг. 138).
PMong. *ada devil, evil spirit (злой дух): MMong. ada (HYt);
WMong. ada (L 9); Kh. ad; Bur. ada; Kalm. adə; Ord. ada.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. ada (KW 1).
PTurk. *Ada 1 danger 2 to endanger (1 опасность 2 подвергать
опасности): OTurk. ada (tuda) 1, adart- 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Shr. aza
‘name of an evil spirit’ (Верб.); Tv. adam ‘dashing, extraordinary’; Yak.
ataɣastā- ‘to insult’.
◊ EDT 40, 68.
PJpn. *ántá useless, vain (бесполезный, напрасный): MJpn. ada;
Tok. adá; Kyo. ádà; Kag. adá.
◊ JLTT 376. The word is usually confused etymologically with *áta ‘foe’, which
seems, however, to have a different origin. Modern accentuation points to *ántá, but it
may be secondary because of this confusion.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk., see EDT 40, Щербак 1997, 94. The Jpn.
high tone seems to contradict the TM length, but it may be secondary,
see above.
-ĕdV host, husband: Tung. *edī-; Mong. *eǯen; Turk. *Edi.
PTung. *edī- husband (муж): Evk. edī; Evn. edi; Neg. edī; Ul. edi(n);
Ork. edi; Nan. eǯi; Orch. edi.
◊ ТМС 2, 437-438. Despite Doerfer MT 18, the root cannot be a Mong. loanword unlike forms like Evk., Man. eǯen ‘host’, obviously recent borrowings (cf. Rozycki 67).
PMong. *eǯen host (хозяин): MMong. eǯen (HY 27, SH), äǯinu (IM),
iǯ-lä- (MA); WMong. eǯen (L 336); Kh. eʒen; Bur. ezen; Kalm. ezn; Ord.
eǯin; Mog. eǯän; ZM eižän (9-8a); Dag. eǯin (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 142);
Dong. eǯen; Mongr. nēn ‘l’individu en lui-même, propre, séparément,
famille’ (SM 267), ri-le- ‘se rendre maître de, usurper, ravir’ (SM 312).
◊ KW 129-130.
PTurk. *Edi host (хозяин): OTurk. edi (idi) (OUygh.); Karakh. iδi
(MK); Tur. ije, ɨs, is; Az. jijä; Turkm. eje; MTurk. eje (Бор. Бад., Abush.),
ije (Pav. C.); Uzb. äjä (dial.); Krm. ije, je; Tat. ijä; Bashk. ĭjä; Kirgh. ē; Kaz.
ĭje; KBalk. ije; KKalp. ije; Kum. jeje; Nogh. ije; SUygh. ise; Khak. ē; Shr. ē;
Oyr. ē; Tv. ē ( < Oyr. or Khak.); Yak. ičči; Dolg. ičči.
494
*ḗga - *ĕgi
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 237-241, TMN 2, 176, EDT 41, Лексика 324-325, Stachowski 122. Some
forms (Tur. ɨs, is, Yak. ičči etc.) go back to a suffixed *ede-si; the Khak. and Shor forms
should be explained as a haplology of the same form.
‖ EAS 97, KW 130, Poppe 53, 105, Цинциус 1972a, 49-52, Дыбо 6. A
Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 114, Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 177-178) doubts in the validity of
the etymology are hardly grounded: all forms are easily explained if
we suppose a protoform like *edije. The form can be in fact an old derivative of *eda ‘thing, household’ (q. v., cf. Poppe UJb XIII, 114, 120).
-ḗga to rise, lift: Tung. *ek-se-; Mong. *(h)ag-sa-; Turk. *(i)āg-; Jpn.
*á(n)ká-.
PTung. *ek-se- 1 to carry, take with smb. 2 to put, preserve (1 нести,
везти; держать при себе 2 положить, оставить на сохранение): Evk.
ekse- 1; Ork. ekse- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 443-444.
PMong. *(h)ag-sa- to raise, put up (поднимать; прицеплять к поясу): WMong. aɣsa- (L 14); Kh. agsa-; Bur. ahā-.
PTurk. *(i)āg- to rise (подниматься): OTurk. aɣ- (Yen., OUygh.),
aɣ-tur- (сaus.) (Orkh.); Karakh. aɣ- (MK, KB); Gag. ā- ‘to vaporize’;
Turkm. āɣ- ‘to overflow’; MTurk. aɣ-; Bashk. awa-la- (of the sun).
◊ EDT 77, ЭСТЯ 1, 68-70. ЭСТЯ is probably right in distinguishing the roots *(i)āg(а:ɣ- I) ‘to rise’ and *iāg- (а:ɣ II) ‘to turn over, fall’, although the former is only sparsely
represented in modern languages, having for the most part dissolved within the reflexes
of the latter. In OT the stems aɣ- ‘to rise’ and aɣna- ‘to tumble, roll on one’s back’ are quite
clearly distinct.
PJpn. *á(n)ká- 1 to raise 2 give (1 поднимать 2 давать): OJpn. aga- 1;
MJpn. ágá- 1; Tok. àge- 1, 2; Kyo. ágé- 1, 2; Kag. agé- 1, 2.
◊ Also intrans. *ánká-r- ‘to rise’. See JLTT 674, 675.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 275; Miller 1981, 869. Cf. *ga.
-ĕgi ( ~ -e, -a) to bend: Tung. *ege-; Mong. *eɣe-; Turk. *eg-; Kor. *i-.
PTung. *ege- 1 to encircle, surround, go round 2 ring (1 окружать 2
кольцо): Evk. eɣe-l- 1; Neg. eg-di 2; Ul. eje- 1; Ork. eji- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 437.
PMong. *eɣe- 1 outstanding corner 2 ring, ear-ring (1 выступающий угол 2 кольцо, серьга): MMong. e’emek 2 (SH); WMong. egeg 1,
ege-meg 2 (L 297, 298); Kh. ēg 1, ēmeg 2; Bur. ēmeg 2; Kalm. ēg 1, ēməg 2;
Ord. ēg, nēg 1 ēmek, ēmük 2.
◊ KW 130. Mong. > Yak. iämäx, Shor äkpäk etc.
PTurk. *eg- to bend (гнуть): OTurk. eg- (OUygh.); Karakh. eg- (MK);
Turkm. eg-; Khal. äj-, äjri; Chuv. av-, aj-; Yak. iex-; Dolg. iek-.
◊ EDT 99, VEWT 37, ЭСТЯ 1, 330-332, Егоров 19, Stachowski 122 (Yak. iex- < *eg-ik-).
PKor. *i- to surround, encircle (окружать): MKor. i’uə-; Mod. e-u-.
*egmV - *ḗgó
495
◊ Nam 371, KED 1159.
‖ KW 130, SKE 51.
-egmV shoulder, collarbone: Tung. *emu-ge; Mong. *eɣem; Turk. *egin.
PTung. *emuge collarbone (ключица): Ork. emo-te; Nan. emue-čen
‘lower part of thorax’ (On.); Ud. emuge.
◊ Дыбо 252, ТМС 2, 437.
PMong. *eɣem shoulder, collarbone (плечо, ключица): MMong.
egem, egan (egam) (SH), igem (LH); WMong. egem (L 298); Kh. egem; Bur.
ēm; Kalm. ēm.
◊ KW 130. Mong. > Evk. eɣem, see Doerfer MT 125. The word reveals a peculiar variation of -g- and -ɣ-: the Khalkha form egem may be a literary hypercorrection, but the Secret History also has -g-, not -’-, contradicting the reconstruction *eɣem based on Bur. and
Kalm. Perhaps one should reconstruct *egm(e) for Proto-Mong., to account for this unusual reflexation.
PTurk. *egin shoulder (плечо): OTurk. egin (OUygh.); Karakh. egin
(MK); Tur. eɣin, ejin ‘back’; Az. äjin ‘body’; Turkm. egin (dial.); MTurk.
egin (Abush., Pav. C.), in (Pav. C.) ‘back’; Uzb. egin; Krm. īn, in; Kirgh.
ijin; Kaz. ĭjĭn; KKalp. ijin; Nogh. ijin; SUygh. igen; Khak. iŋnĭ; Shr. äŋin,
egini; Oyr. ijin; Tv. eɣin; Chuv. avъn, an; Yak. ien.
◊ EDT 109, VEWT 37, ЭСТЯ 1, 225-227, Егоров 26, Лексика 239, Федотов 1, 42-43.
‖ KW 130, Владимирцов 321, Poppe 60, Колесникова 1972a, 92-93,
Дыбо 307, Лексика 240. A Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997,
114, Mong. is not < Turk. May be derived from *ĕgi ‘to bend’ q. v. Doerfer (TMN 2, 192) protests against the Turk.-Mong. comparison, but restricts himself to “einigen grundsätzlichen Bemerkungen” (a loan theory would have to explain Turk. *-n > Mong. -m).
-ḗgó big, many: Tung. *egdi; Mong. *aɣu-; Turk. *g-id-; Jpn. *ənki-rə;
Kor. *’uí-.
PTung. *egdi 1 big 2 many (1 большой 2 много): Evn. eɣdъ 1; Neg.
egdi 2; Ul. egdi 2; Ork. egǯi 2; Nan. egǯi 2; Orch. egdi 2; Ud. egdi 2; Sol.
egdūɣ 1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 359-360.
PMong. *aɣu- 1 large, wide, vast 2 very (1 обширный, широкий 2
очень): MMong. a’ue (HY 53, SH), āw, aw (MA 108, 371) 1; WMong.
aɣuu, uu (L 18), aɣudam (L 16) 1, aɣui (L 16) 2; Kh. agū, ūdam, ūǯim 1, agū,
aguj 2; Bur. ū, ūžam 1; Kalm. aɣū, ū 1; Ord. ūǯim 1; Mog. ɔɣui 1 (Weiers);
ZM ɣu(n) (13-1) 1; Dag. au 1 (Тод. Даг. 122, MD 116); Dong. aGui, aɣui
1, uida; Bao. ū 1; S.-Yugh. aɣui, ūǯim; Mongr. (SM 462), au (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 3, 453, MGCD 96, 547, 661, 662.
PTurk. *g-id- 1 to grow, bring up 2 high, raised up 3 huge (1 растить, воспитывать 2 высокий, поднятый 3 огромный): OTurk. igid-,
496
*egVrV - *éjá
egid- 1, ediz (< *ēdgiŕ) 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. igiδ- 1, eδiz 2 (MK);
Turkm. ǟgirt 3; Yak. īt- 1; Dolg. īt- 1.
◊ EDT 73, 103, VEWT 36, 169, ЭСТЯ 1, 224-225, Stachowski 131.
PJpn. *ənki-rə wide and spacious (обширный и просторный):
OJpn. ogjiro.
◊ JLTT 504.
PKor. *’uí- to be broad, wide, extensive (быть широким, протяженным): MKor. ’uí-.
◊ Nam 364.
‖ EAS 73, VEWT 169, SKE 62, 59, АПиПЯЯ 291. Korean has ə- instead of the expected *ă, because the latter cannot stand in Anlaut. A
derivative of the same root may be MKor. ón ‘hundred’ ( < *ēgo-nV).
-egVrV to twist, spin: Mong. *eɣere-; Turk. *egir-; Kor. *r.
PMong. *eɣere- to spin (крутить, прясть): WMong. egere- (L 299);
Kh. ēre-; Bur. ēre-; Kalm. ēr-; Ord. ēre-; Dag. ēr- (Тод. Даг. 140; MGCD
ēre-).
◊ KW 131, MGCD 248.
PTurk. *egir- to twist, spin (крутить, прясть): Karakh. egir- (MK);
Tur. ejir-; Az. äjir-; Turkm. egir-; Sal. iɣer-; Khal. häjir-; MTurk. egir(Pav. C.); Uzb. jigir-; Uygh. jiger-, igir-; Krm. ijir-; Tat. ir- (dial.); Kirgh.
ijir-; Kaz. ijir-; KBalk. ijir-; KKalp. ijir-; Kum. ijir-; Nogh. ijir-; Khak. īr-;
Shr. īr-, egir-; Oyr. ijir-; Tv. ēr-; Chuv. avъr-la-; Yak. īr-is- ‘спутаться о
лесках’; ieregej ‘humming-top’; Dolg. ieregej ‘drill’.
◊ EDT 112, ЭСТЯ 1, 227-231, TMN 2, 192, Федотов 1, 27, Stachowski 122. The Chuv.
form reflects a partial merger with *ebir- (v. sub *ằpV).
PKor. *r spool (катушка): MKor. r; Mod. əlle.
◊ Nam 360, KED 1144.
‖ KW 131, Владимирцов 194. Despite TMN 2, 193, Щербак 1997,
114, Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk. The stem may be derived
from *gi ‘to bend’ q.v.
-éjá ( ~ -o) to be afraid: Mong. *aju-; Turk. *Ej-men-; Jpn. *ájá-.
PMong. *aju- 1 to be afraid 2 fear, danger, risk (1 бояться 2 страх,
риск): MMong. aju- (HYt, SH), āj-, aj- (MA 96) 1, ajl (MA 223) 2, oja- 1,
caus. ajula- (IM 433); WMong. aji-, aju- 1, ajul 2; Kh. aj-, ajū- 1, ajūl 2;
Bur. aj- 1; Kalm. ǟ- 1; Ord. ǟ- 1; Mog. aī-; ZM a’i- (6-3a); Dag. aj- 1 (Тод.
Даг. 118, MD 111), aidaGan 2; Dong. aji- 1, ajiGu 2; Bao. ai- 1; Mongr. aji1 (SM 17), ajəgu 2.
◊ KW 25.
PTurk. *Ej-men- to be shy, timid, afraid (смущаться, робеть, пугаться): OTurk. ejmen- (OUygh.); Karakh. ejmen- (MK); Tur. imen-; Az.
ejmän- (dial.); Turkm. ejmen-; MTurk. ejmen- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb.
*ḗjba - *ĕju
497
ijmän-; Uygh. äjmän-; Krm. emen-; Tat. imän-; Kirgh. ijmen-; Kaz. ĭjmen-;
KKalp. ijmen-; Nogh. ijmen-; Oyr. ijmen-.
◊ VEWT 10, EDT 273, ЭСТЯ 1, 249-251. Turk. > WMong. ajman- (Щербак 1997, 96);
but Mong. *aju- can be hardly regarded as a Turkism.
PJpn. *ájá- 1 to be afraid, feel anxiety 2 dangerous (1 бояться 2
опасный): OJpn. aja-bum- 1; MJpn. ájá-búm- 1, ájá-fú- 2; Tok. ayabúm- 1,
àyau- 2; Kyo. áyábúm- 1, áyáù- 2; Kag. ayabúm- 1, ayáu- 2.
◊ JLTT 679, 826.
‖ Poppe 66, АПиПЯЯ 79.
-ḗjba to hurry: Tung. *ebV-; Mong. *(h)abad; Turk. *ēb-; Jpn. *áwá-tá-.
PTung. *ebV- 1 to surpass 2 hurriedly, quickly (1 перегонять 2 быстро, торопливо): Man. ebuxu sabuχu 2; Jurch. ewu-ro (362) 2; Ork. ebessun- 1; Nan. ebe-saba 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 433. The Orok and Nan. form may be < Manchu (or influenced by Manchu), judging from the preservation of -b-.
PMong. *(h)abad at once, instantly (сразу, мгновенно): WMong.
abad (L 2); Kh. avd; Bur. abahār; Ord. awun.
◊ Despite Mostaert awun cannot be connected with ab- ‘to take’.
PTurk. *ēb- 1 to hurry 2 quick (1 спешить 2 быстрый): OTurk. evük
(OUygh.) 2; Karakh. ev- (KB) 1, evek 2 (MK, KB); Tur. ev- 1; Turkm. ǟv1; MTurk. ev- (MA, IM, Qutb., Houts.); Khak. ibek 2; Shr. ibek 2; Chuv.
avaš- 1; avъk ‘moment; quick’.
◊ EDT 4, 8-9, VEWT 34, Егоров 19 (Федотов 1, 25-26 - differently).
PJpn. *áwá-tá- to hurry, scurry (спешить, суетиться): MJpn. awata-,
RJ áfátú; Tok. àwate-; Kyo. áwáté-; Kag. awaté-.
◊ JLTT 679.
‖ Ozawa 8, Дыбо 12. Medial *-j- has to be reconstructed to account
for lack of spirantization in Mong. and for -w- (not -p-) in Jpn. Note a
similar dental suffixation in Mong. and Jpn.
-ĕju ( ~ -o) to speak, cry, sound: Tung. *ejē-; Mong. *aji-; Turk. *ạj-ɨt-;
Kor. *òi’ó-.
PTung. *ejē- 1 to ask, desire 2 demand (n.) 3 to envy (1 просить,
желать 2 требование, просьба 3 завидовать): Evk. ejē 2, ejēt- 1; Evn.
ejet- 1,3; Neg. ejēt- 1; Nan. ējueči- 3; Orch. eječi- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 442.
PMong. *aji- 1 sound, voice 2 to cry, speak loudly; to recite 3 melody, tune (1 звук, голос 2 кричать, болтать 3 мелодия): WMong. ai 1
(L 19), aji-la-, aji-da- 2 (L 20: ajilad- ‘to perceive; to recite; to say’), aja 3 (L
22); Kh. ajlda- 2; Bur. ajlada- 2; Kalm. ǟ 1, ǟl-,ǟd- 2; Ord. ajalGa 3; Dag.
aila- 2 (Тод. Даг. 119, MD 111); Mongr. ajaŋ 3.
◊ KW 25. Mong. ajalɣu ‘tune, tone’ (L 23) > Chag. ajalɣu etc. (VEWT 11, TMN 1,
195-196).
498
*ka - *ka
PTurk. *ạj-ɨt- 1 to say 2 to prescribe, tell 3 to ask, demand 4 to concern (1 говорить 2 указывать, предписывать 3 просить 4 касаться
ч.-л.): OTurk. ajɨt- 3 (OUygh.), ajɨ- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. aj-, ajɨt- 1 (MK),
ajɨt- 3 (KB); Tur. ait- 4; Turkm. ajt- 1; Khal. hāj- 1; MTurk. aj(ɨ)t- 1; Uzb.
ajt- 1; Uygh. ejt- 1; Tat. ɛjt- 1; Bashk. äjt- 1; Kirgh. ajt- 1; KBalk. ajt- 1;
KKalp. ajt- 1; Nogh. ajt- 1; Khak. ajt- 1 (dial.), ajɨt- ‘sing’; Tv. ajɨt- 2; Tof.
ajɨt- 2; Chuv. ɨjt- 3; Yak. ɨj- 2, ɨjɨt- 3; Dolg. ɨjɨt- 3.
◊ VEWT 10, ЭСТЯ 1, 99-100, 111-112, Егоров 342, EDT 268-9, Stachowski 259. PT
*ạjɨt- is derived from *ạj- ‘to point out, prescribe’. Before the 11th c. it had only a causative meaning; the meaning ‘say, tell’ developed later.
PKor. *òi’ó- to recite (декламировать): MKor. òi’ó-; Mod. weu-.
◊ Nam 387, KED 1223.
‖ KW 4, 25, Владимирцов 282, Poppe 67, АПиПЯЯ 286.
-ka (~ -o) bad, weak: Tung. *eke; Mong. *(h)egel; Turk. *ek-; Jpn. *àk-.
PTung. *eke 1 to decrease 2 bad, low 3 weak 4 evil (1 уменьшаться
2 плохой, низкий 3 слабый 4 зло, злой): Man. eḱe- 1, exe 4; SMan. eki1 (2864), exə 4 (2508); Jurch. exebe (341) 2; Ul. ekeči(n) 3; Ork. ekkē 3; Nan.
ekečĩ 3; exele (Kur-Urm.) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 444.
PMong. *(h)egel low, uneducated, not very good (низкий, необразованный, не очень хороший): WMong. egel (L 297); Kh. egil; Bur. egēlej; Kalm. egl; Ord. egel, egēn.
◊ KW 117.
PTurk. *ek- 1 to decrease, be insufficient 2 common, ordinary, low
class; fault, faulty (1 уменьшаться, быть недостаточным 2 обычный,
низкородный; недостаток, недостаточный): OTurk. egsü- 1, egil 2
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. egsü- 1 (MK); Tur. eksi-, eksil- 1, eksik 2; Gag.
jisil- 1; Az. äskik 2; Turkm. egis-, egsil- 1, egsik 2; MTurk. eksü- 1 (Abush.),
öksü-, öksül- 1 (Pav. C.), öksük 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uygh. ögsü- 1 (dial.);
Krm. eksil- 1, eksik 2; Kirgh. öksü- 1, öksük 2; Chuv. iksəl- 1, jəksek 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 257-258, Егоров 77, Мудрак Дисс. 199; EDT 106, 117. The Chuv. Anlaut is
not quite clear (iksəl- < *jəksəl-?; one of the cases with prothetic j-, so the openness / closedness of the vowel in PT remains unknown); Федотов 1, 193 derives Chuv. jəksik from
PT *jek (v. sub *ĺk῾è), but this is phonetically impossible.
PJpn. *àk- to be bored, satiated (пресыщаться, наскучивать): OJpn.
ak-; MJpn. àk-; Tok. akí-; Kyo. àkì-; Kag. àkì-.
◊ JLTT 675.
‖ Дыбо 12. Mong. may be < Turk.
*èk῾á - *ĕk῾à
499
-èk῾á to paw, hit with hooves: Tung. *ekte-; Mong. *(h)agsa-; Turk.
*agsa-; Jpn. *ànkà-k-.
PTung. *ekte- 1 to paw, hit with hooves (of a horse); to rough-house
2 to faint (1 бить копытами; буянить 2 падать в обморок): Man. ekte1; Ud. ektine- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 444.
PMong. *(h)agsa- 1 to have fits, convulsions 2 to fling fiercely 3 to
chafe, behave nervously (of a horse); to rough-house 4 feeling of weariness (from physical labour) (1 биться в судорогах 2 яростно бросаться 3 горячиться (о лошади); буянить 4 чувство усталости, разбитости от физического труда): WMong. aɣsur-, aɣsa- 1; Kh. agsra-, agsči- 3,
agsga 4; Bur. agšan ῾frolic, prankish’; Kalm. agsra- 3, agsag ‘wild’; Ord.
agsur- 2 agsum ‘яростный, пылкий, необузданный’.
◊ KW 5. Mong. > Evk. aksa- ‘to be insulted, grudge’, Evn. ās-, Neg. aksa-, Ul. aqsa-,
Orok aqsa-, Nan. aqsa-, Oroch aksa- id., Man. aqšula- ‘to curse’ (ТМС 1, 25).
PTurk. *agsa- 1 to hobble, limp 2 lame (1 хромать 2 хромой):
Karakh. axsa- (MK) 1, aqsaq, aɣsaɣ (MK) 2; Tur. aksa- 1; Az. axsa- 1;
Turkm. aGsa- 1; Uzb. ɔqsa- 1; Tat. aqsa- 1; Bashk. aqha- 1; Kirgh. aqsa- 1;
Kaz. aqsa- 1; KBalk. axsa-, asxa- 1; KKalp. aqsa- 1; Kum. aqsa- 1; Nogh.
aqsa- 1; SUygh. axsa- 1; Khak. axsa- 1; Tv. asqa- 1; Yak. axsɨm 2.
◊ EDT 95, ЭСТЯ 76. Turk. > Mong. asag ‘(animal) lameness’.
PJpn. *ànkà-k- to paw (the air); struggle, strive (бить копытами (о
лошади); напрягаться): OJpn. agak-; MJpn. àgàk-; Tok. agák-; Kyo.
ágák-; Kag. àgàk-.
◊ JLTT 674. Usually analysed as a compound *asi ‘foot’ + *kak- ‘scrape’, which is
probably a folk-etymological explanation.
‖ KW 5. Both Turkic and Mongolian languages have also a derivative meaning ‘rampage, rage, raging’: Karakh. aχsuŋ, axsum (MK),
aqsun (QB), Chag. aqsum, axsum, Az. aqsɨn, Kirgh. aqsɨm etc.; WMong.
aɣsum, Khalkha agsaŋ, Bur. agsam, Ord. agsum (DO 7) ‘wild, raging’,
Khalkha agsam ‘rampage’. Doerfer (TMN 2, 90) supposes a loanword in
Turk. < Mong.; Shcherbak (1997, 103) - vice versa; the final decision is
still unclear.
-ĕk῾à (~ -o) elder sister: Tung. *eKe / *keKe; Mong. *eke, *egeče; Turk.
*eke; Jpn. *kaka; Kor. *kj-čìp.
PTung. *eKe / *keKe 1 woman, wife 2 elder sister (1 женщина 2
старшая сестра): Evk. ekīn 2; Evn. ekъn 2; Neg. exe 1, exīn 2; Man. xexe
1; SMan. xexə 1 (833, 924); Jurch. xexe-e (299) 1; Ul. ēqte 1; Ork. ekte 1;
Nan. ekte 1; Orch. eki 2; Ud. exi(n) 1, 2; Sol. xexe 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 480; 2, 443 (cf. a similar parallelism in the words for “man” and for
“elder brother”).
*éli - *éli
500
PMong. *eke, *egeče 1 mother 2 elder sister (1 мать 2 старшая сестра): MMong. eke (HY 28, SH), äke (IM), ik (MA) 1, ekči (HY 28), egeči
(SH), igäǯi (MA) 2; WMong. eke 1 (L 305), egeči 2 (L 297); Kh. ex 1, egč 2;
Bur. exe 1, egeše 2; Kalm. ekə 1, egəčə, ekčə 2; Ord. eke 1, egeči 2; Dag. eg 1,
egči, ekē 2 (Тод. Даг. 138, 139); MGCD: ekči, ekē 2; egeči, ekē 2, ehe 1 (MD
142); Dong. eGečə 2; S.-Yugh. hge 1, əɣeči 2; Mongr. kai (SM 194) 2, āī
(SM 2) 2.
◊ KW 118, TMN 1, 190, MGCD 254, 274. Mong. > Chag. egäči, see Щербак 1997, 203.
PTurk. *eke elder sister (старшая сестра): OTurk. eke (OUygh.);
Karakh. eke (MK); ege-t ‘female servant of bride’ (MK); Turkm. ekeǯi;
Chuv. akka.
◊ VEWT 38, ЭСТЯ 1, 222-224, TMN 1, 190, 2, 91-92, EDT 100, 102, Егоров 23.
PJpn. *kaka mother (мать): MJpn. kaka; Tok. o-k-san; Kyo. ò-k-sán;
Kag. o-kā-sán.
PKor. *kj-čìp woman (женщина): MKor. kjčìp; Mod. kjēǯip.
◊ Nam 42, KED 132. Historically a compound (*’woman’ + ‘house, family’), with čip
‘house’ in the second part.
‖ EAS 91, KW 118, Poppe 55, VEWT 38, АПиПЯЯ 292, Цинциус
1972a, 29-31, Дыбо 6. The root is (like most other kinship terms) a
“nursery word”, but very well attested in all branches, so - despite Doerfer TMN 1, 190-191 - all forms cannot be explained as borrowings
(although some later interactions were of course possible, e.g. Mong.
egeče may - because of its irregular -g- and meaning coinciding with
Turkic - be a later Turkic loanword).
-éli sufficient: Tung. *ele-; Mong. *el-; Jpn. *ír-; Kor. *ər-.
PTung. *ele- 1 enough 2 to have enough, be satiated (1 довольно,
достаточно 2 удовлетвориться, насытиться): Evk. elī, ele 1, elekče- 2;
Evn. elъkъn 1; Neg. ele 1; Man. ele- 2; Jurch. ‘o-le-he-huŋ ‘content, happy’;
Ul. ele 1, ele- 2; Ork. ele 1, ele- 2; Nan. elē 1, ele- 2; Orch. ele 1, ele- 2; Ud. ele
1, ele- ‘to complete’; Sol. aĺe-ćáu, eĺlećáu ‘I am full, I have had enough’.
◊ ТМС 2, 448-449.
PMong. *el- 1 all, every kind of 2 abundance, abundant (2 весь, всевозможные 2 обилие, обильный): WMong. ele 1 (L 308), eldeb 1 (L
307), elbeg 2 (L 306); Kh. el, eldev 1, elbeg 2; Bur. eldeb 1, elbeg 2; Kalm.
eldə, eldəb 1, elwəg 2.
◊ KW 119, 120. Mong. > Yak. elbē-, elbex, Dolg. elbek (Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 44),
Chuv. ilpek (Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
PJpn. *ír- to need (нуждаться): MJpn. ír-; Tok. ìr-; Kyo. ír-; Kag. ír-.
◊ JLTT 698. The verb is homonymous with *ír- ‘enter’, but probably quite different
etymologically.
PKor. *ər- enough, sufficiently, nearly (достаточно, почти): MKor.
əru, əro; Mod. əl-čhu.
◊ Nam 360, KED 1146.
*ḗlV - *ĕlV(-k῾V)
501
‖ KW 119, Lee 1958, 108 (TM-Kor.), Rozycki 68. Despite Doerfer MT
20, TM *ele is hardly < Mong. (a particle in Mong. vs. a widespread verb
in TM).
-ḗlV peace: Tung. *elke; Mong. *el; Turk. *ēl.
PTung. *elke peaceful, silent (тихий, осторожный): Evk. elke; Neg.
elke; Man. elxe; SMan. eləxə ‘leisurely’ (2956); Ul. erke; Ork. erke; Nan.
elke; Orch. ekke; Ud. eke.
◊ ТМС 2, 447-448. TM > Dag. elke (Тод. Даг. 139).
PMong. *el 1 peaceful 2 relatives (1 мирный 2 родственники):
MMong. el (SH); WMong. el 1 (L 306), elgen 2; Kh. el 2; Bur. eldin; Kalm.
el.
◊ KW 118.
PTurk. *ēl 1 peace 2 people, country (1 мир 2 народ, страна):
OTurk. el 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. el 1, 2 (MK); Tur. il, el 2; Gag. iel 2;
Az. el 2; Turkm. īl 2; MTurk. il (AH), el (Abush., Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. el 2;
Uygh. il, äl 2; Krm. el 2; Tat. il 2; Bashk. il 2; Kirgh. el 2; Kaz. el 2; KBalk.
el 2; KKalp. el 2; Kum. el 2; Nogh. el 2; Khak. il 2; Oyr. el 2; Chuv. jal 2;
Yak. il 2.
◊ EDT 121-122, VEWT 39, TMN 2, 194, ЭСТЯ 1, 339-343, Егоров 352, Лексика 316.
The meaning “peace” attested in MK is probably the most archaic (cf. the external parallels; typologically cf. also Slavic *mirъ ‘peace’ > ‘world’), suggesting a development
*’peace’ > ‘peaceful people, realm, country’.
‖ EAS 145, KW 118, Poppe 76, ОСНЯ 1, 268, Rozycki 68. A Western
isogloss (in fact, basically Turk.-Tung., since Mong. may be < Turk., see
TMN 2, 200; Clark 1980, 43 on Mong. elči < Turk. ēl-či).
-ĕlV(-k῾V) deer: Tung. *(x)elkēn; Mong. *ili; Turk. *elik.
PTung. *(x)elkēn 1 wild deer 2 domestic deer (1 дикий олень 2 домашний олень): Evk. elkēn 1; Evn. iēlken, elken 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 448.
PMong. *ili new-born deer (новорожденный олененок): MMong.
ele’ut ‘a k. of camel’ (SH); WMong. ili (L 407), eli; Kh. il; Bur. eli; Kalm.
ilə.
◊ KW 206. Cf. also *il-gi(n) ‘goat skin’ (KW 207).
PTurk. *elik roebuck, wild goat (косуля (общее назв. и самка)):
OTurk. elik (OUygh. - YB); Karakh. elik (KB); Tur. elik (dial.); MTurk.
(MKypch.) elik (Houts., AH); Bashk. ilek; Kirgh. elik; Kaz. elik; KKalp.
elik; Khak. ilək; Shr. elik; Oyr. elik; Tv. elik; Tof. elik; Yak. elik ‘чубарый
олень’.
◊ EDT 142, VEWT 40, ЭСТЯ 1, 265-266, Лексика 153.
‖ KW 207, ОСНЯ 1, 273, Лексика 153, 389. A Western isogloss.
502
*ḗĺpo - *ḗĺV
-ḗĺpo to cover: Tung. *elbe-, *eldu-; Mong. *(h)olbug; Turk. *ēĺü-; Jpn.
*sp-.
PTung. *elbe-, *eldu- to cover (a tent), tent cover (покрывать (чум),
покрышка (чума)): Evk. elbe-; ellun, eldun; Evn. ēlrimi, ēlde; Neg. elbe-;
Man. elbe-; Ul. elbene ‘sail’; Nan. elbẽ ‘roof’; Orch. ebbe-; Ud. egbe-; Sol.
eld.
◊ ТМС 2, 445, 448.
PMong. *(h)olbug cushion for sitting (подушка для сидения):
WMong. olbaɣ, (L 608) olbuɣ; Kh. olbog; Bur. olbog; Ord. olboG.
◊ Mong. > Tuva olbuq id., see TMN 2, 111, Yak. olbox, Dolg. olbok (Stachowski 191). In
Mong. the word also means ‘quilted jacket worn under armour’ and in this meaning is
borrowed in Turkic (Kirgh. olpok etc.) and TM (Manchu olbo etc.), see Doerfer TMN 2, 111,
Rozycki 167 (somewhat differently Аникин 414).
PTurk. *ēĺü- 1 to cover 2 (door) curtain > door (1 покрывать 2
(дверной) занавес > дверь): Karakh. ešü- 1, ešik / ešük 2 (MK); Tur. ešik
2; Gag. ješik 2; Az. ešik 2; Turkm. īšik 2; Khal. šük 2; MTurk. išik 2 (AH,
IM), išük (IM), ešik 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ešik 2; Krm. ešik 2; Tat. išĭk 2;
Bashk. išĭk 2; Kirgh. ešik 2; KBalk. ešik 2; KKalp. esik 2; Kum. ešik 2;
Nogh. esik 2; Khak. īzĭk, ĭzĭk 2; Shr. ežik 2; Oyr. ežik 2; Tv. ežik 2; Chuv.
algъ, alъk 2.
◊ EDT 256, 260, TMN 2, 183-184, Егоров 24, ЭСТЯ 1, 396-398, Лексика 511-512, 517.
PJpn. *sp- to cover (покрывать): OJpn. os(w)op-; MJpn. osof-; Tok.
òso-; Kyo. ósó-; Kag. osó-.
◊ JLTT 743 (homonymous with ‘attack’ and ‘suppress’ - obviously a secondary confusion with derivatives of *s- ‘push, press’).
‖ PKE 46-47, Street 1980, 287, Дыбо 15, Лексика 512. Mong.
*(h)olbug < *(h)albug, with a frequent labial attraction.
-ḗĺV to scratch, rake, row: Tung. *elbe-s-; Mong. *ele-; Turk. *ēĺ-.
PTung. *elbe-s- to swim, bathe (плыть, плавать, купаться): Evk. elbes(kēt)-; Neg. elbesi-; Man. ebiše-; SMan. efəšə-, efəsə- (2301); Ork. ulbesi-;
Nan. elbusi-; Orch. ebbesi-; Ud. egbesi-; Sol. elbeī- ‘to wade’.
◊ ТМС 2, 445. The original meaning of the root was probably ‘to scrape, rake up’, cf.
Evn. Arm. ēlbi- ‘to rake up’ (ТМС 2, 445).
PMong. *ele- to rub off, be rubbed off, to wear out (стирать, стираться): MMong. el- (HY 38), ēlä- (IM), ilä- (MA); WMong. ele- (L 308);
Kh. ele-; Bur. eĺe-; Kalm. el-; Ord. ele-; Dong. elie-; Bao. elə-; Mongr. ilē(SM 191).
◊ KW 119, MGCD 257.
PTurk. *ēĺ- 1 to dig 2 to tear, rip open 3 to row 4 to swim 5 to throw
away (1 копать 2 рвать 3 грести 4 плавать 5 выкидывать): Tur. eš- 1;
Az. eš- 2; Turkm. ijš-gek ῾oar’; Khal. häšü-; MTurk. eš- 1 (Abush.); Tat. iš2; Kirgh. eš- 1; Khak. is- 3; Tv. ešti- 4, eš- 3; Tof. eš-, e’hit- 3; Chuv. alt- 1;
Yak. es-, is- 5.
*ĕĺǯu - *ma
503
◊ VEWT 51, EDT 255-6, ЭСТЯ 1, 315-316, Мудрак Дисс. 95. Chuv. iš- ‘to row; to
swim; to demolish, tear’ is evidently borrowed from Tat. (as opposed to the genuine al-t). Khal. h- is unclear here (external evidence clearly points to *0-).
‖ A Western isogloss. See KW 119, Poppe 78, 126, VEWT 51
(Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 287, Дыбо 14.
-ĕĺǯu donkey: Tung. *eji-ken; Mong. *elǯigen; Turk. *eĺgek.
PTung. *eji-ken donkey (осел): Neg. ejxe; Man. ejxen; SMan. eixen
(2218); Jurch. oh-hen; Ul. ejxe; Nan. ejxe.
◊ ТМС 2, 447.
PMong. *elǯigen donkey (осел): MMong. elǯigan (HY 9), ūlǯige (IM),
ilǯigen (LH), ilǯigän (MA); WMong. elǯige(n) (L 311); Kh. ilǯig, ilǯgen;
Bur. elžege(n); Kalm. elǯŋne, ēlǯŋnə; Ord. elǯige(n); Mog. elǯiɣōn
(Ramstedt 1906); Dong. enǯeɣe (Тод. Дн.); Bao. nǯige (Тод. Бн.).
◊ KW 119. Mong. > Oyr. älǯigän.
PTurk. *eĺgek donkey (осел): OTurk. ešgek (OUygh.); Karakh. ešgek,
ešjek (MK); Tur. ešek; Gag. iešek; Az. eššäk; Turkm. ešek; MTurk. ešek
(Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ešäk; Uygh. ešäk; Krm. ešek; Tat. išäk;
Bashk. išäk; Kirgh. ešek; Kaz. esek; KBalk. ešek; KKalp. ešek; Kum. ešek;
Nogh. ešek; Oyr. eštek; Chuv. ažak.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 317-318, TMN 2, 65, EDT 260.
‖ KW 119, Владимирцов 323, Poppe 86. A Western isogloss. The
phonology of the word strongly resists all attempts to regard it as an
interlingual borrowing (Turk. > Mong. > TM, see, e.g., Rozycki 67), as
well as attempts to derive it from Armen. eš etc.
-ema ( ~ -o) to come: Tung. *eme-; Mong. *amada-.
PTung. *eme- to come, reach, arrive (приходить, прибывать): Evk.
eme-; Evn. em-; Neg. eme-; Nan. eme-; Orch. emegi- ‘to return’; Ud. eme-.
◊ ТМС 2, 452.
PMong. *amada- to meet smb., cross one’s way (поджидать на пути, идти навстречу): WMong. amada- (L 35); Kh. amda-; Bur. amada-;
Kalm. amd- (КРС 40); Ord. amada-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Karakh. öme ‘guest, foreigner’.
-ma (~-o) to stay, be left, leave: Tung. *emē-n-; Jpn. *àmà-.
PTung. *emē-n- to leave (оставлять, покидать): Evk. emēn-, emē-;
Evn. emēn-; Neg. emēn-; Orch. imene-; Ud. imen-; Sol. emēn-.
◊ ТМС 2, 453.
PJpn. *àmà- 1 plenty 2 all 3 to stay, be left (1 повсюду, в изобилии
2 весь 3 оставаться): OJpn. amane- 1, ama-r- 3; MJpn. àmànè- 1, àmà-r- 3;
Tok. amanéku 1, amár- 3; Kyo. ámánékú 1, ámár- 3; Kag. amanekú 1,
àmàr- 3.
◊ JLTT 676.
504
*me - *èmi
‖ АПиПЯЯ 279. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also MKor.
mmr- ‘to stay, remain’ ( < *Vmə-mɨr-, with a rather usual Korean loss of
initial vowel?).
-me woman, female: Tung. *emV; Mong. *eme; Turk. *eme; Jpn. *mía;
Kor. *ámh.
PTung. *emV 1 mother-in-law 2 female 3 female deer, elk (1 теща,
свекровь 2 самка 3 самка оленя, лося): Evk. emugde, umigde 3; Evn.
ömiri 3; Neg. umigde 3; Man. emile 2, emeke 1; SMan. eməxə 1 (926); Nan.
emxe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 268, 451-452.
PMong. *eme 1 woman 2 wife (1 женщина 2 жена): MMong. eme 1,
emege (HY 29), emegu’un 2 (HY 30, SH), emä (IM), im (MA) 1; WMong.
eme 1 (L 311); Kh. em 1, emgen 2; Bur. eme 1; Kalm. emə 1; Ord. eme 1,
emegen ‘old woman’; Mog. ZM emmä (9-6b); Dag. emgun, emeg 1, 2 (Тод.
Даг. 139), eme (MD, 143) 1,2; Dong. eme 1; Bao. eme 1; S.-Yugh. eme 1;
Mongr. imu (: xara ~) ‘nom que la jeune fille se donne devant ses parents le jour de son mariage’ (SM 192), mugen ‘femme âgée’ (SM 245).
◊ KW 121, MGCD 259. Mong. emegčin ‘female’ > Yak. emēxsin, Dolg. emēksin (Kał.
MEJ 45, Stachowski 45).
PTurk. *eme 1 female 2 old woman (1 самка 2 старуха): Karakh.
oma (MK “Tibetan”) 1 (?); Tur. dial. eme 2; Az. dial. ämä 2; Kirgh. eme 2;
Chuv. ama 1.
◊ VEWT 42, ЭСТЯ 220, Егоров 25, EDT 156 (a “nursery” word, spread also in other
Altaic languages).
PJpn. *mía 1 woman 2 female (1 женщина 2 самка): OJpn. mje 1;
MJpn. mé 1; Tok. me-sú 2; Kyo. mé-sù; Kag. me-sú.
◊ JLTT 474, 476. Although modern dialects point to *mià-sù, RJ has explicitly mé with
a high tone.
PKor. *ámh woman, wife, female (женщина, жена, самка): MKor.
ám (ámh-); Mod. am.
◊ Nam 348, KED 1093.
‖ EAS 116, Цинциус 1972a, 20-27, Menges 1984, 265, АПиПЯЯ 89,
279. In Jpn. cf. also omo ‘mother’ (see Ozawa 61, Murayama 1962, 110,
Miller 1985a, 82); in MKor also mí ‘mother’ (see Martin 236). Jpn. mia
represents a relatively rare case of a loss of initial vowel in Japanese.
-èmi ( ~ a-, *ime) to avoid, taboo: Mong. *emiɣe-; Turk. *emge-; Jpn.
*ìm-.
PMong. *emiɣe- to be timid, shy away (робеть, смущаться):
MMong. emi’e- (SH); WMong. emije- (L 313); Kh. emē-; Bur. emē-; Kalm.
em-; Ord. emē-.
◊ KW 121. Mong. > Man. ejme- id.
*emo - *emV
505
PTurk. *emge- 1 to suffer, be tortured 2 bother, worry, pains (1
страдать, подвергаться пыткам 2 хлопоты, мучение, труд): OTurk.
emge- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. emge- 1, emgek 2 (MK); Tur. emen- 1, emek 2;
Az. ämäk 2; Turkm. emgen- 1, emgek 2; MTurk. emgen- (AH, Pav. C) 1,
emgek (AH, Abush.), emek (Pav C.) 2; Uzb. dial. emgɛk 2; Uygh. dial.
ɛmgɛn- 1, ɛmgɛk 2; Krm. emgen- 1, emgek 2; Tat. imgɛn- 1, imgɛk 2; Bashk.
imgɛn- 1, imgɛk 2; Kirgh. emgek 2; Kaz. eŋbek 2; Nogh. embek 2; Tv. eŋbek
‘chronic illness’; Chuv. aman- 1, amak ‘illness’; Yak. emek ‘decrepit’.
◊ EDT 159, VEWT 42, ЭСТЯ 1, 272-275, 25-26. Turk. > Mong. emge- (Щербак 1997,
114).
PJpn. *ìm- to avoid, taboo (избегать, подвергать табу): OJpn. im-;
MJpn. ìm-; Tok. ím-; Kyo. ìm-; Kag. ím-.
◊ JLTT 697. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ KW 121.
-emo front: Tung. *ume- / emu-; Mong. *emü-; Turk. *ömgen.
PTung. *ume- / emu- one (один): Evk. umūn; Evn. ömъn; Neg. emen;
Man. emu; SMan. emə (2734); Jurch. emu (636); Ul. ụm; Ork. umūke; Nan.
emu(n); Orch. om; Ud. omo; Sol. emũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 270-272. The old meaning was probably ‘front’, cf. TM *ume- ‘Adam’s apple’, ‘neck foundation’ (ТМС 2, 273), *omko-ta / *emko-ta ‘forehead’ (ТМС 2, 17); *emker
‘bank, shore’, Orok emiɣe ‘edge’ (ТМС 2, 450).
PMong. *emü- front, South (перед, юг): MMong. emune (HY 50,
SH), umunä, ämunä (MA), umene (LH); WMong. emü-ne (L 314-315); Kh.
ömnö; Bur. ümene (Alar.); Kalm. ömnə; Ord. ömönö; Dag. emel (Тод. Даг.
139), emele (MD 143); Dong. melie; Bao. məltə śaŋ, mələ; S.-Yugh. ölmȫ;
Mongr. mešə, mani ‘autrefois, jadis, anciennement’ (SM 237, 231).
◊ KW 295, MGCD 544. Cf. also em-ǯi- ‘to make or sew a hem’.
PTurk. *ömgen upper part of breast (верхняя часть груди): Karakh.
ömgen (MK); Kirgh. ömgök; Khak. öŋmen.
◊ Дыбо 137-138, EDT 159, ЭСТЯ 1, 537, Лексика 271.
‖ EAS 117, Владимирцов 154, SKE 54, Дыбо 307, Лексика 271. A
Western isogloss. The vocalic reconstruction is somewhat uncertain:
because of variation in PTM it is not quite clear whether Mong. has a
secondary delabialization or Turkic has a secondary labialization. PA
*ome is also possible.
-emV ( ~ *ami) to suck: Mong. *em-kü-; Turk. *em-.
PMong. *em-kü- to swallow, bite, chew (глотать, кусать, жевать):
MMong. emgu-gu / omgu-gu 3 (SH); WMong. emkü- (L 313); Kh. ömxö-;
Bur. ümxe-; Kalm. ümkə-; Ord. uŋku ‘bouchée’; Dag. unku-, umku-, enku(Тод. Даг. 140); Mongr. uŋkwā ‘bouchée’ (SM 475); xaŋgu- (SM 157).
◊ KW 457.
506
*emV(ŋV) - *emV(ŋV)
PTurk. *em-ig, *em-ček 1 breast (fem.) 2 to suck 3 nipple (1 грудь
(жен.) 2 сосать 3 сосок): OTurk. emig 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ẹm- 2 (MK),
ẹmig 1 (MK); Tur. em- 2, emǯik 1; Az. ämǯäk 3; Turkm. em- 2, emǯek 1;
Khal. äm- 2; MTurk. ẹm- 2 (Pav. C.), emček 1 (Abush.); Uzb. emčak 1;
Uygh. äm- 2, ämčäk 1; Tat. im- 2, imčɛk 1; Bashk. imsäk 1; Kirgh. emček 1;
KKalp. emšek 1; Nogh. emšek 1; SUygh. emɨɣ 1; Khak. em- 2, imǯek 1; Tv.
em- 2, emig 1; Tof. em- 2, emij ‘udder’; Chuv. əₙm- 2; Yak. em- 2, emīj 1;
Dolg. emij 1.
◊ VEWT 41-2, EDT 158-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 271-272, Егоров 63, Лексика 273-274, Stachowski
45. PT *em-ig and *em-ček (the latter form is first attested in the 13th c.) are derived from
*em- ‘to suck’.
‖ A Turko-Mongolian isogloss. One is tempted to suppose lost *p῾and to unite this root with TM *pemu-, Jpn. *pàm- (see *pèma). This is,
however, hardly possible, because both Middle Mongolian and Dagur
have 0- here (while Mongor x- can easily be secondary in front of a
voiceless stop). A possible solution would be a loss of *h- ( < *p῾-) in
Proto-Mongolian (or even Proto-Turko-Mongolian) under the influence
of a phonetically close “nursery” word, *me ‘mother, female’ q.v.
-emV(ŋV) saddle, belt: Tung. *emu-l; Mong. *emeɣe-l; Turk. *dŋe-r.
PTung. *emu-l 1 quiver ornated with horse’s hair 2 hoop of shaman’s drum 3 belt 4 horse or deer pack 5 pack strap (1 колчан, расшитый конским волосом 2 обруч шаманского бубна 3 пояс 4 вьючная
сумка (часть ниже завязок) 5 вдержка на сумке-торсуке): Evk. ōmu 1,
umul 3, ōmi 5, emin 4, emi-lge 4; Neg. ūm 2; Ul. omali 3; Ork. ụmụl 3; Nan.
omol 3; Orch. umu 3, omoɣo 3; Ud. umu 3; Sol. omul 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 18, 266, 269.
PMong. *emeɣel saddle (седло): MMong. eme’el (SH), ämäl (IM),
iml (MA), imēl (LH), jemējil (Lig.VMI); WMong. emegel (L 312); Kh.
emēl; Bur. emēl; Kalm. eml; Ord. emēl; Mog. emōl, jamāl; ZM jämäl
(22-8a); Dag. emēl (Тод. Даг. 139), emele (MD 143); Bao. emel; S.-Yugh.
emel, emēl; Mongr. imer (SM 192), (MGCD) imel.
◊ KW 121, MGCD 259. Mong. > Evk. emeɣen etc. (ТМС 2, 452), see Poppe 1966, 190,
Doerfer MT 21; cf. also Jurch. eŋ-em-meir ‘saddle’ (226) preserving archaic phonology.
PTurk. *dŋe-r saddle (седло): Karakh. eδer (MK); Tur. eyer; Gag.
jēr; Az. jähär; Turkm. ejer; Sal. eŋer (Kakuk); MTurk. ẹger; Uzb. egar;
Uygh. egə(r); Krm. jer; Tat. ijɛr; Bashk. ejär; Kirgh. ēr; Kaz. er; KBalk. ijer;
KKalp. jer; Kum. er; Nogh. ijer; SUygh. ezer; Khak. izer; Shr. ezer; Oyr. ēr;
Tv. ezer; Tof. e’zer (Рас. ФиЛ 183); Chuv. jəner; Yak. ɨŋr; Dolg. ɨŋr.
◊ EDT 63, VEWT 36, ЭСТЯ 1, 241-242, 658-659, Лексика 539, Stachowski 261. Reflexes of the cluster are complicated by borrowings: e.g. Tuva, Tof. is < Khak. Turk.
*edŋer-čak ‘pack saddle’ > MMong. iŋɣirčaq, WMong. jaŋɣirčaq id. (TMN 2, 128-129, Щербак 1997, 164, Аникин 88).
*ḗna(kV) - *ènŋù
507
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 102, Лексика 539. A Western isogloss. The Turkic
form should be explained as a contraction < *emŋe-der (*emŋe- = Mong.
emeɣe-).
-ḗna(kV) middle, width: Tung. *(x)ene-kǖ; Mong. *eŋ; Turk. *ēn; Jpn.
*nàká; Kor. *ánh.
PTung. *(x)ene-kǖ sheath, scabbard (ножны, футляр): Evk. enekī;
Evn. eńki; Neg. enexī.
◊ ТМС 2, 455.
PMong. *eŋ breadth, width (ширина): WMong. eŋ (L 317); Kh. eŋ;
Bur. en(g); Kalm. eŋ; Ord. eŋ; Mongr. aŋ ‘largeur des étoffes, la chaîne
d’un tissu’ (SM 9).
◊ KW 122, MGCD 261.
PTurk. *ēn breadth, width (ширина): Karakh. en (MK, KB); Tur. en;
Az. en; Turkm. īn; Khal. hän, hǟn; Uzb. en; Uygh. än; Krm. en; Tat. iŋ;
Bashk. iŋ; Kirgh. en; Kaz. en; KBalk. en; KKalp. en; Kum. en; Nogh. en;
Khak. in; Oyr. en; Chuv. an; Yak. ien; Dolg. ien.
◊ EDT 165, VEWT 43, ЭСТЯ 1, 352, Егоров 26, Stachowski 122.
PJpn. *nàká middle (середина): OJpn. naka; MJpn. nàká; Tok. náka;
Kyo. nàká; Kag. naká.
◊ JLTT 491.
PKor. *ánh middle, inside (середина, внутренность): MKor. án
(ánh-); Mod. an.
◊ Nam 345, KED 1081. Cf. also dial. anak id. (KED 1068).
‖ VEWT 43, Martin 234. Note a common Altaic derivation in *-kV,
reflected in all languages except Turkic; for TM we suppose a semantic
development ‘sheath’ < ‘receptacle’ < ‘inside, middle’. Jpn. has lost the
first vowel in this archaic trisyllabic structure, and Kor. has rising tone
also due to contraction.
-ènŋù young of an ungulate: Tung. *(x)enŋe-; Mong. *unagan; Turk.
*ạnkaj; Jpn. *ùmà.
PTung. *(x)enŋe- young of deer, horse (one year old) (олененок,
жеребенок (годовалый)): Evk. eŋnekēn; Evn. ēnken; Neg. eŋnexēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 457.
PMong. *unagan foal up to one year old (жеребенок до года):
MMong. unuxan (HY 9), unəɣa ‘осленок’ (IM), unaɣan (MA 153);
WMong. unaɣa(n) (L 875); Kh. unaga; Bur. unaga(n); Kalm. unəɣn (КРС);
Ord. unaGa(n); Dag. unek ‘kid’ (Тод. Даг. 171); S.-Yugh. naGan; Mongr.
naGa (SM 254).
◊ MGCD 674. Mong. > Evk. unukān etc., see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 218. Associating *una-ga(n) with una- ‘to fall, drop’ is most certainly a folk etymology. -gan is a widely
spread suffix in animal names (daɣa-ga(n) ‘colt’, qura-ga(n) ‘lamb’ etc.); the usage of
una-gan as ‘having certain characteristics from birth’ is also easily explainable: cf. phrases
508
*enu - *ḗnV
like unaɣan ǯiruɣa ‘a horse able to travel at an amble since birth’, lit. ‘foal-ambler’ = ‘fast
ambler since foalhood’.
PTurk. *ạnkaj young of ungulates (less than 1-year-old) (детеныш
копытных животных (до года)): Oyr. anaj; Tv. anaj, Todzh. a’naj; Tof.
anhaj; Yak. ɨŋāx ‘young of ungulates and bears’.
◊ Рассадин 154.
PJpn. *ùmà horse (лошадь): OJpn. uma; MJpn. ùmà; Tok. umá; Kyo.
úmà; Kag. umá.
◊ JLTT 561.
‖ All forms reflect a suffixed *ènŋù-kV. A certain phonetic problem
is raised by u- in Mong.; one has to assume PM *unu-gan (cf. the early
TM loans: Evk. unukān ‘foal’, Sol. unuxũ ‘kid’; see on it Poppe 1974, 128)
with vocalic assimilation from earlier *anu-gan. Otherwise the etymology seems quite plausible, and appears to explain the Jpn. form better
than the usual theory of Chinese borrowing (neither MC mạ, nor OC
mrāʔ can explain the initial um- in Japanese).
-enu ( ~ -o) to beware, attention: Tung. *(x)en-te-; Mong. *(h)an-; Turk.
*anu-.
PTung. *(x)en-te- 1 to beware 2 attentively, slowly (1 быть осторожным 2 внимательно, медленно): Evn. ente- 1, ēntukukēn 2; Man.
entexeme ‘always, eternally’.
◊ ТМС 2, 454. Man. > Dag. entegem (Тод. Даг. 140).
PMong. *(h)an- 1 to pay attention 2 vigorous 3 attentive 4 to aim at
5 to beware (1 обращать внимание 2 энергичный, сильный 3 внимательный 4 нацеливаться 5 быть осторожным, остерегаться):
WMong. aŋqa- 1 (L 46: aŋqar-), anuɣu- 2,3, ana- 5 (L 42); Kh. anxa- 1, anūr
3, anūxan 2, ana- 5; Bur. anxar- 1, anda-, anžar- ‘to notice’; andadag ‘very
sensitive’; Kalm. aŋxər- 1; Ord. anug- 4.
◊ KW 12.
PTurk. *anu- 1 ready, certain 2 to get ready (1 готовый, уверенный
2 готовиться): OTurk. anu- (OUygh.) 2, anuq 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. anu(MK), anut- (caus.) (KB, MK) 2, anuq 1 (MK, KB); Tur. dial. anɨk 1;
Turkm. anɨq 2; MTurk. anut- (caus.) (Qutb) 2, anuq (IM, Qutb) 1; Uzb.
ɛniq 2; Uygh. eniq; Krm. anɨq 1; Tat. anɨq 1; Bashk. anɨq 1; Kirgh. anɨq 1;
Kaz. anɨq 1; KKalp. anɨq 1.
◊ EDT 171, 179, 182, ЭСТЯ 1, 151-152.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ḗnV pain, sickness: Tung. *enū-; Mong. *ene-ri, -l-; Turk. *ēn-.
PTung. *enū- 1 illness, pain 2 to feel pain, be sick (1 болезнь, боль 2
болеть, испытывать боль): Evk. enū 1, enūt- 2; Evn. en 1, en- 2; Neg.
enux 1, enū- 2; Man. en seme ‘groan’; Ul. enū 1, enu- 2; Ork. enu- 2, enū 1;
Nan. enusi- 2, enū 1; Orch. enu- 2; Ud. ene 1; Sol. enūn- 2, enexū 1.
*eńa - *eńa
509
◊ ТМС 2, 454-455.
PMong. *ene-ri, -l- 1 to feel pity, compassion 2 to suffer (1 жалеть,
сострадать 2 страдать): MMong. eneri-kui (HY 40), eneri- (MA) 1;
WMong. eneri- 1, enel- 2 (L 317); Kh. enere- 1, enele- 2; Bur. enel- 2; Kalm.
enl- 2; Ord. enel- 2; Mog. ZM inäl ‘lament, complain’ (4-8b).
◊ KW 122.
PTurk. *ēn- 1 to suffer 2 to be abashed, distressed 4 colic 5 to grizzle, slug 6 (birth) pains, labours 7 impatience 8 drag, disturbance 9
flaw, fault 10 obtuse, absent-minded 11 to torture, offend (1 страдать 2
растеряться, прийти в замешательство 4 колика 5 капризничать,
нежиться 6 потуги, родовые схватки 7 нетерпение 8 обуза, помеха 9
упущение, промах 10 рассеянный, бестолковый 11 мучить, обижать): OTurk. enegü 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. enčik- ‘to lose feelings’ (MK,
KB), enegü 4 (MK), enit- (AH) 2; Tur. inǯi- 1; Gag. enǯek ‘newborn’; Az.
inǯi- 1; Khal. ịnǯi- 1; MTurk. entük- 1; Uzb. entik- 1; Uygh. inǯik 6; Krm.
inǯɨt-, inčit- 11 (T); Tat. intek- 1, enǯe-le- 5; Bashk. intek- 1, inte- 11; Kirgh.
ente-le- 2, entik- ‘to suffer from dyspnoea’, enȫ 10; KBalk. inǯi- 1; Kum.
inǯi- 1; Nogh. enew 4; Oyr. enči 6, enčik 7; Chuv. andъx- 1, 7, anzux
‘dumb, sclerotic person’; Yak. enn’e-lik 8, enči 9.
◊ EDT 174, 184, ЭСТЯ 1, 283, Егоров 29. Doerfer (Khal.) suggests Arabic origin,
which is quite improbable. Vowel length is suggested by the voiced -ǯ- of the suffix in
several languages.
‖ KW 122, Poppe 69. A Western isogloss. Despite Doerfer MT 47,
TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-eńa sin, bad behaviour: Tung. *eńe-; Mong. *ende-; Turk. *(i)ańɨg; Kor.
*āń-.
PTung. *eńe- to sin (грешить): Ul. eńe-; Ork. en(n)e-.
◊ ТМС 2, 456.
PMong. *ende- to be mistaken (ошибаться, заблуждаться):
MMong. ende- (SH); WMong. ende-; Kh. ende-; Bur. ende-; Kalm.
endəgdə-; Ord. endegdel ‘fault, mistake’; Dag. ende- (Тод. Даг. 139);
S.-Yugh. eŋdē-.
◊ KW 122, MGCD 261. Mong. > Evk. ende- etc., see Doerfer MT 111, Rozycki 69.
PTurk. *(i)ańɨg sin, evil (грех, зло): OTurk. ańɨɣ (Orkh., OUygh.),
ajɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. ajɨɣ (MK); Yak. a; Dolg. ań.
◊ VEWT 20, EDT 182, ЭСТЯ 1, 113, Stachowski 34.
PKor. *āń- to rob, steal (грабить, похищать): MKor. ās-, āń- (àńă-);
Mod. at- [as-].
◊ Nam 350, KED 1096.
‖ The root must have denoted “bad behaviour” in general, whence
all the attested meanings: “mistake”, “sin”, “robbery”.
510
*ńa - *ēŋa(k῾V)
-ńa mother, elder sister: Tung. *eńi-; Turk. *ana / *eńe; Jpn. *ánái; Kor.
*ńí.
PTung. *eńi- mother, female (мать, самка): Evk. eńin; Evn. eńin;
Neg. eńin; Man. eńen; Jurch. enin (283); Ul. eń-; Ork. enin; Nan. eńin;
Orch. ene, eńi; Ud. eńi(n); Sol. enē, enĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 456.
PTurk. *ana / *eńe mother (мать): OTurk. ana ~ ene (OUygh.);
Karakh. ana ~ ene (MK); Tur. ana; Gag. ana; Az. ana; Turkm. ene; Sal. ana;
MTurk. ana (Pav. C.); Uygh. ana; Krm. ana; Tat. ana; Bashk. inä; Kirgh.
ene; Kaz. ene, ana; KBalk. ana; KKalp. ene, ana; Kum. ana; SUygh. ana;
Khak. inä; Oyr. ene; Tv. ie; Chuv. ańne; Yak. ie; Dolg. ińe.
◊ EDT 169-170, VEWT 19, 44, TMN 2, 130, ЭСТЯ 1, 278-281, Егоров 28, Лексика
298-299, 300-301, Stachowski 127.
PJpn. *ánái elder sister (старшая сестра): OJpn. ane; MJpn. ane; Tok.
àne; Kyo. áné; Kag. áne.
◊ JLTT 382.
PKor. *ńí mother (мать): MKor. ńí; Mod. əi.
◊ Nam 363, KED 1134.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 27-29, АПиПЯЯ 78. A “nursery word” (like most
kinship terms), but no doubt archaic.
-eńa a k. of vessel: Tung. *eńukē; Mong. *ajaga(n); Turk. *ańak.
PTung. *eńukē a big kettle (большой котел): Neg. eńi; Ul. eńue;
Ork. enue, enuɣe; Nan. eńue; Orch. eneiŋki ‘birch box for dishes’.
◊ ТМС 2, 455.
PMong. *ajaga(n) cup (чашка): MMong. ajaqa (HY 19, SH, LH),
ajaɣa (IM 433, MA 108); WMong. ajaɣa(n); Kh. ajaga(n); Bur. ajaga; Kalm.
āɣə; Ord. ajaGa; Dag. ajaga (Тод. Даг. 118); Dong. jiGa, iɣa; Bao. (a)jiGə;
Mongr. jaGa (SM 486).
◊ KW 20. TMN 2, 171.
PTurk. *ańak 1 pot, cup 2 hole; mouth 3(river) mouth (1 сосуд,
чашка 2 отверстие; рот 3 устье (реки)): OTurk. ajaq 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ajaq 1 (MK); Tur. ajak 3; Az. ajak 3; Turkm. ajaq 3; MTurk. ajaq 1
(Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔjɔq 1, 3; Uygh. ajaq 1; Krm. ajaq 1; Bashk. ajaq 1; Kirgh.
ajaq 1; Kaz. ajaq 1; KBalk. ajaq 1, 3; KKalp. ajaq 3; Kum. ajaq 1; Nogh. ajaq
1; SUygh. ajaq 1; Khak. ajax 1; Shr. ajaq 1; Oyr. ajaq 1; Tv. ajaq 1, 3; Yak.
aax 1, 2; Dolg. ańa, ańak 2.
◊ VEWT 11, ЭСТЯ 1, 105, TMN 2, 171-2, EDT 270, Stachowski 34. Turk. > Mongor
ajaG ‘paquet’ (SM 16), ZM ajq (14-2a); > Russ. Siber. aják (Аникин 104).
‖ Владимирцов 293. A Western isogloss. Mong. may be < Turk.
(TMN 2, 171, Щербак 1997, 95-96).
-ēŋa(k῾V) chin, jaw: Tung. *(x)eŋge; Turk. *ēŋ; Jpn. *ánk-.
PTung. *(x)eŋge beak (клюв): Man. eŋge.
*eŋsV - *ēŋV
511
◊ ТМС 2, 457. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable parallels in Turkic and
Mongolian.
PTurk. *ēŋ 1 cheeks 2 jaw, chin (1 щеки 2 челюсть, подбородок):
Karakh. eŋ 1, eŋek 1, 2 (MK); Tur. enek 2; Az. äŋ 2; Turkm. ǟŋ ‘lower jaw’,
eŋek 2; MTurk. eŋek, enek 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. engäk 2; Uygh. iŋäk 2;
Tat. ijäk 2; Bashk. ĭjek 2; Kirgh. ēk 2; Kaz. ĭjek 2; KKalp. ijek 2; Nogh. ijek
2; SUygh. iŋek 2; Khak. ek 2; Shr. ēk 2; Oyr. ēk 2; Chuv. ana 2; Yak. iŋ 2.
◊ EDT 166, 183, VEWT 45, ЭСТЯ 1, 284-285, Лексика 218-219, Федотов 1, 45.
PJpn. *ánk- 1 gills 2 jaw, chin (1 жабры 2 челюсть, подбородок):
OJpn. agji, agjitopji; MJpn. ágì, ágító; Tok. agó 2, agito 1,2; Kyo. àgô 2; Kag.
ágo 2.
◊ JLTT 377. RJ, Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *á(n)kỼ (the root ending is somewhat
hard to reconstruct), but Kyoto has an unexpected circumflex tone.
‖ One could also reconstruct *ēna(k῾V) - in which case cf. Kor. anɨm
‘jowl, meat of the cheek’ (KED 1068).
-eŋsV shoulder, back part: Turk. *eŋse; Kor. *ski.
PTurk. *eŋse back of the neck (задняя часть шеи): Tur. ense; Gag.
jensä; Turkm. jeŋse; MTurk. eŋse, äŋsä (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ensä; Krm. eŋse,
ense; Kirgh. eŋse; Kaz. eŋse; KKalp. eŋse; Kum. eŋse; Nogh. eŋse; Oyr.
eŋze; Chuv. ənze, jənze.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 190-191, Егоров 65, Лексика 237-238.
PKor. *ski shoulder (плечо): MKor. ski; Mod. ək:ä.
◊ Nam 369, KED 1121.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss. For the Turk. form cf. alternatively TM *pisa
(see Лексика 239).
-ēŋV to think, understand: Tung. *eŋē-; Mong. *aɣuda-la-; Turk. *āŋ,
*āŋ-la-; Jpn. *m-p-.
PTung. *(x)eŋē- to peer, investigate (заглядывать, разведывать):
Evn. eŋēli-, eŋēt-.
◊ ТМС 2, 458. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *aɣuda-la- to search, investigate, rummage (искать, рыться
в чем-л.): WMong. aɣudala- (L 16); Kh. ūdla-; Bur. ūdal-; Kalm. ūdl-; Ord.
ūdala-; Mog. audɔl- (Weiers); ZM oudal (24-9a) ῾investigation’.
◊ KW 454.
PTurk. *āŋ, *āŋ-la- 1 to understand 2 intelligence 3 to hear 4 to discern (dial.) (1 понимать 2 разум, ум 3 слышать 4 различать (диал.)):
OTurk. aŋla- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aŋla- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. anla- 1; Az.
anla- 1; Turkm. āŋla- 1, āŋ 2; Khal. aŋla- 1 ( < Az.); MTurk. aŋ 2, aŋla- 1
(San.); Uygh. aŋla- 3; Tat. aŋ-ɣar- 1; Kirgh. aŋ 2; SUygh. aŋna- 3; Khak.
aŋdɨ- ‘to look attentively’; Chuv. ъₙn 2; Yak. aŋlā- 4.
◊ VEWT 20, TMN 2,130, EDT 165, 186, ЭСТЯ 1, 153-154. WMong. aŋ-ǯira- ‘to know,
understand’ < Turkic Siberian languages (aŋ-sɨra- with the affix of incomplete verb quality); WMong. aŋqar- < Turk. *āŋ-gar-.
512
*ḕŋV - *ḗpo
PJpn. *m-p- to think (думать): OJpn. omop-; MJpn. òmòf-; Tok.
omó-; Kyo. ómó-; Kag. òmò-.
◊ JLTT 741.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1,154 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 286. The Jpn. word poses
some problems: its accent does not correspond to Turkic length, and if
we reconstruct *ēŋo (as required by Jpn. *ə-), PT should have a closed
*. It is worth while therefore to consider other explanations of Jpn.
*m-p-: e. g. compare it with Mong. ojun ‘thought’ and reconstruct a
separate protoform like *uńo.
-ḕŋV cloud, darkness: Tung. *ēŋ-; Mong. *eɣüle.
PTung. *ēŋ- 1 to disappear, become invisible 2 to close eyes;
to miss (a sight) 3 to go down (of sun, moon, stars) 4 shady,
unlit place (1 скрываться из виду 2 закрывать глаза; упускать
(из виду) 3 заходить (о солнце, луне, звездах) 4 затененное,
неосвещенное место): Evk. ēŋ- 1; Evn. ēŋut- 2; Orch. eŋgi- 3; Ud.
ēŋigi- 3; Nan. eŋmiẽ (On.) 4
◊ ТМС 2, 457, 458.
PMong. *eɣüle cloud (облако): MMong. e’ulen (HY 1, SH), ulät
(IM), iulän (MA); WMong. egüle(n) (L 300); Kh. ǖl(en); Bur. ǖle(n); Kalm.
ǖln; Ord. ǖle, üjle; Dag. eulen (Тод. Даг. 141, MD 146); Dong. olien; Bao.
ōloŋ, uloŋ; Mongr. ulin, uliŋ, uloŋ (SM 470).
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ḗpo to hunt, kill: Tung. *wā- ( = *ebā-); Mong. *aba; Turk. *Āb; Jpn. *p-.
PTung. *wā- ( = *ebā-) to kill (убивать): Evk. wā-; Evn. wā-, mā-;
Neg. wā-; Man. wa-; SMan. vā- (739); Jurch. wa-du-lar (459); Ul. wāwụ;
Ork. wā-; Nan. wā-; Orch. wā-; Ud. wā-; Sol. wā-.
◊ ТМС 1, 127-129. TM > Dag. wātā- (Тод. Даг. 129).
PMong. *aba hunt, chase (охота): MMong. aba (SH), abači ‘hunter’
(HY 30), abala- ‘to hunt’ (IM); WMong. aba (L 2); Kh. av; Bur. aba; Kalm.
awə; Ord. awa; Dag. au; Mongr. bārdi-, wārdi- ‘lutter, se mesurer à la
lutte’ (SM 21, 481).
◊ KW 19, TMN 1, 107. Mong. > Man. aba etc., see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 9.
PTurk. *Āb hunt, chase (охота): OTurk. ab (Orkh.), av (OUygh.);
Karakh. av (MK); Tur. av; Gag. av; Az. ov; Turkm. āv; MTurk. aw (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ɔv; Uygh. aw, dial. ō; Krm. av; Tat. aw; Kirgh. ū; Kaz. aw;
KBalk. uw; Kum. aw, haw; Nogh. aw.
◊ EDT 3, VEWT 1, ЭСТЯ 62-64, TMN 2, 131, Лексика 417-418.
PJpn. *p- to follow, chase (преследовать, гнаться за): OJpn. op-;
MJpn. óf-; Tok. ò-; Kyo. ó-; Kag. ó-.
◊ JLTT 743.
*ĕp῾a - *ép῾á
513
‖ KW 19, Poppe 46, 97. Cf. Manchu ebte ǵaxun ‘hunting bird’ (perhaps preserving the original shape of the root *eb(a)-, that has elsewhere been irregularly reduced to *ewā- > *wā-). Despite TMN 1, 107, 2,
131, Щербак 1997, 94, there is no reason for assuming Turk. > Mong.
-ĕp῾a mother, elder sister, aunt: Tung. *ebke; Mong. *ebej; Turk. *apa;
Jpn. *pàpà.
PTung. *ebke grandmother, aunt, elder brother’s wife (бабушка,
тетка, жена старшего брата): Evk. ewekē; Neg. ewexē; Ul. ewke; Ork.
ewe(n); Nan. euke; Orch. euke.
◊ ТМС 2, 433.
PMong. *ebej mother (мать): WMong. ebei; Kh. evij ‘female otter’;
Bur. ebɨ (Dial.); Kalm. ewə; Dag. ewē (Тод. Даг. 138).
◊ KW 129.
PTurk. *apa mother, elder sister, aunt (мать, старшая сестра, тетя):
OTurk. apa (Yen.); Karakh. epe ~ apa (Oghuz=Qarluq Türkmen, MK);
Tur. aba (Ank.), dial. apa; Turkm. apa, afa (dial.); MTurk. apa ‘elder sister’ (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔpa; Uygh. apa; Krm. apaj (Q); Tat. apa; Bashk. apa;
Kirgh. apa; Kaz. apa; KBalk. aba; KKalp. apa; Kum. abaj, apaj; Nogh. aba;
Shr. abiče (< aba-eče); Oyr. abune (< aba-ene); Tv. ava; Tof. aba.
◊ EDT 5, ЭСТЯ 1, 158-159, ССЯ 290-291, Лексика 300, 301, TMN 2, 3, Аникин 90.
Front row variants (Tur. eve, Kaz. ebej, Yak., Dolg. ebe etc., see ЭСТЯ 1, 220-221, Stachowski 42) are recent and may have a Mong. origin.
PJpn. *pàpà mother (мать): OJpn. papa; MJpn. fàfà; Tok. háha; Kyo.
háhà; Kag. háha.
◊ JLTT 386. The accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 32-37, Poppe 43. One of the rather widely spread
nursery kinship words.
-ép῾á breast, rib: Mong. *eb-; Jpn. *ámpárá; Kor. *əp-.
PMong. *eb- 1 breast 2 bosom (1 грудь 2 пазуха): MMong. ebur 2,
ebuǯe’un (HY 46, SH), emčon (IM), ibču-tu (MA) 1; WMong. ebür, öbür (L
628) 2, ebčigü(n) (L 285) 1; Kh. öwör 2, öwčǖ(n) 1; Bur. über 2, übsǖ(n) 1;
Kalm. öwr 2, öpcǖn, öpčǖn 1; Ord. öwör 2, öbčǖ 1; Mog. ebčǖn; ZM ebčoun
(2-8b); Dag. eur 1 (Тод. Даг. 176 xeur - with a strange x-), erčū (Тод. Даг.
140) 2; Dong. ečen 2; Bao. vɛr 1, ɛbčoŋ 2; S.-Yugh. wər 1, χöǯǖn 2; Mongr.
wer, ur, j(w)ər, jer (SM 492), ujer (Huzu) 1, ś ‘poitrine, poitrail’ (SM
391), śiǯau 2.
◊ KW 303, 298. MGCD 537, 539. Mong. > Evk. owur, see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT
127.
PJpn. *ámpárá rib (ребро): Tok. àbara(bone); Kyo. ábárá(bóné); Kag.
abara(bóne).
◊ JLTT 376.
514
*ep῾ò - *p῾o
PKor. *əp- beef brisket, breast of ox (грудинка, мясо на груди скота): Mod. əpčin.
◊ KED 1150.
‖ Lee 1958, 108 (Mong.-Kor.); a loanword in Kor. < Mong. is not excluded.
-ep῾ò bread, food: Tung. *epe; Mong. *aɣag / *haɣag; Turk. *Epej; Jpn.
*əpə-mənə; Kor. *páp.
PTung. *epe baked bread, cake (печеный хлеб, пирог): Evk. ewedi;
Man. efen; SMan. efən ‘Manchu bread’ (364); Ul. epe(n); Nan. epẽ; Sol. ouo
~ uɣon ~ eweń.
◊ ТМС 2, 436.
PMong. *aɣag / *haɣag bran (отруби): WMong. aɣaɣ (L 12: aɣa); Kh.
āga; Bur. āgaha(n), āha(n) ‘oatmeal’; Ord. āG; Dag. āhe (MD), āga, xāg
(MGCD 90, Kuribayashi 175).
PTurk. *Epej baked bread (печеный хлеб): Tat. ipi; Bashk. äpäj.
◊ Forms like epmek may belong here but contaminated with *etmek (v. sub *ite).
PJpn. *əpə-mənə food (пища, еда): OJpn. op(w)omono.
◊ JLTT 509. The analysis of the word as “big thing” is obviously a folk etymology: cf.
the same root also in a verbal derivative OJ op(w)o-k- ‘to eat greedily’.
PKor. *páp food (пища): MKor. páp; Mod. pap.
◊ Liu 370, KED 734.
‖ The Kor. form (perhaps also the Dagur form with x-) reflect an
expressive reduplication.
-p῾o big: Mong. *aba-; Turk. *Ap / *Ep; Jpn. *p-; Kor. *opɨ-.
PMong. *aba- huge (огромный): MMong. ? aburin eme ‘principal
wife’ (SH, Козин); WMong. abarɣa, (L 6: aburɣu, aburɣa); Kh. avraga;
Bur. abarga; Kalm. awrGə; Dag. auruhe ‘big fish (probably sturgeon’ (MD
116) (?).
◊ KW 20. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. oburgu (Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 188); > Russ. dial.
абарга ‘рыба калуга’ (Аникин 71).
PTurk. *Ap / *Ep emphatic strengthening particle (эмфатическая
усилительная частица): Karakh. ap / ep (MK); Tur. ap (XIV c.), apačɨk
‘quite, completely’; Az. apǯɨG ‘however’; Kirgh. apej ‘an emphatic interjection’.
◊ EDT 3.
PJpn. *p- big; many (большой; много): OJpn. opo-; opo(ki)-; MJpn.
òfò-; ofo(ki)-; Tok. ṓ-; ōkí-; Kyo. ō-; Kag. ṓ-.
◊ JLTT 838.
PKor. *opɨ- plentiful (обильный, многочисленный): Mod.
obut-hada [obus-], obɨt-hada.
◊ KED 1201.
*ép῾V - *ra
515
‖ SKE 174, Martin 239, АПиПЯЯ 102 (with literature), 274. Cf. also
*ebo (Jpn. reflects a merger of these two roots).
-ép῾V grandfather: Tung. *epu; Mong. *ebü-gen; Kor. *p-.
PTung. *epu 1 elder sister’s husband 2 grandfather, elder relative 3
bear 4 father’s elder brother (1 муж старшей сестры 2 дед, старший
родственник 3 медведь 4 старший брат отца): Neg. epo, epa 4; Man.
efu 1; SMan. efū 1 (905); Ork. ēpi 2, epeke 2, 3; Orch. epere 2, 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 459.
PMong. *ebü-ge- 1 old man, grandfather 2 ancestor (1 старик, дед 2
предок): MMong. ebugan 1, ebuge(n) 1,2 (SH); WMong. ebügen 1, ebüge 2
(L 290); Kh. övgön 1, övög 2; Bur. übge(n) 1; Kalm. öwgn 1, 2; Ord.
öwögö(n) 1, 2; Dag. eukē ‘elder sister’s husband’.
◊ KW 302. Mong. ebügen > Chag. äbügän etc., see TMN 1, 109-111.
PKor. *p- 1 father 2 parents (1 отец 2 родители): MKor. pí 1, pńí
2; Mod. əbi (arch.), abi, abəǯi 1, əbəi 2.
◊ Nam 361, 362, KED 1074, 1130, 1131.
‖ SKE 3, Poppe 103. Cf. *áp῾a.
-ra to be: Tung. *eri-; Mong. *ere-; Turk. *er-; Jpn. *àr-.
PTung. *eri- 1 to breathe 2 breath 3 soul (1 дышать 2 дыхание 3 душа): Evk. erī- 1, erīn 2, 3; Evn. eri- 1, erin 2; Neg. ejī- 1, ejgen 2, 3; Man.
erge- ‘to rest’, ergen 2, 3; SMan. erəxən ‘breath, life’ (39, 693, 2965); Jurch.
erin-he ( = erhen) (517); Ul. ersi- 1, erge(n) 2; Ork. er(i)- 1; Nan. erisi- 1, ergẽ
2; Orch. egge 3; Ud. ege 2, 3, dial. eje 2; Sol. ergē ‘life’.
◊ ТМС 2, 464.
PMong. *ere-ɣül healthy, sober (здоровый, трезвый): MMong. iläur
(MA 152), elor (IM 437), ileur (LH); WMong. ere-gül, ele-gür; Kh. erǖl;
Bur. erǖl; Kalm. erǖl; Ord. erǖl.
◊ KW 128. Mong. > Oyr. elǖr etc. (VEWT 41).
PTurk. *er- to be (aux.) (быть (вспом.)): OTurk. er- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. er- (MK, KB); Tur. i-; Gag. i-/ir-; Az. i-; Turkm. er-; Sal. ir- (Kakuk 182); Khal. är- (D. GCh 182); MTurk. er- (Abush.); Uzb. e-, er-ür
(fut.); Uygh. e-; Krm. e-; Tat. i- (i-ken (perf.) ‘it appears’, i-meš (evident.)
‘...says that it is’); Bashk. i-; Kirgh. e-; Kaz. e-; KBalk. e-; KKalp. e-; Kum.
e-; Nogh. e-; SUygh. er-; Khak. i-; Shr. e-; Oyr. e-; Tv. e-/ir-; Yak. e-/er-;
Dolg. e-/er-.
◊ EDT 193-194, VEWT 46, ЭСТЯ 1, 218-220, Stachowski 42, 46. The verb frequently
occurs as e-, without the final -r- (see ibid.).
PJpn. *àr- to be (быть): OJpn. ar-; MJpn. àr-; Tok. ár-; Kyo. àr-; Kag.
àr-.
◊ JLTT 677.
516
*ḗra - *ḗre
‖ Cf. Mong. *a- (MMong. a-) a defective auxiliary verb. This, together with the frequent absence of -r- in Turkic paradigms, may speak
in favour of reconstructing monosyllabic *er for PA.
-ḗra rough: Mong. *ar-; Turk. *Ērig; Jpn. *árá-; Kor. *ar-.
PMong. *ar- 1 to become dry, hard 2 dry, hard, thick 3 to be rough,
shaggy (1 засыхать, черстветь 2 густой, сухой, черствый 3 быть грубым, шершавым): WMong. arɣu- 1 (L 51: arɣa-), arɣu 2, arǯiji-, arǯaji- (L
55) 3; Kh. arga- 1, argū(n) 2, arǯī-, arʒaj- 3; Bur. arga- 1, argūn 2, arzaj- 3;
Kalm. arzā- 3; Ord. arǯi-, arǯǟ- 3; Dag. arbəi- (MGCD); Mongr. rǯī(MGCD), (a)rʒ- (SM 13, 311), rī- 3.
◊ KW 16, MGCD 118.
PTurk. *Ērig rough, large (грубый, крупный): OTurk. erig
(OUygh.) ‘wild’; Karakh. erig (MK) ‘lively, energetic’; Tur. iri; Az. iri;
Turkm. īri; MTurk. iri (Бор. Бад.), irik (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.), erig (Qutb.);
Uzb. jirik; Uygh. irik, jirik; Krm. iri; Tat. ĭrĭ; Bashk. ĭrĭ; Kirgh. iri; Kaz. iri;
KKalp. iri; Nogh. iri.
◊ EDT 221, 222, ЭСТЯ 1, 371-372. Modern languages reveal a secondary vowel narrowing. Turk. > Hung. öreg.
PJpn. *árá rough (грубый): OJpn. ara-; MJpn. árá-; Tok. àra-; Kyo.
árà-.
◊ JLTT 825.
PKor. *ar- bare, naked, stripped to essentials (голый, простой):
MKor. ar-; Mod. al-.
◊ Liu 526, KED 1088.
‖ Martin 225 (Kor.-Jpn.)
-ḗre ( ~ -i) early: Tung. *erü-n; Mong. *er-te; Turk. *r; Kor. *ìr-.
PTung. *erü-n time (время): Evn. eri; Neg. ejun; Man. erin; SMan.
erin (2648); Jurch. erin (89); Ul. eru(n); Ork. eru(n) / eri(n); Nan. erĩ; Orch.
erū(n); Ud. ēli(n); Sol. er.
◊ ТМС 2, 463-4. TM > Dag. erin (Тод. Даг. 140).
PMong. *er-te early (рано, ранний): MMong. erte (HY 76), erde
(SH), ärtä (IM), irt (MA); WMong. erte(n) (L 331); Kh. ert(en); Bur. erte;
Kalm. ertə; Ord. erte; Mog. irte; Dag. erte, erde (Тод. Даг. 140) ‘early;
morning’, erete (MD 145) long ago, anciently; early; morning’; Dong.
ečie; Bao. ete; S.-Yugh. rde; Mongr. šde (SM 372).
◊ KW 126, MGCD 269. Mong. > Evk. erte etc., see Doerfer MT 76, Rozycki 70.
PTurk. *r 1 early 2 early in the morning 3 tomorrow 4 (morning
sun) > sunny mountain slope (1 рано 2 рано утром 3 завтра 4 (утреннее солнце) > солнечный склон горы): OTurk. [ir ~ er 4, er-kenin,] erte
2 (OUygh.); Karakh. erte 2 (MK); Tur. er, erte 2; Gag. ierte ‘next day’; Az.
ertä 2; Turkm. īr 1, erte 2; MTurk. er 1 (Bud.), erte 2 (Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. erta 2; Uygh. ä(r)tä ‘morning’; Krm. erte 2; Tat. irtä 2; Bashk. irtä 2;
*érga - *èrì
517
Kirgh. erte 2; Kaz. erte 2; KBalk. ertte 2; KKalp. erte 2; Kum. ertä 2; Nogh.
erte 2; SUygh. erte 2; Khak. irte ‘morning’; Oyr. erte 2; Tv. erte 2; Chuv. ir
3; Yak. erde 1; Dolg. erčin 1.
◊ EDT 202-203, VEWT 46, ЭСТЯ 1, 302-306, 369-370, Егоров 70, Лексика 79, Stachowski 47.
PKor. *ìr- early (ранний): MKor. ìr-; Mod. irɨ-.
◊ Nam 400, KED 1326.
‖ EAS 146, KW 126, VEWT 46, SKE 69, Poppe 106, Menges 1984,
267, Дыбо 11, Лексика 79. Cf. perhaps also MKor. jt ‘now’ ( < *jr-t =
Mong., Turk. *erte?); Lee 1958, 108 also draws MKor. əri ‘time, season’,
ərɨn ‘quickly’, which we were unable to identify. Borrowing in Mong.
from Turk. (Щербак 1997, 116) is hardly plausible: the *-t῾V suffix in
this case must be Common Altaic. The etymology is still quite valid,
despite all attempts of Doerfer (TMN 4, 257-259). Cf. also Turk. *er-k‘early; ancient’ = Mong. argi- ‘to be old, ancient, mature’.
-érga ( ~ -u) a k. of box, enclosure: Tung. *(x)erge; Mong. *(h)ergi-neg;
Turk. *erge; Kor. *rí.
PTung. *(x)erge a k. of box (вид ящика): Evk. erge.
◊ ТМС 2, 462. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)ergi-neg 1 cupboard (standing close to the door) 2 enclosure (for sheep, calves) (1 буфет (стоящий около двери) 2 загон
(для овец, телят)): WMong. ergineg 1 (L 325); Kh. eregneg 1; Bur. ergeneg
1,2; Kalm. ergənəg 1; Ord. ergenek 1.
◊ KW 124.
PTurk. *erge 1 part of the yurt close to the door 2 threshhold 3 stairs
(1 часть юрты рядом с дверью 2 порог 3 лестница): MTurk. irgene
‘smth. belonging to the tent’ (Sangl.); Kirgh. ergilček 1; Kaz. erge, irge 1;
Khak. irkən 2; Oyr. irge 2; Chuv. argъ ῾lap’; Yak. ergene, ergine 3.
◊ VEWT 47, Федотов 1, 56-57.
PKor. *rí enclosure (загон, огороженное место): MKor. rí; Mod.
əri (arch.).
◊ Nam 361, KED 1128.
‖ VEWT 47. The Turkic forms are attested late and those ending in
-ne may actually be < Mong.; however, the Oyr. and Kaz. forms can
hardly be explained as loans.
-èrì a k. of fruit: Mong. *üril; Turk. *erük; Jpn. *ìtàpi; Kor. *ɨrɨm.
PMong. *üril plum (слива): WMong. üril (L 1013); Kh. öröl ‘wild
apple’; Kalm. örl ‘wild pear’.
◊ KW 300. Cf. *ölir (a different root, but liable to merger).
PTurk. *erük 1 plum 2 apricot (1 слива 2 абрикос): OTurk. erük 1, 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. erük 1, 2 (MK); Tur. erik 1; Gag. ierik 1; Az. ärik 2;
Turkm. erik 2; Sal. örüx 1; MTurk. erük (AH) ‘peach’, örük (Abush.) 1;
518
*erka - *ro
Uzb. ọrịk 2; Uygh. ürük 2; Krm. erik 1; Tat. rĭk 2; Bashk. rk 2; Kirgh.
örük 2; Kaz. orĭk 2; KBalk. erik 1; KKalp. erik 2; Kum. erik 1.
◊ EDT 222, ЭСТЯ 1, 291-292.
PJpn. *ìtàpi Japanese fig (японская фига): OJpn. itabji; MJpn. ìtàbì,
ìtàbí.
◊ JLTT 427.
PKor. *ɨrɨm clematis berries, akebi seed (плод акабии): Mod. ɨrɨm.
◊ KED 1285.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 292. In TM cf. perhaps Evk. dial. erbeɣu ‘name of a shrub
with yellow flowers, used instead of tea’ (ТМС 2, 462). Mong. *üril
‘plum’ should be kept distinct from *ölir ‘small apple’ (see under *ójle);
however, since the sequences -l-r and -r-l in Mong. are liable to metathesis, it is difficult to decide which protoforms are actually reflected
in *üril and *ölir. In any case, labialization in Mong. is probably secondary here (either *üril < *irü-l or *ölir < *elör < *erö-l).
-erka to wrap, tie: Mong. *arga-; Turk. *Arka-; Kor. *rk-.
PMong. *arga- 1 string, cord 2 woven basket (1 веревка 2 плетеная
корзина): MMong. arqamǯi (SH) arɣā, arɣamči (IM 432) 1, āruq (MA 113)
2; WMong. arɣamǯi 2, aruɣ 2; Kh. argamǯ 1, arag 2; Bur. arag 2; Kalm. arəg
2; Ord. aruG 2; Mog. ZM ra (13-3) ‘fibre’; Dong. areu 2 (MGCD arəu);
Bao. aroG 2 (MGCD arGoŋ); Mongr. aruG 2 (SM 14), aroG (MGCD).
◊ KW 13, MGCD 114, 115. Turkic origin of arɣamǯi was supposed by Doerfer TMN 1,
122, but without sufficient reasons (Chag. arɣamǯi etc. (see ЭСТЯ 1, 171-172) is certainly <
Mong., see ibid.).
PTurk. *Arka- lasso, thick string (лассо, толстая веревка): Turkm.
arqān; Uzb. arkan 1.
◊ VEWT 26, ЭСТЯ 1, 175-176. Turk. > WMong. arqala-, Kalm. arxəl- (KW 14).
PKor. *rk- to wrap, tie up (завязывать, заворачивать): MKor. rk-;
Mod. əlk-.
◊ Nam 368, KED 1147.
‖ Cf. Nan. erĩ ‘rope for binding up the yurt with ritual purposes’
(ТМС 2,463), suggesting that *-k- may be originally a suffix. Despite
Щербак 1997, 162, Mongolian forms are hard to explain as borrowed
from Turkic.
-ro clean: Mong. *ariɣ-; Turk. *ạrɨ-; Jpn. *áráp-.
PMong. *ar- 1 clean 2 to clean 3 cloth for cleaning (1 чистый 2 чистить 3 платок (для чистки)): MMong. arči- 2, aril- ‘to be clear’ (SH),
ariun 1, orči- 2, [o]rčur 3 (IM 433, 432), ariun, āri-jun 1, arči- 2, arčiwur 3
(MA 105, 106, 104, 178), arilqa- 1 (HYt); WMong. ariɣun (L 53) 1, arči- 2,
arčiɣur, alčiɣur 3; Kh. ariun 1, arči- 2, alčūr 3; Bur. aŕūn 1, arša- 2, aršūl 3;
Kalm. ärǖn 1, arč- 2, alčūr 3; Ord. arūn 1, arči- 2, alčūr 3; Mog. orūn 1; ZM
rūn 1 ‘pure, clean’ (11-3a); Dag. arūn (Тод. Даг. 122), aren 1 (MD 115),
*ērt῾a - *ērt῾a
519
arči- 2; Dong. arun 1, ači- ‘полоть’ 2, anču 3; Bao. aruŋ 1; S.-Yugh. arūn;
Mongr. arən, arin (SM 11, 14) 1, arili- ‘se purifier’ (SM 14), xair (SM 149)
3.
◊ KW 24, MGCD 119, 565. Mong. > Evk. ariwūn, see Poppe 1966, 189, Doerfer MT
125; > Chag. arun, see TMN 1, 129.
PTurk. *ạrɨ- 1 clean, pure, to be clean 2 to clean, purify (1 чистый,
быть чистым 2 чистить): OTurk. arɨɣ (Orkh.), arɨ-, arɨɣ (OUygh.) 1, arɨt(OUygh.) 2; Karakh. arɨ-, arɨɣ (MK, KB) 1, arɨt- (MK, KB) 2; Tur. arɨ 1,
art- 2, Osm. arɨt- ‘to wipe’; Az. dial. arɨ 1, arɨt- 2; Turkm. arɨG 1, art- 2;
Khal. arɨɣ 1, arut- 2; MTurk. arɨ- (Abush.), arɨɣ (Abush., Sangl., Qutb),
arɨ (Pav. C.) 1, arɨt- (Sangl., Qutb) 2; Uzb. dial. ari- 1; Uygh. eriq 1; Tat.
aru 1; Bashk. arɨw 1; Kirgh. arū 1; Kaz. aru 1; KBalk. arɨw 1; KKalp. aruw
1; SUygh. arɨɣ 1; Khak. arɨɣ 1; Oyr. aru 1; Tv. arɨɣ 1, arɨt- 2; Chuv. ɨrъ
‘good’, irt- ‘перебирать ягоды, очищать дерево от сучьев’; Yak. ɨrās 1,
ɨrɨt- ‘перебирать ягоды’; Dolg. ɨras 1.
◊ EDT 198, 213, VEWT 27, ЭСТЯ 1, 184-186, Мудрак Дисс. 182, Stachowski 261.
PJpn. *áráp- to wash (мыть): OJpn. arap-; MJpn. áráf-; Tok. àra-; Kyo.
árá-; Kag. ará-.
◊ JLTT 677.
‖ EAS 88, KW 24, Владимирцов 199, Poppe 79, Ozawa 170-171,
Мудрак Дисс. 182. Cf. TM forms: Orok ārŋa- ‘to clean (with a brush)’
(ТМС 1, 50), Evk. ertikē- ‘clean up’ (ТМС 2, 465). Despite TMN 1, 129,
Щербак 1997, 100, Mong. can hardly be regarded as borrowed < Turk.
-ērt῾a ( ~ -o) to carry on back: Mong. *ači-; Turk. *rt-.
PMong. *ači- to load, carry on one’s back (грузить, нести на спине): MMong. ači- (SH Козин), ača’an ‘груз’(HY), ači’ā ‘груз’ (IM), ači(MA); WMong. ači- (L 8); Kh. ači-; Bur. aša-; Kalm. ači- (КРС); Ord. ači-;
Mog. ači- (Ramstedt 1906); Dong. ačɨ-; Bao. ače- (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. śā
(n.).
◊ MGCD 126. Mong. > Evk. atiga, Man. ači-, see Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT 100,
Rozycki 11.
PTurk. *rt- to load, carry on back (нагружать, нести на спине):
OTurk. (?) arč- (OUygh. - USp.); Karakh. arčɨ ‘saddle-bag’ (MK; <
art-čɨ?); Tur. ard- (dial.), = Osm.; Gag. ārt-; Uzb. ɔrt-; Uygh. a(r)t-; Bashk.
art-; Kirgh. art-; Kaz. art-; KKalp. art-; Nogh. art-; SUygh. art-; Khak.
art-; Shr. arta-; Oyr. art-art-; Tv. art-; Chuv. ort-; Yak. rt-; Dolg. ɨrdā-.
◊ VEWT 27, EDT 201, Егоров 276, Федотов 2, 287, ЭСТЯ 1, 180-181. Chuv. ort- may
be restructured after *ar-ka ‘back’.
‖ VEWT 27, KW 18. A Turko-Mongolian isogloss; in Turkic the root
has partially merged with PT *ārt ‘back’ (see sub *p῾ṑrí).
520
*rù - *ḗŕa
-rù ( ~ -ŕ-) skin: Tung. *eruke-; Mong. *ar[a]-su; Jpn. *ùrk (/*i-; ~ -ua-).
PTung. *eru-ke- upper coat (шуба, кафтан): Evn. irkenmi; Ul. eru(n),
erue(n); Orch. erue.
◊ ТМС 1, 328, 2, 466.
PMong. *ar[a]-su skin (кожа): MMong. arasun (HY 15, SH), arāṣu
(IM 432), arasun (MA 104); WMong. arasu(n), arisu(n) (L 49); Kh. aŕs(an);
Bur. arahan, arha(n); Kalm. arsn; Ord. arusu; Mog. arōsun; ZM rsun
(20-9); Dag. arsa, aras (Тод. Даг. 122); Dong. arasun; Bao. arsoŋ; S.-Yugh.
arsən; Mongr. arasə (SM 11).
◊ MGCD 320. Cf. Mongor *(a)rāwa ‘hair, fur’. KW 14.
PJpn. *ùrk (/*i-; ~ -ua-) scales; dandruff (чешуя; перхоть): MJpn.
uroko, ìròkò; Tok. ùroko, úroko; Kyo. úròkò; Kag. urokó.
◊ JLTT 426. The modern Tokyo accent variants are not quite regular (pointing to
*ùrk or *ùrk).
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms reflect a common derivative *rù-k῾V (diminutive).
-ḗŕa to go astray, mistake: Tung. *er[e]-; Mong. *ereɣü; Turk. *āŕ-; Jpn.
*árá-; Kor. *rj-b-.
PTung. *er[e]- 1 bad 2 torture, torment 3 to torture 4 to be mistaken
(1 плохой 2 пытка, мучение 3 мучить 4 ошибаться): Evk. erū 1, ere- 4;
Man. eru-n 1; Ul. eru-le- 2; Nan. erũ 2; Sol. erū 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 465-466. For all the forms except Evk. ere- borrowing from Mong. cannot be
excluded (see Doerfer MT 39, Rozycki 71), thus the actual TM protoform could have been
*ere-.
PMong. *ereɣü torture, crime (пытка, преступление): MMong.
ere’u (SH); WMong. eregü(ü) (L 321); Kh. erǖ; Bur. erǖdelge, erǖde- ‘to
torture’; Kalm. erǖ; Ord. erǖ; Dag. erūle- ‘to torture’ (MD 146), erun.
◊ KW 128, MGCD 269.
PTurk. *āŕ- 1 to go astray, lose one’s way 2 to lose mind, go mad 3
to miss (1 сбиваться с пути 2 сходить с ума 3 упускать, промахиваться): OTurk. az- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. az- 1 (MK, IM); Tur. az- 1;
Gag. āz- (Дмитриев 1955) 1; Az. az- 1; Turkm. āz- 1; Khal. hāz- 1;
MTurk. az- (Sangl., Houts., Pav. C., Qutb) 1; Uzb. ɔz- 1; Uygh. az- 1;
Krm. az- 1; Tat. az- 1; Bashk. aδ- 1; Kirgh. az- 1; Kaz. az- 1; KKalp. az- 1;
Nogh. az- 1; SUygh. az- 1; Khak. as- 1; Shr. as- 1; Oyr. as- 1; Tv. as- 1;
Chuv. or- 2; Yak. ās- 1, 3.
◊ EDT 279, VEWT 22, 33, 193, ЭСТЯ 1, 94-95, Федотов 2, 283.
PJpn. *árá- to behave violently, be in distress (быть бурным, буйствовать; быть заброшенным): OJpn. ara-; MJpn. ara-; Tok. àre-; Kyo.
áré-; Kag. àré-.
◊ JLTT 677.
PKor. *rj-b- to be difficult, hard, in distress (быть трудным, находиться в затруднении): MKor. rjp- (-w-); Mod. ərjəp- (-w-).
*eŕmu - *ḕs[i]
521
◊ Nam 360, KED 1127.
‖ EAS 107, 145-146, SKE 56 (Mong.:Tung.:Kor.). Mong. and Turk.
have also suffixed forms that may belong to the same root (with front /
back vowel variation): cf. Mong. arča- ‘to quarrel, argue’; erüs- ‘to rival,
compete’; Turk. *ersi- ‘mean, nasty’ (see Дыбо 12); perhaps also Mong.
*arila- ‘to disappear, vanish’ ( < ‘*to miss’), see MGCD 118.
-eŕmu a k. of grass, wormwood: Mong. *erme; Turk. *eŕen; Kor. *òrmí.
PMong. *erme wormwood (Artemisia Sieversiana, Artemisia macrocephala) (полынь): WMong. erme (L 331); Kh. erem; Bur. ürmehe(n),
ürmedehe(n); Kalm. erm; Ord. ?? ērme ‘artemisia glauca Pall., d῾apres
Potanin’; Dag. erem.
◊ Mong. > Tat. ärəm etc., see KW 126, 127, Лексика 132-133. Cf. also (as Mong. loanwords): Man. eremu ‘wormwood’, Khak. irben ‘богородская трава’, Yak. erbesin ‘названия грубых сортов трав’.
PTurk. *eŕen wormwood (полынь): Kaz. izen (R); Chuv. arъm.
◊ VEWT 48, Егоров 346, Федотов 1, 57-58. Turk. (Bulg.) > Hung. üröm, see Gombocz
1912.
PKor. *òrmí a k. of grass (вид травы): MKor. òrmí; Mod. olmi-phul.
◊ Liu 580.
‖ The root denotes wormwood, artemisia in Turkic and Mongolian;
in Korean the meaning is not quite certain (probably some sort of
shepherd’s purse, Capsella bursa-pastoris). The phonetic match is precise, anyway, and the reconstruction seems reliable.
-ḕs[i] to take care of: Tung. *ēske-; Mong. *asara-; Turk. *es; Jpn. *ìsàma-;
Kor. *às-kàb-, *às-kí-.
PTung. *ēske- 1 to worry 2 to wait, beware 3 to praise 4 to curse (1
беспокоиться 2 ждать, быть начеку 3 славить, восхвалять 4 ругать,
бранить): Evk. ēksit- 2, eskē- 3; Evn. ēske- 3; Neg. eksit- 2; Man. esuḱe- 4;
SMan. esəxinə-, isixinə- (1468); Ul. eksen- 1, 2; Nan. ekseči- 2; Ud. ehie- ‘to
take care of’.
◊ ТМС 2, 443, 468.
PMong. *asara- to take care of (заботиться): MMong. asara- (HY 40,
SH), asor- (IM 433), asăra- (MA 107); WMong. asara- (L 56); Kh. asra-;
Kalm. asr-; Ord. asara-; S.-Yugh. asara- (MGCD 122).
◊ KW 16. Mong. > Chag. asra- etc. (VEWT 29, TMN 1, 131, Щербак 1997, 199); >
Chuv. usra- (Róna-Tas 1973-1974); > Man. asara- (Doerfer MT 136). Derivation < Turk. aša‘to eat’ (Rona-Tas 1975, 201-211, Clark 1980, 42) is quite improbable.
PTurk. *es 1 memory, mind 2 to pity, regret (1 память, рассудок 2
жалеть, сожалеть): OTurk. es 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. es 1 (KB), esirge- 2
(MK); Az. äksi (< äs-ki) ‘clever’; Turkm. es 1; MTurk. es 1 (AH, KW);
Uzb. es 1; Uygh. äs 1; Krm. es 1; Tat. is 1; Bashk. iϑ 1; Kaz. es 1; KBalk. es
1; KKalp. es 1; Kum. es 1; Nogh. es 1; Oyr. es 1; Chuv. as 1.
522
*eso - *ḗt῾a
◊ EDT 252, VEWT 49, 50, ЭСТЯ 1, 310, Егоров 33, Федотов 1, 61. Turk. > WMong. esi,
Kalm. iš ‘allowing, etiquette’.
PJpn. *ìsàma- to admonish (увещевать): OJpn. isama-; MJpn. ìsàma-;
Tok. isamé-; Kyo. ísámé-; Kag. isamé-.
◊ JLTT 699. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular, probably under literary influence.
PKor. *às-kàb-, *às-kí- 1 to be pitiful; to be precious, valuable 2 to
spare, grudge; value, esteem (1 быть достойным сожаления; быть
ценным, драгоценным 2 жалеть, завидовать; ценить, почитать):
MKor. às-kàp- (-w-) 1, às-kí- 2; Mod. ak:ap- (-w-) 1, ak:i- 2.
◊ Nam 349, KED 1067.
‖ Дыбо 14. Vocalism is not quite certain (in Mong. one would
rather expect a front *e-).
-eso unripe, sour: Tung. *esi-kin; Mong. *es-; Turk. *ẹsür-; Jpn. *àsì-.
PTung. *esi-kin unripe (незрелый, неспелый): Evk. esikin; Evn.
esъkni; Man. esxun; SMan. usəxən, usuxun (388); Jurch. (h)osu-xun (539).
◊ ТМС 2, 468.
PMong. *es- 1 to pickle 2 sour milk, kumis (1 квасить 2 кислое молоко, кумыс): MMong. esuk 2 (HY 25, SH); WMong. esüg 2; Kh. es- 1,
ösög 2; Bur. ehē- 1; Kalm. is- 1; Ord. es- 1, üsük, esük 2; S.-Yugh. hsə- 1.
◊ KW 210, MGCD 413.
PTurk. *ẹsür- to become drunk (пьянеть, напиваться): OTurk. esür(OUygh.); Karakh. esür- (MK); Tur. esri-; Turkm. esre-; MTurk. esri(AH); Uzb. äsĭr- (dial.); Krm. esir-; Tat. isĭr-; Bashk. iϑĭr-; Kirgh. esir-;
Kaz. esĭr-; KBalk. esir-; KKalp. esir-; Kum. esir-; Nogh. esir-; Khak. izĭr-;
Shr. ezir-; Oyr. ezir-; Tv. ezir-; Chuv. üzər-; Yak. itir-; Dolg. itiriktē- ‘to
rejoice, have a feast’.
◊ EDT 251, VEWT 50, ЭСТЯ 1, 309-310, Stachowski 130.
PJpn. *àsì- bad (плохой): OJpn. asi-; MJpn. àsì-.
◊ JLTT 826.
‖ Cf. perhaps also (although semantically dubious) OJ asa- ‘to fade’.
-ḗt῾a to take care of, to deal with: Tung. *ete-; Turk. *ēt-; Jpn. *átúkáp-;
Kor. *àtáŋ.
PTung. *ete- 1 to guard 2 to nurse (1 охранять 2 нянчить): Evk.
etejē- 1, 2; Evn. etu- 1, etij- 2; Neg. etew- 1, etixi- 2; Ul. eteu- 1, etexi- 2;
Ork. etew- 1, etexi- 2; Nan. etū- 1, etexi- 2; Orch. etu-či- 1; Ud. eteu-si- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 470.
PTurk. *ēt- to organize, to make (устраивать, делать): OTurk. et(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. et- (MK); Tur. et-; Gag. et-; Az. et-; Turkm.
īdeg ‘keeping’ (’присмотр’), et-; MTurk. et- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. et-;
Uygh. et-, ät-; Krm. et-; Tat. it-; Bashk. it-; Kirgh. et-; Kaz. et-; KBalk. et-;
KKalp. et-; Kum. et-; Nogh. et-; SUygh. et-, jet-, it-; Khak. it-; Oyr. et-; Tv.
et-; Chuv. at-.
*t῾è - *t῾è
523
◊ EDT 36-37, ЭСТЯ 1, 312-313, Дыбо Дисс. 56, Федотов 1, 67. Shortness in Turkm. etis no doubt secondary: cf. the derivative īdeg, and also regular intervocalic voicing -t- >
-d- in all Oghuz languages (pointing to original length), see EDT ibid.
PJpn. *átúkáp- to take care of, deal with (заботиться, иметь дело
с): OJpn. atukap- ‘to worry’; MJpn. átúkáf-; Tok. àtsuka-, atsuká-; Kyo.
átsúká-; Kag. atsuká-.
◊ JLTT 678.
PKor. *àtáŋ to flatter (льстить): MKor. àtáŋ-hằ-; Mod. adaŋ-ha-.
◊ Nam 335, KED 1069.
‖ Дыбо 15. Cf. also Mong. atugaj ‘be! (imper.)’ (MMong. aduɣai ‘er
soll sein’, SH). Cf. *it῾a.
-t῾è elder relative: Tung. *(x)eti-; Mong. *ečige; Turk. *Ata / *Ete; Jpn.
*tətə, *ti; Kor. *àtắ.
PTung. *(x)eti- 1 old man 2 father-in-law (1 старик 2 тесть, свекор):
Evk. eti-rkēn 1, etkī 2; Evn. eti-kēn 1, etki 2; Neg. eti-xen 1, etkī 2; Sol. etikk
1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 469 (one should note that many forms listed there, like Man. ečike etc.,
are later mongolisms, see Doerfer MT 117, Rozycki 66).
PMong. *ečige father (отец): MMong. ečige (HY 28, SH), eče (SH),
ičigä (MA); WMong. ečige (L 292); Kh. eceg; Bur. esege; Kalm. ecəgə; Ord.
ečige; Dag. ečig (Тод. Даг. 141) ecihe (MD 139).
◊ KW 129, TMN 1, 187.
PTurk. *Ata / *Ete 1 father 2 uncle 3 ancestor (1 отец 2 дядя 3 предок): OTurk. ata 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ata, ataqɨ 1 (MK); Tur. ata 3, dial.
ede 2; Az. ata 1; Turkm. ata ‘father’s father’; MTurk. ata (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb.
ɔta 1; Uygh. ata 1, 3; Krm. ata 3; Tat. ata, eti 1, etkej 2; Bashk. ata 1, ‘male’;
Kirgh. ata 1, 3; Kaz. ata 1; KBalk. ata 1; KKalp. ata 3; Kum. ata 1; Nogh.
ata 1, ‘male’; SUygh. ata 1; Khak. ada 1; Oyr. ada 1, 3; Tv. a’da 1.
◊ EDT 40, 48, VEWT 31, ЭСТЯ 1, 200-201, TMN 2, 5-6, 9, Лексика 294, 304.
PJpn. *tətə, *ti 1 father 2 uncle (1 отец 2 дядя): OJpn. ti / titi 1, wo-di
2; MJpn. toto, tìtí 1, wo-di 2; Tok. chichí, o-tṓ-san 1, òji 2; Kyo. chìchí,
ò-tṓ-sàn 1, ójí 2; Kag. chichí, o-tō-sán 1, ójì 2.
◊ JLTT 514, 547. Accent reconstruction is difficult because of irregular transformations and reduplications (a nursery word).
PKor. *àtắ man (мужчина): MKor. àtắ.
◊ HMCH 212.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 37-40. Poppe 51, 56, АПиПЯЯ 296, Дыбо 6; a
weak attempt of disproving the etymology see in TMN 1, 188. A “nursery” word, represented in all Altaic subgroups. Ramstedt (KW 129)
compares the Mong. form with Turk. *eči / *eče ‘elder brother’, but it is
obviously closer related to *ata (Mong. *eči-ge = Turk. *ete-ke / *ata-ka).
The form *ete-k῾e, reflected in Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus, is probably an archaic diminutive, and Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 9) attempt to treat the
524
*èt῾i - *èt῾i
Turk. form as a compound ata ‘Vater’ + äkä ‘älteres Geschwister’ is certainly faulty.
-èt῾i ( ~ -t-) thread, to quilt: Tung. *etu- / *ute-; Turk. *Etek; Jpn. *ìtuá.
PTung. *etu- / *ute- 1 to quilt, tuft 2 seam 3 quilted coat, lap 4 mitten lining 5 to put on, wear 6 upper clothes (1 стегать 2 шов 3 стеганая
одежда, подол 4 подкладка рукавицы 5 надевать, носить 6 верхняя
одежда): Evk. uteme 3, uteptīn 4; Evn. ut- 1, (All.) etik 6; Neg. ute- 1;
Man. etu- 5, etuku 6; SMan. utu- 5 (199); utuku ‘clothing, clothes, garb’
(195); Jurch. etu-xun (846) 6; Ul. uteče 2, utesu 3; Ork. utteuri 3; Nan. ute1, utesū 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 293, 295, 469.
PTurk. *Etek lap, edge of cloth (подол, край одежды): Karakh. etek
(MK); Tur. etek; Gag. ietek; Az. ätäk; Turkm. etek; Khal. hätäk; MTurk. etek
(Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. etäk; Uygh. etäk; Krm. etek; Tat. itäk;
Bashk. itäk; Kirgh. etek; Kaz. etek; KBalk. etek; KKalp. etek; Kum. etek;
Nogh. etek; Khak. idek; Shr. edek; Oyr. edek; Tv. e’dek.
◊ EDT 50, VEWT 52, ЭСТЯ 1, 313.
PJpn. *ìtuá thread (нить): OJpn. it(w)o; MJpn. ìtó; Tok. íto; Kyo. itó;
Kag. itó.
◊ JLTT 428.
‖ Дыбо 15.
G
-ga to take; to put: Tung. *ga-; Turk. *Ko-; Kor. *kà-.
PTung. *ga- to take (брать): Evk. ga-; Evn. ga-; Neg. ga-; Man. Gaj-;
SMan. Gia- (1402, 1538); Jurch. ga-gwa-i (399); Ul. Ga-; Ork. Ga-; Nan.
Ga-; Orch. ga-; Ud. ga-.
◊ ТМС 1, 133-134.
PTurk. *Ko- to put (класть): Tur. ko-; MTurk. qo- (Pav. C., IM); Krm.
qo-; Chuv. xɨv-, xu-.
◊ VEWT 273, ЭСТЯ 6, 27-29. The root seems archaic, but in most languages (beginning with OT) was substituted by the synonymous *Kod- (v. sub *k῾ŏda), being preserved
only in Chag., Osm. and Chuv.
PKor. *kà- to take (брать): MKor. kà-čí-; Mod. kaǯi-, dial. ka-.
◊ Nam 8, KED 27, SKE 83.
‖ SKE 83, Lee 1958, 111, МССНЯ 356, ОСНЯ 1, 225. One of the few
PA monosyllabic roots. The relation of the Turk. form is somewhat dubious (for semantic and phonetic reasons). One may conjecture that the
original shape was PT *Ka- - actually attested in OT, see EDT 578 which was early substituted by *Ko- under the influence of the more
widespread *Kod- and then disappeared altogether.
-gàč῾i ( ~ *gèč῾a) branch, bough: Mong. *gač-; Kor. *káčí.
PMong. *gač- 1 bough 2 spruce 3 noble fir (1 сук 2 ель 3 пихта):
WMong. ɣačura 1, ɣačiɣur 2 (L 342: ɣačura, ɣačuura ‘spruce’); Kh. gačūr 2;
Bur. gasūr 1, 2; Kalm. ɣacūrə 3.
◊ KW 147.
PKor. *káčí branch (ветка): MKor. káčí; Mod. kaǯi.
◊ Nam 7, KED 26.
‖ A Mong.-Kor. isogloss.
-gằgtà one of a pair: Tung. *gagda; Mong. *gagča; Turk. *Kat; Jpn. *kàtà.
PTung. *gagda one of a pair (один из пары): Evk. gagda; Evn. gād;
Neg. gagda; Man. Gaqda, Gaqta; Nan. GaGda; Orch. gagda; Ud. gagda.
◊ ТМС 1, 135.
PMong. *gagča single, alone (единственный): MMong. qaxča (HY
44, SH), qaqčar (instr., IM), ɣaqča (MA); WMong. ɣaɣča (L 343), ɣanča; Kh.
gagcār, gagc, ganc; Bur. gansa, gagsa; Kalm. ɣakcə; Ord. gagča, ganča; Dag.
526
*gằjá - *gằjá
ganči (Тод. Даг. 130), gaškā(r) (Тод. Даг. 131), gančare, gašikare (MD 148);
Mongr. xaaGār, śaGār (instr.) (SM 148, 388).
◊ KW 141, MGCD 283. The variant ɣanča is not quite clear. Mong. > Ul. Gaqsị, Orok
Gaqsa, Evn. gasụn (these forms should be kept distinct from the genuine PTM *gagda).
PTurk. *Kat layer (слой): OTurk. qat (OUygh.); Karakh. qat (MK,
KB); Tur. kat; Az. Gat; Turkm. Gat; MTurk. qat (Houts., AH, IM, MA);
Uzb. qɔt, dial. qɛt; Uygh. qat; Tat. qat; Bashk. qat; Kirgh. qat; KKalp. qat;
Kum. qat; Khak. xat; Oyr. qat; Tv. qa’t; Chuv. xut; Yak. xat ‘double, X
times’; Dolg. kat ‘X times’.
◊ VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 335-336, TMN 3, 419, Stachowski 140, Ашм. XVI, 250-255, Федотов 2, 371-372. The original meaning must have been “one of two layers” - as witnessed by the Yak. meaning and by external evidence.
PJpn. *kàtà one of two sides (одна из двух сторон): OJpn. kata;
MJpn. kàtà.
◊ JLTT 442.
‖ Rozycki 85 (TM-Mong.). Despite Doerfer MT 51, TM cannot be
borrowed from Mong. The Mong. form presents some difficulties:
apart from the unclear variant *ganča, the form *gagča itself can only
belong here if it is an irregular development < *gagči < *gagti, or if it is a
contraction of a derived form *gagta-ča. Note that Jpn. *kàtà may also be
derived from PA *kal(t)o q.v.
-gằjá oar, boat pole: Tung. *ga(j)-; Turk. *K(i)aj-guk; Jpn. *kàjí.
PTung. *ga(j)- / *gia- 1 to pole (in a boat) 2 boat pole 3 oar (1 отталкиваться шестом (в лодке) 2 лодочный шест 3 весло): Evk. ga- 1,
ga-wun 2, gwun 3; Neg. gawụn 2, gwụl 3; Man. guwafu 2; Ul. Goa- 1,
Gụlị 3; Ork. Gō-pụ(n) 2, Gwụl 3; Nan. Gōa- 1, Gịol 3; Orch. gau- 1, gau 2,
giu 3; Ud. gau, gou 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 134, 144. On the PTM level one can reconstruct an opposition of *ga-bu‘boat pole’ and *gia-bu- ‘oar’, which must be earlier morphological or dialectal variants.
PTurk. *K(i)aj-guk boat, oar (лодка, весло): Karakh. qajɣuq, qajɣɨq
(MK); Tur. kajɨk; Gag. qajɨq; Az. GajɨG; Turkm. Gajɨq; MTurk. qajɨq (MA,
Pav. C.); Uzb. qɛjiq; Uygh. qejiq; Tat. qajɨq; Bashk. qajɨq; Kirgh. qajɨq; Kaz.
qajɨq; KKalp. qajɨq; Kum. qajɨq; Nogh. qajɨq; Oyr. qajɨq; Yak. xajɨk, dial.
xojūk.
◊ VEWT 233, ЭСТЯ 5, 212-213, TMN 3, 408-409 (derivation from *Kaj- ‘slide’ is
probably folk-etymological, cf. the external evidence).
PJpn. *kàjí oar (весло): OJpn. kai; MJpn. kai; Tok. kái; Kyo. kàí; Kag.
kaí.
◊ JLTT 433.
‖ Murayama 1962, 107. An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
*gằju - *gajV
527
-gằju sorrow: Tung. *gaja-; Mong. *gaj; Turk. *Kadgu; Jpn. *kùjà-; Kor.
*kəi’əm.
PTung. *gaja- 1 to have insomnia 2 to be possessed, demoniac (1 испытывать бессонницу 2 быть одержимым): Man. Gajla- 2; Ul. Gajaǯụ1; Ork. Gajaddị- 1; Nan. Gajaǯị- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 136.
PMong. *gaj sorrow, grief, woe (печаль, горе, несчастье): WMong.
ɣai (L 344); Kh. gaj; Bur. gaj; Kalm. gǟ; Ord. gǟ; Dag. gai (Тод. Даг. 130).
◊ KW 149. Mong. > Man. Gaj ῾impediment, obstacle’ (see Rozycki 85).
PTurk. *Kadgu sorrow (печаль): OTurk. qadɣu (OUygh.); Karakh.
qaδɣu (MK, KB); Tur. kajɣɨ; Az. Gajɣɨ; Turkm. GajGɨ; MTurk. qajɣɨ
(Qutb., Pav. C); Uzb. qɛjɣɨ (dial.); Krm. qajɣɨ; Tat. qajɣɨ; Bashk. qajɣɨ;
Kirgh. qajɣɨ; Kaz. qajɣɨ; KKalp. qajɣɨ; Kum. qajɣɨ; Nogh. qajɣɨ; Chuv.
xojɣa.
◊ VEWT 217, ЭСТЯ 5, 201-203, Федотов 2, 352-353.
PJpn. *kùjà- to be sorry (сожалеть, прискорбный, достойный сожаления): OJpn. kuja-; MJpn. kùjà-; Tok. kuyashí-; Kyo. kúyáshì-; Kag.
kuyashí-.
◊ JLTT 834. Also PJ *kùjà-m- ‘to feel sorry, regret’.
PKor. *kəi’əm envy, covetousness (зависть): MKor. kəi’əm; Mod.
kejəm.
◊ Liu 52, KED 109.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 102. Cf. also Kalm. gejǖn, WMong. gejeɣün ‘grievous, gloomy’ (perhaps < *gaju-gi- with secondary fronting). Note the
peculiar *-d- in PT, reflected as -j- (not -r-) in Chuv.: perhaps we should
rather reconstruct *Kaj(i)-dgu for early PT, with subsequent development either > *Kajgu or > *Kadgu.
-gajV surprise: Tung. *gaji-; Mong. *gajika-; Turk. *KAj-.
PTung. *gaji- 1 to beckon 2 to show 3 index finger 4 small finger 5
to indulge, be enthralled (1 манить 2 указывать 3 указательный палец 4 мизинец 5 увлекаться): Evk. gajīw- 1; Man. Gajsilabu- 5; Ul.
Gajawčụ(n) 3, Gojsantụ- 5; Ork. Gajaw 4; Nan. Gajaočị- 2, Gajaqoã 4, Gojsanto- 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 136, 158. On the semantic correlation “index finger” : “small finger” see
Dybo 1995.
PMong. *gajika- to wonder, marvel (удивляться): MMong. ɣiqa-;
ɣaɣamši ‘wonderful’ (MA 173); WMong. ɣajiqa- (L 345); Kh. gajxa-; Bur.
gajxa-; Kalm. ɣǟxə-; Ord. Gǟχa-; Dag. gajga- (Тод. Даг. 130), gajhe- (MD
147).
◊ KW 149, MGCD 279. Mong. > Kaz. qajqa- etc. (VEWT 222), Yak. xajɣā-, Dolg. kājgā‘to praise’ (Stachowski 142); > Evk. gajka-, Man. Gajqa- etc., see ТМС 1, 136, Doerfer MT
102, Rozycki 85.
528
*gắli - *gaĺi
PTurk. *KAj- to pay respect (относиться уважительно): OTurk.
qaj- (Yenis., OUygh.); Karakh. qaj- (MK); Tur. kajɨr-; Kirgh. qajɨš-; Kaz.
qajɨs-; Khak. xaj-; Tv. xaj dēr ‘to still, pacify’.
◊ EDT 674, ЭСТЯ 5, 194.
‖ A Western isogloss; maybe the same root as *gằju (’sorrow’ > ‘surprise’?)
-gắli to hate, wild: Tung. *galu-; Mong. *galǯaɣu; Turk. *K(i)al; Jpn.
*kíráp-.
PTung. *galu- to hate (ненавидеть): Evn. galụt-; Ul. Galụ-; Ork.
Galụ-; Nan. Galo-; Orch. galu-; Ud. galu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PMong. *galǯaɣu wild, rabid (дикий, бешеный): MMong. qəlǯu
(LH); WMong. ɣalǯaɣu, ɣalǯiɣu (L 346); Kh. galʒū; Bur. galzū; Kalm.
ɣalzū; Ord. Galǯū; Dag. galǯō (Тод. Даг. 130), galeǯō (MD 148); Bao.
Ganǯir-; S.-Yugh. Galǯū; Mongr. Gar (SM 119), Galǯū.
◊ TMN 1, 410, KW 142, MGCD 280.
PTurk. *K(i)al wild, rough (дикий, грубый): OTurk. qal (OUygh.);
Karakh. qal (KB); Turkm. Galdav; MTurk. qal (CCum.); KBalk. qaltaq;
Khak. xal; Shr. qal; Oyr. qal; Tv. xal-mal; Yak. xal.
◊ EDT 614, VEWT 224, ДТС 410.
PJpn. *kíráp- to hate (ненавидеть): OJpn. kjirap-; MJpn. kíráf-; Tok.
kìra-; Kyo. kírá-; Kag. kirá-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ Mong. gelme- ‘to be scared, afraid’ is probably a variant reflex of
the same root - despite KW 133, Poppe 25, АПиПЯЯ 18, Дыбо 14, all
connecting it with TM *ŋēle-.
-gălV clear (of sky, weather): Tung. *galu-; Turk. *K(i)alɨ-.
PTung. *galu- clear (of sky, weather) (ясный (о небе, погоде)):
Man. GalGa; Ul. Galụ-Galụ bi; Ork. Gāl-; Nan. GalGa.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PTurk. *K(i)alɨ- 1 sky 2 to clear up (of sky) (1 небо 2 проясняться
(о небе)): OTurk. qalɨq (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. (kök) qalɨq 1 (MK); Chuv. ?
jъl- ‘to shine, glitter’; Yak. kilej-xalaj ‘shining’, xalɨn- 2, xallān ‘clear sky,
good weather’; Dolg. kallān 1.
◊ VEWT 226, Лексика 60-61, Stachowski 135.
‖ VEWT 226, ТМС 1, 138. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-gaĺi to contest: Tung. *gali-; Jpn. *kisuap- ( ~ *kisəp-); Kor. *kjəru-.
PTung. *gali- to contest (состязаться): Man. Galgi-; Nan. Galị-; Orch.
gali-; Ud. galoa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PJpn. *kisuap- ( ~ *kisəp-) to contest (соревноваться): MJpn. kisof-;
Tok. kisó-; Kyo. kísó-; Kag. kisó-.
*gămo - *găŋi
529
◊ JLTT 709. PJ accent unclear: Tokyo points to low tone in the first syllable, Kagoshima - to high; the Kyoto accent is ambiguous, while the word is not attested in RJ.
PKor. *kjəru- to compete, contend (состязаться, соревноваться):
Mod. kjəru-.
◊ KED 111.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-gămo concubine, co-wife: Tung. *gama; Turk. *Koma; Kor. *kòmá.
PTung. *gama children of sisters (дети сестер, племянники): Ul.
Gamasụ; Ork. Gamasụ; Nan. Gamasõ; Orch. gama, gamasu.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PTurk. *Koma 1 concubine 2 wives of the same husband (1 наложница 2 жены одного мужа по отношению друг к другу): Tur. kuma 1,
2; MTurk. quma (Pav. C.) 1; Krm. quma 1; Tat. quma (Буд.) 1.
◊ Turk. > MMong. (MA, LHa) quma id. (although Doerfer TMN 1, 415 suggests the
opposite direction of loan - which is dubious because of the isolated nature of the
MMong. form).
PKor. *kòmá concubine (наложница): MKor. kòmá.
◊ Nam 46.
‖ Ramstedt (SKE 415) thinks of a loan Kor. > Turk., which is highly
improbable (see TMN 1, 415); despite late attestation in Turkic the root
may well be archaic. For TM one should suppose the original meaning
“children of smb.’s concubine(s)”.
-găŋi ( ~ -a-) to explain, tell, say: Tung. *g(i)aŋna-; Mong. *geɣe-; Turk.
*geŋe-.
PTung. *g(i)aŋna- 1 to explain 2 to set (a riddle) (1 объяснять 2 загадывать (загадку)): Man. ǵaŋna- 1; Ul. GaŋGa- 2; Ork. GaŋGaŋ Gajawo2; Orch. gaŋga- 2; Ud. gaŋiŋa ‘riddle’ (Корм. 220).
◊ ТМС 1, 140 (the Manchu word is separated as a Chinese loanword, which is hardly
the case).
PMong. *geɣe- to speak, say (говорить, сказать): MMong. ke’e- (SH,
HYt), kē- (HYt), gi- (MA); WMong. ge- (L 372); Kh. ge-; Bur. ge-; Kalm.
ge-, g-, gī-; Ord. ge-; Mog. ge- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. geǯi (MD 149-150)
(quotation particle - converb from *ge-); Bao. ge-; Mongr. gi- (SM 135).
◊ KW 132.
PTurk. *geŋe- 1 to advise 2 advice (1 советовать(ся) 2 совет):
OTurk. keŋeš 2, keŋeš- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. keŋe- ‘to settle one’s affairs
with someone’ (MK, KB), keneš 2, keŋeš- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. gengeš- 1
(dial.); Az. gänäš- 1 (dial.); Turkm. geŋeš- 1, geŋeš 2; MTurk. keŋeš 2,
keŋeš- 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uygh. käŋäš- 1 (dial.); Krm. kenes, keneš 2,
keneš- 1; Tat. kiŋäš 2; Bashk. käŋäš 2; Kirgh. keŋeš 2, keŋeš- 1; Kaz. keŋes 2,
keŋes- 1; KBalk. kengeš ‘counsel’; KKalp. keŋes 2, keŋes- 1; Kum. gengeš
530
*gàp῾á - *gàrá
‘counsel’; Nogh. keŋes 2; SUygh. keŋes- 1, keŋis 2; Oyr. keŋeš- 1 (Верб.);
Chuv. kanaš 2, kanaš-la- 1.
◊ VEWT 253, EDT 727, 734, ЭСТЯ 3, 21-22, TMN 3, 613-614.
‖ Владимирцов 250, АПиПЯЯ 295, KW 132 (Turk.-Mong.). A
Western isogloss.
-gàp῾á protection, care: Mong. *gabi-; Jpn. *kàmpà-.
PMong. *gabi- 1 care, diligence, attention, merit 2 to care, strive 3
skilled, careful (1 забота, прилежание, внимание, заслуга 2 заботиться, стараться 3 умелый, заботливый): WMong. ɣabija 1, ɣabija- 2,
ɣabšiɣai 3 (L 340); Kh. gavjān 1, gavšgaj 3; Bur. gabjā 1, gabšgaj 3; Kalm.
gäwǟ ‘energy, efficiency’; Ord. Gawijā 1; Dag. gabšigēn 3; S.-Yugh. gobtə
1.
◊ KW 148, MGCD 275. See ЭСТЯ 5, 270-271 with an analysis of Mong. forms and
Turkic loanwords. Mong. > Man. gabsian (see Rozycki 84).
PJpn. *kàmpà- 1 to take care of, protect 2 one of ancient titles (1 заботиться, защищать 2 один из древних титулов): OJpn. kabane 2;
MJpn. kabane 2; Tok. kabane 2, kabá- 1; Kyo. kábá- 1; Kag. kàbà- 1.
◊ JLTT 700.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. It is interesting to note the Old Turkic title
qapaɣan which may be = OJ kabane and Mong. gabija(n).
-gàrá ( ~ -e-) arm: Mong. *gar; Turk. *Karɨ; Jpn. *kàtá.
PMong. *gar hand, arm (рука): MMong. qar (HY 46, SH), qār (IM),
ɣar (MA); WMong. ɣar (L 350); Kh. gar; Bur. gar; Kalm. ɣar; Ord. Gar;
Mog. ɣar; ZM ɣar (2-9a); Dag. gari, gaŕ (Тод. Даг. 130, MD 148); Dong.
qa; Bao. xar; S.-Yugh. Gar; Mongr. Gar (SM 118).
◊ KW 144-145, MGCD 284.
PTurk. *Kar 1 arm 2 forearm 3 shin-bone of animal 4 various measures of length (1 рука (верхняя часть) 2 предплечье 3 голенная кость
животного 4 различные меры длины): OTurk. qar 1, qarɨ 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. qarɨ (MK) 1; Tur. karu-ǯa 1; Az. gari 3 (dial.); Turkm. Garɨ 3,4;
Khal. qarɨ 4; MTurk. qar 1 (Vam.), qarɨ 1 (Abush.), 2 (Houts.), 4 (in all
sources); Uzb. qari 1,4, qara 3 (dial.); Uygh. qeri 4, qaja 3 (dial.); Tat. qarɨ
1, qara 4 (dial.); Bashk. qar 3; Kirgh. qar 1, qarɨ 1; Kaz. qar 2, qarɨ 2, 3;
KBalk. qarɨ 4; KKalp. qar 2, qarɨ 2, 4; Nogh. qarɨ 4; SUygh. qar 2; Shr. qarɨ
1; Oyr. qarɨ 1; Tv. qɨrɨ 2; Tof. qɨrɨ 2; Chuv. xor 2, 4; Yak. xarɨ, xara 2, 3.
◊ TMN 3, 461-2, ЭСТЯ 5, 278-283, Дыбо 160-164, Дыбо 1989, Лексика 246-247, Федотов 2, 361. The usage of *Karɨ as a measure (’cubit’) may seem natural, but in fact reflects
a merger with a different root, see under *K(i)arɨĺ. Turk. > Hung. kar ‘arm’, see Ligeti 1933,
MNyTESz 2, 369.
PJpn. *kàtá shoulder (плечо): OJpn. kata; MJpn. kàtá; Tok. káta; Kyo.
kàtá; Kag. katá.
◊ JLTT 442.
*gari - *gằŕ[à]
531
‖ KW 145, Владимирцов 391, Poppe 24 (Turk.-Mong.; but ТМ *ŋāla
‘hand, arm’ cannot belong here), Колесникова 1972a, 95-97; АПиПЯЯ
290, Дыбо 310-311, Лексика 247. Borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite
improbable, despite Щербак 1997, 134 (even Doerfer in TMN 1, 207, 3,
461 describes the Turk.-Mong. match as “Zufall” - which in all his
works is actually a synonym for “cognate”).
-gari ( ~ -ŕ-, -o) light: Tung. *garpa; Mong. *gere-l.
PTung. *garpa 1 ray 2 to shine (1 луч 2 светить): Evk. garpa 1, garpa2; Evn. garpanŋ 1, garpụ- 2; Neg. gatpa 1, gatpa- 2; Ul. Garpačị- 2; Ork.
Galpa 1, Galpa-, Garpa- 2; Nan. Garpa- 2; Orch. gappa- 2; Ud. gakpa- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 142. The root also has the meaning ‘shoot (from a bow)’ in most languages.
This was compared by Poppe (18, 44, 87) with Mong. qarbu- id. - but the phonological
correspondence is quite irregular, both if we assume genetic relationship or borrowing
(on Mong. qarbu- see under PA *kare). The resemblance is therefore either simply accidental, or the meaning of TM *garpa- ‘to shine, “shoot rays”’ was modified under Mongolian
influence.
PMong. *gere-l beam, light (луч, свет): MMong. gere, gerel (HY 42,
SH), gerä (IM); WMong. gerel (L 378); Kh. gerel; Bur. gerel; Kalm. gerl;
Ord. gere, gerel; Dag. gerel; Dong. gieren; S.-Yugh. gerel; Mongr. gərēl,
gərē (SM 134), gergea- ‘luire, briller’ (SM 133).
◊ KW 134, MGCD 290, 292.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; on a possible Jpn. match see under *gìle.
See also notes to *ŋḕra.
-gằŕ[à] sharp edge: Tung. *gara; Turk. *geŕ; Jpn. *kàtànà; Kor. *kárh.
PTung. *gara bough, stick (сук, палка): Evk. gara; Evn. gar; Neg.
gaja; Man. GarGa; Garin ‘blade of a knife, edge of a sword’; SMan.
Garəhən ‘branch’ (2134); Jurch. gar (758); Ul. Gara; Ork. Gara; Nan. Gara;
Orch. gā; Ud. gā; Sol. gar, gara.
◊ ТМС 1, 141, 142.
PTurk. *geŕ 1 notch of an arrow 2 aim (of a gun) (1 насечка на стреле 2 прицел (ружья)): Karakh. kez (MK) 1; Tur. gez 2; Gag. kēz 2; Az.
gäz 1; Turkm. gezlik ‘small knife’; MTurk. kez ‘arrow shaft’ (Abush., Pav.
C.); Bashk. kiδe (dial.) 1; Kaz. kez 1; Tv. kes 1; Tof. kes 1.
◊ EDT 756, 760, VEWT 260, ЭСТЯ 5, 20-21, TMN 4, 2-4.
PJpn. *kàtànà knife (нож): OJpn. katana; MJpn. kàtànà; Tok. kataná,
katána; Kyo. kátànà; Kag. kataná.
◊ JLTT 443.
PKor. *kárh knife, sword (нож, меч): MKor. kár (kárh-); Mod. khal.
◊ Nam 19, KED 1669.
‖ Martin 251 (Kor.-Jpn.), Lee 1958, 111 (Kor.-TM). Fronting in Turk.
is unclear (*Kaŕ would be normally expected). The Kor. word may also
532
*gŕV - *găte
reflect *kale q.v. (Joki 1963, 154); in any case, it actually reflects a suffixed form *gàŕ[a]-KV (cf. Man. GarGa) or *kale-kV.
-gŕV wild goose: Tung. *gār(u)a; Turk. *Kāŕ.
PTung. *gār(u)a 1 owl 2 swan (1 сова 2 лебедь): Evk. gāre 1,2; Evn.
gār ‘a big mythical bird’; Neg. gaja 1; Man. Garu 2; Jurch. gawr-un (185)
2; Ul. Goara(n) 1; Orch. garua 1; Ud. gā 1.
◊ ТМС 1,142-3.
PTurk. *Kāŕ goose (гусь): OTurk. qaz (OUygh.); Karakh. qaz (MK,
KB); Tur. kaz; Gag. qāz; Az. Gaz; Turkm. Gāz; MTurk. qaz (Houts., AH,
Pav. C.); Uygh. ɣaz; Tat. qaz; Bashk. qaδ; Kirgh. qaz; Kaz. qaz; KKalp. ɣaz;
Kum. qaz; Nogh. qaz; Khak. xas; Shr. qas; Oyr. qas; Tv. qas; Chuv. xor;
Yak. xās; Dolg. kās.
◊ EDT 679, VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 184, Лексика 171, Федотов 2, 361, Stachowski 143.
‖ EAS 113, Poppe 18, Цинциус 1972, 6, АПиПЯЯ 80, Лексика 171,
TMN 3, 387 (“onomatopoetisch”). The Turk. form is probably contaminated with *Kās == TM *gasa ‘crane, duck’, which should explain the
exceptional preservation of vowel length. See also comments to *kujilV
and *gằla.
-gaso ( ~ -i) crane, aquatic bird: Tung. *gasa; Mong. *geske.
PTung. *gasa 1 crane 2 bird 3 swan 4 duck, water-bird 5 kite (1 журавль 2 птица 3 лебедь 4 утка, водоплавающая птица 5 коршун):
Evk. gasa 1; Neg. gasa 3; Man. Gasχa 2; SMan. Gasəhə 2 (2172); Ul. Gasa
4; Ork. Gasa 4, 2, Gasawaqqu 5; Nan. Gasa 4; Orch. gasa 4; Ud. gahä 2, 4.
◊ ТМС 1,143.
PMong. *geske fish-eagle (орел-рыболов): WMong. geske; Kalm.
geskə.
◊ KW 135.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. On a possible reflex in PT see under
*gājrV; if PT *Kāŕ at least partially reflects the present root, it would be
an argument to reconstruct PA *gāso with a long *ā. One should also
note Kor. dial. kesani ‘goose’ (KED 109) - if it is not a derivative of PK
*kjú ‘goose’ (see under *kúja).
-găte strong, very: Tung. *gata- / *kada-; Mong. *küdür; Turk. *ged; Jpn.
*kətə.
PTung. *gata- / *kada- 1 strong, hard 2 daft, crafty 3 big, huge (1
сильный, крепкий 2 ловкий, умелый 3 большой, огромный): Evk.
gatakta 2; Ork. qadara 3; Nan. Gatoxõ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 143, 360.
PMong. *küdür strong, hard (крепкий, сильный): WMong. küdür
(L 497: küder); Kh. xüder; Bur. xüder; Kalm. küdr.
◊ KW 244.
*gàtù - *gằt῾a
533
PTurk. *ged very, extremely (очень, весьма): OTurk. ked (OUygh.);
Karakh. keδ (MK, KB); Tur. kej (Osm.); Az. gej.
◊ EDT 700 (with a quite dubious hypothesis of borrowing < Sogd.).
PJpn. *kətə each, every (каждый, всякий): OJpn. -goto (ni); MJpn.
-goto (ni); Tok. -goto.
‖ The root reveals some phonetic irregularities - probably because
of contaminations with *két῾o ‘much, many’ and *kadi(rV) ‘strong,
tough’ q.v.
-gàtù fur on animal’s paws: Tung. *gata-; Mong. *godu / *gudu-, *gutu-;
Jpn. *kùtù.
PTung. *gata- 1 hoof (of deer) 2 fur (1 копыто (оленя) 2 мех): Man.
Gatχuwa 2; Ork. Gataja 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 143, 144.
PMong. *godu / *gudu-, *gutu- 1 fur on animal’s paws 2 shoe (1
мех на лапах животных 2 обувь, ботинок): MMong. qudusun (HY 22,
SH) 2, q[o]ṭāsun (IM), ɣutusun (MA); WMong. ɣodu 1, ɣutul 2 (L 370)
ɣudasun, ɣudal, ɣutal 2 (KW 152); Kh. god(on) 1, gutas, gutal 2; Bur. godon
(pl. godod) 1, gutal, gutaha(n) 2; Kalm. ɣosn 2; Ord. Gutul 2; Dag. gočōr 2;
Dong. Gudusun 2; Mongr. Gudusə (SM 124).
◊ The forms meaning ‘fur on animal’s paw’ and ‘shoe’ are hard to distinguish (cf.
voiced -d- in MMong. forms for ‘shoe’), but the reason of devoicing is not quite clear.
PJpn. *kùtù shoe (обувь, ботинок): OJpn. kutu; MJpn. kùtù, kùtú;
Tok. kutsú; Kyo. kútsù; Kag. kutsú.
◊ JLTT 467. Jpn. > Kor. kudu id.
‖ KW 152, SKE 128, Poppe 24, Ozawa 89-90, Miller 1986a, 55. The
development ‘fur on paws’ > ‘shoe’ in Mong. and Jpn. may well have
been independent, but one has also to reckon with a possibility of ancient borrowings (especially because of some phonetic irregularities in
Mong.).
-gằt῾a ( ~ -t-) berry, to gather berries: Tung. *gata-; Turk. *Kat-; Jpn.
*kàtai; Kor. *kt-.
PTung. *gata- 1 to gather berries 2 place of gathering berries (1 собирать ягоды 2 место сбора ягод): Ul. Gātaw 2; Ork. Gata- 1; Nan. Gatao 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 143.
PTurk. *Kat 1 berry 2 blackberry (1 ягода 2 смородина): Karakh.
qat (MK) 1; Tur. kara-kat ‘chestnut’ (dial.); Az. Gara-ɣat 2; Uzb. qɔrɛ-ɣɛt
2; Tat. qara-ɣat 2 (dial.); Bashk. qara-ɣat 2; Kirgh. qara-ɣat 1, 2; Kaz. qat 1;
Khak. xat 1; Oyr. qat ‘blackberry, bramble’; Tv. qa’t, Todzh. xat 1.
◊ VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 332-333, Лексика 121.
PJpn. *kàtai provisions, food for travelling (провизия, запас пищи): OJpn. kate; MJpn. kate; Tok. káte, katé; Kyo. kátè; Kag. katé.
534
*gt῾ì - *gébó
◊ JLTT 444. Without the RJ evidence it is somewhat difficult to reconstruct accent on
the 2d syllable; however, all accent reflexes seem to point to low tone in the 1st syllable.
PKor. *kt- 1 to gather 2 to gather harvest (1 собирать 2 собирать
урожай): MKor. kt- 1, ktú- 2; Mod. kət- 1, kədu- 2.
◊ Liu 39, 47, KED 81, 95.
‖ Дыбо 10. Verbal low tone in Kor.
-gt῾ì to go, come: Mong. *getül- / *gatul-; Turk. *gē(j)t-; Jpn. *kítá-r-.
PMong. *getül- / *gatul- to cross over (переходить, пересекать):
WMong. getül- (L 380), ɣatul- (L 354); Kh. getle-, gatla-; Bur. getel-, gatal-;
Kalm. getl-, ɣatl-; Ord. getül-; Dag. hedele- (MD 158), xedelgē-, xedlē-.
◊ KW 135, 147, MGCD 288, 294.
PTurk. *gē(j)t- to go (away) (уходить): OTurk. ket- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ket/δ- (MK, KB); Tur. git-; Gag. get-; Az. get-; Turkm. git-; Sal.
Gī/i- (Kakuk); MTurk. kẹt- (Abush., Sangl., MA); Uzb. ket-; Uygh. kät-;
Krm. ket-; Tat. kit-; Bashk. kit-; Kirgh. ket-; Kaz. ket-; KBalk. ket-; KKalp.
ket-; Kum. get-; Nogh. ket-; Oyr. ket- (dial.); Chuv. kajt-.
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 701, ЭСТЯ 3, 39-40, 49-50. Vowel length can be reconstructed on
indirect evidence (voicing -t- > -d- in forms like Az. gediš ‘going away’ etc.).
PJpn. *kítá-r- to come, arrive (приходить): OJpn. kjitar-; MJpn.
kítár-; Tok. kitár-; Kyo. kítàr-; Kag. kìtàr-.
◊ JLTT 709. Usually treated as a fusion of *ki- ‘having come’ + *itar- ‘arrive’, which is
most probably a folk etymology in the light of external evidence. Accent reflexes in modern dialects are somewhat aberrant.
‖ Because of the peculiar shape of the Turkic form one should perhaps reconstruct *gjt῾i.
-gébó shell, husk: Tung. *gub- ( ~ *geb-); Mong. *gawr-su; Turk. *Kạb-;
Jpn. *kámpí; Kor. *kòbi.
PTung. *gub- ( ~ *geb-) bud, flower button (бутон, головка цветка): Man. gubsu.
◊ ТМС 1, 165. Cf. also Man. Gubiri ‘name of a plant’ (ibid.), geferi ‘name of a plant’
(ТМС 1, 183).
PMong. *gawr-su 1 chaff, straw 2 feather (usually for writing) (1 солома, мякина 2 перо (обычно для письма)): WMong. ɣaɣursu (L 344),
ɣuɣursu (L 365), ɣuursu (L 371), ɣaursu 1, 2; Kh. gūrs(an) 1, 2; Bur.
gūrha(n) 2; Kalm. ɣūrsn 1, 2; Ord. Gūrsu 1; S.-Yugh. gūrs ‘pipe’ (MGCD
302); Mongr. xrʒə (SM 185).
◊ KW 157. Mong. > Turk. qavursun, Kirgh. qaursu etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 177).
PTurk. *Kạb- 1 bark 2 shell 3 husk 4 bran (1 кора 2 скорлупа 3 шелуха 4 отруби, мякина): OTurk. qavɨq 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. qavɨq, qavuq
(MK, KB) 4; Tur. kavuz 3, kavza 2; Az. Gavɨz (dial.) 3; Uzb. qɛvuz 3;
Uygh. qovzaq 1; Kaz. qavɨz 4; KKalp. qavɨz 4; Kum. quvɨq 3; Nogh. qavɨz 4;
Khak. xōx 4; Shr. qōq 3, 4; Tv. xō-tarā ‘a k. of millet with sagging panicles’; Chuv. xɨvъx 4.
*gĕbo - *gdì
535
◊ VEWT 217, EDT 583, ЭСТЯ 5, 173-174, 178-179, Мудрак Дисс. 62. The root should
be distinguished from *K(i)ab- ‘peeled skin, peel’ (v. sub *k῾bu).
PJpn. *kámpí rice ear (рисовый колос): OJpn. kabji; MJpn. kábjí.
◊ JLTT 431.
PKor. *kòbi 1 bamboo bark 2 patella (1 бамбуковая кора 2 коленная чашечка): MKor. tái-s-kò’i 1, kòs-kò’i 2.
◊ Liu 73, 207.
‖ Владимирцов 209, Poppe 48, АПиПЯЯ 14, 280. One of several
similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a, *k῾epa, kèp῾i, k῾bu).
-gĕbo light, empty: Tung. *gebu-; Mong. *güji-; Turk. *geb-.
PTung. *gebu- 1 empty 2 thin, lean (1 пустой 2 тонкий, худой):
Man. gebsexun 2; Ul. geu(n) 1; Ork. gewu(n) 1; Nan. geũ 1; Orch. gewu(n);
Ud. geu.
◊ ТМС 1, 176.
PMong. *güji- 1 shallow 2 light (1 мелкий 2 легкий): MMong. gojen
(HY 52) 1; WMong. güjüken, güiken (L 390), güjin 1; Kh. güjüxen, göjön 1;
Bur. güjxen 1; Kalm. gīgn, gīkn, gīn 1,2; Ord. gīn, gǖn; Dag. guān (MD
152) 1.
◊ KW 137.
PTurk. *geb- 1 soft, mild, gentle 2 to become weak 3 empty (1 мягкий, нежный 2 слабеть 3 пустой): OTurk. kevšek (OUygh.) 1, kevil- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. kevšek (MK) 1, kevil- 2 (MK); Tur. gevšek 1; Gag. kevše2; Az. kövšek 1; Turkm. gövšül ‘dilapidated’; MTurk. kewšek 1 (Pav. C.),
(MKypch.) kewil- 2 (AH); Kirgh. köpšö- 2; Khak. köpsek 1; Tv. kögžür-gej
‘рыхлый, хрупкий (снег, лед)’; Chuv. kъₙbъₙš 1, kavža- 2; Yak. köp 1.
◊ VEWT 244, 291, EDT 689, 691, ЭСТЯ 3, 9-10 (the root tends to contaminate either
with *geb- ‘chew’ or with *köp ‘foam’).
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *kup῾e, *gupu.
-gdì back (of head), behind: Tung. *gedi-muk; Mong. *gede; Turk. *ged;
Jpn. *kítà.
PTung. *gedi-muk back of the head (затылок): Evk. gedimuk; Evn.
gedъmъk; Neg. gedemuk.
◊ ТМС 1, 177.
PMong. *gede / *geǯige 1 back of the head 2 plait 3 leaning or bending backwards 4 to bend backwards (1 затылок 2 коса 3 отклоняющийся назад 4 отгибаться назад): MMong. gedergu ‘lying on the back’,
geǯige ‘back troups, reserve’ (SH), giǯigä ‘plait, scruff’ (MA); WMong.
gede 1 (L 372), gedereg ‘on back’, geǯige 1,2 (L 381); Kh. ged 1, ged-reg
‘back (adv.)’, geʒeg 1,2, gedger 3, gedij- 4; Bur. gedɨ- ‘to hog’, gezege 2;
Kalm. gedrgə ‘back (adv)’, giǯəgə 1, 2; Ord. gedergēn ‘backwards’, geǯige
1,2; Mog. KT gäǯigä ‘nape of the neck, occiput’ (6-1a).; Dag. gedī- (Тод.
Даг. 131) 4, geǯige (MD 150) 2, gəǯig 2; Dong. GəǯəGi 2; Bao. gətəgulə- 4;
536
*ggà - *gék῾á
S.-Yugh. gedeger 3, gedī- 4; Mongr. gədē- ‘tenir la tête haute, se pencher
en arrière’ (SM 131), gədēngī 3, gədē- 4, gidergu ‘backwards’ (SM 136).
◊ KW 131, 135, MGCD 290. Mong. > Kirgh. keǯige etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 17-18), Evk. gedikēn
‘plait’ etc. (ТМС 1, 177), see TMN 1, 492, Doerfer MT 47, Poppe 1966, 192, 1974, 120 (but
*gedi-muk cannot be < Mong.).
PTurk. *ged back, after (сзади, позади): OTurk. kedin (OUygh.);
Karakh. keδin (MK, KB); MTurk. kijin (Pav. C.); Uzb. kejin; Uygh. kejin,
käjin; Kirgh. kijin; Kaz. kejin; KKalp. kejin; Khak. kizĭn; Shr. käzin; Oyr.
kijin; Chuv. kaj; Yak. ke-lin; ketex ‘back of head’; Dolg. ke-lin; ketek ‘back
of head’.
◊ EDT 704, VEWT 246-247, ЭСТЯ 5, 23-24, Stachowski 144, 146. Forms like Yak. ketex
‘back of head’ clearly show that the root was *ged-; the monosyllabic *ge- (observable in
Yak. ke-lin and perhaps Chuv. kaj) is most probably a result of secondary reinterpretation
of the stems *gedin and *gerü (the latter < PA *kèro q.v.). It is exactly this reinterpretation
that allows to reconstruct *g- in PT *ged- (the root is not attested in Oghuz languages).
PJpn. *kítà North (север): OJpn. k(j)ita; MJpn. kítà; Tok. kitá; Kyo.
kítà; Kag. kíta.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ EAS 48, Владимирцов 206, Poppe 24, 53, Колесникова 1972a,
101-103, ОСНЯ 1, 228, АПиПЯЯ 71; Дыбо 4. Despite Doerfer’s criticism (TMN 1, 492) the root still holds.
-ggà ( ~ -o) to be angry: Tung. *geg-; Mong. *gaɣa-; Turk. *KAkɨ-; Jpn.
*kákúat-.
PTung. *geg- to be angry (сердиться): Evk. gegin-; Evn. gegin-; Neg.
gewxe-; Ul. gewxe-de-; Nan. geuxe-de-; Orch. geuxende-; Ud. ge-.
◊ ТМС 1, 177.
PMong. *gaɣa- to rave (бушевать): WMong. ɣaɣa-ra- (БАМРС); Kh.
gā-ra-; Bur. gā-ra-.
PTurk. *KAkɨ- to be angry (сердиться): OTurk. qaqɨ- (OUygh.),
qaqɨ-ɣ ‘anger’; Karakh. qaqɨ-, qaqu- (MK); Tur. kakɨ-; Turkm. qaqɨ-;
MTurk. qaqɨ- (AH, Qutb., Pav. C.); Krm. qaqɨ-; Kirgh. qaq-.
◊ VEWT 223, ЭСТЯ 5, 223-224. Turk. > WMong. qaki-, Kalm. χäkə- (KW 176).
PJpn. *kákúat- to complain (жаловаться): MJpn. kákót-; Tok. kakót-;
Kyo. kákót-; Kag. kakót-.
◊ JLTT 702. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ The PT form has an irregular *-k-, most probably under the influence of the synonymous PA root *kak῾i ( > PT *Kek-).
-gék῾á hook, bend: Tung. *gek(u)-; Mong. *gek-; Turk. *Kek- / *Kak-;
Jpn. *kánkám-.
PTung. *gek(u)- to bow, bend (гнуть, наклонять): Neg. gexete-;
Man. gexu-; Ul. gekel-gekel; Ork. gekkil-gekkil; Nan. gekel.
◊ ТМС 1, 178.
*gla - *gla
537
PMong. *gek- 1 to bow, nod 2 fish-hook, angle (1 склоняться, кивать 2 крючок для удочки, удочка): WMong. geki-, gekü- (L 375) 1,
göküj, gögi (L 386) 2; Kh. gexes xij- 1, göxij 2; Bur. gaxī- 1, güxɨ 2; Kalm.
gekə- 1; Dag. gekēlǯi- 1 (Тод. Даг. 131).
◊ KW 132.
PTurk. *Kek- / *Kak- 1 curved 2 stick with a hook 3 latch 4 to bend
5 to bend one’s neck (1 кривой 2 палка с крюком 3 щеколда 4 гнуться 5 выгибать шею): Tur. keke, dial. gege 2; Uzb. kekkaj-, qaqqaj- 5; Tat.
kɛkre, kɛjre 1, 2, kɛkrɛj- 4, (Sib.) kɛgɛ 3; Bashk. käkere 1, käkeräj- 4,
käkä-ŋ-lä- ‘извиваться о змее’, qaqaj- 5; Kirgh. qaqaj-, kekej- 4, 5; Kaz.
qaqaj-, kekirej- 5; KKalp. qaqaj-, kejkej- 5; Oyr. kekej- 5; Chuv. kagъr 2, 3,
kagъr-t- 5; Yak. keɣij-, kekej- 5.
◊ VEWT 248.
PJpn. *kánkám- to bend (гнуться): OJpn. kagam-; MJpn. kágám-; Tok.
kàgam-; Kyo. kágám-; Kag. kagám-.
◊ JLTT 701.
‖ Cf. *gk῾a, *k῾úŋu, *k῾ōki.
-gla to search, hunt: Tung. *gelē-; Turk. *gele-; Jpn. *kàr-.
PTung. *gelē- to ask, demand, search (просить, требовать, искать):
Evk. gelē-; Evn. gelē-; Neg. gelē-; Ul. gele-; Ork. gele-; Nan. gele-; Orch.
gele-; Ud. gele-; Sol. gelē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 179. TM > Dag. gelī- (Тод. Даг. 131).
PTurk. *gele- 1 to woo 2 to ask 3 messenger, in-between 4 parents
having espoused their children 5 a promised bride (1 ухаживать, свататься 2 просить, выпрашивать 3 посланник, сват 4 родители, взаимно поженившие детей 5 просватанная девушка): Tur. (dial.) gelešik 4; Turkm. gelešik 4, geleŋ ‘attention, care’; MTurk. (Xwar.) keleči 3
(Qutb); Krm. keliš- 1, kl’a-, kl’an- ‘to wish, be favourably inclined’; Tat.
kileš- 1, käläš 5; (Mishar) kelä- 2, (КСТТ) klän- ‘to annoy, pester’; Bashk.
käläš 5; KBalk. keleči 3; Kum. geleš- 1, geleči 3; Khak. kəle- 2, kəlen- ‘to
beg’; Chuv. kalaś- 1; kəle- 2.
◊ VEWT 248, ЭСТЯ 5, 32-33, Ахметьянов 112-114, Егоров 105, Федотов 1, 270-271.
Some languages may reflect a merger with *kele- ‘speak’ (v. sub *k῾ăli). Turk. > Russ.
клянчить.
PJpn. *kàr- to hunt for, demand, search; drive (охотиться, требовать, искать; гнать): OJpn. kar-; MJpn. kàr-; Tok. kár-, kàr-; Kyo. kár-;
Kag. kár-.
◊ JLTT 704. The dialects also reflect *kár-, but the reconstruction *kàr- is more probable because of RJ evidence.
‖ Дыбо 14, Федотов 1, 270-271.
538
*gle - *gḕĺa
-gle to come; to go: Tung. *gel-; Mong. *gel-; Turk. *gẹl-; Jpn. *k-; Kor.
*ká-.
PTung. *gel- to get hardly on one’s way (трогаться с места, с трудом собираться в путь): Evk. gel-; Ork. gilin-.
◊ ТМС 1, 150, 178.
PMong. *gel- to walk slowly (ходить медленно): MMong. geli‘hinterherlaufen, einholen’ (SH); WMong. geldüri- (L 375), gelderi-, gelgüri-; Kh. geldre-; Kalm. geldr-; Dag. geldure- (Тод. Даг. 131).
◊ KW 132.
PTurk. *gẹl- to come (приходить): OTurk. kel- (Orkh., Yen.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kel- (MK, KB); Tur. gel-; Gag. gel-; Az. gäl-; Turkm.
gel-; Sal. gel-, gej-; Khal. käl-; MTurk. kẹl- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. kel-;
Uygh. käl-/kil-; Krm. kel-; Tat. kil-; Bashk. kil-; Kirgh. kel-; Kaz. kel-;
KBalk. kel-; KKalp. kel-; Kum. gel-; Nogh. kel-; SUygh. kel-; Khak. kil-;
Shr. kel- (R); Oyr. kel-; Tv. kel-; Tof. kel-; Chuv. kil-; Yak. kel-; Dolg. kel-.
◊ VEWT 248; EDT 715, ЭСТЯ 3, 14-16, 31-32, Stachowski 143. The Chuv. and Yak.
vowels correspond irregularly.
PJpn. *k- to come (приходить): OJpn. ko-; MJpn. kú; Tok. kú-; Kyo.
kù-; Kag. kú-.
◊ JLTT 716. The RJ form is kú (final), but modern dialects point unanimously to *k(perhaps there was a metatony in this irregular paradigm).
PKor. *ká- to go (away) (идти, уходить): MKor. ká-; Mod. ka-.
◊ Nam 2, KED 6.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 99, 274. The verb loses the final resonant in Jpn., Kor.
and in some forms of the Turkic paradigm: this must be an archaic feature (also present in some other frequently used verbs), speaking perhaps in favour of the root’s original monosyllabic structure (*gèl).
-gḕĺa to screen (from light), disappear: Tung. *gēl-; Turk. *Köĺ-; Jpn.
*kàsùm-; Kor. *krmi.
PTung. *gēl- 1 to disappear 2 to clear up (of sky) 3 to reflect light,
throw shadow on (1 исчезать 2 проясняться (о небе) 3 отсвечивать,
отражать тень): Evn. gēl- 2; Man. gelmarče-, gelmerǯe- 3, gelen ‘pale’; Ul.
gel- 1; Ork. gēl- 1; Nan. gēl- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 178-179.
PTurk. *Köĺ- 1 screen, covering 2 to screen, obstruct light 3 shadow
(1 укрытие, полог, занавес 2 давать тень, укрывать от света 3 тень):
OTurk. köšige (OUygh.) 3; Karakh. köši- (MK) 2, köšik (MK) 1, köšige
(MK) 3; Uygh. köšükɛ 1; Kirgh. köšögö 1; Khak. közeŋe 1; Shr. köžege 1; Tv.
köžege 1, 3.
◊ EDT 753. The root tends to merge with PT *köĺ- ‘to shiver (of cold), freeze’ (see
VEWT 294), as well as with *köli- ‘shadow’ - but they should be probably kept apart.
Turk. > MMong. köši-, köšige, köšge (TMN 1, 481, Щербак 1997, 128, Clark 1980, 41) > Evk.
kuči-, kučiger (Doerfer MT 125).
*gèmo - *gḗmo
539
PJpn. *kàsùm- be hazy, misty (быть сумрачным, туманным):
OJpn. kasum-; MJpn. kasum-; Tok. kàsum-; Kyo. kásúm-; Kag. kasúm-.
◊ JLTT 705.
PKor. *krmi shadow (тень): MKor. krmi, krìmi; Mod. kɨrimǯa.
◊ Nam 67, 68, KED 237.
‖ In Turkic *Keĺ- would be expected; -ö- is probably due to the influence of a very close phonetically and semantically Karakh. kölige
‘shadow’. In Korean one would expect rather *krVm-, so the tone and
vocalism appears to be distorted. This all may be due to expressive (tabooistic) reasons, as well as to the interaction between this root and PA
*k῾òlmV ‘cloud’ q.v.
-gèmo to complete, fill in: Tung. *gemu; Mong. *gömür-; Jpn. *km-; Kor.
*kăm-.
PTung. *gemu all (весь, все): Man. gemu; SMan. gumə (2816); Jurch.
ŋem-ur (841); Ork. gem.
◊ ТМС 1,179 (without the Orok form).
PMong. *gömür- storage, depository, buttery (хранилище, склад,
кладовая): MMong. gumerge (HY 20); WMong. gömürge (БАМРС); Kh.
gömrög.
◊ Cf. *kömürge.
PJpn. *km- to be filled in, stuffed (быть заполненным, набитым):
OJpn. kom-; MJpn. kòm-; Tok. kóm-; Kyo. kòm-; Kag. kòm-.
◊ JLTT 712. Cf. also PJ *kmr- id.
PKor. *kăm- to hide, conceal (прятать, скрывать): MKor. kăm-čho-;
Mod. kamčhu-.
◊ Nam 24, KED 55.
‖ Cf. also notes to *k῾mi.
-gḗmo stern, boat: Tung. *gemu ?; Turk. *gmi; Kor. *kòmắr.
PTung. *gemu a utensil for cleaning river bottom (снаряд для очистки дна реки): Nan. gemu ‘a long cord with attached stones and hooks
for cleaning river bottom’, gemude- (v.)
◊ ТМС 1, 179. Attested only in Nanai, but having possible external parallels.
PTurk. *gmi boat (лодка): OTurk. kemi (OUygh.); Karakh. kemi
(MK, IM); Tur. gemi; Gag. gemi; Az. gämi; Turkm. gǟmi; Sal. kimö;
MTurk. keme (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. kema; Uygh. kemä; Krm. gemi; Tat.
kimɛ; Bashk. kämä; Kirgh. keme; Kaz. keme; KBalk. keme; KKalp. keme;
Kum. geme; Nogh. keme; Khak. kime; Shr. kebe; Oyr. keme; Tv. xeme;
Chuv. kimə.
◊ VEWT 251, TMN 3, 668-669, EDT 721-722, ЭСТЯ 3, 37-38. Turk. > Mong. keme
(Щербак 1997, 126).
PKor. *kòmắr stern (корма): MKor. kòmắr; Mod. komul.
540
*gèná - *gḕnŋa
◊ Nam 47, HMCH 271, KED 142.
‖ One of the common Altaic navigation terms.
-gèná to suppose; unexpected: Mong. *gene-; Turk. *gEne; Jpn. *kàná-.
PMong. *gene- 1 unexpected, sudden(ly) 2 naive 3 be naive, make a
mistake (1 неожиданно 2 наивный, легковерный 3 быть наивным,
ошибаться): MMong. genen, genet (SH); WMong. genedte 1, gene(n) 2,
genede- 3, gene- 3; Kh. genen 2, gentxen, gent(ed) 1; Bur. gene 1; Kalm.
genə- 3, gentə 1; Ord. genede- ‘позволить застать себя врасплох’,
genedχen 1; Dag. genteken (Тод. Даг. 131, MD 150), gentken 1; S.-Yugh.
genetele 1, genen 2.
◊ KW 133, MGCD 291. The root is widely borrowed into Turkic and TM.
PTurk. *gEne again, also, however (снова, также, однако): Karakh.
kene (MKypch.); Tur. gene; Az. gänä.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 115.
PJpn. *kàná- 1 to be unable, be unable to bear 2 to suppose, foresee
3 before, earlier (1 не мочь, не переносить 2 предполагать, ожидать 3
ранее, до того): OJpn. -kana- 1, kana- 2, kane-te 3; MJpn. -kana- 1, kàna- 2,
kane-te 3; Tok. -kane- 1, kánete 3; Kyo. kànétè 3; Kag. kaneté.
◊ JLTT 703. The meaning ‘earlier, before’ of kanete is derived < ‘having foreseen’. Although Martin unites this *kana- with *kànà- ‘to combine’, we would prefer to keep the
latter separate.
‖ The original meaning may be reconstructed as ‘to be unexpected’ /
‘not expect smth.’.
-gḕnŋa to bend: Tung. *gē(n)ŋe-; Mong. *gana-; Turk. *KAŋɨr-.
PTung. *gē(n)ŋe- 1 to stretch one’s neck, raise one’s head 2 to bend
one’s head 3 horse’s counter, bone on the nape (1 вытягивать шею,
поднимать голову 2 наклонять голову 3 загривок лошади, кость на
тыльной стороне шеи): Evn. gēŋel- 1; Man. gen 3; SMan. gen-dā ‘nape,
back of the nape’ (61); Nan. guŋgule- 2; Ud. geŋgem 1, gendugule- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 179, 180.
PMong. *gana- to be bent, curved, hold one’s chest out (быть согнутым, искривленным, выпячивать грудь): WMong. ɣanalǯa-, ɣandaji- (L
347); Kh. ganalʒa-, ganaj-, gandaj-; Bur. ganaj-, ganajlza- ‘to sit back’;
Kalm. ɣandā-; Ord. Ganǟ- ‘to be inclined backwards’.
◊ KW 143.
PTurk. *KAŋɨr- to bend (гнуть): Tur. kanɨr-; Az. Ganɨr-; Turkm.
Gaŋɨr-; Uzb. qɛnir- (dial.); Khak. xāri-tart- ‘to change direction, turn
sharply’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 194-195.
‖ A Western isogloss.
*gentV - *grè(bV)
541
-gentV ( ~ k-) male, self: Mong. *gendü; Turk. *[g]ẹntü (-nd-).
PMong. *gendü male of animals (самец животных): WMong.
gendü(n) (L 376); Kh. gendǖ ‘самец рыси, барса’; Bur. gende ‘male sable’
(Tunk., Okin.); Kalm. gendn.
◊ KW 133.
PTurk. *[g]ẹntü (-nd-) self, himself (сам): OTurk. kentü (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kendü (MK); Tur. kendi, dial. gendü; Az. gendi; Yak.
kini ‘he’; Dolg. gini ‘he’, gien ‘own’.
◊ EDT 728-729, ЭСТЯ 5, 38-39, Убрятова 1953, Räsänen 1957, 18, Stachowski 86.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Poppe 25, KW 133, ОСНЯ 1, 226-227 (despite Doerfer’s criticism in TMN 1, 489 the forms are perfectly semantically compatible).
-gep῾V to disappear, obscure: Tung. *gepe-; Mong. *geɣe-.
PTung. *gepe- 1 dim, obscure 2 to disappear 3 to begin (of night) (1
тусклый, неясный 2 исчезать 3 наступать (о ночи)): Evk. gepe- 3; Evn.
gepeni ‘black’ (All.); Ul. geptu(n) 1, geptun- 2; Nan. gepejgen, geperie 1; Ud.
gefu ō- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 180.
PMong. *geɣe- to lose (терять): WMong. gege- (L 373); Kh. gē-; Bur.
gē-; Kalm. gē-; Ord. gē-; Mog. gē- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. gē- (MD 149);
Mongr. gē- ‘abadonner, quitter, laisser, ne pas achever, rejeter, déposer,
placer, mettre’ (SM 131).
◊ KW 135.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *gūp῾a.
-gera ( ~ -o, -u) many: Tung. *gere-n; Mong. *garu-.
PTung. *gere-n 1 many 2 all (1 много 2 все): Man. geren 1; SMan.
gerən 1 (2851); Ul. gere(n) 1; Ork. gere(n) 1; Nan. gere(n) 2; Orch. gere(n) 1,
2; Ud. gele 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 182.
PMong. *garu- more than (больше чем, более того): WMong.
ɣarui, ɣarun (L 352, 353); Kh. garuj; Bur. garan; Kalm. ɣarn; Ord. Garū,
Garₙī.
◊ KW 146.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-grè(bV) word, name, witness: Tung. *gerbǖ; Mong. *gere(-ɣe); Turk.
*gẹr-tü; Jpn. *kt, *kt-pà; Kor. *kr, *kr-br.
PTung. *gerbǖ name (имя): Evk. gerbī; Evn. gerbъ; Neg. gelbi; Man.
gebu; SMan. gevə (1005, 1356); Jurch. ger-bu (780); Ul. gelbu; Ork. gelbu;
Nan. gerb’i; Orch. gebbi; Ud. gegbi; Sol. gerbī.
◊ См. ТМС 1, 180-181.
PMong. *gere(-ɣe) witness, agreement (свидетель, свидетельство,
соглашение): MMong. gärči (IM 437), gir (MA); WMong. gere, gereči (L
542
*gérki - *gĕrV
378); Kh. gerē, gerč; Bur. gerē, gerše; Kalm. gerə; Ord. gere, gereči; Dag.
gerčin (Тод. Даг. 131), gerē (MD 150), gerčil; Bao. ganǯəŋ; S.-Yugh. xur
(MGCD Gor; Mongr. ganǯən.
◊ KW 134, MGCD 293. Mong. > Evk. gereči etc., see Doerfer MT 132, Rozycki 8.
PTurk. *gẹr-tü true, truth (верный, правда): OTurk. kertü, kert-gün‘believe’ (OUygh.); Karakh. kertü ‘oath, truth’, kert-gün- ‘believe’ (MK,
KB); Tur. ger-ček; Gag. ger-ček; Az. ger-čäk; Turkm. ger-ček; Krm. kerti,
ker-ček; KBalk. kerti; Kum. gerti; Nogh. kerti; Khak. kirtə-n- ‘believe’; Yak.
kirdik, kirǯik; Dolg. kirdik.
◊ VEWT 257, EDT 738, 741, ЭСТЯ 3, 28-31, Stachowski 149.
PJpn. *kt, *kt-pà word, speech (слово, речь): OJpn. koto, koto-ba;
MJpn. kòtò, kòtò-bà; Tok. kotobá; Kyo. kótòbà; Kag. kotobá.
◊ JLTT 459.
PKor. *kr, *kr-br 1 poetry, letter 2 to draw (1 поэзия, текст, буквы 2 рисовать, чертить): MKor. kɨr, kr’ur 1, krí- 2; Mod. kɨl 1, kri- 2.
◊ Liu 98, 103, 104, KED 237, 247.
‖ KW 134, Poppe 25, 80 (Turk.-Mong.). Cf. also Old Koguryo *kŭš
(Lee reads *kɨl, Miller 1979 emends to *kŭnš, which is hardly correct).
-gérki a k. of pheasant: Mong. *girgawl, *k-; Turk. *Kerke-; Jpn. *kínkisí.
PMong. *girgawl, *k- pheasant (фазан): MMong. xurqa’ul (HY 14);
WMong. girɣaul, ɣurɣuul (L 369), kirɣuul (L 471), kiraɣul (L 470); Kh.
gurgūl; Bur. gurgūl; Kalm. kirɣūl (КРС), ɣorɣūl; Ord. GurGūl; Dag. xorgōl
(Тод. Даг. 177); Bao. golGor; Mongr. ćirGū (SM 457), (MGCD) GurGul.
◊ KW 151, MGCD 305. Mong. > Chag. qɨrɣavul, Turk. qɨrqavul etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 232; see
VEWT 266, Щербак 1997, 208, TMN 3, 451) > Kalm. kirɣūl, kerɣūl (KW 232).
PTurk. *Kerke- 1 a k. of bird (кедровка) 2 black-cock (1 кедровка 2
тетерев, глухарь): KBalk. gerge ‘жаворонок, skylark’; Khak. kergen 1;
Shr. kergen 1; Chuv. karъk 2.
PJpn. *kínkisí pheasant (фазан): OJpn. kjigjisi; MJpn. kízí; Tok. kijí;
Kyo. kíjí; Kag. kíji.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ Cf. various similar bird names in TM: Evk. goriwkī ‘swallow’
(ТМС 1, 161); Orok kiru, kireu ‘crane’ (ТМС 1, 399); Oroch kurau, koro;
Evk. karaw, karawul ‘gray crane’ (ТМС 1, 379).
-gĕrV house, house poles: Tung. *gerbe-; Mong. *ger; Turk. *gerekü.
PTung. *gerbe- to procure poles (for the tent) (заготовлять жерди
(для остова юрты)): Evk. gerbe-; Evn. gerben-; Neg. gejbe-; Ork. gelbe-;
Nan. gerbe-; Orch. gebbe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 181.
PMong. *ger yurt, house (юрта, дом): MMong. ger (HY 17, SH), ker
(IM), kir (MA); WMong. ger (L 377); Kh. ger; Bur. ger; Kalm. ger; Ord.
ger; Mog. ger; KT ger (18-1a), ZM geh[e]r (22-10a); Dag. geri, geŕ (Тод.
*get῾V - *gibe
543
Даг. 131, MD 150); Dong. gie; Bao. gar, ger (Tungren); S.-Yugh. ger;
Mongr. ger (SM 133), ges ‘maison, ménage, famille’ (pl.) (SM 134), Ger.
◊ KW 134, MGCD 292.
PTurk. *gErekü 1 tent, yurt 2 grating of the yurt (1 юрта 2 решетка
юрты): OTurk. kerekü 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. kerekü 1 (MK); Turkm. gerege
2; MTurk. gerege 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. keraga 2; Bashk. kirägä 2; Kirgh. kerege
2; Kaz. kerege 2; KKalp. kerege 2; Nogh. kerege 2; Oyr. kerege 2.
◊ VEWT 255, TMN 3, 592, EDT 744, ЭСТЯ 3, 24-25, Лексика 503.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-get῾V to watch, look: Tung. *gete-; Mong. *gete-.
PTung. *gete- to wake up, sober up (очнуться, протрезветь): Man.
gete-; SMan. getə- ‘to wake up, to waken’ (533); Nan. gete-.
◊ ТМС 1, 183.
PMong. *gete- to watch, spy, lie in ambush (наблюдать, шпионить, сидеть в засаде): WMong. gete- (L 380); Kh. gete-; Bur. gete-;
Kalm. get-; Dag. gete- (Тод. Даг. 131), getēbei- (MGCD 293).
◊ KW 135, Mong. > Sol., Evk. gete- ‘to creep up, lie in ambush’; Yak., Dolg. ketē- (Stachowski 146).
‖ KW 135. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; despite TMN 1, 489, Doerfer MT
79, hardly a borrowing in TM < Mong. (because of semantic differences).
-gibe mare: Tung. *gibu-; Mong. *gewü-n; Turk. *KEbel.
PTung. *gibu- roe (косуля): Evk. giwčēn; Neg. giwčēn; Man. ǵo; Ul.
giu(n); Ork. giu; Nan. giu; Orch. gǟuča, giuča; Ud. giu, giuse; Sol. gīs.
◊ ТМС 1, 148.
PMong. *gewü-n mare (кобыла): MMong. ge’un (HY 9), guun-du
(MA), keun (LH); WMong. gegü(n), gegüü (L 374), geü (DO 273); Kh.
gǖ(n); Bur. gǖn(g); Kalm. gǖn; Ord. gǖ; Dag. geu (Тод. Даг. 132, MD
151); S.-Yugh. gǖn; Mongr. gū ‘femeille de certaine animaux’ (SM 138).
◊ KW 140, MGCD 306. Mong. > Evk. gōn etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, 1972, 96, Doerfer
MT 102.
PTurk. *KEbel a well-bred fast horse (благородная быстрая лошадь): Karakh. kevel, kevil (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 689.
‖ A Western isogloss. The isolated Karakh. form may be borrowed <
Sak. käbä ‘well-bred horse’; perhaps a better match in Turkic would be
*Kojn ‘sheep’ (Лексика 431, ЭСТЯ 6, 24-26) ( > Mong. qoni(n) > Evk. konin etc., see TMN 3, 564, Щербак 1997, 139, Doerfer MT 37; despite KW
194 and Poppe 70, hardly a common Altaic *koni). In that case Turk.
*Kojn < *Kobi-n, with a subsequent reconstruction of PA *gabo(nV).
544
*gijo - *gìlè
-gijo notch, to cut aslant: Tung. *gia-; Turk. *Kɨj-; Jpn. *ki.
PTung. *gia- 1 to plane, notch 2 chips, shavings (1 строгать, скоблить (кривым ножом) 2 стружки): Neg. gsadan 2; Man. ǵa- 1 (cf. also
geje- to carve); Ul. G- 1; Ork. G- 1; Nan. Gịa- 1; Orch. gǟsa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 147, 178. If the original meaning is “to cut aslant” (cf. the Turkic parallels),
cf. also Ud. gojom, Nan. Gojmo ‘crooked, aslant’ (ТМС 1, 158).
PTurk. *Kɨj- 1 to cut aslant, make notches 2 to cut in small pieces (1
резать наискосок, делать зарубки 2 резать на мелкие кусочки):
Karakh. qɨj- (MK) 1; Tur. kɨj- 2; Gag. qɨj- 2; Turkm. Gɨj- 1; MTurk. qɨj(AH, Ettuhf.) 1; Uzb. qij- 1; Kirgh. qɨj- 1; KKalp. qɨj-; Nogh. qɨj- 1; Khak.
xɨj- 1; Oyr. qɨj- 1; Tv. qɨj- 1; Chuv. xъjъ chip, sliver; Yak. kɨj- ‘walk
around’.
◊ VEWT 261, ЭСТЯ 6, 197-200. Turk. *Kɨjgač > Kalm. kīɣəs (KW 234). The meaning of
the Orkh. hapax qɨd- (see EDT 595) is quite insecure and cannot serve as a basis for reconstructing *Kɨd-; all other forms (including qɨj- ‘to cut aslant’ and qɨj-ma ‘cut meat’ in MK)
point unambiguously to *Kɨj-, see ЭСТЯ 6, 200, 202-203. There exist also common Turkic
derivatives *Kɨj-ɨr and *Kɨj-ɨk ‘oblique, bent’.
PJpn. *ki notch (зарубка): OJpn. kji.
‖ Kalm. kāčə- (WMong. kijači-, KW 222) ‘to split (wood)’ is probably
borrowed from the Turk. derivative *Kɨjgač- (although the latter now
means basically ‘slant’, the original meaning was ‘cut aslant’). If the
latter was the original meaning in PA, one could also compare Mong.
*geji-, *geje- ‘slanting, oblique’ (otherwise see notes to *k῾úŋ(k)u).
-gìlè ( ~ -i, -o) to shine, glitter: Tung. *gilta-; Mong. *gil(b)a-; Jpn. *kìrà-.
PTung. *gilta- 1 white 2 shine (1 белый 2 блестеть): Evk. gilta-li 1;
Evn. gịltāl- 2; Man. gilta- 2; SMan. gilətərə- (2043); Ul. gilte 2; Nan. gilte2; Sol. giltarĩ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 151-152.
PMong. *gil(b)a- to glitter, shine (блестеть): MMong. gilibeligan
‘lightning’ (HY 2); WMong. gila-, gilba- (L 382), giluŋ, gilüŋ ‘shining’ (L
383); Kh. ǵala-, ǵalba-, gilbegne-; Bur. jalaj-; Kalm. giln, giləg, gilgr ‘light,
glittering’, gilī-, gilwə- ‘glitter’; Ord. gilba-; Dag. gialbagalǯi- (MGCD
294), gialebeleǯi- (MD 151); Mongr. ilōn ‘luisant, lisse, uni, glabre’ (SM
87).
◊ KW 136. Mong. gileji- > Oyr. kiläi-; Mong. gilba-lǯa- > Man. gilmarǯa-, see Rozycki 89.
PJpn. *kìrà- shining, glittering (блестящий, сверкать): OJpn.
k(j)ira-k(j)ira-si ‘beautiful’; MJpn. kìrà-kìrà-; Tok. kíra-kira, kira-mék-; Kyo.
kírà-kìrà, kírá-mék-; Kag. kira-kíra, kira-mék-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ KW 136, ОСНЯ 1, 230. In TM cf. also a variant *kilbe- / *kilt- ‘glitter’ (ТМС 1, 393, 394; hence Yak. kilbej-, kɨlbaj-; but Dolg. gilbej-, gɨlbajmay be directly < Mong.; see Kał. MEJ 103, Stachowski 86, 87). Since
Mong. also has a variant *gilt- (MMong. (MA) qiltai-, WMong. giltagir,
*gilu - *gíme
545
giltuji-, Kalm. giltəgr, giltī-, KW ibid.), the TM forms may be borrowed
from Mong. (see Doerfer MT 21-22, Rozycki 89). Note that Jpn. *kìràmay also reflect PA *gari q.v.
-gilu ( ~ -o, -a) curved object: Tung. *gil-; Mong. *gil-; Turk. *Kɨlɨ.
PTung. *gil- 1 ring 2 bracelet (1 кольцо 2 браслет): Evk. gildī 1;
Neg. gilǯixēn 1; Ul. gileptu(n) 2; Sol. diĺaptun 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 83, 150.
PMong. *gil- 1 to bevel 2 look askance, squint (1 скашивать 2 смотреть искоса, косить): WMong. gileji- (L 382: gilaji-) 2, gilčiji- 1; Kh.
gilǯij- ‘to trend, bend, squint’; Bur. gelžɨ- ‘to trend’; Kalm. gils-gils giǯ
xəl- (KPC 144) 2, gilčī- 1.
PTurk. *Kɨlɨ handle, ear (of a kettle, bucket) (ручка, ушко (чайника, ведра)): Tat. qɨlɨ, qɨl (dial.); Bashk. qɨlɨ, qɨlɨs (dial.); Kaz. qɨlɨ; Khak.
xɨlɣa, xɨlčɨ; Shr. qɨlčɨ; Oyr. qɨlɨ, qɨlɨ; Yak. kɨlɨ.
◊ VEWT 263, ЭСТЯ 6, 209-210.
‖ A Western isogloss; cf. *gĺu.
-gĺò cold: Tung. *gil-; Turk. *Kɨĺ; Jpn. *kìsàra-(n)ki.
PTung. *gil- cold (холодный): Evk. gildi; Evn. gịlr; Neg. gịlịgdị; Ul.
Gịtụlị, Gịtịsị; Ork. Gịčụlị; Nan. Gịčịsị; Orch. giči-si; Ud. gilihi.
◊ ТМС 1, 151. Most forms reflect a derivative *gil-si / *gil-či.
PTurk. *Kɨĺ winter (зима): OTurk. qɨš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qɨš
(MK); Tur. kɨš; Gag. qɨš; Az. Gɨš; Turkm. Gɨš; Khal. qɨš; MTurk. qɨš (AH,
Pav. C.); Uzb. qiš; Uygh. qiš; Krm. qɨš; Tat. qɨš; Bashk. qɨš; Kirgh. qɨš;
Kaz. qɨs; KBalk. qɨš; KKalp. qɨs; Kum. qɨš; Nogh. qɨs; SUygh. qɨs; Khak.
xɨs; Shr. qɨš; Oyr. qɨš; Tv. qɨ῾š; Chuv. xəl; Yak. kɨs, kɨhɨn; Dolg. kɨhɨn.
◊ EDT 670, VEWT 268, TMN 3, 479, Лексика 75-76, ЭСТЯ 6, 253-254, Stachowski
167-168.
PJpn. *kìsàra-(n)ki second month of the lunar calendar (второй месяц лунного календаря): OJpn. k(j)isarag(j)i; MJpn. kisaragi; Tok.
kìsaragi; Kyo. kísárágí; Kag. kisaragí.
◊ JLTT 451. Accent evidence is rather in favour of low tone, although the Kyoto form
is aberrant.
‖ EAS 110, Лексика 76, Miller UAJ 1986, 47, Miller 1996, 114.
-gíme ( ~ *gemi) defect: Mong. *gem; Turk. *Kem; Kor. *kìmi.
PMong. *gem 1 defect, illness, damage 2 to regret (1 дефект, болезнь, вред 2 сожалеть, раскаиваться): MMong. gise-, gise, g[e]si- (IM)
2; gemuri’ul- ‘to sicken’ (SH), gemur ‘Sorge’ (HYt); WMong. gem 1,
gemsi- 2 (L 375, 376); Kh. gem 1, gemši- 2; Bur. gem 1, gemše- 2; Kalm. gem
1, gemši- 2; Ord. gem 1, gemši- 2; Dag. gem 1 (Тод. Даг. 131, MD 150:
geme), gemši- 2; Dong. gien 1 (MGCD gən), giemere- ‘to be sick’; S.-Yugh.
gem 1; Mongr. gəŋšə- (SM 133) 2.
◊ KW 133, MGCD 291.
546
*gire - *gŕa
PTurk. *Kem illness (болезнь): OTurk. kem (OUygh.); Karakh.
ig-kem (MK, KB); Tur. gem, kem (dial.); Az. käm (dial.); Oyr. kem; Tv. kem;
Yak. kem ‘agnail (illness)’.
◊ EDT 720, ЭСТЯ 5, 34-35, VEWT 250, Clark 1977, 138, (should be distinguished from
kem ‘few’ < Pers.). Cf. perhaps Chuv. kъₙmъₙr ‘anger’.
PKor. *kìmi defect (on skin, jade) (дефект, изъян (на коже, драгоценном камне)): MKor. kìmi; Mod. kimi.
◊ Nam 79, KED 266.
‖ KW 133. Cf. Evk. gimdigī- ‘to break (of a belt, strap)’ (ТМС 1, 152).
-gire ( ~ -ŕ-) bone: Tung. *giram-ksa; Mong. *gere.
PTung. *giram-ksa 1 bone 2 skeleton (1 кость 2 скелет): Evk. giramna 1; Evn. gịrmr 2 (also “grave”); Neg. gịjamna 2; Man. giraŋgi 1;
SMan. giraŋə 1 (167); Jurch. gi(r)ba-an-gi (510) 1; Ul. Gịramsa 1; Ork. Giransa 1; Nan. Gịrmaqsa 1; Orch. giamsa 1; Ud. gämaha, geämaha 1, 2
(Корм. 221); Sol. giranda 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 154.
PMong. *gere 1 cheek bone 2 front teeth (1 скула 2 передние зубы):
WMong. gere 1 (L 378); Kh. gerē 1; Kalm. gerə šüdn 2.
◊ KW 134.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-giru shore; road: Tung. *giri; Turk. *Kɨrgak; Kor. *kírh.
PTung. *giri 1 shore 2 line, row 3 riverbed (1 берег 2 линия, ряд 3
русло): Evk. giri 1; Evn. gịrị 1; Neg. gịjị 1; Man. girin 2; SMan. girin
‘hamlets scattered along a highway’ (1020); Ul. gịrị(n) 3; Ork. giri 1;
Nan. gịr 1; Orch. gī 1; Ud. gī-ma 1.
◊ TMC 1,155.
PTurk. *Kɨrgak edge (край): Karakh. qɨrɣaɣ (MK) ‘selvage, edge’;
Tur. kɨrak; Az. GɨraG; Khal. qɨraɣ; MTurk. qɨrɨɣ, qɨraɣ (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qirɣɔq; Uygh. qi(r)ɣaq; Krm. qɨrɨj; Tat. qɨrɨj; Kirgh. qɨrū; Kum. qɨrɨj; Nogh.
qɨraq; Khak. xri, xɨrɨj, xɨrɨɣ; Oyr. qɨrɨɣ; Tv. qɨrɨ; Chuv. xərə; Yak. kɨr; Dolg.
kɨr.
◊ VEWT 265, EDT 653, ЭСТЯ 6, 242-244, Stachowski 170.
PKor. *kírh road (дорога): MKor. kír (kírh-); Mod. kil.
◊ Nam 81, KED 278.
‖ SKE 112, АПиПЯЯ 296. In Turkic the root is contaminating with
the reflex of *k῾re q.v.
-gŕa ( ~-o,-u) girl, mate: Tung. *girkī; Turk. *Kŕ.
PTung. *girkī 1 mate 2 wife 3 placenta (1 товарищ 2 жена 3 послед): Evk. girkī 1, 2, 3; Evn. girkъ 1, 2, 3; Neg. gīxī 1; Nan. girki ‘idol,
helping spirits’; Sol. gikki 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 155.
*gằlá - *gla
547
PTurk. *Kŕ 1 girl 2 woman (1 девушка 2 женщина): OTurk. qɨz 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qɨz 1 (MK, KB); Tur. kɨz 1; Gag. qɨz 1; Az. Gɨz
1; Turkm. Gz 1; Sal. qɨz 1; MTurk. qɨz 1 (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qiz 1; Uygh.
qiz 1; Krm. qɨz 1; Tat. qɨz 1; Bashk. qɨδ 1; Kirgh. qɨz 1; Kaz. qɨz 1; KBalk.
qɨz 1; KKalp. qɨz 1; Kum. qɨz 1; Nogh. qɨz 1; SUygh. qɨs 1; Khak. xɨs 1;
Shr. qɨs 1; Oyr. qɨs 1; Tv. qɨs 1; Tof. qɨs 1; Chuv. xər 1, xər-(arъm) 2; Yak.
ks 1; Dolg. ks 1.
◊ VEWT 269, TMN 3, 569-70, EDT 679-80, Лексика 295, 318, ЭСТЯ 6, 190-191, Stachowski 172. For PT one should reconstruct variants *kŕ/*kr (they are reflected in several
derivatives, e.g. *Kr-kɨn, see Лексика 317-318, ЭСТЯ 6, 237, *Kɨr-nak, see TMN 3, 456,
ЭСТЯ 6, 240).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Mong. *gergei ‘wife’ (if not derived from *ger ‘house’; Mong. pl. gergen > Yak., Dolg. kergen ‘family’,
see Kał. MEJ 28, Stachowski 145).
-gằlá goose, duck: Tung. *gileŋē-; Mong. *galaɣu(n); Jpn. *kàrí.
PTung. *gileŋē- a k. of duck (вид утки (утка-лотошка, крохаль)):
Neg. gileŋēti; Ul. gileńetu.
◊ ТМС 1, 152.
PMong. *galaɣu(n) goose (гусь): MMong. qalau’u (SH, HY 13),
qalawun (LH); WMong. ɣalaɣu(n) (L 346); Kh. galū; Bur. galū(n); Kalm.
ɣalūn (КРС 155); Ord. Galū; Dag. galō ‘wild goose’; Mongr. Galū (SM
117).
PJpn. *kàrí goose (гусь): OJpn. kari; MJpn. kàrí; Tok. kári; Kyo. kárí;
Kag. kári.
◊ JLTT 440. Tones in Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *kárí, but the attested RJ and Tokyo tones speak in favour of *kàrí.
‖ In TM one would rather expect *gialeŋē, but the existing forms
may be explained as secondarily monophthongized. Despite АПиПЯЯ
80, the Jpn. form rather belongs here (semantically it is exactly = Mong.
ɣalaɣun, and in case *kàrí < *gāŕV we would rather expect *kàtí).
-gla to stay behind, be separated: Tung. *giala-; Mong. *gal-; Turk.
*Kiāl-; Jpn. *kára-.
PTung. *giala- 1 to separate 2 division, partition 3 room 4 to stop (1
отделять, перегораживать 2 отделение 3 комната 4 делать остановку): Man. ǵala- 1,4, ǵalan 2; SMan. ǵalə- ‘distant, separated’ (2576); ǵalən
‘room space, compartiment of a house’ (448); Ul. Glaqo 3; Nan. Gịala- 1;
Ud. gäla῾u 3 (Корм. 221); Sol. gl 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 146. Sol. > Dag. gēlāŋ, ǵalāŋ ‘room’ (Тод. Даг. 131).
PMong. *gal- 1 to walk slowly 2 to be lazy; to leave, go away (1 идти медленно 2 быть ленивым; уходить): WMong. ɣalɣi- 1, ɣalira- 2 (L
346); Kh. galgi- 1, galira- 2; Bur. galgi-; Kalm. ɣaĺgə- ‘be ashamed, confused’; Ord. Galgi-.
548
*gălu - *gĺu
◊ KW 142. Mong. > Kaz. qalɣɨ- etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 232-233).
PTurk. *Kiāl- to stay behind, remain (оставаться): OTurk. qal(Orkh., OUygh., Yenis.); Karakh. qal- (MK, KB); Tur. kal-; Az. Gal-;
Turkm. Gāl-; MTurk. qal- (Sangl., Qutb., Houts., AH, IM, MA, Pav. C.);
Uzb. qɔl-; Uygh. qal-; Tat. qal-; Bashk. qal-; Kirgh. qal-; Kaz. qal-; KBalk.
qal-; KKalp. qal-; Kum. qal-; Nogh. qal-; Khak. xal-; Shr. qal-; Oyr. qal-;
Tv. qal-; Tof. qal-; Chuv. jol-; Yak. xāl-; Dolg. kāl-.
◊ EDT 615-616, VEWT 224, ЭСТЯ 5, 226-227, Егоров 347, Федотов 2, 483, Stachowski
142.
PJpn. *kára- to stay away, get apart; die (отделяться, удаляться;
умирать): OJpn. kara-; MJpn. kára-.
◊ JLTT 704.
‖ The original meaning is well reconstructable as “to lag behind >
become separated”. The derivative *gla-kV ‘separation, lagging’ is reflected in PTM *giala-ku ‘separated space, room’ and the denominative
*gal-gi- in Mongolian.
-gălu thick, whole: Tung. *gulu-kun; Mong. *goli-; Turk. *Kalɨŋ.
PTung. *gulu-kun 1 whole 2 (whole) piece (1 целый 2 (целый) кусок): Man. gulxun 1; SMan. guluxun ‘complete, pure’ (2348, 2820); Ul.
gulxu(n) 2; Nan. gulxũ 2; Ud. guluhu 2; Sol. gulgũ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 169. TM > Dag. gulgun (Тод. Даг. 133).
PMong. *goli- be tall, stately, gross (быть высоким, величавым,
тучным): WMong. ɣoliji-; Kh. golij-; Bur. golī-; Kalm. ɣoĺɣr.
◊ KW 150.
PTurk. *Kalɨŋ 1 thick, stiff 2 numerous (1 толстый, густой 2 многочисленный): OTurk. qalɨn (Orkh.) 1, qalɨn (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qalɨn
(MK) 1, (MK, KB) 2; Tur. kalɨn 1; Az. Galɨn 1; Turkm. Galɨŋ 1; MTurk.
qalɨŋ (Qutb.) 1, qalɨn (MA, Houts., Abush., AH, Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. qɛlin 1;
Uygh. qelin 1; Tat. qalɨn 1; Bashk. qalɨn 1; Kirgh. qalɨŋ 1; Kaz. qalɨŋ 1;
KKalp. qalɨŋ 1; Kum. qalɨn 1; Nogh. qalɨn 1; Khak. xalɨn 1; Oyr. qalɨŋ 1;
Tv. qɨlɨn, dial. Todzh. 1; Tof. xɨlɨn 1; Chuv. xulъn, xolъm 1; Yak. xalɨŋ 1.
◊ VEWT 226, ЭСТЯ 5, 238-239, Федотов 2, 354-355.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-gĺu ring, bracelet, precious stone: Tung. *goldi; Turk. *KĀĺ; Jpn.
*kusirə; Kor. *kòrhói.
PTung. *goldi 1 ring 2 loop (on handle of whip) (1 кольцо 2 петля
(на кнутовище)): Evk. goldi 1; Man. Gulǯarχan 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 159, 167.
PTurk. *KĀĺ 1 jade 2 precious stone, the bezel of a finger ring (1 яшма 2 драгоценный камень, гнездо в кольце): Karakh. qaš (MK) 1; Tur.
kaš 2; Az. Gaš 2; Turkm. Gāš 2; MTurk. qaš (Houts., IM, Pav. C., MA) 1,
*gaŋu - *gări
549
2; Uygh. qaš 2; Tat. qaš 2; Bashk. qaš 2; Kirgh. qaš 2; Kum. qaš 2; Nogh.
qas 2; Tv. xaš 2.
◊ EDT 669. KW 171. Turk. > Mong. qas(i), (HY) qaši, see Clark 1980, 41, 42, Щербак
1997, 134.
PJpn. *kusirə bracelet (браслет): OJpn. kusiro.
◊ JLTT 466.
PKor. *kòrhói ring, bracelet (кольцо, браслет): MKor. kòrhói; Mod.
kori.
◊ Nam 51, KED 140.
‖ A specific common Altaic cultural term.
-gaŋu wild onion: Tung. *guŋur; Turk. *gEmürgen; Jpn. *k(u)i.
PTung. *guŋur garlic (чеснок): Evk. guŋur.
◊ ТМС 1, 173. Attested only in Evk., with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *gEmürgen wild onion or garlic (дикий лук или чеснок):
Karakh. kövürgen (MK), kömürgen (MK - Oghuz); Tur. gümüren; Gag.
kömüren; Kirgh. köbürgön; Khak. köbərgen; Oyr. köbürgen; Tv. kögürön
(dial.); Tof. kögirhen.
◊ EDT 691, ЭСТЯ 3, 100; VEWT 285; Лексика 124. Sometimes explained as derived
from köbür- ‘to foam’ (see VEWT ibid.); this seems a folk etymology, but may explain the
irregular -b- in some of the forms.
PJpn. *k(u)i a k. of onion (вид лука): OJpn. k(j)i.
◊ JLTT 449.
‖ Cf. also some similar roots: *gokV, *komga, *k῾ema (with possible
mergers). Medial -m- in Turk. may be either due to these mergers, or a
result of labial assimilation (*gEmürgen < *gEŋürgen). The Jpn. form
must go back to a suffixed *gaŋ(u)-gV.
-gări to stretch, spread: Tung. *girke-; Turk. *ger-; Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *girke- to spread (расстилать): Evk. girke-; Evn. girkъ-.
◊ ТМС 1, 156.
PTurk. *ger- to spread out, to hang (растягивать, вешать): OTurk.
ker- (OUygh.); Karakh. ker- (MK, KB); Tur. ger-; Gag. ger-; Az. gär-;
Turkm. ger-; MTurk. ker- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ker-; Uygh. ker-; Krm. ger-; Tat.
dial. kər- (КСТТ); Bashk. kir-; Kirgh. ker-; Kaz. ker-; KBalk. ker-; KKalp.
ker-; Kum. ger-; Nogh. ker-; Khak. kir-; Oyr. ker-; Tv. xer-; Tof. ker-; Chuv.
kar-.
◊ VEWT 254, EDT 735, ЭСТЯ 3, 23-24.
PKor. *kr- 1 to hang on, put on (smth.) 2 to spread out (1 вешать,
надевать (что-л.) 2 расстилать): MKor. kr-thí- 1; Mod. kl- 1, klčhi- 1,
2.
◊ Nam 38, KED 97, 100.
‖ The match is possible if TM *girke- is a secondary contraction <
*giarke-. Another possibility would be to suppose *girke- < *gerki- and
reconstruct PA *gĕrV.
550
*gắru - *gằŕá
-gắru acacia: Tung. *gur-; Turk. *KArakan; Jpn. *kútí-; Kor. *kor-.
PTung. *gur- 1 acacia 2 polar birch 3 willow (1 акация 2 полярная
береза 3 ива): Evk. guran 2; Man. Goro 1; Nan. GorGolaǯi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 162, 173.
PTurk. *KArakan acacia (акация): Karakh. qaraqan (MK); Turkm.
GaraGan ‘солянка древовидная’; Khal. qaraqan; MTurk. qaraqan[a] (Pav.
C.); Uzb. qɔrɔɣɔn; Bashk. dial. qaraɣan; Kirgh. qaraɣan; Kaz. qaraɣan;
Khak. xaraɣan; Shr. qaraɣan; Oyr. qaraɣan; Tv. xaraɣan, Todzh. qaraɣan.
◊ EDT 657, ЭСТЯ 5, 293-294, TMN 1, 275. Turk. > Mong. qaraɣana, whence again into
Turk. (Khak. xarɣana etc., see ЭСТЯ ibid.).
PJpn. *kútí- Gardenia jasminoides (Gardenia jasminoides): MJpn.
kútínasi; Tok. kùchinashi; Kyo. kúchínáshí; Kag. kuchináshi.
PKor. *kor- acacia, Caragana ussuriensis (акация): Mod. koldam-čho.
‖ The meaning ‘acacia’ is surprisingly well reconstructable for this
root.
-gàru wave, stream: Tung. *guru-; Mong. *goru-ka / *gori-ka; Kor. *kjr.
PTung. *guru- 1 reach (of river) 2 whirlpool (1 плес 2 водоворот):
Evk. gurukā 1, guru-ma ‘straight (of a river reach)’; Ork. GorGi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 174.
PMong. *goru-ka / *gori-ka small river, rivulet, stream (речка, ручей): MMong. goroxan (HY); WMong. ɣoruqa, ɣoriqa (L 362); Kh. gor;
Bur. gorxo(n); Kalm. ɣoroxa (СЯОС).
PKor. *kjr wave (волна): MKor. kjr; Mod. kjəl.
◊ Nam 43, KED 116.
‖ Mong. and TM reflect a common derivative *gàru-k῾V.
-gằŕá to walk, step: Tung. *giari- / *gira-; Mong. *gar-; Turk. *gEŕ-; Jpn.
*kàtí.
PTung. *giari- / *gira- 1 to walk 2 to step (1 гулять 2 шагать): Evk.
gira-kta- 2; Evn. gịraŋ-, gịrq- 2; Neg. gịjān- 2; Man. Garda- ‘to run’, ǵari῾to walk round, walk away’; Ul. Grị- 1, Gịran- 2; Ork. Gịran-; Nan.
Gịari- 1, Gịran- 2; Orch. gǟri- 1, gia- 2; Ud. geä-li- 1, geäna- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 141, 142, 147, 154-155.
PMong. *gar- to go out (выходить): MMong. qar- (HY 36, SH), qor-,
qur- (IM), ɣăr- (MA); WMong. ɣar- (L 350); Kh. gar-; Bur. gara-; Kalm.
ɣar-; Ord. Gar-; Mog. ɣaru-; ZM ɣaru- (41-2); Dag. gar- (Тод. Даг. 130),
gare- (MD 148), garə-; Dong. qeri- (MGCD qɨri-); Bao. xăr- (MGCD xarə-);
S.-Yugh. Gar-; Mongr. Gari- (SM 120).
◊ KW 145, MGCD 285.
PTurk. *gEŕ- to walk, walk through (ходить, проходить через):
OTurk. kez- (OUygh.); Karakh. kez- (MK, KB); Tur. gez-; Gag. gez-; Az.
gäz-; Turkm. gez-; Sal. gez- (Kakuk); Khal. käz-; MTurk. kéz- (Sangl., MA,
Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. kez-; Uygh. g/käz-; Krm. gez-; Tat. giz-; Bashk.
*gaso - *góč῾e
551
giδ-; Kirgh. kez-; KBalk. [kezik ‘очередь’]; KKalp. gez-; Kum. gez-; Nogh.
kez-; Tof. kes-.
◊ VEWT 260, EDT 757, ЭСТЯ 3, 10-11. Cf. also (with -r-) Yak. kerij- ‘walk around’.
The derived Turk. *gEŕik ‘turn, order’ ( < *’going through’) > MMong. kešik (SH), WMong.
kesig ‘wake, turn’ (see TMN 1, 467-468, Clark 1980, 40). The verb itself was also borrowed,
cf. WMong. kesü-, Khalkha, Bur. xese-, Dag. kese- ‘to wander, roam’.
PJpn. *kàtí walking (хождение пешком): OJpn. kati; MJpn. kàtí;
Tok. káchi; Kyo. káchí; Kag. kachí.
◊ JLTT 444. The Kyoto accent is irregular, otherwise all evidence points to *kàtí.
‖ ЭСТЯ 3, 11, JOAL 125, 126, АПиПЯЯ 74, 289, Дыбо 13.
-gaso to curse, horrify: Tung. *gos-; Mong. *ges-; Turk. *Kias-; Jpn.
*kasi-.
PTung. *gos- to curse (ругать): Neg. gosowlā-; Man. gasxu- ‘to swear’
(Захаров 305); SMan. Gasəhə- (1915, 1916); Ul. Gosolo-; Ork. Gosị-; Nan.
Gosōla-, n. Gosχo(n); Orch. gosola-.
◊ ТМС 1, 162-163.
PMong. *ges- 1 to punish 2 to suffer (1 наказывать 2 страдать): Kh.
gesgē- 1; Kalm. ges- ‘to suffer’ (КРС).
PTurk. *Kias- 1 horrible, terrible 2 to annoy 3 to become wasted,
lose 4 vindictive 5 inimical (1 страшный, ужасный 2 досаждать 3 разоряться, терять 4 мстительный 5 враждебный): OTurk. qasɨnčɨɣ
(OUygh. Suv.) 1; Kirgh. qas 5; Kaz. qas 5; Shr. qasta- 2; Chuv. jus-, juzъn3, jus-tar- 2; Yak. xasɨmar 4.
◊ EDT 668, Ашм. XI, 12.
PJpn. *kasi- to curse, damn; cast a spell (проклинать; заклинать):
OJpn. kasi-r-; MJpn. kasi-r-.
‖ Cf. *kasa.
-góč῾e a k. of flower: Mong. *gečigene; Turk. *gEč-; Kor. *kòč.
PMong. *gečigene silverweed, potentilla anserina (мать-и-мачеха):
WMong. gečigene (L 381: gičigene); Kh. gičgene; Bur. gešegenē(n) ‘название растения со съедобными корнями’; Ord. gečigene.
PTurk. *gEč- a k. of flower (вид цветка): Turkm. gečemǯek ‘ластовень острый’, gečigeči ‘пастушья сумка’.; Kirgh. küčük ‘catkins, aglets,
flower buds’; Chuv. kъčkъ ‘catkins, aglets, flower buds’ ( > Mari kičke
‘willow buds’?).
◊ Федотов 1, 264. Not quite secure, since the root is (folk-etymologically?) contaminated either with geče ‘goat’ or with *gǖčük ‘puppy’.
PKor. *kòč flower (цветок): MKor. kòč; Mod. k:ot [k:očh].
◊ Nam 54, KED 174.
‖ Very scantily represented in Turkic, so basically a Mong.-Kor. isogloss; not quite reliable.
552
*godV - *g[o]jk῾u
-godV belly, stomach: Tung. *gudige; Mong. *gede-sün.
PTung. *gudige stomach (желудок): Evk. gudiɣē; Evn. gudi; Neg.
gudi; Man. guweǯixe; Ud. gudie; Sol. gudege.
◊ ТМС 1, 167. On Mong. güǯiɣe < TM see Doerfer MT 22; backloans are probably
Spoken Manchu guǯuge and Nan. gūǯẽ.
PMong. *gede-sün belly, intestines (живот, внутренности):
MMong. gedesun (HY 47), kesosun (IM), kitäsun, kuǯiesä (MA 391, 345);
WMong. gedesü(n), gedüsü(n); Kh. gedes, gedsen; Bur. gedehe(n); Kalm.
gesn; Ord. gedüsü; Mog. gesän, gesäl; ZM gisäl (3-6b); Dag. gedes, getes
(Тод. Даг. 131), ketes; geǯese, getese, ketese (MD 150, 151, 183); Dong.
kiǯəsun, qɨǯəsun, kiǯiesun; Bao. Gaǯisoŋ; S.-Yugh. gedesən; Mongr. gidesə
(SM 136), gədesə.
◊ KW 135, MGCD 289.
‖ ТМС 1, 167. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-goje ? to butt, horn: Tung. *gujā-.
PTung. *gujā- 1 to butt 2 horn 3 fang 4 to play (of animals) (1 бодать 2 рог 3 клык 4 играть (о животных)): Evk. gujā- 1; Evn. gụj- 1;
Neg. goja 2; Man. Guja- 4; Ul. Gụja 3; Ork. Gụja- 1; Nan. Goja 2; Orch.
guja 3; Ud. guja 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 168.
‖ Basically a TM root, but cf. Yak. kej- ‘to butt’. Jpn. *k(ù)i ‘fang’ may
belong here, too - but see under *k῾ùge). On the whole, rather dubious
as a common Altaic etymon.
-g[o]jk῾u bird of prey: Tung. *giax(ü-n); Turk. *göjke.
PTung. *giaxü-n 1 hawk 2 falcon (1 ястреб 2 сокол): Evk. gki 2;
Evn. gǟqn 1,2; Neg. gxin 1; Man. ǵaχun 1; SMan. ǵahun 1 (2241); Jurch.
giaxun (giaxun-un) (155) 2; Ul. Gχõ 1; Nan. Gịχõ 1; Orch. gǟki 1; Ud. gäxi
(Корм. 221), geäxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 146. Cf. also TM *kiak- ‘falcon, hawk’ (ТМС 1, 391) - variant of the same
root with assimilation?
PTurk. *göjke kestrel, windhover, hawk (пустельга, ястреб):
OTurk. kekük ‘a bird of prey’ (OUygh. - Irq Bitig); Karakh. kekük
‘al-zummac, a bird the bones of which are used in conjurations and
sorcery’ (MK); Turkm. gövenek; MTurk. köjkenek (Pav.C., Abushk.);
Kirgh. küjkö; Khak. köjkenek.
◊ VEWT 288, EDT 710, ЭСТЯ 5, 133-134, Лексика 170. Turk. > Mong. küjkünek.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 170. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.; seems reliable, but
the front vowel in Turk. is unclear.
*gòjńu - *gòjńu
553
-gòjńu dawn, daylight: Tung. *giańam; Mong. *gegeɣe < *geɣeɣe; Turk.
*gün(eĺ) / *guńaĺ; Jpn. *ka(i); Kor. *kúi.
PTung. *giańam dawn (рассвет, заря): Evk. gwan; Evn. gǟwụn;
Neg. gwan; Ul. Gwa(n); Ork. Gwa(n); Nan. Gịwã; Orch. gǟawan; Ud.
gäwa.
◊ ТМС 1, 145. The reflexes match almost exactly those of *miańam ‘heart’, which
makes us reconstruct *giańam with a later assimilative development > *giawan. Cf. perhaps also Jurch. gen-gien ‘light, clear’ = Man. geŋǵen, SMan. giŋiN id. (a contamination
with PTM *geŋg- ‘clean, clear’? - or the same root?), see ТМС 1, 177.
PMong. *gegeɣe < *geɣeɣe dawn, daylight (рассвет, дневной свет):
MMong. gegejen (HY 53, SH), gegen (SH), geji- ‘to become light’ (SH),
gigän (MA); WMong. gege(n), gegege(n) (L 373); Kh. gegē(n); Bur. gegē(n);
Kalm. gēn, gegn; Ord. gegē(n); Dag. gegēn (Тод. Даг. 131, MD 149), geji‘to get light (about the sky)’ (MD 149); Bao. gegaŋ; Mongr. gəgēn (SM
132).
◊ KW 132, 135, MGCD 290.
PTurk. *gün(eĺ) / *guńaĺ 1 sun 2 day 3 sunny place 4 sun-heat (1
солнце 2 день 3 солнечное место 4 солнечный жар): OTurk. kün 1, 2
(Orkh., OUygh.), küneš 3 (YB), isig qujaš 4 (OUygh. - Br.); Karakh. kün 1,
2, qujaš 4 (MK), küneš 3 (Tefs.); Tur. gün 2, güneš 1, (dial.) gujaš 1; Gag.
gün 1, 2, güneš 1; Az. gün 1, 2, günäš 1; Turkm. gün 1, 2, güneš 1, 4, qujāš
1 (dial.); Sal. gǖn 1, 2; Khal. kin, kün 1, 2, kinäš ‘sonnig’; MTurk. qujaš 1
(Sangl., Abush., Pav. C.), küneš 1 (Pav. C., Abush., Бор. Бад.), kün 1, 2
(Pav. C., MA); Uzb. kun 1, 2, qujɔš 1; Uygh. kün 1, 2, (dial.) qojaš 1; Krm.
kün 1, 2, küneš 1, qujaš, qujas 1; Tat. kön 1, 2, qojaš 1; Bashk. kön 1, 2, könäs
4, qojaš 1; Kirgh. kün 1, 2; Kaz. kün 1, 2; KBalk. kün 1, 2; KKalp. kün 1, 2,
qujaš 1; Kum. gün 1, 2 güneš 1; Nogh. kün 1, 2, qɨjas 4; SUygh. kun 1, 2;
Khak. kün 1, 2; Shr. kün 1, 2, qujaš 1; Oyr. kün 1, 2, dial. qujaš 1 (Kumd.,
Leb.); Tv. xün 1, 2; Tof. xün 1, 2; Chuv. kon 2, xəₙvel 1; Yak. kün 1, 2, kuās
‘heat’; Dolg. kün 1, kuńās ‘heat’.
◊ VEWT 301, 309 (Räsänen separates *gün and *gun’al’, which is hardly justified);
EDT 679, 725, 734, ЭСТЯ 3, 100-104, 6, 112-113, Лексика 20-21, 64-65, 77-78, Федотов 1
306-307, Stachowski 161, 164. The forms *güńeĺ and *guńaĺ must be old dialectal variants.
PJpn. *ka(i) day, period of time (день, период времени): OJpn. ke.
◊ The root is also attested as a suffixed -ka (patu-ka ‘20 days’, itu-ka ‘5 days’ etc.), see
JLTT 430, 448.
PKor. *kúi dawn (рассвет): MKor. hắis-kúi; Mod. häk:wi.
◊ Nam 484, KED 1815.
‖ Лексика 78, Doerfer MT 143. Cf. also Mong. geji- ‘to dawn’ (KW
137), proving that *geɣe- < *geje-. The Korean form points to a cluster
with *-j-, therefore a reconstruction *gòjnu (with subsequent assimilative palatalization -jn- > -jń-) is perhaps more plausible; cf. also the
variation *n/*ń in PT. The Jpn. reflex is somewhat problematic: loss of
554
*g[k]ó - *gola
final resonant here may be explained by a standard development before a velar suffix (*ka < *gòjn(u)-gV, cf. Mong. *gege-ɣe, Man. geŋ-ǵe);
but one would rather expect a PJ form like *ku(i). The irregular vowel
may be due to contraction, cf. a similar case in PJ *ká ‘mosquito’ < PA
*kúńe.
-g[k]ó to run, send: Tung. *gik-; Mong. *güji-; Turk. *Kog-; Jpn.
*kàká-.
PTung. *gik- 1 to gallop 2 to send 3 to spy (1 бежать рысью 2 посылать 3 разведывать): Evn. gịqlị- 3; Man. ǵaχala-ča- 1; Ul. Gịlta- 2; Nan.
Gịqo- 1, Gịaqta- 2; Orch. gikta- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 137, 149.
PMong. *güji- to run, gallop, flee (бежать, убегать): MMong. gue(HY 16, 36), gui’ji- (SH), gui- (MA), guj- (IM); WMong. güi-, güjü- (L
390); Kh. güj-; Bur. güj-; Kalm. gǖ-; Ord. güj-; Mog. güī-; KT gujä(10-6a); Dag. gui- (Тод. Даг. 133, MD 153); Mongr. gw- (SM 140), gui(Huzu).
◊ KW 140, MGCD 308.
PTurk. *Kog- to drive, pursue (гнать, преследовать): Tur. koɣ(since 17th cent.); Uygh. qoɣla- (dial.); Khak. xoɣ-; Oyr. qoɣ-; Yak. kuolā-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 9-10, VEWT 275 (should be distinguished from PT *Kob-).
PJpn. *kàká- to run, gallop, flee (бежать, скакать, убегать): MJpn.
kaka-; Tok. kaké-; Kyo. kàkè-; Kag. kàkè-.
◊ JLTT 702.
‖ The medial consonant behaves irregularly: the Turk. and Mong.
forms point to an intermediate *gogo, probably a result of assimilation
< *goko.
-gola ( ~ -ĺ-, *galo) to burn, fire: Tung. *gul-; Mong. *gal.
PTung. *gul- 1 to blaze 2 to set fire 3 (bon)fire 4 hearth (1 сверкать 2
разжигать 3 костер 4 очаг): Evk. gul- 1; Evn. gụl- 2; Neg. golo-wun 3;
Man. Golon tuwa 3; gulgin ‘flame’; Ul. Gol-ǯo(n) 4; Nan. Gola- 2, Golǯõ 4;
Orch. gogǯo(n) 4; Sol. gụlǯēr 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 169.
PMong. *gal fire (огонь): MMong. qal (HY 22, SH), qal (IM), ɣal
(MA); WMong. ɣal (L 346); Kh. gal; Bur. gal; Kalm. ɣal; Ord. Gal; Mog.
ɣōl; ɣl (18-2a); Dag. gali, gaĺ (Тод. Даг. 130, MD 148); Dong. qan; Bao.
xal; S.-Yugh. Gal; Mongr. Gar (SM 118).
◊ KW 141-142, MGCD 279.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Poppe 24, 75 compares
the TM stem with Mong. ɣolu-mta ‘hearth’, but cf. rather *gūĺo.
*gòlo - *gṓp῾e
555
-gòlo to be unhappy, endure: Tung. *gil-; Mong. *golu-; Turk. *Kol-;
Jpn. *krápá- (~-uo-).
PTung. *gil- 1 to be sore, ache (of heart, wounds) 2 to be sad, annoyed, indignant (1 ныть, болеть (о сердце, ране) 2 грустить, досадовать, негодовать): Evk. gilka- 1; Evn. gịlko- 1; Man. gila-, giŋqa-, giŋGa-,
gilaǯa-, gilača- 2; Ul. gil-, gl- 1; Ork. gilči- 1; Nan. Gịlk- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 151.
PMong. *golu- to be unhappy with smth., consider smth. bad (презирать, не любить): MMong. qolu- (HY 36); WMong. ɣolu-, ɣol- (L 359);
Kh. golo-; Bur. golo-; Kalm. ɣol-.
◊ KW 150.
PTurk. *Kol- to beg (просить (милостыню), умолять): OTurk. qol(Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qol- (MK); MTurk. qol- (Pav. C., Abush.), qol-či
‘beggar’; Uzb. qɔlčir ‘Verleumder’ (KW 183); Krm. qol-; SUygh. qol-;
Yak. kulu ‘give (imper.)’.
◊ VEWT 277, EDT 616, ЭСТЯ 6, 36-37. Turk. > WMong. qolčir, KW xoĺčr ‘verschwenderisch, leichtsinnig’ (KW 183).
PJpn. *krápá- (~-uo-) to endure (терпеть, выносить): MJpn. korafa-;
Tok. koraé-; Kyo. kòràè-; Kag. kòràè-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ KW 150.
-gṓĺV edge; eyebrow: Tung. *gula; Turk. *K(i)āĺ.
PTung. *gula 1 edge, cliff 2 eyelashes 3 beard, moustache (1 склон,
скат 2 ресницы 3 борода, усы): Evk. gula 1; Neg. gulaxan 1; Man. Gulaqu 1; Orch. gūla 1, gulagö 2; Ud. gula 1, guluge 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 169.
PTurk. *K(i)āĺ eyebrow; edge, bank; saddle bow (бровь; край, берег; лука седла): OTurk. qaš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qaš (MK, KB);
Tur. kaš (dial.); Az. Gaš; Turkm. Gāš; MTurk. qaš (Sangl., Pav. C.,
Abush.), qaš (CCum.); Uzb. qɔš; Uygh. qaš; Krm. qaš; Tat. qaš; Bashk. qaš;
Kirgh. qaš; Kaz. qas; KKalp. qas; Kum. qaš; Nogh. qas; Khak. xas; Shr. qaš;
Oyr. qaš; Tv. qaš; Tof. xaš; Yak. xās; Dolg. kās.
◊ EDT 669, VEWT 240, TMN 3, 389, ЭСТЯ 5, 343-345, Лексика 211-212, 542, Stachowski 143.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss, with very similar semantic developments.
Лексика 212.
-gṓp῾e to swell, form blisters: Mong. *göb- / *güb-; Turk. *Kāp-; Jpn.
*kəp(u)i ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *kòpó-m-.
PMong. *göb- / *güb- 1 elevation, unevenness on the surface of an
object; wart, blister, pimple 2 to have pimples 3 hill, mound (1 возвышение, неровность на поверхности предмета; бородавка, прыщ 2
иметь прыщи 3 холм, возвышение): WMong. göbdürigüü 1, göb-
556
*góra - *góro
dürigüde- 2 (L 385), gübege(n), gübüge(n) 3 (L 388); Kh. gövdrǖ 1,
gövdrǖde- 2, güvē 3; Bur. gübē 3, gübɨ-; Kalm. göw, güw 3; Ord. göbdörǖ
1, 3.
◊ KW 138, 140.
PTurk. *Kāp- 1 to swell, form blisters 2 thick, swollen 3 hill, mound
(1 распухать, нарывать 2 толстый, распухший 3 холм, возвышение):
Karakh. qapar- 1, qapa (MK) 3; Tur. kabar- 1, kaba 2; Az. Gabar- 1, Gaba 2;
Turkm. Gābar- 1, Gāba 2; MTurk. (OKypch.) qabar- (AH) 1, qaba (Houts.,
AH) 2; Uygh. qapa(r)- 1, dial. qova 2; Tat. qabar- 1, qaba 2; Bashk. qabar- 1,
qabaq 3; Kirgh. qabar- 1, qabaq 3; Kaz. qabar- 1, qaba 2; KKalp. qabar- 1,
qapa 2; Kum. qabar- 1, qaba 2; Nogh. qabar- 1; Tv. xavar-, xapɨj- 1; Chuv.
xъₙba-lan- 1; Yak. xaba-lan- 1.
◊ VEWT 215, 233, ЭСТЯ 5, 158, 165-166.
PJpn. *kəp(u)i ( ~ -ua-) swelling of feet (опухание ног): MJpn. kofi.
PKor. *kòpó-m fever, malaria (лихорадка, малярия): MKor.
kòpó-m.
◊ Nam 47.
‖ Cf. *kŏp῾e, *k῾àpe.
-góra a k. of reed: Tung. *gurbi; Turk. *KAr(a)gu; Jpn. *kántúrá.
PTung. *gurbi reed (тростник): Man. Gurbi(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 173. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *KAr(a)gu reed (тростник): Karakh. qarɣu (AH); Tur. karɣɨ;
Az. Garɣɨ; Turkm. GarGɨ; Khal. Garɣo; MTurk. qarɣu (AH), ɣarqu (Бор.
Бад.), ɣaraw (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ɣɔrɔw; Chuv. xorɣux ‘осот полевой,
молочай’ ( < *Korgaɣu with secondary -x ; Ашм. XVI, 194: xur xuxi, xur
xuxxi, xor xъvъx).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 306.
PJpn. *kántúrá vine, creeper (лоза): OJpn. kadura; MJpn. kádúra;
Tok. kàzura; Kyo. kázùrà; Kag. kazúra.
◊ JLTT 447. All dialects except Kyoto point to high tone.
‖ The Turk.-Manchu match is semantically straightforward; the Jpn.
match is phonetically plausible, but less certain semantically.
-góro ( ~ -ŕ-) to cut, carve, shear: Tung. *giri-; Mong. *gur-; Jpn. *kár-.
PTung. *giri- to cut out (вырезать): Evk. gir-; Evn. gịr-; Neg. gī-, gịj-;
Man. giri-; Ul. Gịrị-; Ork. Gịrị-; Nan. Gịrị-; Orch. gī-, giji-; Ud. gī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 153-154.
PMong. *gur- 1 carving 2 whetstone (1 резьба 2 точильный камень): WMong. ɣorbi 1, ɣuranǯu 2 (L 369); Kh. gurvi 1, guranʒ 2; Bur.
guŕba 1; Kalm. guŕwə, goŕwə 1.
◊ KW 152, 156.
PJpn. *kár- to shear, mow (срезать, косить): OJpn. kar-; MJpn. kár-;
Tok. kàr-; Kyo. kár-; Kag. kár-.
◊ JLTT 704.
*gṑŕe - *gube
557
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288, Miller-Street 1975, 108ff (with a somewhat different
distribution of roots). MKor. kằr-hằi- < *kr-hằi- through assimilation (?).
The root tends to contaminate with a number of similar roots: see
*k῾irga, *k῾iregV, *kiro.
-gṑŕe ( ~ *gŕu) skin disease: Tung. *gōr-; Turk. *KEŕi-.
PTung. *gōr- 1 to exuviate, lose skin 2 a bird that has lost feathers (1
линять, сбрасывать кожу 2 облинявшая птица): Evk. gōr- 1; Evn. gōr1; Neg. goj- 1; Man. Goqǯi 2; Ul. Golị- 1; Ork. Gorị- 1; Nan. Gōrị- 1; Ud.
guai- 1; Sol. gori- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 160-161.
PTurk. *KEŕi- fever, contagious disease (лихорадка, заразная болезнь): OTurk. kezik (OUygh.); Karakh. kezig (KB, MK); Tur. gezik ‘a
rodent ulcer’ (EDT), kezek ‘gangrene’; MTurk. kezek ‘a rodent ulcer’
(Abush.), Kypch. keziv ‘pestilence’ (CCum.); Uygh. kezik ‘typhus’;
Bashk. kiδew ‘pestilence’; Kirgh. kezik ‘long uncurable disease’; Kaz.
kezik ‘fever’; KKalp. gezik ‘a cold in the head’; Khak. kizəm; Oyr. kezim,
kezü.
◊ EDT 758-759, VEWT 260 (derivation from kez- ‘walk’ is highly dubious).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-gose ( ~ -i, *gaso) stick, pole: Tung. *gusa; Mong. *gesi-ɣün.
PTung. *gusa 1 pole (for tying nets) 2 banner (1 шест (для привязывания сети) 2 знамя): Man. Gusa 2; Ul. Gụsa 1; Ork. Gụsa 1; Nan.
Gosa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 175. Man. > Dag. gusa (Тод. Даг. 133).
PMong. *gesi-ɣün branch (ветка): MMong. geši’un (HY 7), gešibūn
(Lig.VMI), kešiut (pl.) (SH Козин); WMong. gesigün, gesigǖ (L 380); Kh.
gešǖn, gišǖn; Bur. gešǖ(hen); Kalm. gešǖn; Ord. göšǖ; Dag. gesū (Тод. Даг.
131, MD 150); Mongr. kəʒ ‘attisoir’ (SM 197).
◊ KW 135. Mong. > Khak. köžö ‘bough’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-gube to hit, pound: Tung. *güb-; Turk. *Küb-; Jpn. *kuwa-.
PTung. *güb- to pound, strike (бить, выбивать, выколачивать):
Evk. giw-; Evn. gīw-; Neg. giw-; Ul. guji-; Nan. guji-; Orch. giwi-; Ud.
giu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 148.
PTurk. *Küb- to pound, hit (laundry) (бить, выбивать (белье)): Tat.
küjɛ-; Chuv. kiv-.
◊ VEWT 306, Федотов 1, 268, 290.
PJpn. *kuwa- to kick (пинать): OJpn. kuwa-; MJpn. kuwa-; Tok. kér-;
Kyo. kér-; Kag. kèr-.
*gūbe - *gŭldo
558
◊ JLTT 707. The tone is not clear because of later contraction; the conjugation type of
the verb has secondarily changed (ke- would be regular in modern Jpn.).
‖ EAS 148, Poppe 25, Doerfer MT 73. Cf. *gṓp῾i.
-gūbe to smoke, roast: Tung. *gǖb-; Turk. *gübeč; Jpn. *káwr-; Kor.
*kūb-.
PTung. *gǖb- 1 to fume, smoke 2 furnace, stove (1 коптить, вялить
2 очаг, горн): Evk. gī- 1, gīwun 2; Man. Guwa-an 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 147, 165.
PTurk. *gübeč frying pan; earthenware pot (сковородка; глиняный
горшок): Karakh. küveč ((MK); Tur. güveč; Gag. güveč; Az. güväǯ;
Turkm. göweč; Uzb. köväš (dial.); Oyr. kȫš ‘skull’ (Верб.).
◊ VEWT 151, 286, EDT 687-688, ЭСТЯ 3, 53-54.
PJpn. *káwr- to smell, fumigate (пахнуть; дымиться): OJpn. kawor-; MJpn. kawor-; Tok. kàor-; Kyo. káór-; Kag. kaór-.
◊ JLTT 703.
PKor. *kūb- to bake, fry (печь, жарить): MKor. kūp- (kù’-); Mod.
kūp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 63, KED 220.
‖ One of several similar roots (cf. *kajo, *kaju) tending to contaminate, which may explain some irregularities (notably, tone and irregular -a- in Jpn.).
-gla thin, short: Tung. *gōl-; Mong. *gulbi-; Turk. *Kɨl-; Jpn. *kàrú-.
PTung. *gōl- 1 rare (with intervals) 2 shallow (1 редкий (с промежутками) 2 мелкий): Evk. gōrba (Вас.) 2; Nan. Gōlị 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 159. -r- in Evk. is not quite clear: gōrba may be < *gōlba under the influence
of the synonymous arba ‘shallow’.
PMong. *gulbi- be thin, lean (быть тонким, худым): WMong.
ɣulbij- (МXTTT); Kh. gulbij-; Bur. gulba-gar.
PTurk. *Kɨl- 1 thin 2 short (1 тонкий 2 короткий): Kirgh. qɨlmɨj-;
Kaz. qɨlmɨj-; Khak. xɨlbɨs; Oyr. qɨlbɨq, qɨlbɨs 1; Chuv. xəldərke ‘худой, хилый, тонкий’; Yak. kɨlgas 2; Dolg. kɨlgas 2.
◊ On the rare reflexes of this root see VEWT 263, Stachowski 168.
PJpn. *kàrú- light (of weight) (легкий): OJpn. karu-; MJpn. kàrú-nari;
Tok. kàru-; Kyo. kárù-; Kag. káru-.
◊ JLTT 831. Kyoto and Kagoshima point rather to *kárú-, but the attested MJ form is
kàrú-.
‖ A common derivative *gla-bV- is reflected in Turkic, Mongolian
and TM.
-gŭldo to stretch: Tung. *gülde-; Mong. *gulda-; Turk. *Kula-.
PTung. *gülde- to stretch (вытягивать, расправлять, разворачивать): Evk. gilde-; Evn. gildъ-; Neg. gilde-; Ul. gulde-; Ork. gulči-; Nan.
gulde-; Orch. gigdeli- ‘to change clothes’; Ud. gigde-.
*guli - *g[ú]ĺe
559
◊ ТМС 1, 150. Southern languages reflect a partial contamination with *gulde- ‘untie,
unwrap’ (v. sub *gldi).
PMong. *guld- along (вдоль): MMong. ɣulatqa- ‘to roll’ (MA 179);
WMong. ɣuldu; Kh. guld; Kalm. ɣuldə- ‘roll off, slide along’; Ord. Gulad‘roll off’.
◊ KW 154. Mong. > Man. Gula- ‘fall off (a rock)’ (ТМС 1, 169; Doerfer MT 111).
PTurk. *Kula- 1 to wave; jump over 2 to stretch 3 fathom (1 махать;
перепрыгивать 2 тянуться 3 сажень): Karakh. qulač 3 (MK); Tur. kulač
3; Gag. qolač 3; Az. Gulač, Golaǯ 3; Turkm. Gulač 3; Sal. qulaš 3; MTurk.
qula- 2 (Буд.), qulač 3 (AH, Бор. Бад.), qulaǯ 3 (Pav. C.); Uzb. qulač 3;
Uygh. ɣulač 3; Tat. qolač 3; Bashk. qolas 3; Kirgh. qulač 3; Kaz. qulaš 3;
KKalp. qulaš 3; Kum. qulač 3; Nogh. qulaš 3; SUygh. qulaš, Golaš 3; Khak.
xulas 3; Oyr. qula- 1, qulaš 3; Tv. qulaš 3; Chuv. xъₙlaś 3; Yak. kulā-, kulas-ta- 1.
◊ EDT 618, VEWT 298, TMN 3, 487, ЭСТЯ 6, 122, 129-131.
‖ ТМС 1, 150 (Mong.-Tung.). A Western isogloss.
-guli male deer: Tung. *gil-; Turk. *Külmüŕ.
PTung. *gil- reindeer (more than 5-years-old) (домашний олень
(свыше 5 лет)): Evk. gilge, gilduka; Evn. gilge, gịlrq; Neg. gịldụka; Ud.
giloŋgüö ‘male roe’.
◊ ТМС 1, 150. Cf. also *gilbe- in Evk. gilbe- ‘to tie deer in a tandem’, gilbe-wun ‘buckle,
loop (on the back saddlebow, for tying the next deer in the caravan)’, Evn. gilbъn-, Orok
gilben- ‘to tie in a tandem’.
PTurk. *Külmüŕ male chamois (самец серны): Karakh. külmüz
(KB); Khak. külbüs; Oyr. külmüs; Tv. xülbüs; Tof. xülbüs.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 139, Лексика 153.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-g[ú]ĺe to strain liquid: Tung. *gile-; Turk. *Köĺ-er-; Jpn. *ks- ( ~ -ua-);
Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *gile- to sprinkle with wine (sacr.) (кропить, делать возлияние вином): Man. gile-.
◊ ТМС 1, 152. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *Köĺ-er- to be full to overflowing (быть переполненным,
переливаться через край): Karakh. köšer- (MK).
◊ EDT 754.
PJpn. *ks- ( ~ *-ua-) to strain, filter (процеживать, фильтровать):
Tok. kòs-; Kyo. kós-; Kag. kós-.
◊ The word is not attested in OJ sources; Martin JLTT 713 (contradicting Martin 213)
takes it as a variant of *kua-s- ‘send/cross over’, which is highly dubious.
PKor. *kr- to strain, filter (процеживать, фильтровать): MKor.
kr-; Mod. kərɨ-.
◊ Liu 40, KED 82.
*gĺo - *gbè
560
‖ Martin 232, JOAL 119 (Kor.-Jpn.). Reflexes outside the Eastern
area are scarce, but still the comparison seems probable, despite some
phonetic problems (in TM *-ü- would be expected).
-gĺo ( ~ -e) to smoke, fume: Tung. *gǖl-; Mong. *golu-mta; Jpn.
*kùsù-(m)p-; Kor. *kər-.
PTung. *gǖl- to smoke, fume (коптить): Evn. gīl- ‘кипеть’; Ul.
gulup-; Ork. gulitči-; Nan. gulu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 147, 149. Shortening in Nan. is not quite clear (perhaps a misrecording).
PMong. *golu-mta hearth (очаг): MMong. ɣulumtan (MA 179);
WMong. ɣolumta (L 359); Kh. golomt; Bur. gulamta; Kalm. ɣulmt, ɣolmtə;
Ord. Gulumta; S.-Yugh. golomd.
◊ KW 150, 154, MGCD 299.
PJpn. *kùsù-(m)p- to smoke, fume (дымить(ся)): MJpn. kusuba-;
Tok. kusubúr-; Kyo. kúsúbúr-; Kag. kùsùbùr-.
◊ JLTT 717.
PKor. *kr- to be smoked (коптить(ся)): Mod. kl-.
◊ KED 97 (derives from kɨɨl- < *kńr- q. v. sub *k῾ùńe), which is phonetically implausible.
‖ Cf. *gola.
-gp῾a ( ~ -u) to extinguish: Tung. *gūp-; Turk. *Kɨp-.
PTung. *gūp- to extinguish, be extinguished (гасить, гаснуть): Ul.
gūpu-, gōkpi- (itr.), gūptu- (tr.); Ork. gūptu- (itr.), gūpu- (tr.); Nan. gūp-,
gūkpu- (itr.), gūpu- (tr.).
◊ ТМС 1, 159. Cf. also Evk. kubdume ‘dark’, see ТМС 1, 421 ( < *gup-tu-me ?)
PTurk. *Kɨp- 1 spark 2 ashes (1 искра 2 зола): Tat. qɨpqɨn 1; Kirgh.
qɨpɨn 1; Kaz. qɨpqɨn 2; Khak. xɨbɨn 1,2; Oyr. qɨbɨn 1, qɨbɨr 2; Yak. kɨbɨan 1.
◊ VEWT 263, 265, Лексика 369, ЭСТЯ 6, 223.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *gep῾V.
-gbè ( ~ -o) to search, hunt: Tung. *gob-; Mong. *guji-; Turk. *Kob-; Jpn.
*kp-.
PTung. *gob- to hunt (охотиться): Evk. goɣ-, gowǯo-; Evn. gobǯa-;
Neg. gobǯo-; Ork. Gobdo-; Orch. gobǯono-.
◊ ТМС 1, 157.
PMong. *guji- to search, ask (искать, просить): MMong. qu’iu (HY
39), quju- (SH), quj- (IM), ɣuj(ă)- (MA); WMong. ɣuju- (L 365), ɣuji-; Kh.
guj-; Bur. guj-; Kalm. ɣū-, ɣǖ-; Ord. guj-; Dag. goi- (Тод. Даг. 132), guai-;
Dong. Goji-; Bao. Gui-; Mongr. Gwrla- ‘demander avec instance, prier,
mendier’ (SM 124).
◊ KW 156.
PTurk. *Kob- to follow, chase (преследовать, гнаться): Karakh. qov(MK); Tur. kov-; Gag. qū-; Az. Gov-; Turkm. qov-; MTurk. qov- (AH),
qaw- (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qaw- (dial.), quw-; Krm. quw-; Tat. quw-; Bashk.
*goblu - *gòbù
561
qɨw-; Kirgh. qū-, qubala-; Kaz. quw-; KBalk. quw-; KKalp. quw-; Kum.
quw-; Nogh. quw-; Oyr. qū-; Chuv. xu-, xъv-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 9-10, VEWT 275, Федотов 2, 315-316. The Karakh. derivative qovdaq
‘greedy’ (although scarcely attested) is a probable source of WMong. qobduɣ ‘greedy’, see
Clark 1977, 147.
PJpn. *kp- to ask, beg (просить, умолять, выпрашивать): OJpn.
kop-; MJpn. kòf-; Tok. kó-; Kyo. kò-; Kag. kò-.
◊ JLTT 714.
‖ KW 156, Владимирцов 160, 272, Poppe 24, 49, Ozawa 202-203,
Miller 1985, 145, АПиПЯЯ 81.
-goblu valley: Tung. *gola; Mong. *gowl; Turk. *Kōl; Jpn. *kura; Kor.
*kōr.
PTung. *gola valley (долина): Man. golo.
◊ ТМС 1, 160. Manch. golo ‘valley, watershed’ has also acquired the meaning ‘land
between two rivers’ and ‘administrative region’. With the latter meaning it was borrowed
into Ud. golo ‘people’, Nan. Golo id., (Bik.) ‘region, locality’.
PMong. *gowl river; river valley, centre (река; долина реки,
центр): MMong. qol (SH), ɣol (MA); WMong. ɣoul; Kh. gol; Bur. gol;
Kalm. ɣol; Ord. Gol; Mog. ɣōl; Dag. gol (Тод. Даг. 132), gole (MD 152);
Dong. Gon; S.-Yugh. Gol; Mongr. Gor (SM 125), (MGCD Gol).
◊ KW 149-150, MGCD 298, 300. The meaning ‘centre’ in Mong. is obviously secondary ( < ‘river bed’, ‘river centre’, despite Doerfer TMN 1, 438 who thinks of an opposite
semantic development).
PTurk. *Kōl valley (долина): Karakh. qol (MK); Tur. kol (dial.);
Turkm. Gōl; MTurk. qol (B); Uygh. qol (dial.); Tat. qul; Bashk. qul (dial.);
Kirgh. qol; KBalk. qol; Kum. qol; SUygh. qol ‘gutter’; Khak. xol; Tv. xol.
◊ VEWT 277, Лексика 90-91, EDT 615 (confused with *Kol ‘arm’), ЭСТЯ 6, 43-46.
PJpn. *kura deep valley (глубокая долина): OJpn. kura, kura-tani.
PKor. *kōr valley (долина): MKor. kōr; Mod. kōl.
◊ Nam 51, KED 156.
‖ EAS 48, KW 150, SKE 121, Martin 245, Whitman 1985, 191, 222,
Martin 1996, 39, АПиПЯЯ 19, 70. Mong. cannot be borrowed from
Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 139.; the isolated Manchu form may be <
Mong. (see TMN 1, 439, Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 91), but not necessa rily so.
-gòbù ( ~ -u-) beautiful: Mong. *gowa; Jpn. *kùpà-; Kor. *kōb-.
PMong. *gowa beautiful, good (красивый, хороший): MMong. qo’a
(SH), ɣua (MA), qohā (IM); WMong. ɣuwa, ɣuua, ɣoua (L 370); Kh. gua;
Bur. gō; Kalm. gō ‘straight’; Ord. Gō, Gōn; Dong. gau.
◊ KW 152, TMN 1, 421 ( > Oyr. qo, Yak. kuo). Despite Joki 214 and Menges 1984, 273
not < Chin.
*gòdè - *gódú
562
PJpn. *kùpà- 1 beautiful 2 fine, detailed (1 красивый 2 точный,
подробный): OJpn. kupa-si 1; MJpn. kùfà-sí 2; Tok. kuwashí- 2; Kyo.
kúwàshì- 2; Kag. kuwashí- 2.
◊ JLTT 834.
PKor. *kōb- beautiful, lovely (красивый): MKor. kōp- (-w-); Mod.
kop- (-w-).
◊ Nam 52, KED 163.
‖ EAS 90, SKE 124 (despite Doerfer’s - TMN 1, 422 - doubts, the
comparison seems impeccable), Miller 1985, 144-145, АПиПЯЯ 15, 68,
Ozawa 18.
-gòdè to be diligent, persistent, to endure: Mong. *güǯi-; Turk. *Kodur-;
Jpn. *ktàpa-.
PMong. *güǯi- / *güd-ke 1 to be energetic, persistent, stubborn, to
take risks 2 to slander, calumniate (1 быть упрямым, настойчивым,
энергичным 2 клеветать): WMong. güǯire-, güǯirde- (L 393) 1, 2, güdke(L 388) 2; Kh. güǯirde-, gütge- 2; Bur. güžer ‘slander’; güžer ‘reckless, persistent’; Kalm. güǯr-, gütkə- 1; Ord. güǯir ‘violence’; Dag. guǯule- (MD
153) 2, geǯire (n.).
◊ KW 139, MGCD 307.
PTurk. *Kod-, *Kodur- 1 to take trouble, make efforts 2 to overpower (1 прилагать усилия 2 осиливать, одолевать): Karakh. qoδur(MK) 1; Yak. xot- 2; Dolg. kot- 2.
◊ EDT 605; Stachowski 154 (but, because of semantic difference, hardly to *Kod- ‘put
aside’).
PJpn. *ktàpa- to endure (терпеть): MJpn. kòtàfa-; Tok. kotáe-, kotaé-;
Kyo. kòtàè-; Kag. kòtàè-.
◊ JLTT 713: the verb is usually treated as = *ktàpa- ‘to answer’, but the two forms
should be probably separated (because of the difference in meaning and external evidence).
‖ Cf. *kdi, *kit῾u.
-gódú down, to lower: Mong. *gudu-; Turk. *Kodɨ; Jpn. *kúntá-r-.
PMong. *gudu- 1 to lower, be bent downward 2 downward (1 опускаться, склоняться вниз 2 вниз): WMong. ɣuduji- 1, ɣudus 2 (L 364,
365); Kh. gudaj-, guduj- 1, gudas 2; Bur. gudɨ- 1; Kalm. ɣudī- 1, ɣudəs 2;
Ord. Gudus ‘in the centre’.
◊ KW 153.
PTurk. *Kodɨ below, downwards (внизу, вниз): OTurk. qodɨ (Yen.,
OUygh.); Karakh. qoδɨ (MK, QB); Tur. koju; MTurk. quju, qujɨ (MA, Бор.
Бад.), quji (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. quji; Uygh. quju; SUygh. qozɨ, quzɨ,
quzu; Tv. qudu; Tof. qudu; Chuv. (?) xərlə ‘bowing the head’ (KW 153);
Yak. xotu ‘downstream; North’; Dolg. kotun ‘in the direction of’.
◊ EDT 596, VEWT 275, ЭСТЯ 6, 31-32, Stachowski 154.
*gṑje - *gokV
563
PJpn. *kúntá-r- to lower, go down (опускаться): OJpn. kuda-r-;
MJpn. kúdá-r-; Tok. kùdar-; Kyo. kúdár-; Kag. kudár-.
◊ JLTT 715 (also *kúntá-s- ‘to lower’).
‖ KW 153, Владимирцов 160, 319.
-gṑje a k. of ferment: Tung. *gū ( ~ *gǖ); Turk. *göjü-; Jpn. *ki; Kor. *ki-.
PTung. *gū ( ~ *gǖ) 1 poison 2 a poisonous plant (1 яд 2 ядовитое
растение): Man. gu orχo 2; Ul. gū 2; Ork. gū 1; Nan. gū 1; Ud. gū.
◊ ТМС 1, 164.
PTurk. *göjü- 1 capers 2 ferment for milk 3 a k. of fermented milk
drink (1 каперсы 2 закваска для молока 3 вид квашенного молочного напитка): Turkm. göjül 1; Kirgh. kȫrčök 3; Chuv. kəₙvelek 2, kəₙve- ‘to
ferment’; Yak. köjörgö 2, küörčex 3; köjün- ‘to ferment’ (der. kȫnńör-).
◊ Егоров 103. Kirgh. > Kalm. kȫrcəg (see differently in KW 244, Лексика 451).
PJpn. *ki wine (вино): OJpn. kji.
◊ JLTT 449.
PKor. *ki- to make sour (of wine), coagulate (квасить (о вине), сгущать(ся)): MKor. ki-hă-.
◊ Nam 77, HMCH 314.
‖ Jpn. *ki must be a result of early secondary contraction (*kəj- > *ki).
-gojV different, other: Tung. *goj / *gia; Mong. *gojar; Jpn. *kía.
PTung. *goj / *gia other (другой): Evk. g; Evn. gǟ; Neg. g; Man.
Guwa; SMan. Guā (3023) ‘other,another’; Ul. G-Gda ‘single’; Goj; Ork.
G-da ‘one, single’; Goị; Nan. Gịa-Gda ‘single’; Goj; Ud. geä; Sol. g.
◊ ТМС 1, 144, 157-158. Ramstedt’s (SKE 185) idea about borrowing from Sino-Korean
is impossible.
PMong. *gojar two (два): MMong. xojar (HY 42), qojar (SH), qujar
(IM), qujar (MA); WMong. qojar (L 955); Kh. xojor; Bur. xojor; Kalm. xojr;
Ord. xojor; Mog. qojōr; ZM qejār (25-1a); Dag. xojir (Тод. Даг. 177), hojire
(MD 162); Dong. Gua; Bao. Guar; S.-Yugh. Gūr; Mongr. Gōr (SM 122).
◊ KW 181-182, MGCD 361. Northern dialects reflect *k-, due to contamination with
*koji- ‘to be behind, follow’ or with *korin ‘twenty’.
PJpn. *kía different, other (другой, отличный): OJpn. kje; MJpn. ké.
◊ JLTT 448.
‖ The Jpn. form reflects a contraction *kía < *kỺja, frequent in roots
with medial *-j-.
-gokV a k. of reed or leek: Mong. *gogu-; Turk. *Koga ( ~ -k-).
PMong. *gogu- a k. of wild leek (вид дикого лука): MMong. qoqosun (HY 8); WMong. ɣoɣud, ɣoɣusu(n) (L 358); Kh. gogol, gogod; Bur.
gogod, gōgol; Kalm. ɣoɣəsn; Ord. gogot; Dag. gogos (Тод. Даг. 132), guagas; Mongr. GoGor (SM 122).
◊ KW 149. Mong. > Evk. gowohun, see Poppe 1966, 197.
564
*gók῾ì - *gòlí
PTurk. *Koga ( ~ -k-) a k. of reed (вид тростника): Tur. kova, koɣa
(dial.); Uzb. qọɣa; Krm. qoɣa; Tat. quɣa; Bashk. quɣa (dial.); Kaz. qoɣa;
KKalp. qoɣa; Kum. qoɣa; Nogh. qoɣa; Oyr. qoɣo.
◊ VEWT 275, ЭСТЯ 6, 10-11.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss: not quite reliable because of late attestation, but borrowing in either direction seems improbable. Cf. *gaŋu,
*komga, *k῾ema.
-gók῾ì (*-dV) high, peak: Tung. *gugda; Mong. *gögde-; Jpn. *kúkì; Kor.
*kòkái.
PTung. *gugda high, tall (высокий): Evk. gugda; Evn. gd; Neg.
gogda; Man. Godo-χon; Ul. GụGda; Ork. GụGda; Nan. GoGda; Orch.
gugda; Ud. gugda; Sol. gụgda.
◊ ТМС 1,166.
PMong. *gögde- high, knobby, lofty (высокий, выдающийся, выступающий): WMong. gü/ögde-ger, (L 388:) güdügür; Kh. güdgr, güdger;
Kalm. gögdəgr; Ord. güdügür; Mongr. gudōr (SM 139).
◊ KW 137.
PJpn. *kúkì peak (пик, горное ущелье): OJpn. kukji; MJpn. kúkì.
◊ JLTT 462.
PKor. *kòkái peak, height (пик, вершина): MKor. kòkái; Mod. kogä.
◊ Liu 61, HMCH 156, KED 134.
‖ Poppe 19, 51, АПиПЯЯ 288, 295. The Mong. and TM forms reflect
a derivative in *-dV (probably originally locative). See also a discussion
under *gudA.
-gòlí a k. of weapon for sea-hunting: Tung. *goli; Mong. *gölmi; Jpn.
*kùrúrí.
PTung. *goli 1 a hook (in a needle for weaving nets) 2 net for large
fish (1 язычок (в игле для вязания сетей) 2 сеть для ловли крупной
рыбы): Evk. goli 1; Nan. Golĩ 2; Orch. gōli 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 159.
PMong. *gölmi net (сеть): MMong. golimi (HY 21), golmi (SH);
WMong. gölmi (L 386); Kh. gölöm; Bur. gülem, güĺme; Kalm. gölm;
Mongr. gurma.
◊ KW 138.
PJpn. *kùrúrí an arrow for shooting sea-birds or for catching fish
(стрела для водоплавающей птицы или для ловли рыбы): OJpn.
kururi; MJpn. kùrúrí.
◊ JLTT 465.
‖ A common Altaic cultural term.
*goli - *goŋV(ŕV)
565
-goli log, wooden block: Tung. *gola; Mong. *göle- ( ~ -ü-); Turk. *göl-;
Jpn. *kura-i.
PTung. *gola 1 log 2 burnt log, firewood (1 бревно 2 головешка,
дрова): Evk. golo 1; Evn. gol 2; Neg. golo 1; Man. Goldon, Golton 2; Ul.
Goloŋqo 2; Ork. Golo 1, 2; Nan. Goloŋqo 2; Orch. golo; Ud. golo.
◊ ТМС 1, 159-160.
PMong. *göle- ( ~ -ü-) (wooden) crane, wooden log for lifting logs to
a carriage ((деревянный) журавль, чурбан для поднятия бревен на
телегу): Bur. gülɨ.
PTurk. *göl- 1 wooden board 2 woodblock 3 cross-bar (over fire) (1
деревянная доска 2 деревянный брусок 3 распорка (над огнем)):
Turkm. güle 1; Khak. kölbe 2; Oyr. kölzök ‘снегозащитные щиты’ (?);
Chuv. kəle ‘задвижка’; Yak. kölö 3.
◊ Different etymologies in Федотов 1, 271 (Chuv. kəle - hardly to kilit); VEWT 289
(Yak. kölö - not to ‘harness’ köl-).
PJpn. *kura-i log with unpeeled bark (полено с неободранной корой): OJpn. kure; MJpn. kure.
◊ JLTT 464.
‖ The word is rather scantily represented in Turkic and Mongolian,
but borrowing is rather improbable.
-goli ( -e) female of an ungulate: Tung. *gulu-; Turk. *göle.
PTung. *gulu- female deer, roe (самка оленя, косуля): Evk. gulkačān; Evn. gulkъ; Ork. gulu; Ud. gulugese.
◊ ТМС 1, 170.
PTurk. *göle 1 heifer 2 cow (1 телка 2 корова): Tur. göle (dial.) 1;
Turkm. göle 1; Sal. kölex 2.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also MMong. gölme, WMong.
gölme, Ord. gülme ‘skin of ox or swine, saddle cloth’.
-gṓli ( ~ -e) to bury, put bones: Tung. *gulī-; Turk. *gȫli-.
PTung. *gulī- to put animal bones on a special decking (класть кости животных на специальный лабаз): Evk. gulī-; Evn. göli-; Neg. gulī-;
Ork. guli-.
◊ ТМС 1, 170.
PTurk. *gȫli- to bury (хоронить): Karakh. köli- (MK); Turkm. gȫle-.
◊ EDT 716. Despite Clauson, not connected with köle- ‘to shade’.
‖ An interesting Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-goŋV(ŕV) a k. of insect: Tung. *guŋgu; Mong. *guwur; Turk. *Koŋuŕ;
Kor. *kūm(p)-.
PTung. *guŋgu 1 big fly 2 grasshopper, dragon-fly (1 большая муха 2 кузнечик, стрекоза): Ul. guŋguni 2; Ud. guŋgu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 172.
566
*góp῾á - *gṓp῾i
PMong. *guwur larva of a gad-fly (личинка овода): WMong. ɣuur
(L 371); Kh. gūr; Bur. gūr; Kalm. ɣūr.
◊ KW 157.
PTurk. *Koŋuŕ beetle (жук): OTurk. qoŋuz (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
qoŋuz (MK); Uzb. qụŋgiz; Uygh. qoŋGuz; Krm. qomuz; Tat. qoŋɣɨz; Bashk.
quŋɨδ; Kirgh. qoŋuz; Kaz. qoŋɨz; KKalp. qoŋɨz; Nogh. qoŋɨz; Khak. xōs
(dial.); Oyr. qoŋus, qoŋɨs, qomɨs; Chuv. xъₙmъₙr ‘drone’; Yak. xomurduos;
Dolg. komurduos.
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 641, Лексика 187, ЭСТЯ 6, 61-62, Stachowski 152. Turkic >
MMong. (MA) qonquz. A hardly plausible explanation of the Yak. form as “brown pig”
see in Щербак 1997, 140-141.
PKor. *kūm(p)- larva of a beetle (личинка жука): MKor. kūmpŋ,
kūmpŋ’ì; Mod. kumpeŋi.
◊ Nam 63, KED 220.
‖ KW 157, Дыбо 8, Лексика 188 (Doerfer TMN 3, 527 regards the
Turk.-Mong. match as “aus lautlichen Gründen mindestens unwahrscheinlich”), although phonetically the match is quite plausible. The
Kor. form is not quite clear morphologically (kūmp(j)əŋ(i) < *kūŋ-p(j)əŋ,
a compound with some unclear second component?), but semantically
matches the other forms very well.
-góp῾á ( ~ -u-) stump: Mong. *gobur; Jpn. *kámpú.
PMong. *gobur having no branches (of a tree) (без ветвей (о дереве)): WMong. ɣobur (L 357); Kh. govor.
PJpn. *kámpú stump (пень): MJpn. kabu; Tok. kàbu; Kyo. kábú; Kag.
kábu.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-gṓp῾i ( ~ -e) to beat, hit: Tung. *gupuj-; Mong. *göbi-; Turk. *gȫp-.
PTung. *gupuj- to hit down berries by a special device (обивать
ягоды битком): Evk. gujā-; Evn. guj-; Ul. gupi-; Nan. gupi-; Orok. gupi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 168. Evk. gujā-vun ‘биток’ > Russ. dial. gajevun, Selk. kujavun, see Аникин
161 (with lit.).
PMong. *göbi- to pound, strike (бить, молотить): MMong. gubur
(HY 35); WMong. göbi-, gübi- (L 386); Kh. güve-, gövši-; Bur. gübi-; Kalm.
göw-; Ord. göwö-, güwi-, güwe-; Mog. gubi ‘abstreifen (Asche)’ (Weiers);
ZM gube- (23-10a); Dag. guwi- (Тод. Даг. 133), gubi- (MD 152) ‘shake
(dirt off)’; Bao. ki-; Mongr. gubu-, guwu- (SM 139), gui-, gubu-.
◊ KW 138, MGCD 300.
PTurk. *gȫp- 1 a wooden hammer for processing boot seams 2 to
hit, pound (1 деревянный молоточек для обивки обувных швов 2
бить, колотить): Turkm. gȫbe 1; Kirgh. kübü- ‘to shake, shake off’;
*górà - *gre
567
KKalp. küpilde- ‘to lumber, rumble’; Khak. küp-le-t- ‘to knock’; Chuv.
küpke- 2; Yak. kübürgē- ‘to hit ice with a pounder’.
◊ Modern expressive formations, but the root seems to be archaic.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *gube.
-górà ( ~ -ŕ-) to starve, be empty: Tung. *gure-; Mong. *guri-; Jpn. *kárà;
Kor. *kòrh-.
PTung. *gure- free, spacious (свободный, просторный): Neg. gujexī; Ul. gure; Ork. gurei; Nan. guxe (irreg. < *gure-ke ?); Orch. gure-ni.
◊ ТМС 1, 169.
PMong. *guri- hungry, starving (голодный, умирающий от голода): WMong. ɣuriɣa, ɣuriɣu; Kh. guriad-; Bur. gurinxa; Kalm. ɣuŕǟ, ɣoŕū,
ɣoŕǖ.
◊ KW 151, 155.
PJpn. *kárà empty (пустой): MJpn. kara (in comp.); Tok. kará; Kyo.
kàrá; Kag. kárà.
◊ JLTT 438. The accent in Kyoto is irregular, but Tokyo and Kagoshima point more
or less certainly to *kárà. Despite Martin (ibid.), the word should be probably distinguished from *kárà ‘shell’.
PKor. *kòrh- to be hungry; to be empty (быть голодным; быть пустым): MKor. kòr-phằ-, kòrh-; Mod. kophɨ-, kol- [kolh-].
◊ Nam 51, KED 152, 160.
‖ Martin 231 (Kor.-Jpn.)
-gre to see; understand: Tung. *gur-; Mong. *gori; Turk. *göŕ ( = *gör-s)
/ *gör-; Kor. *krì-.
PTung. *gur- 1 to look out, appear 2 to understand (1 выглядывать,
показываться 2 понимать): Evn. göpken- 1; Neg. gupket-/č- 1; Ul. gurpun- 1; Ork. golpon-, gorpon- 1; Nan. gurpun- 1; Sol. guru- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 163, 174. Sol. > Dag. goro-, guru- (Тод. Даг. 132).
PMong. *gori hope (надежда): WMong. gori (L 361); Kh. goŕ; Bur.
gori; Kalm. gör (КРС); Ord. Gori; Dag. goro-, guru- ‘to understand, think
about smth.’.
PTurk. *göŕ ( = gör-s) / *gör- 1 eye (*göŕ) 2 to see, look (*gör-) (1 глаз
2 видеть): OTurk. köz 1, kör- 2 (Orkh., Yen.,OUygh.); Karakh. köz 1, kör2 (MK, KB); Tur. göz 1, gör- 2; Gag. göz 1, gör- 2; Az. göz 1, gör- 2; Turkm.
göz 1, gör- 2; Sal. gö(:)z 1, gör- 2; Khal. kẹr- 2; MTurk. göz (Sangl., Pav.
C.), köz (Vamb.) 1, kör- (MA, Abush., Sangl.) 2; Uzb. kụz 1, kụr- 2; Uygh.
köz 1, kör- 2; Krm. goz/koz 1, kor- 2; Tat. küz 1, kür- 2; Bashk. küδ 1, kür- 2;
Kirgh. köz 1, kör- 2; Kaz. köz 1, kör- 2; KBalk. köz 1, kör- 2; KKalp. köz 1,
kör- 2; Kum. göz 1, gör- 2; Nogh. köz 1, kör- 2; SUygh. köz 1, gör- 1; Khak.
kös (Sag.) 1, közenek (Kɨzil.) ‘window’, kör- 2; Shr. kös (R) 1; Oyr. kös, dial.
köz 1, kör- 2; Tv. köstük ‘eye-glass’, köskü ‘visible, good-eyed’, köskenek
568
*gṓŕV - *got῾ò
‘window’, kör- 2; Tof. kösküt- ‘to show’, kör- 2; Chuv. koś 1, kor- 2; Yak.
kör- 2; köhün- ‘to be seen’; Dolg. kör- 2; köhün- ‘to be seen’.
◊ VEWT 292, TMN 3, 637f, EDT 756 (*göŕ), 736 (*gör-), Федотов 1, 310, 314, ЭСТЯ 3,
60-64 (*göŕ), 77-79, 81-84 (*gör-), Лексика 209, Stachowski 155, 156. The Chuv. reflex requires a supposition of a final cluster (*rs) in the nominal stem; this may be a suffixed
deverbative. OT körüg ‘glance; image’ > MMo, WMong. körüg ‘image’.
PKor. *krì- to long for, miss, think of (стремиться к, думать о
ком-л.): MKor. krì-; Mod. kɨri-.
◊ Nam 68, KED 237.
‖ PKE 85, АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 14. ? Cf. Mong. girkaj ‘having good
eyesight’.
-gṓŕV to move, be irritated: Tung. *gori-; Mong. *gurba-; Turk. *Kōŕ-ga-.
PTung. *gori- to move, stir (шевелиться, двигаться): Evk. gori-;
Evn. gurgъldъ- (gurge ‘work, engagement’); Sol. gurgelbū- (trans.).
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 173-174.
PMong. *gurba- to creep, move creeping (of a snake) (ползать, двигаться подобно змее): WMong. ɣurba-; Kh. gurvalǯa-; Kalm. ɣurwǟ-,
ɣurwlzə-.
◊ KW 156.
PTurk. *Kōŕ- 1 to be irritated, agitated 2 to move; irritate (1 быть
возбужденным 2 двигать; возбуждать): Turkm. Gōzɣa- 2; MTurk.
qozɣa- (Pav. C., Abush., Бор. Бад.) 2; Uzb. qọzi- 1, qɔzɣa- 2; Uygh. qozɣa2; Krm. qozɣa- 2; Tat. quzɣa- (dial.) 2; Bashk. quδɨ- 1 (dial.); Kirgh. qozu1, qozɣo- 2; Kaz. qoz- 1, qozɣa- 2; KBalk. qoz- 1, qozɣa- 2; KKalp. qoz- 1,
qozɣa- 2; Kum. qozɣa-, xozɣa- 2; Nogh. qoz- 1, qozɣa- 2; Oyr. qosqo- 2.
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 132-133. The roots *Kōŕ- ‘to be hungry’ and *Kōŕ- ‘to be agitated’ are usually considered to be a single root and are very hard to distinguish within Turkic.
‖ A Western isogloss. The root is homonymous with *gōŕa ‘to starve’
(except that the final vowel is uncertain here), but it seems impossible
to reduce the two roots to a single entity.
-got῾ò ( ~ -u-, -e) a k. of fish: Tung. *gutkē-; Mong. *gutaɣar; Jpn. *kəti ( ~
-ua-).
PTung. *gut-kē- pike (щука): Evk. gutkēn; Evn. götken; Nan. gūč;
Orch. gūče; Ud. guese.
◊ ТМС 1, 175.
PMong. *gutaɣari burbot (налим): WMong. ɣutari, ɣutaɣari (L 370);
Kh. gutār; Bur. gutār.
PJpn. *kəti ( ~ -ua-) Platycephalus indicus (плосколоб индийский,
Platycephalus indicus): Tok. kochi.
‖ It is not quite clear whether Mong. and TM reflect a common derivative *got῾ò-gV (with assimilation -g- > -k- in TM) or these are independent derivations.
*guči - *gŭjŕe
569
-guči ( ~ -e) eagle: Tung. *gusi; Turk. *güči-.
PTung. *gusi eagle (орел): Evk. gus; Evn. gusete; Neg. gusixān; Ul.
gusi; Ork. gusi; Nan. gusi; Orch. gusi.
◊ ТМС 1, 175.
PTurk. *güči- eagle (орел): Tur. güčen, güčügen; MTurk. küčigen
(Houts.); Tat. köcögän (Sib.); Bashk. kösögän (dial.); Kirgh. küčügen; Kaz.
küšigen; KKalp. küšigen; Oyr. küčügen (Tel.); Chuv. kajъk-kəžək, kajъk-kəš
‘animals and birds’.
◊ TMN 3, 631, ЭСТЯ 5, 130. The Chuv. form is hardly derived from *Kuĺ ‘bird’, despite Федотов 1, 289.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-gudV ( ~ -o-) (?) straight, vertical: Tung. *goda-; Mong. *goda-; Kor.
*kòt-.
PTung. *goda- straight, vertical (прямой, вертикальный, высокий): Man. Godoχon.
◊ ТМС 1, 166.
PMong. *goda- straight, vertical, sticking out (прямой, вертикальный, торчащий): WMong. ɣodaɣar (L 357: ɣoduɣur), ɣodai (L 357); Kh.
godgor, godoj-; Bur. godogor, godoj-; Kalm. ɣodɣr, ɣodā-; Ord. GodoGor.
◊ KW 149.
PKor. *kòt- straight, vertical (прямой, вертикальный): MKor. kòt-;
Mod. kot-.
◊ Nam 50, KED 156.
‖ Lee 1958, 111, ТМС 1, 166 (Tung.-Kor.). Not a very reliable root.
Note that the Manchu form may belong here only if it is separated from
TM *gugda ‘high, tall’ (see under *gók῾i), which is not necessarily so. The
reflex -t- in Kor. points rather to *-t῾- (unless one presumes secondary
morphonological analogies). One wonders if all the forms present here
do not actually represent reflexes of *gok῾-dV, the suffixed form of PA
*gók῾i.
-gŭjŕe to love, like: Tung. *guǯej; Mong. *goju; Turk. *güŕel; Jpn.
*kuà-p-; Kor. *kò’í-.
PTung. *guǯej 1 beautiful 2 lovely 3 deserving pity 4 to love, like (1
красивый 2 милый 3 жалкий, жалко 4 любить): Evk. guǯej 1; Evn.
guǯēj 2, 3; Neg. guǯej 1; Ul. guǯukuli 1, guǯele 3; Ork. guǯile 3; Nan. guǯiele
3; Orch. guǯeje 3; Ud. guǯihi 3; Sol. guǯēn- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 167. TM > Dag. guǯeje (Тод. Даг. 133).
PMong. *goju beautiful, good (красивый, хороший): WMong. ɣoju,
ɣoji (L 358); Kh. gojo; Bur. gojo; Ord. GojoGlo- ‘marcher d῾un facon
élégant et vive (femmes)’; Dag. goji (Тод. Даг. 132).
◊ Mong. > Evk. gojo etc., see Doerfer MT 102; MMong. goiqan > Chuv. xüxəm
(Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
570
*gk῾à - *glì
PTurk. *güŕel beautiful (красивый): Tur. güzel; Gag. gözäl; Az. gözäl;
Turkm. gözel; MTurk. küzel (Pav. C.); Uzb. gụzal; Uygh. gözäl; Krm.
guzaĺ (K); Kirgh. közöl; Nogh. közel.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 63-64, VEWT 295.
PJpn. *kuà-p- 1 to love 2 love (1 любить 3любовь): OJpn. kwopu- 1,
kwopi 2; MJpn. kòfu- 1; Tok. kói 2; Kyo. kóì 2; Kag. koí 2.
◊ JLTT 711, 714.
PKor. *kò’í- to love, like (любить): MKor. kò’í-; Mod. kwē- (arch.).
◊ Liu 66, KED 188.
‖ Дыбо 12, Martin 236. The root contains a rare medial cluster *-jŕ-.
-gk῾à ( ~ -o-) curve, hook; to cling to: Tung. *guk-; Mong. *gok-; Jpn.
*kàk-.
PTung. *guk- 1 bent upwards (of head) 2 convex, hill 3 part of harness (a piece of iron with a ring) 4 (plough) thills 5 ski straps (1 задранный кверху (о голове) 2 бугор, выпуклость 3 часть упряжи (железка
с кольцом) 4 оглобли (у сохи) 5 лыжные ремни): Evk. gugarka 3;
Man. gukdu 2, Goqči 4; Ul. gūksi 5; Nan. gukū 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 159, 166, 169.
PMong. *gok- hook (крюк): MMong. ɣuɣa (MA 223); WMong. ɣoqa
(L 363), ɣoqu; Kh. gox; Bur. goxo; Kalm. ɣoxə.
◊ Mong. > Evk. goko, Man. Goχon etc., see ТМС 1, 158-159, KW 149, Doerfer MT 79,
Rozycki 91). Cf. also Bur. gogno-gor ‘with head bent upwards’.
PJpn. *kàk- 1 hook; key 2 to attach, hang 3 to be attached (1 крюк;
ключ 2 прицеплять, вешать 3 прикрепляться): OJpn. kag(j)i 1, kak(a)2, kaka-r- 3; MJpn. kàgì 1, kàka- 2, kàkà-r- 3; Tok. kagí 1, kaké- 2, kakár- 3;
Kyo. kágì 1, kàkè- 2, kákár- 3; Kag. kagí 1, kàkè- 2, kàkàr- 3.
◊ JLTT 433, 702. Accent in Kyoto kàkè- is irregular..
‖ Cf. *gék῾á, *k῾úŋu, *k῾ōki.
-gldi to tether, bind: Tung. *gulde-; Mong. *güldi-; Turk. *gǖl-.
PTung. *gulde- to untie, unwrap (развязывать, разворачивать):
Neg. gulde-; Nan. gulde-.
◊ ТМС 1, 170.
PMong. *güldi- to bend the neck, to harness (сгибать шею, впрягать): WMong. güldi-; Kh. güldij-; Bur. güldɨ-; Kalm. güldi-.
◊ KW 139.
PTurk. *gǖl- to tether, bind feet (привязывать, спутывать ноги):
Karakh. kül-tür- (MK); Tur. gülü- (dial.); Turkm. güjl-; SUygh. k’ul-; Oyr.
kül-; Tv. xülü-.
◊ VEWT 308, EDT 717 (incorrectly to kül- ‘harness’), ЭСТЯ 3, 95-96.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *koli, *k῾uli, *k῾iĺa.
-glì dwelling, cottage: Tung. *gūle; Turk. *gül; Jpn. *kùrà.
PTung. *gūle hut, dwelling-place (хижина, жилище): Evk. gūle.
*guna - *gno
571
◊ See ТМС 1, 171. Attested only in Evk. (whence Russ. Siber. guĺ ‘house, dwelling’,
see Аникин 171), but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *gül 1 vestibule, inner porch 2 house, hut 3 home, dwelling-place (1 сени, прихожая 2 дом, хижина 3 жилище): Tur. gil ‘family (as a second part of compound)’, (dial.) 3; Az. gil ‘family (as a second part of compound)’; Chuv. kil, kül 2; Yak. külä 1.
◊ VEWT 270, Егоров 112, Федотов 1, 291-292. Yak. kǖlä is secondarily borrowed from
Tungus, see VEWT 270; but küle may be inherited.
PJpn. *kùrà shed (сарай): OJpn. kura; MJpn. kùrà; Tok. kurá; Kyo.
kúrà; Kag. kùrá.
◊ JLTT 464.
‖ EAS 48.
-guna to rob, attack, torture: Tung. *gun-; Mong. *gani; Turk. *Kun-.
PTung. *gun- to punish, avenge (наказывать, мстить): Evk. gunča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 172. Attested only in Evk., but having probable Turkic and Mongolian parallels.
PMong. *gani 1 berserk, frenzied 2 to strive, endeavor (1 безумный,
яростный 2 стремиться): MMong. qani (HY 38), qāni ‘stupid’ (MA),
ɣani (LH); WMong. gani 1, gani- 2(L 349); Kh. gań 1, gani- 2; Bur. gani(g)
1; Kalm. gäńr- ‘to become mad’; Dag. gāni (Тод. Даг. 130) 1.
◊ KW 148.
PTurk. *Kun- to rob, plunder, attack (грабить, нападать): OTurk.
qun- (OUygh.); Karakh. qun- (MK); Turkm. Gunuš- (dial.); Kirgh. qun-;
SUygh. q῾un-; Tv. xunā-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 141, VEWT 300, EDT 632.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *k῾ūńa.
-gno to think: Tung. *gūn-; Mong. *guni-; Turk. *Kun-; Jpn. *kn-m-;
Kor. *knr-.
PTung. *gūn- 1 to say 2 to think (1 сказать 2 думать): Evk. gūn- 1;
Evn. gȫn- 1; Neg. gūn- 1; Man. Guni- 2; SMan. Goni- 2 (1848); Jurch.
xen-du-ru (467) 1; Ul. wembuwu 1; Ork. un- 1; Nan. un(de)- 1; Orch. gun1; Ud. gun- 1; Sol. gun- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 171. Loss of *g- in Ul., Orok and Nan., as well as vowel shortening is unclear (perhaps a different root).
PMong. *guni- be sad, anxious (грустить): WMong. ɣuni-; Kh. guni-;
Bur. guni-; Kalm. ɣuńə-; Ord. Gunid-; Dag. guni-; Dong. Gunira-.
◊ KW 155.
PTurk. *Kun- 1 attention, care 2 usefulness 3 to yearn, be anxious,
sorry (1 внимание, старание, прилежание 2 польза, толк 3 тосковать, печалиться, горевать): MTurk. qunuq- 3 (Pav. C.); Uzb. qunt 1;
Tat. qon 1, (dial.) qonar 2; qono ‘diligent, busy’, qonoq- ‘to get used, become accustomed’; Bashk. qont (dial.) 1, qonar 2; Kirgh. qunt 1, qunar 2;
572
*gúpu - *gure
Kaz. qunt 1; KKalp. qunt 1; qunɨq- ‘become accustomed’; Oyr. qunuq-,
qunan-, qunal- 3; Tv. qunuq- 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 147-148, 149-150. *Kun- ‘to yearn, be sorry’ and *Kun- ‘attention, usefulness’ can hardly be separated; despite late attestation a theory of Mong. origin ( < Mong.
guni-) is hardly plausible because of quite different affixation.
PJpn. *kn-m- to like, wish (любить, желать): OJpn. konom-;
MJpn. kònòm-; Tok. konóm-; Kyo. kónóm-; Kag. kònòm-.
◊ JLTT 712.
PKor. *knr- to take care of, to look after (заботиться, присматривать за): MKor. knr’ù-; Mod. kɨnɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 66, KED 232.
‖ Poppe 24, KW 155, ОСНЯ 1, 234, АПиПЯЯ 291. “Verbal” low
tone in Korean. There are several “mental” verbs of the type KUNV in
Altaic, and they are not always easy to distinguish from each other.
Besides *gno ‘think’ cf. also notes to *kḕńu ‘distress, envy’, *k῾ŭnu ‘to
long, covet’, *k῾ńa ‘punishment’ (the latter - with additional analogies
with *guna ‘attack, torture’). On the whole this produces an extremely
complicated etymological situation, and we are not sure we have disentangled everything correctly.
-gúpu ( ~ -o-) empty, hollow: Tung. *gub-; Mong. *gobi-; Jpn. *kùp-.
PTung. *gub- 1 to submerge 2 to sink, get stuck in smth. (1 погрузиться, потонуть 2 вязнуть, увязать): Evn. göbē- 1, gupturu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 163, 173.
PMong. *gobi- 1 chute 2 empty place, desert (1 желоб 2 пустое место, пустыня): WMong. ɣobil 1, ɣobi, ɣobija 2 (L 357); Kh. govil 1, goỻ 2;
Bur. gobil 1, gubi 2; Kalm. ɣowl 1, ɣuw, ɣowə, ɣöwə, ɣowi 2 КРС 164.; Ord.
Guwil, Guwi 2; Dag. gobi, go (Тод. Даг. 132) 2; Dong. gobi; Bao. gəbi;
S.-Yugh. gobi.
◊ KW 152, MGCD 296. Mong. > Evk. gowi, Man. gobi, see Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 90.
Forms like Kaz. qobɨ, Oyr. qobɨ etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 6-7) are also most likely < Mong.
PJpn. *kùp- to make a nest (делать гнездо): OJpn. su-kup-; MJpn.
kùf-, sú-kùf-.
◊ JLTT 718.
‖ An expressive root; not quite reliable because of scanty reflexation
in TM and possible contaminations with *gebo et al. On a possible reflex
in Turk. see under *kobu.
-gure flour: Mong. *guril; Turk. *Kürüĺ; Jpn. *kuà; Kor. *kằrằ.
PMong. *guril flour (мука): MMong. qolir (IM), ɣulir (MA), ɣūlir
(LH); WMong. ɣuril, ɣulir (L 367); Kh. guril; Bur. guril; Kalm. ɣujr; Ord.
gulir, guril; Mog. ɣulur; ZM ɣorul (16-7b); Dag. goli(l) (Тод. Даг. 132), goli
(MD 152); Dong. quruŋ, Guruŋ; Mongr. Gurir (SM 127).
◊ KW 153. Mong. > Tadzh. ɣulur (Lig. VMI 46).
*gurgi - *gŭri
573
PTurk. *Kürüĺ millet flour boiled in water or milk (просяная мука,
сваренная в воде или молоке): Karakh. küršek (MK) 1.
◊ VEWT 311, EDT 747.
PJpn. *kuà flour (мука): OJpn. kwo; MJpn. kò; Tok. kó; Kyo. kō; Kag.
kò.
◊ JLTT 453.
PKor. *kằrằ flour (мука): MKor. kằrằ, kăr; Mod. karu.
◊ Nam 10, 20, KED 12.
‖ Martin 248. In Kor. the word seems to be related to kằr- ‘to grind,
pulverize’ - but this meaning is probably secondary (the verb originally
means ‘to polish, whet’). The tone discrepancy between Kor. and Jpn.
should be explained either by the secondary influence of this verbal
stem in Korean, or by contraction in Japanese (where *kuà < *gur(e)-ga);
the first explanation seems more probable because the vowel reflex in
Korean is also not quite regular (*-o- would be normally expected).
-gurgi palate: Tung. *gorgakta; Mong. *güreɣe; Turk. *Kurgak.
PTung. *gorgakta palate, uvula (нёбо, увула): Neg. gorkakta; Man.
Guŋqan ‘Adam’s apple’ (?); Ork. Goǯaqta.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 173.
PMong. *güreɣe front part of the throat (передняя часть горла):
WMong. gürege(n) (L 392); Kh. gǖrē(n); Bur. gürȫ; Kalm. gürn; Ord.
gürē; Dag. gure; S.-Yugh. gurēn.
◊ KW 139, MGCD 309. Mong. > Kirgh. kürö, Man. gurexe (see Doerfer MT 143).
PTurk. *Kurgak palate (нёбо): Khak. xurɣax; Oyr. qurɣaq.
◊ VEWT 303, Лексика 230.
‖ A Western isogloss. See Лексика 230.
-gŭri wide, broad, thick: Tung. *gora; Mong. *gür; Turk. *gür; Kor.
*kūrk-.
PTung. *gora far (далекий): Evk. goro; Evn. gor; Neg. gojo; Man.
Goro; SMan. Gorə (2613); Jurch. gor-o (701); Ul. Goro; Ork. Goro; Nan.
Goro; Orch. gō; Ud. gō; Sol. goro.
◊ ТМС 1, 161-162. TM > Dag. gōro (Тод. Даг. 132).
PMong. *gür 1 wide, broad 2 swollen (1 широкий 2 вспухший):
MMong. gur (SH) 1; WMong. güreger 2 (MXTTT); Kh. gürger 2; Bur.
güreger 2; Ord. güreger 2.
PTurk. *gür 1 stout-hearted, courageous 2 thick, dense, abundant 3
wide, broad 4 well fed (1 храбрый 2 толстый, плотный, обильный 3
широкий 4 откормленный): Karakh. kür 1 (MK, KB); Tur. gür 2; Gag.
gür 2; Az. gür 2; Turkm. gür 2; Krm. kür 2; Tat. kör 1, 4; Bashk. kör 1, 4;
Kirgh. kür ‘powerful’; Kum. kür 1; Nogh. kür ‘friendly’; Khak. kür 1; Tv.
xür ‘healthy, well fed’; Chuv. kəₙrəₙ 1, 2; Yak. kür 3.
574
*gùri - *gúri
◊ VEWT 310-311, EDT 735, ЭСТЯ 3, 106, Федотов 1, 277-278. Turk. > WMong. kür,
Kalm. kür (KW 246).
PKor. *kūrk- thick (толстый): MKor. kūrk-; Mod. kuk- [kulk-].
◊ Nam 63, KED 219.
‖ Despite Poppe (1960,18 etc.) the TM form cannot be compared
with Mong. qola ‘far’.
-gùri to slander, go mad: Tung. *gori-; Mong. *gör-; Turk. *Kür; Jpn.
*kùrùp-; Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *gori- to go mad (сходить с ума): Evk. gori-; Nan. Goria-;
Ud. guleäla-.
◊ ТМС 1, 161.
PMong. *gör- 1 slander, deceit 2 slanderer 3 to slander (1 клевета,
обман 2 клеветник 3 клеветать): WMong. gör 1, göre-či 2, görde-, görle3 (L 387); Kh. görč 2, gördö- 3; Bur. gürde- 3; Kalm. görd- ‘to deny’ (КРС
147, 149); Ord. gör 1, gördö- 3, görči 2; S.-Yugh. gördȫ- 3.
◊ MGCD 300.
PTurk. *Kür trick, device (трюк, прием, фокус): OTurk. tevlig kürlüg ‘tricky’, tev kür (Orkh., OUygh.).
◊ EDT 735, 745.
PJpn. *kùrùp- to become crazy, go mad (сходить с ума): OJpn. kurup-; MJpn. kùrùf-; Tok. kurú-; Kyo. kúrú-; Kag. kùrù-.
◊ JLTT 717.
PKor. *kr- to be wrong, mistaken (ошибаться, заблуждаться):
MKor. kr(s)-; Mod. kɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 67, KED 236.
‖ Martin 246. Korean has a usual verbal low tone.
-gúri ( ~ -o-, -ŕ-, -e) deer, game: Tung. *gurma- / *gurna-; Mong.
*görüɣe-; Kor. *kòrání.
PTung. *gurma- / *gurna- 1 hare 2 squirrel 3 ermine (1 заяц 2 белка
3 горностай): Evk. gurnun 2; Evn. gurnata 3; Man. Gulmaχun 1; SMan.
Guləmahun ‘hare, rabbit’ (2216); Jurch. guRma-xaj (150); Nan. Gormaχõ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 174. Cf. also Nan. (On.) gorgo ‘fox’.
PMong. *görüɣe- antelope, wild steppe animal, game (антилопа,
дикое степное животное, дичь): MMong. gore’e, gore’esun (SH),
gors[o]n (IM), guräsun (MA); WMong. görüge(n), görügesü(n) (L 387); Kh.
görȫs(ön); Bur. gürȫhe(n); Kalm. görsn, gör; Ord. görȫs; Mog. ZM
gor[ä]sun ‘wild ass’ (21-1); Dag. gurēs (Тод. Даг. 133), gurēse (MD 153);
S.-Yugh. görösən; Mongr. korosə ‘bête féroce, bête sauvage’ (SM 215).
◊ KW 138, MGCD 301. Mong. > Sol. gures, Man. gurgu, see Poppe 1966, 191-192, Doerfer MT 137.
PKor. *kòrání deer, reindeer, elk (олень, лось): MKor. kòrání; Mod.
korani.
◊ Liu 63, KED 138.
*gŕi - *guša
575
‖ PTM and Korean reflect a common derivative *gúri-nV-. Note that
Mong. *gura ‘roebuck’ is to be kept apart, see *ŋurV.
-gŕi to unfasten, (un)tie: Tung. *gurē-; Mong. *görü- / *gürü-; Turk.
*güŕ-; Jpn. *kùr-; Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *gurē- 1 to unfasten 2 to tie (a band) 3 string, lace (1 развязывать 2 подвязывать (унты) 3 завязки, тесемка): Evk. gurē- 1,
gurewu- 2, guren 3; Evn. gurelge- 1, gụrn 3; Man. Guran 3; Ul. gure-li- 1;
Ork. gure-li- 1; Nan. gure-li- 1, gorĩ 2; Orch. guǯe 3; Ud. gue- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 174.
PMong. *görü- / *gürü- to plait, spin (плести, ткать): MMong. gur(Lig.VMI); WMong. görü-, gürü- (L 387, 392); Kh. görö-; Bur. güre-;
Kalm. gür-; Ord. gürü-; S.-Yugh. gur-; Mongr. guru- (SM 144), gurə-.
◊ KW 139, MGCD 301.
PTurk. *güŕ- 1 to lace, bind 2 part of loom (1 вязать, связывать 2
нитченки): Turkm. göze- 1; MTurk. küzük (IM) 2; Kirgh. küzük 2; Oyr.
küzüg 2 (dial. North.); Chuv. kəₙrəₙ 2.
◊ VEWT 312-313, ЭСТЯ 5, 131.
PJpn. *kùr- to wind (наматывать, сучить): OJpn. kur-; MJpn. kùr-;
Tok. kúr-; Kyo. kùr-; Kag. kùr-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kr- to unfasten (развязывать): MKor. kr-, krằ-; Mod. k:ɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 66, 67, KED 236.
‖ Poppe 25, 107, Miller 1996, 154, Tekin 1979, 127. Korean has standard verbal low tone.
-gusa ( ~ -o-, -č-) elder male relative: Tung. *gusin; Jpn. *kasə.
PTung. *gusin maternal uncle (дядя по матери): Evk. gusin; Evn.
göser; Ul. gusi(n); Ork. gusi(n); Nan. gusĩ; Orch. gusin; Ud. goso῾, guse῾
(Корм. 222).
◊ ТМС 1, 175.
PJpn. *kasə father (отец): OJpn. kaso; MJpn. kàzó, kázó.
◊ JLTT 447.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-guša bitter, sour: Tung. *goši-; Mong. *gasi-ɣun.
PTung. *goši- bitter, sour (горький, кислый): Evk. goči; Evn. got;
Neg. gotịgdị; Man. Gosi-χon; SMan. Gosəhun (430); Ul. Gotụlị; Ork. Gottị;
Nan. Gočị; Orch. gotisi; Ud. guačihi; Sol. goīgdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 182-183.
PMong. *gasi-ɣun bitter (горький): MMong. qaši’un (SH, HYt),
qīsun ‘acid’, qāsun ‘bitter’ (IM), ɣašun (MA), qāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong.
ɣasiɣu(n) (L 354); Kh. gašūn; Bur. gašūn; Kalm. ɣašūn; Ord. Gašūn; Mog.
qašūn, ɣašūn; ZM qšun (14-9b); Dag. gasūn (Тод. Даг. 130), gasun (MD
576
*gt῾ù - *gt῾ù
148); Dong. qɨšun, qəšun; Bao. xošal- ‘to become acid, bitter’; S.-Yugh.
Gašūn; Mongr. Gašən (SM 121), xašin, Gašin 1.
◊ KW 147, MGCD 288. Also *gosi-ɣun, Kalm. gošūn id. (KW 152); cf. also gesigüne,
MMong. (HY) geši’un, Khalkha gešǖne ‘rhubarb’ ( > Russ. dial gešún, see Аникин 164).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. АПиПЯЯ 17, Мудрак Дисс. 41, Rozycki
92. ? Cf. OJpn. kasu ‘dregs’.
-gt῾ù to deteriorate: Tung. *gutu-; Mong. *gutu-; Turk. *Kūtuŕ; Jpn.
*kutu-.
PTung. *gutu- 1 to disgrace 2 to rough-house, rage (1 позорить,
бесчестить 2 буянить): Man. Gutubu- 1; Ul. Goto- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 163, 176.
PMong. *gutu- to deteriorate, lose power, lose courage, become
spoiled (ухудшаться, терять силы, терять мужество, портиться):
WMong. ɣutu-, ɣutura- (L 370); Kh. guta-, gutra-; Bur. guta-; Kalm. ɣut‘конфузиться, стыдиться’; Ord. Guta- ‘to be dishonest’; Dag. goto(Тод. Даг. 132), gotorolgā-.
◊ KW 156, MGCD 305.
PTurk. *Kūtuŕ 1 mad, enraged 2 to become mad, rage 3 to instigate
4 instigation (1 сумасшедший, бешеный 2 сходить с ума, быть в бешенстве 3 подстрекать 4 подстрекательство): OTurk. qutur- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. qutuz 1, qutur- 2 (MK); Tur. kuduz 1, kudur- 2; Gag.
quduz 1; Az. Guduz 1, Gudur- 2; Turkm. Guduz 1, Gūdura- 2; MTurk. qutuz 1 (Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.), qutur- 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. qutur- 2; Uygh. qutu(r)2; Krm. qutur- 2; Tat. qotoroq 4, qotɨr- 2; Bashk. qotort- 3; Kirgh. qutur- 2;
Kaz. qutɨr- 2; KKalp. qutɨr- 2; Kum. qutur- 2; Nogh. qutɨr- 2; Chuv.
xъₙdъₙr ‘boaster’, xъₙdъₙr- ‘to curse’; kъdъr- 2 ( < Tat.); Yak. qutur- 2.
◊ VEWT 305, EDT 605, 608, ЭСТЯ 6, 103-105.
PJpn. *kutu- to rot, become spoiled (гнить, портиться): OJpn. kutu-,
caus. kutas-; MJpn. kùtu-, caus. kútás-; Tok. kuchí-, kùchi-; Kyo. kúchí-;
Kag. kùchì-.
◊ JLTT 717. Original accentuation is not quite clear. The causative kútás- in RJ and the
variant kúchí- in Tokyo point to a high tone (corresponding to Turkic length), but other
evidence is in favour of a low tone.
‖ Ozawa 209-210, KW 156. The original meaning may be reconstructed as ‘deteriorate’, with two directions of semantic development (
> a) ‘to become mad, enraged’; > b) ‘to become spoiled, rot’).
I
-i a deictic root: Tung. *i; Mong. *i-nu-; Turk. *ɨ-na-; Jpn. *i; Kor. *í.
PTung. *i 3d p. deictic stem (указательная основа 3 л.): Man. i;
ineku ‘the same’; SMan. ī ‘he, she’ (2877); Jurch. in; Sol. ini ‘his’.
◊ ТМС 1, 315, 319.
PMong. *i-nu- 3d p. possessive pronoun (притяж. местоим. 3 л.):
MMong. ino (Gen.) (HYt, SH); WMong. inu- (L 412); Kh. ń; Bur. ń;
Kalm. ń; Mog. ini ~ ni ~ ne ~ i (Weiers); Dag. īn ‘he; this, that’ (Тод. Даг.
146).
PTurk. *ɨ-na- that (тот): Turkm. ɨna-ru; Khal. na; Tv. ɨnda ῾there’,
ɨndɨɣ ‘such’; Tof. ɨnda ῾there’.
PJpn. *i that (тот): OJpn. i.
◊ JLTT 420.
PKor. *í this (этот): MKor. í; Mod. i.
◊ Nam 397, KED 1316.
‖ SKE 66, ОСНЯ 1, 271-272, АПиПЯЯ 56-57, 297.
-ìbè door, yard: Tung. *ib-le; Mong. *eɣüde; Turk. *eb; Jpn. *ìpùa; Kor.
*íp.
PTung. *ib-le 1 yard 2 dwelling, building (1 двор 2 жилище, жилые постройки): Man. olen ~ ulen ~ ūlen 2; Jurch. ew-le (197) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 16. Cf. also *īb-ǯe ‘relative-in-law’ (ТМС 1, 295; = PT *eb-či ?).
PMong. *eɣüde door (дверь): MMong. e’uden ‘gate, entry’ (HY 16,
SH), iudän (MA); cf. also e’ede (SH) ‘Zeltgerüst, Türrahmen’; WMong.
egüde(n) (L 300); Kh. ǖd(en); Bur. ǖde(n); Kalm. ǖdn; Ord. ǖde; Mog.
öüdän; ZM ujdän (22-10a); Dag. eude, eud (Тод. Даг. 141, MD 146); Dong.
viǯien; Bao. ndaŋ; S.-Yugh. üden, uden; Mongr. ude (SM 464), rde (Huzu).
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685, TMN 1, 196.
PTurk. *eb house (дом): OTurk. eb (Orkh.), ev (OUygh.); Karakh. ev
(MK), öv (KB); Tur. ev; Gag. jev; Az. ev; Turkm. öj; Khal. häv; MTurk. öj
(Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. uj; Uygh. öj; Krm. üj; Tat. öj; Bashk. üj; Kirgh.
üj; Kaz. üj; KBalk. üj; KKalp. üj; Kum. üj; Nogh. üj; SUygh. jü; Khak. ib;
Shr. em, (Kond.) üj; Oyr. üj; Tv. ög; Tof. ög; Chuv. av-la-n- ‘to marry’.
578
*ìbè - *ibk῾V
◊ VEWT 34, EDT 3-4, ЭСТЯ 1, 287-288, 513-514, Егоров 21, Лексика 500. The word
for ‘woman’ in some languages goes back to PT *eb-či (“housewife”), see EDT 6; borrowed in Mong. as ebsi ‘female of a big bear’, see Clark 1980, 43).
PJpn. *ìpùa hut (хижина): OJpn. ip(w)o, ip(w)ori; MJpn. ìfò, ìfòrì; Tok.
ìo(ri); Kyo. íórí; Kag. ióri.
◊ JLTT 425. Modern dialects reflect rather *ípúa - but RJ has quite explicitly both ìfò
and ìfòrì.
PKor. *íp door (дверь): MKor. íp.
◊ Nam 406.
‖ Menges 1982, 109. A good common Altaic root; if TM *īb-ǯe belongs here, can be reconstructed as *be.
-ìbè ( ~ -p-) grain: Tung. *ibi-; Turk. *ebin; Jpn. *ìpì; Kor. *pj.
PTung. *ibi- to pick out seeds (отбирать зерна (для посева)): Man.
iaχa ǯafa-, iaχala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 294. Attested only in Manchu, but having plausible external parallels.
PTurk. *ebin grain, seed (зерно, семя): OTurk. evin (OUygh.);
Karakh. evin (MK, KB); Tur. Osm. evin, Anat. efin; MTurk. evin (Qutb);
Oyr. ebin; Chuv. avъn śap- ‘to flail’, avъn karti ‘cornfloor’ > Mari (Low)
avən, Mari (High) ɛn..
◊ VEWT 34, EDT 12, Мудрак Дисс. 82.
PJpn. *ìpì boiled rice, boiled grains (вареный рис, вареные зерна):
OJpn. ipji; MJpn. ìfì.
◊ JLTT 421.
PKor. *pj rice plant, grain of rice (рис, рисовое зерно): MKor. pj;
Mod. pjə.
◊ Nam 257, KED 774.
‖ In Kor. a frequent initial vowel reduction occurred.
-ibk῾V a k. of vessel: Tung. *ibkē-n; Mong. *(h)ükeg; Turk. *ükek; Jpn.
*ukupa.
PTung. *ibkē-n 1 scoop 2 small boat 3 box (1 черпак 2 маленькая
лодка 3 ящик): Evk. iwkēn 1; Neg. iwkēn 1; Man. weiku 2; Ul. uxe, ujgẽ 1;
Ork. iwwe 1; Nan. juke(n), ujkẽ 1, dial. uixu 2, ujekẽ 3; Orch. eukke, jeuke 1;
Ud. jūge 1 (Корм. 242).
◊ ТМС 1, 295, 2, 250, 251, 252 (forms like ujeken are most probably interdialectal
loans).
PMong. *(h)ükeg trough, box for dishes (корыто, ящик для посуды): WMong. ükeg, üküg (L 1002, 1003); Kh. üxeg; Bur. üxeg; Kalm. ükəg;
Ord. ükek.
◊ KW 456.
PTurk. *ükek box (ящик, сундук): Karakh. ükek (MK); Bashk. ökälɛk
‘store, stall’; Kirgh. ükök; Tv. ügek ‘kennel; basket’; Yak. ügex ‘stockroom’.
*če - *ič῾V
579
◊ EDT 105, VEWT 370, Лексика 521. Derivation from *ȫk- ‘to heap up’ (v. sub *ṓk῾è),
see Аникин 579-580 with lit., is dubious, primarily for semantic reasons.
PJpn. *ukupa scoop, vessel (черпак, сосуд): OJpn. ukupa.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk., but otherwise the root seems quite reliable.
-če to go, reach, get ready to go: Tung. *is-; Mong. *iču-; Jpn. *ìsuà(n)k-.
PTung. *is- to reach (достигать): Evk. is-; Evn. ịs-; Neg. ịs-; Man. isi-;
SMan. iši- ‘to be enough, suffice’ (2798); Jurch. isi-maj (380); Ul. ịsị-; Ork.
ịsị-; Nan. ịsị-; Orch. isi-; Ud. ī-gi-; Sol. is-.
◊ ТМС 1, 329-330. TM > Dag. išikē- (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *iču- to go back, get ready to go back (возвращаться, готовиться к возвращению): MMong. iču- (SH, HYt); Ord. iči-; Dag. ič- ‘to
go to a place’ (Тод. Даг. 146: iči-), iči ‘go’ (MD 170); Mongr. śi-,
(MGCD) śiǯi- ‘to go to a place’.
◊ MGCD 534.
PJpn. *ìsuà(n)k- to hurry, get ready to go (спешить, готовиться уйти): OJpn. iswog-; MJpn. ìswòg-; Tok. isóg-; Kyo. ísóg-; Kag. ìsòg-.
◊ JLTT 699.
‖ One of the common Altaic verbs of motion.
-ič῾u inside: Mong. *(h)iči-; Turk. *ič; Jpn. *utu.
PMong. *(h)iči- to lie in a hole, lair (of animals), retire into hibernation (лежать в норе, логове (о животных), погружаться в спячку):
WMong. iči-, iče- (L 397); Kh. iče-; Bur. eše-; Kalm. ič-.
◊ KW 212.
PTurk. *ič 1 interior of smth. 2 intestines 3 belly (1 внутренность 2
кишки 3 живот): OTurk. ič (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, ičegü 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ič 1 (MK, KB); Tur. ič 1; Az. ič 1; Turkm. ič 1, ičege 2; Khal. ič 1,
ičgär 2; MTurk. ič 1 (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uygh. ič 1; Tat. eč 1; Kirgh. ič 1,
ičegi 2; Kaz. iš 1; KBalk. ič 1; KKalp. ši 3; SUygh. hiǯigɨ 3; Khak. isker 1;
Tv. i’žin 3; Tof. i’šti 1, 2; Chuv. ъš 1; Yak. is 1; Dolg. is 1.
◊ VEWT 168, EDT 17, 25, ЭСТЯ 1, 388-391, 392-393, Stachowski 128-129.
PJpn. *utu hole, hollow (полость, нора): OJpn. utu; MJpn. uturo;
Tok. ùtsuro; Kyo. útsúró; Kag. utsuró.
◊ JLTT 565. Accent not quite clear: either *ùtú- (Kyoto, Kagoshima), or *útú- (Kyoto,
Tokyo). The root seems to be distinct from *útì ‘inside’ (v. sub *ṓŕì), although the stems
certainly tend to contaminate.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Mong. isogloss; the Jpn. reflex is somewhat dubious because of the influence of *ōŕi > PJ *útì q.v.
-ič῾V to hope, see: Tung. *iče-; Mong. *(h)iča-.
PTung. *iče- to see (видеть): Evk. iče-; Evn. it-/č-; Neg. iče-; Ul. ičewu;
Ork. ite-; Nan. is(k)e-/ice-; Orch. iče-; Ud. ise-; Sol. isȫ- ‘to appear’.
◊ ТМС 1, 334-335.
580
*idV - *k῾è
PMong. *(h)iča- to hope, trust, believe (надеяться, верить):
WMong. iča- (L 397); Kalm. icə-.
◊ KW 211-212.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-idV to follow, lead, arrange: Tung. *idu-; Mong. *iǯi; Turk. *Eder-.
PTung. *idu- 1 to command 2 to arrange in order 3 order (1 командовать 2 расставлять по очереди 3 очередь): Evn. idu- 1; Man. idu 3,
idure- 2; Ul. idu(n) 3; Nan. idu 3, idule- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 298.
PMong. *iǯi 1 complete set 2 equal, identical 3 accustomed 4 to get
accustomed (1 полный набор 2 равный, тождественный 3 привычный 4 привыкать): MMong. iǯilidulče- 4 (SH); WMong. iǯi 1, iǯil 2 (L
419); Kh. iǯ 1, iǯil 2, 3; Bur. ežel 2, 3; Kalm. iǯl 3 ‘accustomed to each
other (of animals)’; Ord. iǯil, eǯil 3 ‘=Kal’.
◊ KW 205.
PTurk. *Eder- to follow (следовать): OTurk. eder- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. eδer- (MK); Turkm. ejer-; Uzb. ejär- (dial.); Tat. ijär-; Bashk. ĭjär-;
Kaz. ijer-; Kum. ijer-; SUygh. ezer-; Khak. izert-; Tv. eder-; Chuv. jer-.
◊ EDT 67, VEWT 36, ЭСТЯ 1, 242-245, Егоров 61-62.
‖ A Western isogloss. The original meaning here is probably “arrange in order”, whence all the other meanings are easily deduced. Cf.
similar roots: *adV, *ude, with a possibility of secondary contaminations.
-ijsV soot, smoke: Mong. *(h)isu; Turk. *ɨjs.
PMong. *(h)isu soot (сажа): WMong. isu, (L 417) isü; Kh. is; Bur.
ehen; Kalm. iš.
◊ KW 210-211.
PTurk. *ɨjs 1 smoke 2 soot, dirty smoke 3 scent, odour 4 fumes (1
дым 2 копоть, сажа 3 запах, аромат 4 испарения): Tur. is 2; Az. his 2;
Turkm. s 3; Uygh. is 1; Tat. is 3; Kirgh. is 4; KKalp. ijis 3; Nogh. ijis 3;
Chuv. jъs 3; Yak. s 1, 2; Dolg. s 1, 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 379, Егоров 76, Stachowski 263. The original meaning must have been
‘smell, odour’, see notes to *ĺ(č) (cf. the opposition ɨs ‘soot’ - ijis ‘smell’ in Nogai etc.).
‖ Poppe 116, VEWT 167, KW 210, АПиПЯЯ 286, Лексика 371. A
Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. Kor. ìs ‘moss’ (?)
-k῾è to be insolent, angry, flamed up: Tung. *ikē-; Mong. *(h)egde-;
Turk. *ēke- (~ ī-); Jpn. *íká-r-; Kor. *ìki-.
PTung. *ikē- 1 to sing 2 to sing obscene songs, blackguard (1 петь 2
петь непристойные песни, сквернословить): Evk. ikē- 1; Evn. ikē- 1;
Neg. ixē- 1; Man. jeke- 2; Nan. īkē- 1 (Он.); Orch. ike- 1; Ud. jexe- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 301.
*k῾i - *ìla
581
PMong. *(h)egde- indignation (негодование, возмущение):
WMong. egdegüü (MXTTT); Kh. egdǖ; Kalm. egdǖtə- ‘to resent’ (КРС
691).
PTurk. *ēke- (~ ī-) to be insolent, quarrel (быть дерзким, ссориться): Karakh. ike-, ikeš- (MK); Tur. igeš-; Turkm. īgen- ‘to scold, growl at’;
Tat. egeš-; Kirgh. egeš-; Kaz. eges-; Nogh. eges-; Tv. egen- ‘to feel uncomfortable’; Yak. eɣe ‘faultfinding’, eɣelē- ‘to find faults’.
◊ EDT 101, 118-119.
PJpn. *íká-r- to be angry (сердиться): OJpn. ika-r-; MJpn. íká-r-; Tok.
ìkar-, ikár-; Kyo. íkár-; Kag. ikár-.
◊ JLTT 696.
PKor. *ìki- to overcome (побеждать, превосходить): MKor. ìki-,
ìkí-; Mod. igi-.
◊ Nam 397, 398, KED 1319.
‖ See SKE 68 (in Kor. cf. also igɨrə-ǯida ‘to act up, put on airs’). One
of the numerous common Altaic verbs of emotion. Semantic match between Turkic, Mongolian and Japanese is straightforward (“to be angry, indignant”). In TM one has to suppose a shift > “to be insolent,
obscene” > “sing obscene songs, blackguard” (Manchu), with further
generalization > “sing” in other languages. In Korean we see a different
semantic shift > “to put on airs, be haughty” > “to overcome”.
-k῾i ( ~ -o) to live, settle: Tung. *ix[ē]-; Jpn. *ìk-.
PTung. *ix[ē]- settlement (поселок, селение): Evk. ikēn; Nan. ịχõ;
Ud. jogoso, joxo.
◊ ТМС 1, 302.
PJpn. *ìk- 1 to live 2 breath, life (1 жить 2 дыхание, жизнь): OJpn.
ik- 1, ikji 2; MJpn. ìk- 1, ìkí 2; Tok. ikí- 1, íki 2; Kyo. íkí- 1, ìkí 2; Kag. ìkì- 1,
ikí 2.
◊ JLTT 422, 697.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ìla evident, visible: Tung. *il-; Mong. *ile; Turk. *iler-; Jpn. *àràp-ar-.
PTung. *il- 1 figure, shape 2 body 3 example 4 exterior (1 фигура,
форма 2 тело 3 пример 4 внешность): Evk. ille 2; Evn. ilrъ 2, ịlrn 1,
ilun 3; Ul. ịlta(n) 4; Nan. ịlta 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 310, 311.
PMong. *ile known, evident, obvious (известный, очевидный):
MMong. ile (SH), il (MA); WMong. ile (L 404); Kh. il; Bur. eli; Kalm. ilə;
Ord. ile, ele; Mog. ZM ilä (10-2b); Dag. il, ilēt (Тод. Даг. 146 ilte), ile (MD
171); S.-Yugh. hele.
◊ KW 206, MGCD 407. Initial h- in S.-Yugh. is unclear. Mong. > Man. ile etc., see Doerfer MT 117, Rozycki 116; Yak., Dolg. ile (Stachowski 124).
*ile - *ílék῾a
582
PTurk. *iler- to be dimly visible (быть смутно видимым): Karakh.
iler- (MK); Oyr. eles ‘silhouette, ghost’, eleste- ‘be dimly visible’.
◊ EDT 150. The form attested in MK cannot be a mongolism (primarily for semantic
reasons); however, Mong. ilere- also cannot be a Turkism, being rather derived from
Mong. ile. Modern Turkic forms - Tuva ilere-, Oyr. iler- ‘to become visible’ are obvious
late mongolisms.
PJpn. *àràp-ar- to appear (появляться): OJpn. arap-ar-a-; MJpn.
àràf-ar-a-; Tok. arawaré-; Kyo. áráwáré-; Kag. arawaré-.
◊ JLTT 677. The Kagoshima accent is aberrant (type B would be expected). The stem
*àràpà- is also attested in *àràpà-s- ‘to express, cause to appear’.
‖ The Karakh. form is isolated, but borrowing is hardly possible
here.
-ile to drive: Tung. *ilbe-; Mong. *ileɣe-; Turk. *ẹl-t-, *ẹl-č-.
PTung. *ilbe- to drive (гнать): Evk. ilbe-; Evn. ilbъ-; Neg. ilbe-; Orch.
ibbe-; Ud. igbe-; Sol. iĺbere beije ‘driver’.
◊ ТМС 1, 307.
PMong. *ileɣe- to send (посылать): MMong. ile- (SH) ‘to go away’,
ilä-, elä- (IM), hile-, ilä- (MA), ile- ‘to go’, ilē- ‘to send’ (HYt); WMong.
ilege- (L 404); Kh. ilgē-; Bur. eĺgē-; Kalm. ilg-; Dag. ilgē- (Тод. Даг. 146).
◊ KW 207. Most modern forms point to a form with secondary suffixation *il(e)ɣeɣe- >
*ilgeɣe-. Mong. > Evk. elge-, Man. elge-, elgi- etc. (see ТМС 2, 446).
PTurk. *ẹl-t-, -č- 1 to bring, carry 2 to lead, drive, send (1 нести 2
вести, посылать): OTurk. elt- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, 2; Karakh. elt-, elet(MK) 1; Tur. ilet- 1, 2; Turkm. elt- 1, 2; MTurk. elt- (Houts.) 2, ilet- (Pav.
C.) 1; Uzb. elt- 1; Uygh. ilt- (dial.) 1; Krm. elt- 1, 2; Tat. ilt- 1; Bashk. ilt- 1;
KBalk. elt- 1, 2; Kum. elt- 1, 2; SUygh. elt- 1, 2; Chuv. jeś- , leś- 2; Yak. ilt1, 2.
◊ EDT 132, VEWT 41, ЭСТЯ 1, 267-269, Stachowski 125, 126. Turk. > Mong. elde-,
Kalm. eldə- (KW 119).
‖ Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss.
-ílék῾a ( ~ *élík῾a, -k-) front, before: Tung. *(x)elekē-s; Turk. *il(i)k; Jpn.
*áráka-.
PTung. *(x)elekē-s at first, in the beginning (сначала): Evk. elekēs;
Evn. elъkъs; Neg. elexes.
◊ ТМС 2, 449.
PTurk. *il(i)k front, before, East (перед, впереди, восток): OTurk.
ilki (OUygh.); Karakh. ilk (MK); Tur. ilk; Gag. jilk; Az. ilk, ilki; Turkm.
ilki; Khal. ilgär; MTurk. ilk (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ilk; Krm. ilk; Tat. ĭlĭk; Bashk.
ĭlĭk; Tv. elek; Chuv. ələk; Yak. il-in, il-iŋ (ilik ‘one who is not yet...’); Dolg.
ilin; ilik ‘not yet’, iligine ‘before’.
◊ EDT 140, VEWT 170, ЭСТЯ 1, 347-350, Егоров 62-63, Stachowski 125.
*ìlù - *iĺa
583
PJpn. *áráka- beforehand, before (заранее, прежде): OJpn.
arakasime ( -z-); MJpn. árákásime; Tok. àrakajime; Kyo. àràkàjìmé; Kag. arakajíme.
◊ JLTT 383.
‖ Cf. Bur. eĺge(n) ‘sunny side, Southern slope’.
-ìlù third (or next after three), consisting of three objects: Tung. *ilan;
Turk. *ölöŋ; Jpn. *ùrùpu.
PTung. *ilan three (три): Evk. ilan; Evn. ịln; Neg. ịlan; Man. ilan;
SMan. ilan (2737); Jurch. (j)ilan (638); Ul. ịla(n); Ork. ịla(n); Nan. ịlã;
Orch. ila(n); Ud. ila(n); Sol. ilã.
◊ ТМС 1, 305-306.
PTurk. *ölöŋ song with three out of four verses rhyming (first, second and fourth) (песня с тремя рифмующимися строфами (первой,
второй и четвертой)): Turkm. öleŋ; MTurk. öleŋ ‘a wedding song’
(Sangl.); Uygh. ölɛŋ ‘Kazakh’s song’; Kirgh. ölöŋ ‘song with one rhyme
for a dozen lines (песня с рифмовкой на дюжину)’; Kaz. ölöŋ; Yak.
oloŋxo ‘Yakut metric epos’.
◊ VEWT 371, EDT 147.
PJpn. *ùrùpu bissextile (year, month) (високосный (год, месяц)):
MJpn. ùrùfu; Tok. úrū, ur; Kyo. ùr; Kag. ur.
◊ Modern dialects point rather to *ùrúpù (although accent on the non-first syllables is
somewhat difficult to reconstruct because of contractions).
‖ An interesting etymon; the original meaning can be probably reconstructed as “(a group of) three objects, followed by a fourth”. The
Turkic form must represent a vowel assimilation < *ilöŋ.
-ilV ( ~ -ĺ-) to stand, become: Tung. *ili-; Kor. *īr-.
PTung. *ili- to stand (стоять): Evk. il-; Evn. ịl-; Neg. ịlịt-; Man. ili-;
SMan. ila- (537,1216), ili- (538); Jurch. ili-buŋ (424); Ul. ịlsụwụ; Ork. ili-;
Nan. ilGo-; Orch. ili-; Ud. ili-; Sol. il-.
◊ ТМС 1, 302-303.
PKor. *īr- 1 to become 2 to happen (1 становиться 2 случаться):
MKor. īr- 1; Mod. īl- 2, irə-na- 1.
◊ Nam 405, KED 1351, 1356.
‖ Martin 1996, 75. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-iĺa to rub, smear: Tung. *ilba, *ile-; Mong. *(h)il(b)i-; Turk. *ɨĺɨ-; Kor.
*əru-.
PTung. *ilba, *ile- 1 to smear 2 clay 3 to lick (1 мазать 2 глина 3 лизать): Evk. ile- 3; Neg. ilede- 3; Man. ilba- 1, ilban 2, ile- 3; Ul. ile- 3; Ork.
ile- 3; Nan. ịlba- 1, ịlbã 2, ile- 3; Orch. ile- 3; Ud. ile- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 306, 311.
584
*īĺa - *īĺbi
PMong. *(h)il(b)i- to stroke, rub (гладить, тереть): WMong. ilbi-,
ili-, ile- (L 403, 404, 407); Kh. ilbe-, ile-; Bur. eĺbe-; Kalm. il-, ilwə-, iĺl-; Ord.
ilbe-, (elbe-).
◊ KW 207.
PTurk. *ɨĺɨ- 1 to rub, scrape 2 jack-plane (1 тереть, царапать 2 рубанок): Tat. ɨšɨ- 1, ɨšqɨ 2; KBalk. ɨši- 1.
◊ VEWT 167, ЭСТЯ 1, 667. Despite some mergers with *jɨĺ- (v. sub *ńiĺu), cf. Bashk.
jɨšɨ-, jɨšqɨ, this appears to be a separate root.
PKor. *əru- to rub, stroke, touch (тереть, гладить, трогать): Mod.
əru-(manǯi-).
◊ KED 1127.
‖ KW 207, Tekin 1975, 280, Street 1980, 296. The Korean form may
belong here if it is historically distinct from *ərɨ- ‘fondle’ < *áĺa q.v.
-īĺa to fry, burn: Tung. *(x)ila-; Mong. *ila-; Turk. *ĺ(č).
PTung. *(x)ila- to burn, kindle (жечь, разжигать): Evk. ila-; Neg.
ịla-; Man. jila-; Orch. ila-; Ud. ila-; Sol. ila-.
◊ ТМС 1, 303-304.
PMong. *ila- 1 to fry (on a pan) 2 frying-pan (1 жарить (на сковороде) 2 сковорода): Kh. jalā- 1; Bur. jala 2; Mongr. īla- ‘faire brûler,
chauffer le lit en briques’ (SM 190).
PTurk. *ĺ(č) 1 smoke 2 soot, dirty smoke 3 scent, odour 4 fumes (1
дым 2 копоть, сажа 3 запах, аромат 4 испарения): Karakh. ɨš 2 (MK),
‘mist’ (KB); KKalp. ɨs 2; Nogh. ɨs 2; SUygh. ɨs 1; Khak. ɨs 2; Oyr. ɨš 1, 2;
Tv. ɨš 1; Tof. ɨš 1; Yak. s 4.
◊ The root originally meant ‘soot, smoke’ and should be strictly kept distinct from PT
*jɨd- ‘smell’ and *ɨjs ‘smell, odour, fumes’, although they have a natural tendency to
merge. See VEWT 167, 170, EDT 254, 883, ЭСТЯ 1, 379-382, Лексика 370-371.
‖ A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps Jpn. *asai ‘sweat’ (?).
-īĺbi fish bait: Tung. *īlbī; Mong. *(h)ilbeɣe-sün; Jpn. *i(n)sa-r-.
PTung. *īlbV 1 bait 2 uvula 3 plummet, sinker (1 наживка, приманка 2 язычок (ботала); увула 3 грузило (у сети, невода, удочки)):
Evk. īlbī 1, 2; Man. ilmaχa 2, ilmen 3; Ul. ilbuxe 3; Nan. ilbexe 3; Orch. ibbuxe 3; Ud. ilbexe 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 294, 306. Vowel shortening in Nanai is secondary.
PMong. *(h)ilbeɣe-sün fish bait (приманка для рыбы): WMong. ilbegesü(n) (L 402); Kh. ilbēs.
PJpn. *i(n)sa-r- to fish (ловить рыбу): OJpn. isar-, izar-; Tok. isari
‘fishing’.
◊ JLTT 699.
‖ There may be more than one root here. Jpn. has, besides *i(n)sar-,
a synonymous *asar- ‘to fish’. One of the two Jpn. words may be alternatively compared either with TM *ŋisū- ‘to bring the killed animals
*ĺi - *iĺkV
585
from the hunt’ or TM *ŋusu ‘fishing-rod’, with a provisional reconstruction of PA *ŋisV or *ŋusV.
-ĺi work, craft: Tung. *(x)ilga-; Mong. *üjile; Turk. *īĺč; Jpn. *isa-bə,
*ísá-m-; Kor. *īr.
PTung. *(x)ilga- 1 diligent 2 brave 3 handsome 4 crafty 5 to develop,
become firm (1 прилежный 2 храбрый 3 стройный, удалой 4 умелый 5 развиваться, укрепляться): Evk. ilga-n 1,2,3,4; Evn. ịlgrlb- 5;
Man. ildamu 3,4; SMan. ilədamuŋə ‘good-looking, prim’ (2525).
◊ ТМС 1, 307.
PMong. *üjile deed, action, work (дело, действие, поступок, работа): MMong. uele (HY 36), uejile (SH), ujle (IM); WMong. üile (L 999);
Kh. üjle; Bur. üjle; Kalm. ǖlə (КРС); Ord. üle; Dag. weil, uil, (Тод. Даг.
170) uile; Dong. uiliə; Bao. lɛ; S.-Yugh. ulē, ulə; Mongr. ule (SM 470), uile
(Huzu).
◊ MGCD 690. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. üle (Kał. MEJ 38, Stachowski 250).
PTurk. *īĺč work, deed (работа, дело): OTurk. iš (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨš (MK); Tur. iš; Gag. iš; Az. iš; Turkm. īš; Khal. š; MTurk. iš
(Pav. C.); Uzb. iš; Uygh. iš; Krm. iš; Tat. ĭš; Bashk. ĭš; Kirgh. iš; Kaz. ĭs;
KBalk. iš; KKalp. is; Kum. iš; Nogh. is; SUygh. is, ɨs; Oyr. iš; Tv. iš;
Chuv. əś; Yak. īs.
◊ EDT 254, VEWT 174, ЭСТЯ 1, 395-396, Егоров 66.
PJpn. *isa-bə, *ísá-m- 1 craftsman, diligent person 2 to be brave (1
ремесленник, умелец 2 быть храбрым): OJpn. isawo 1, isa-m- 2; MJpn.
isawo 1, ísá-m- 2; Tok. ìsam-, isám- 2; Kyo. ísám- 2; Kag. ìsàm-.
◊ JLTT 699. There is some confusion between *ísám- ‘to be brave’ and *ìsàm- ‘to admonish’ (v. sub *ḕs[i]), but the RJ accentuation clearly opposes them to each other.
PKor. *īr work, profession (работа, профессия): MKor. īr; Mod. īl.
◊ Nam 404, KED 1348.
‖ EAS 109. Mong. üjile < *ilü-le; Mong > Man. uilen, see Doerfer MT
119, Rozycki 222).
-iĺkV to hope, believe: Tung. *ilkV-; Mong. *ilga-; Turk. *ɨĺan- / *iĺen-.
PTung. *ilkV- 1 to try 2 to hope (1 пробовать, пытаться 2 надеяться): Evk. ilke- 1, ilkiče- 2; Evn. ielkъt- 1; Neg. ilki- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 309.
PMong. *ilga- to discern, distinguish (различать): MMong. jilxa
(HY 40); WMong. ilɣa- (L 406); Kh. jalga-; Bur. ilga-; Kalm. ilɣə-; Ord.
ilga-; Mog. ZM elɣ (6-6b); Dag. jalga- (Тод. Даг. 147), jalegā (MD 168);
Dong. inGərə-, (j)inGara-; S.-Yugh. əlga-; Mongr. laGa- (SM 219), laGā-.
◊ KW 206, MGCD 733. Mong. > Oyr. ɨlɣa- etc. (VEWT 165, TMN 1, 194-195, ЭСТЯ 1,
652-653); > Man. ilga- (TMN 1, 195, Doerfer MT 137).
PTurk. *ɨĺan- / *iĺen- to believe, trust (верить, доверять): Karakh.
išen- (MK, KB); Tur. ɨšan- (dial.); Turkm. ɨšan-; MTurk. ɨšan- (Abush.,
586
*ìmé - *na
Pav. C.); Uzb. išɔn-; Uygh. išan-, išän-; Krm. ɨšan-; Tat. ɨšan-; Bashk. ɨšan-;
Kirgh. išen-; Kaz. sen-; KBalk. išan-; KKalp. isen-; Nogh. sen-; SUygh.
isen-; Khak. ĭzen-; Oyr. ižen-; Chuv. šan-, žen- (NW); Yak. isen- (Пек.).
◊ EDT 264, VEWT 174, ЭСТЯ 1, 673-674.
‖ Дыбо 14. A Western isogloss.
-ìmé now: Tung. *ime-; Mong. *(h)ima-gta; Turk. *em-; Jpn. *ìmá; Kor.
*ima-.
PTung. *ime- fresh, new (свежий, новый): Evk. imekin; Neg. imexin;
Ork. imew; Nan. imekĩ; Ud. imexi.
◊ ТМС 1, 314.
PMong. *(h)ima-gta always, constantly (всегда, постоянно):
WMong. imaɣta (L 409); Kh. jamagt; Bur. imagta ‘right this one now, just
this one’; Ord. imagta.
◊ Mong. > Manchu imata ‘completely, all, totally, thoroughly’ (Rozycki 115).
PTurk. *em- now (сейчас): OTurk. emti (OUygh.); Tur. imdi; Az.
indi; Turkm. indi, š-ündi; MTurk. imdi (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. endi; Uygh.
ämdi; Krm. endi; Tat. indĭ; Bashk. indĭ; Kirgh. emi, endi; Kaz. endĭ; KBalk.
endi; KKalp. endi; Kum. endi; Nogh. endi; Oyr. emdi; Chuv. əndə.
◊ EDT 156-157, VEWT 41, ЭСТЯ 1, 357-358, Егоров 65, Лексика 83 (with confusion
of *em- and *am- q.v. sub *ămV).
PJpn. *ìmá now (сейчас): OJpn. ima; MJpn. ìmá; Tok. íma; Kyo. ìmá;
Kag. imá.
◊ JLTT 423.
PKor. *ima- 1 now 2 lately, nowadays (недавно, на днях): Mod. imi
1, ima-ǯək (čək ‘time’) 2.
◊ KED 1328, 1329.
‖ Лексика 83.
-ìmè ( ~ -i) a k. of vegetable: Jpn. *ìm (~-ua); Kor. *máh.
PJpn. *ìm (~-ua) potato (картофель): OJpn. um(w)o; MJpn. ìmo;
Tok. imó; Kyo. ímò; Kag. imó.
◊ JLTT 423.
PKor. *máh potato, yam (картофель, ямс): MKor. má (máh-); Mod.
mā.
◊ Nam 191, KED 558.
‖ Whitman 1985, 180, 237. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss, so the reconstruction is rather approximate. Cf. perhaps Oroch impai ‘a k. of onion (порей)’ (ТМС 1, 313); Orok imu ‘potato’ (ibid.) may be < Jpn.
-na dawn, dusk: Tung. *ine-; Turk. *ɨŋɨr; Kor. *ńr-ɨm.
PTung. *ine-ŋī day (день): Evk. ineŋī; Evn. inъŋ; Neg. ineŋ(i); Man.
ineŋgi; SMan. inəŋə (2657); Jurch. ineŋi ‘sun, day’ (3); Ul. ineŋni; Ork.
ineŋgi; Nan. ini; Orch. ineŋi; Ud. ineŋi; Sol. ineɣi, ineŋi.
◊ The deriving stem is PTM *ine- ‘to dawn, begin (of day)’, see ТМС 1, 318-319.
*na - *na
587
PTurk. *ɨŋɨr dusk (дымка, сумерки): OTurk. iŋir (~ ɨŋɨr) (OUygh.);
Karakh. iŋir (MK), imir (MK Oghuz); Tur. inirik, iŋrik (dial.), ümez ‘fog’;
Turkm. ümür, iŋrik; Khal. äŋgür, äŋgür; Uzb. ümür, imir; Krm. iŋir, ɨŋɣɨr;
Tat. ĭŋgĭr; Bashk. ĭŋĭr; Kirgh. iŋir, ɨŋɨrt, iŋirt; Kaz. ĭŋĭr, ɨmɨrt, imirt; KBalk.
iŋir; KKalp. iŋir, ɨmɨrt; SUygh. iŋer, jiŋɨr; Khak. īr; Shr. īr, ɨnar; Oyr. iŋir,
īr, ɨnɨr; Tv. imir; Chuv. ənərək; əner ‘yesterday’; Yak. im ‘morning and
evening dawn’; Dolg. im ‘morning and evening dawn’.
◊ EDT 162, 188, VEWT 172, ЭСТЯ 1, 354-356, Егоров 64-65, Лексика 34-35, 81, 83.
Mudrak (Лексика 83) separates forms with -m-, comparing them with Evk. umulge
‘shadow’.
PKor. *ńr-ɨm 1 evening, dusk 2 dark, dusky (1 вечер, сумерки 2
темный): MKor. ńr-ɨm 1; Mod. əsɨrɨm 1, əsɨre-hada 2.
◊ Nam 363, KED 1132.
‖ Лексика 81-82. The Turk. form reflects a velar suffix (cf. PTM
*ine-ŋi ‘day, dawn’). Cf. perhaps OJpn. ina-(bjikari) ‘lightning’ (’light in
darkness’?).
-na younger sibling: Tung. *īnan; Turk. *ini; Jpn. *ànî; Kor. *àńằ.
PTung. *īnan 1 husband’s younger brother 2 (younger) brother- /
sister-in-law 3 sister’s children 4 son-in-law 5 husband’s younger sister
(1 деверь, младший брат мужа 2 (младший) племянник / племянница 3 дети сестры 4 зять 5 младшая сестра мужа): Evk. īnan 1; Evn.
ịnn 2; Neg. ịna 3; Man. ina 3; SMan. inā ‘sister’s son (nephew); son of
fater’s or moter’s sister (cousin)’ (920); Ork. ịna 4; Nan. ịnã 5.
◊ ТМС 1,315. Cf. also Man. ene ‘heir’ (ТМС 2, 455).
PTurk. *ini younger brother (младший брат): OTurk. ini (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. ini (MK); Tur. ini; Az. ini (dial.); Turkm. ini; MTurk.
ini (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. ini; Uygh. ini; Tat. ĭnĭ; Bashk. ĭnĭ; Kirgh. ini;
Kaz. ĭnĭ; KKalp. ini; Kum. ini; Nogh. ini; SUygh. ini, ɨnɨ; Oyr. ini, īn; Yak.
ini, inī; Dolg. ini-bī.
◊ EDT 170, VEWT 172, TMN 2, 226, ЭСТЯ 1, 362-363, Лексика 292, Stachowski 126.
PJpn. *ànî elder brother (старший брат): OJpn. ani; MJpn. ani; Tok.
áni; Kyo. ànî; Kag. áni.
◊ JLTT 382. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *àńằ younger brother or sister (младший брат или сестра):
MKor. àńằ; Mod. au.
◊ Nam 338, KED 1075.
‖ Vovin 1993 (Jpn.-Kor.). Cf. also MKor. àńắm ‘family’, àńí ‘child’.
The Korean reflexes raise some doubts: tone does not correspond to
TM, medial -ń- is also irregular (unless it was palatalized in àńí before
-i, and other forms were changed by analogy); see a discussion in Martin 1996, 67-68, Robbeets 2000, 116-117. In Japanese *’younger brother’ >
588
*ińo - *iŋV
*’brother’; with the introduction of *ətə ‘younger brother’ ( < *ore
‘young male’) *ani changed its meaning to “elder brother”.
-ińo to laugh: Tung. *ińe-; Mong. *(h)inije-; Kor. *ūń-.
PTung. *ińe- to laugh (смеяться): Evk. ińe-; Evn. iń-; Neg. ińe-; Man.
inǯe-; SMan. inǯi-, inǯə- (186); Jurch. inǯe- (461); Ul. ińe-kte-; Nan. ińe-mu;
Orch. ińe-kte-; Ud. ińe-; Sol. ne-kte-.
◊ ТМС 1, 319-320.
PMong. *(h)inije- to laugh (смеяться): MMong. jine’e (HY 36), jini’e(SH), inä-bä (MA), inē- (LH), inē (Lig.VMI); WMong. inije-, inige-, inege(L 411); Kh. inē-; Bur. eńē-; Kalm. iń-; Ord. enē-, inē-; Mog. innā-; Dag.
šinē-, xinē- (Тод. Даг. 184), šinēde- (MD 216); Dong. šinie-; Bao. šine-, ne-;
S.-Yugh. ńī-; Mongr. šənē- (SM 375).
◊ KW 208, MGCD 411.
PKor. *ūń- to laugh (смеяться): MKor. ūs-, ùń- (ùńɨ-); Mod. ūt- [ūs-].
◊ Nam 393, KED 1250.
‖ EAS 114, KW 208, Poppe 70, Robbeets 2000, 111. Mong., with a
strange reflex of *h- in Southern dialects (opposed to 0- in MMong.)
may in fact reflect a contamination: cf. Evk. heŋne- ‘to laugh’ (see under
*p῾eŋk῾a). In any case, despite Doerfer MT 23, the TM root is hardly <
Mong.
-íŋo to neigh: Tung. *iŋi-; Mong. *iŋča-; Turk. *ɨŋɨra-; Jpn. *íná-nak-.
PTung. *iŋi- to neigh (ржать): Evk. iŋil-; Man. ilča-, inča-; Nan.
iŋgiri-; Sol. iŋele-.
◊ ТМС 1, 321. The Manchu form (but not the rest) may be < Mong.
PMong. *iŋča- to neigh (ржать): MMong. iŋuliǯa- (HY 16); WMong.
inčaɣa-, iŋčaɣa- (L 410, 411); Kh. jancgā-; uŋgalda-; Bur. insagā-; Kalm.
incəɣā-; Ord. inčagā-; Dag. ingilī- (Тод. Даг. 146: “to moan”).
◊ KW 208, MGCD 736.
PTurk. *ɨŋɨra- 1 to neigh 2 to bellow, purr (1 ржать 2 реветь, визжать, мурлыкать): Karakh. ɨŋra- (MK); Turkm. ɨŋra-; Bashk. ɨŋɨran- 1;
Chuv. ənər- 2; Yak. ɨŋɨran- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 658, Егоров 65, Мудрак 73.
PJpn. *íná-nak- to neigh (ржать): MJpn. íná-nak-; Tok. ìnanak-; Kyo.
ínánák-; Kag. inanák-.
◊ JLTT 697.
‖ An expressive root, but quite regular and doubtlessly common.
-iŋV shallow place: Tung. *(x)iŋā; Jpn. *ía; Kor. *j ( < *i’ə).
PTung. *(x)iŋā 1 sand (on a shallow place) 2 pebbles 3 small stone 4
shallow place (1 песок 2 галька 3 камушек 4 отмель): Evk. iŋā 1, 2;
Evn. ịŋa 1, 2; Neg. ịŋā 2; Man. joŋgan 1; SMan. ńuŋan, ńohun 1 (2111);
Orch. iŋo 2; Ud. iŋo 4; Sol. iŋā 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 320-321.
*ipa - *ip῾i
589
PJpn. *ía inlet (залив, бухта): OJpn. je; MJpn. jé.
◊ JLTT 392.
PKor. *jə a reef, a rock in the sea (риф, скала в море): Mod. jə.
◊ KED 1160.
‖ See SKE 76. An Eastern isogloss; the Jpn. form presupposes
*iŋ(V)-gV, with further contraction.
-ipa ( ~ -b-) shell: Tung. *ibu-kta ( ~ *igu-kta); Mong. *(h)ibawu; Jpn.
*apampi.
PTung. *ibu-kta ( ~ *igu-kta) shells as ornaments (ракушки (как
украшения)): Ork. joqto; Sol. jogōs.
◊ ТМС 1, 346.
PMong. *(h)ibawu sea shell (морская раковина): WMong. ibau,
ibaɣu (L 396); Kh. juvū; Bur. jobūn.
PJpn. *apampi abalone, a k. of seashell (вид раковины): OJpn.
apabji; MJpn. áfàbì; Tok. áwabi; Kyo. áwàbì; Kag. awábi, awabí.
◊ JLTT 388. Accent reconstruction is somewhat uncertain.
‖ Cf. also OJ ebi ‘shrimp, shellfish’ - perhaps an old dialectal variant
of the same root.
-ipe ( ~ a-) cold, winter: Tung. *ibaksa; Mong. *ebül.
PTung. *iba-ksa frazil (шуга): Evk. iwaksa; Evn. ịwụs; Neg. ịwaksa;
Ul. ịwaqsa; Orch. juaksa (Корм. 242); Ud. juakkä (Корм. 242), iwakä.
◊ ТМС 1, 295. Cf. also Evk. ewīle-se, owīla-sa ‘early spring’, owīn ‘last spring snow
crust’ (ТМС 2, 4-5).
PMong. *ebül winter (зима): MMong. ubul (HY 5), ebul (SH), obol
(IM), ubul, äbulǯa- (MA); WMong. ebül (L 290); Kh. övöl; Bur. übel; Kalm.
öwl; Ord. öwöl; Mog. übül, ebulä; Dag. ugul (Тод. Даг. 170), eule (MD
146); Dong. uvun; Bao. ŋguŋ, ŋgoŋ; S.-Yugh. wəl; Mongr. ugur, gur (SM
468), rgul (Huzu).
◊ KW 303, MGCD 538.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ip῾i (~-p-,-e) mouth; to say: Tung. *(x)ipke-; Jpn. *íp-; Kor. *íp.
PTung. *(x)ipke- to order, tell, lure (приказывать, велеть, подстрекать): Evk. ipku-, ipke-; Evn. ipkъn-; Ud. ikpele- (Корм. 237).
◊ ТМС 1, 322.
PJpn. *íp- say (сказать, говорить): OJpn. ip-; MJpn. íf-; Tok. yù-;
Kyo. yú-; Kag. y-.
◊ JLTT 700.
PKor. *íp mouth; to recite (рот; рассказывать, декламировать):
MKor. íp ‘mouth’, ìp(h)- ‘to recite’; Mod. ip.
◊ Nam 406, 407, 409, KED 1363.
‖ Martin 249, АПиПЯЯ 111, 277. An Eastern isogloss (but cf. perhaps Mong. abija(n) (L 4), Khalkha aỻa, Bur. aa ‘sound’ ( < *ibaja ?); on a
590
*ire - *ìri
possible Turkic parallel see under *t῾è); seems reliable, despite a tonal
discrepancy between Kor. and Jpn.
-ire to melt: Tung. *irū-; Turk. *ẹri-.
PTung. *irū- 1 to sink 2 to melt (1 погружаться 2 таять, образоваться проталинам): Evk. irū- 1; Evn. irъl- 2; Man. iru- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 328, 329.
PTurk. *ẹri- to melt (таять): Karakh. erü- (MK); Tur. eri-; Gag. jeri-;
Az. äri-; Turkm. ere-; Sal. iri-; MTurk. eri- (Abushk.); Uzb. eri-; Uygh.
iri-; Krm. iri-; Bashk. ire-; Kirgh. eri-; Kaz. eri-; KBalk. eri-; KKalp. eri-;
Kum. iri-; Khak. irə-; Oyr. eri-; Tv. eri-; Chuv. irəl-; Yak. ir-; Dolg. ir-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 289-290, Stachowski 128, EDT 198.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-re to come, enter: Tung. *ī-; Mong. *ire-; Turk. *r-; Jpn. *ítá-r-.
PTung. *ī- to enter (входить): Evk. ī-; Evn. ī-; Neg. ī-; SMan. ji-be-;
Jurch. i-re- (715); Ul. ī-; Ork. ī-; Nan. ī-; Orch. ī-; Ud. ī-; Sol. ī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 293.
PMong. *ire- to come (приходить): MMong. jire- (HY 34, SH), irä-,
iro- (IM), irä-, ir- (MA); WMong. ire- (L 413); Kh. ire-; Bur. jere-; Kalm.
ir-; Ord. ire-; Mog. irä-; ZM eirä (40-7); Dag. ire- (Тод. Даг. 146, MD 173);
Dong. ire-; Bao. re-; S.-Yugh. ere-; Mongr. re- (SM 313), ire-.
◊ KW 209, MGCD 412.
PTurk. *r- 1 to reach 2 to pass (1 достигать 2 проходить мимо):
OTurk. er- (OUygh.) 1, er-t- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. eriš- (MK) 1; Tur. er-,
dial. ēr-, ir- 1; Khal. r- 1; MTurk. er- (Pav. C., AH) 1, ert- (CCom) 2;
Uzb. eriš- 1; Krm. er- 1; Tat. ireš- 1; Bashk. ireš- 1; KKalp. eris- 1; Khak.
irt- 2; Shr. ert- 2; Oyr. dial. eriš- 1, ert- 2; Chuv. irt- 2; Yak. irdē- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 288-289, 303, Федотов 1,172-173. Räsänen (VEWT 46) connects also PT
*eriĺ- ‘to contest, challenge’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 293-294) - which, together with Mong. *eri- ‘to seek,
search’ (HY ere- ῾to hope’), should be rather kept apart (possibly a separate PA root *erV).
Turk. > Hung. ér- ‘to reach’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *ítá-r- to reach (достигать): OJpn. ita-r-; MJpn. ítá-r-; Tok.
ìtar-u; Kyo. ítár-ú; Kag. itár-.
◊ JLTT 699.
‖ Poppe 117 (Mong.-Tung.), KW 209, АПиПЯЯ 293-294. In Jpn. one
could (following Ozawa) compare *ír- ‘to enter’, but the latter should
be rather compared with Kor. tɨr- id. (see *tire), while *ítá-r- is also a
perfect phonetic match for PA *re. Turk. reveals variants *ēr- and *īr- (
< *īre-?). Cf. also Koguryo *i- ‘to enter’ (Lee 37, Menges 1984, 267).
-ìri ( ~ *e-) to rot, pus, be sick: Mong. *(h)ereke-; Turk. *iri-; Jpn. *ìtà-.
PMong. *(h)ereke- to vesicate; to complicate (of a disease) (нарывать; осложняться (о болезни)): WMong. ereke- (L 322); Kh. erxe-;
Kalm. erk-; Ord. erkere-.
*íru - *rú
591
◊ KW 125.
PTurk. *iri- 1 to rot 2 pus 3 to turn sour, coagulate (1 гнить 2 гной 3
прокисать, створаживаться): OTurk. jirü- 1 (OUygh.), iriŋ 2 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. iri- 1, iriŋ 2 (MK); Tur. irin 2; Gag. jirin 2; Az. irin 2;
Turkm. iriŋ 2; MTurk. iriŋ 2; Uzb. iri- 1, jiriŋ 2; Uygh. ǯiriŋ 2; Krm. irin 2;
Tat. ĭrĭ- 3, ĭrĭn 2; Bashk. ĭrĭ- 3, ĭrĭn 2; Kirgh. iri- 1, 3, iriŋ 2; Kaz. ĭrĭ- 1, 3,
ĭrĭn 2; KBalk. irin 2; KKalp. iri- 1, 3, iriŋ 2; Nogh. irin 2; Khak. ĭrĭ- 1, 3,
ĭrĭn 2; Oyr. iri- 3, iriŋ 2; Tv. iri- 1, iriŋ 2; Yak. ireŋe 2; Dolg. ireŋe 2.
◊ EDT 198, 233, ЭСТЯ 1, 372-374, Stachowski 128.
PJpn. *ìtà- to be ill, feel pain (adj.) (болеть, чувствовать боль):
OJpn. ita-; MJpn. ìtà-; Tok. itá-; Kyo. ítà-; Kag. itá-.
◊ JLTT 829.
‖ KW 125.
-íru song: Tung. *ir-ke-; Mong. *ira-ɣu; Turk. *ɨr; Jpn. *útà; Kor. *ɨrp-.
PTung. *ir-ke- 1 to sing a song, versify 2 to cry, moan (1 петь, слагать стихи 2 кричать): Evk. irkihin- 2; Evn. rqъ- 2; Man. irgebu- 1;
SMan. irəxəvə- (1339) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 326, 327. Man. > Dag. irgēbu- (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *ira-ɣu melodious sound, harmony (мелодический звук,
гармония): MMong. jira’u (MA); WMong. iraɣu (L 413); Kh. jarū; Bur.
iragū ( < lit.); Ord. iraGū; Mongr. joro ‘bruit, son, voix’ (SM 494).
PTurk. *ɨr song (песня): OTurk. ɨr (OUygh.); Karakh. ɨr (MK); Tur. ɨr
(dial.); Turkm. ɨr (dial.); MTurk. ɨr (Pav. C., AH); Tat. ɨr (dial.); Kirgh. ɨr;
Khak. ɨr; Oyr. ɨr; Tv. ɨr; Yak. ɨrɨa; Dolg. ɨrɨa.
◊ EDT 192, VEWT 166, 201, Лексика 610, Stachowski 261. The root should be kept
distinct from *jɨr, although actively contaminating.
PJpn. *útà song (песня): OJpn. uta; MJpn. útà; Tok. utá; Kyo. útà;
Kag. úta.
◊ JLTT 564.
PKor. *ɨrp- to chant, sing songs (петь, декламировать): MKor. ɨrp-;
Mod. ɨp- [ɨlph-].
◊ Nam 396, KED 1302.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk. (cf. Karakh. jɨraɣu ‘singer’, see TMN 4, 242,
Щербак 1997, 164). Note also PJ *útá-p- ‘sing’ = Kor. *ɨr-p-.
-rú omen, divination: Tung. *īrme-; Mong. *irwa; Turk. *ɨr- / *ir-; Jpn.
*ùrá.
PTung. *īrme- to ask (просить): Evn. īrmu-; Ul. iremesi-; Ork. ireme-;
Nan. ireme- (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 328.
PMong. *irwa (bad) omen ((дурное) знамение): MMong. ira (MA
242); WMong. irua, iruua (L 415); Kh. jor(o); Bur. joro; Kalm. jorə; Ord.
joro; Dag. jor (Тод. Даг. 147), jore (MD 173); S.-Yugh. jor.
*ru - *ŕu
592
◊ KW 219, MGCD 740. Despite EDT 197, hardly borrowed from Turkic; Mong. > Yak.
ɨra.
PTurk. *ɨr- / *ir- omen (знамение; суеверие): OT irü (OUygh.) Tur.
ɨrɨm (dial.); Turkm. ɨrɨm; MTurk. ɨrɨm (Pav. C.); Uzb. irim; Uygh. irim;
Tat. ɨrɨm; Bashk. ɨrɨm; Kirgh. ɨrɨm; Kaz. ɨrɨm; KKalp. ɨrɨm; Nogh. ɨrɨm;
Khak. rɨm (R); Shr. rɨm (R); Oyr. ɨrɨm; Tv. ɨrɨm ‘плохое самочувствие’.
◊ EDT 197, VEWT 166, ОСНЯ 3, 120, ЭСТЯ 1, 666. Back row in modern languages
may be due to contamination with *ɨr-, q. v. sub *p῾ĭru.
PJpn. *ùrá 1 divination 2 to divine (гадание): OJpn. ura 1, ura-nap- 2;
MJpn. ùrá 1, ùrà-naf- 2; Tok. uraná- 2; Kyo. úráná- 2; Kag. ùrànà- 2.
◊ JLTT 563, 779.
‖ KW 219, Владимирцов 181.
-ru to be ashamed, shy, hostile: Tung. *ire(n)te-; Mong. *(h)ir-ba-; Turk.
*īr-; Jpn. *útúa-; Kor. *ɨrɨ-.
PTung. *ire(n)te- to be ashamed (стыдиться): Man. jerte-; SMan.
irətə- ‘to be bashful, to feel shy’ (1969); Nan. irente-.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PMong. *(h)ir-ba- discontent, cranky (недовольный, раздраженный): WMong. irba- / jarba-, (L 413) irbaɣana-; Kh. jarva-; Bur. irba-;
Kalm. jarw- (КРС 710).
PTurk. *īr- shame, be ashamed, frighten away (стыд, стыдиться, отпугивать): Karakh. ir-, iril- (MK); Turkm. īr-; Khak. irək- ‘to languish, be
bored’; Chuv. jərən-; Yak. īr- ‘to rave, become crazy’.
◊ EDT 192, VEWT 173, (incorrect in) Егоров 80.
PJpn. *útúa- alienated, discontent (отчужденный, недовольный):
OJpn. utwo-; MJpn. útwó-; Tok. utó-; Kyo. útò-; Kag. úto-.
◊ JLTT 844. The Tokyo accent is irregular; otherwise all evidence points to *útúa-. Cf.
also *útuá(m)p- ‘to shun, neglect’, MJ utoma-si ‘unpleasant, offensive’.
PKor. *ɨrɨ- to scare, threaten, menace (угрожать, пугать): Mod. ɨrɨ-.
◊ KED 1285.
‖ One of many common Altaic verbs of emotion. Correspondences
are quite regular, and the etymology seems reliable.
-ŕu trace, furrow: Tung. *iru-n; Mong. *(h)iraɣa-; Turk. *īŕ / *ŕ; Kor.
*ìráŋ.
PTung. *iru-n furrow (грядка, борозда): Man. irun, jurun; Nan. irũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 328. Cf. perhaps also *ir- ‘to drag, trail’ (ТМС 1, 323-324) (< *’to leave a
trace’).
PMong. *(h)iraɣa- ripple, riffle (рябь (на поверхности воды)):
WMong. iraɣa (L 412); Kh. jarāt-; Kalm. ert-.
◊ KW 124. WMong. iraɣa, iralɣa (Kalm. irlɣən) ‘ripple (on water)’ > Man. iraxi, iren id.,
see Rozycki 117.
PTurk. *īŕ / *ŕ 1 trace 2 furrow (1 след 2 борозда, межа): OTurk. iz
1 (OUygh.); Karakh. iz 1 (MK); Tur. iz 1; Gag. jiz 1; Az. iz 1; Turkm. z 1;
*ìsú - *isV
593
MTurk. iz 1 (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. iz 1; Uygh. iz 1; Krm. iz, ɨz 1; Tat.
ĭz 1, ɨzan 2; Bashk. ĭδ 1, ɨδan 2; Kirgh. iz 1; Kaz. ĭz 1; KBalk. ɨz 1; KKalp. iz
1; Kum. hɨzan 2; Nogh. ɨz 1, ɨzan 2; SUygh. is 1; Khak. ĭs 1; Oyr. is 1; Tv.
is 1; Chuv. jər 1, jъran 2.
◊ EDT 277, ЭСТЯ 1, 383-385, 646, 647, VEWT 175, Егоров 79, 75. There exists a verbal
derivative *īŕ-te- ‘to follow one’s tracks’, attested as iste- as early as in OUygh. (see EDT
243) and in many modern languages (see ЭСТЯ 1, 383); but simultaneously there is a
variant *īr-te- (with *-ŕ- > -r- according to Helimski’s rule), attested already in MK (see
EDT 208) and in Yak., Dolg. irdē-, see Stachowski 128.
PKor. *ìráŋ furrow (межа, борозда): MKor. ìráŋ; Mod. iraŋ.
◊ Nam 399, KED 1324.
‖ EAS 112, KW 209, Poppe 81, Lee 1958, 113, ОСНЯ 1, 251. Despite
Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 53) doubts ( “allerdings zweifelhaft” ), the comparison seems completely justified.
-ìsú to crush, grind; bite: Tung. *(x)ise-; Turk. *ɨsɨr-; Jpn. *ùsú; Kor. *ɨsɨr-.
PTung. *(x)ise- 1 to crush 2 to beat 3 to butt, quarrel (1 ломать 2
бить 3 бодать, спорить): Evk. iše- (dial.) 1; Neg. isi-kte- 1; Man. isele- 2;
Sol. iilǯi- ‘to contest’; Orch. isǟmeči- ‘перетягивать (друг у друга, держась за противоположные концы веревки, - игра)’ .
◊ ТМС 1, 336.
PTurk. *ɨsɨr- to bite (кусать): Karakh. ɨsɨr- (MK); Tur. ɨsɨr-; MTurk.
ɨsɨr-, ɨsur- ‘to bite, to eat’ (Abush., Sangl.); Krm. ɨsɨr-; Kirgh. ɨsɨr-; Kum.
ɨsɨr-; Khak. ɨzɨr-; Tv. ɨzɨr-; Tof. ɨ’sɨr-; Yak. ɨtɨr-, ɨstā-; Dolg. ɨtɨr-, ɨstā-.
◊ VEWT 167, EDT 251, ЭСТЯ 1, 671-672, Stachowski 262, 263.
PJpn. *ùsú mortar (ступка): OJpn. usu; MJpn. ùsú; Tok. úsu; Kyo.
ùsú; Kag. usú.
◊ JLTT 564.
PKor. *ɨsɨr- to grind, crush (разбивать, дробить, ломать): Mod.
ɨsɨrə-(t:ɨrida).
◊ KED 1287.
‖ SKE 73 (Kor.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 281.
-isV to pinch, pluck out: Tung. *is-; Turk. *iske-.
PTung. *is- to pinch, pluck out (выщипывать, выдергивать): Evk.
is-; Evn. is-; Neg. īs-; Man. isi-; Ul. isī-; Ork. isi-; Nan. isō-; Orch. isi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 330.
PTurk. *iske- 1 to pinch, pluck out 2 pincers 3 chisel (1 выщипывать 2 щипчики, клещи 3 резец, долото): Karakh. iske- (MK) 1; Az.
iskänä 3; Turkm. iskew 2, isgänä 3; Yak. iskex 2.
◊ EDT 246, VEWT 174 (Tadzh. iskana probably < Turk.), ЭСТЯ 1, 382-383.
‖ A Tung.-Turk. isogloss; not quite reliable because the Turkic form
may reflect a contamination with *p῾úsa q.v.
*ite - *t῾á
594
-ite ( ~ *eti) to eat: Mong. *ide-; Turk. *et-mek.
PMong. *ide- to eat (есть): MMong. jide- (HY 25, SH), idä- (IM), idä(MA); WMong. ide- (L 398); Kh. ide-; Bur. ede-; Kalm. idə-; Ord. ide-;
Mog. idä-; ZM idä (16-2b); Dag. ide- (Тод. Даг. 146, MD 173); Dong. iǯie-;
Bao. nde-; S.-Yugh. ede-; Mongr. ide- (SM 188).
◊ KW 205, MGCD 407, TMN 1, 188.
PTurk. *et-mek bread (хлеб): OTurk. ötmek (OUygh.); Karakh. etmek
(MK), epmek (MK - Oghuz, Qypch.); Tur. etmek, ekmek; Gag. iekmek; Az.
äppäk; Turkm. (dial.) ekmek, epmek; MTurk. etmek, ötmek (Pav. C.); Krm.
ekmek, etmek, ötmek; Tat. ikmäk; Bashk. ikmäk; KBalk. ötmek; Kum. ekmek;
Nogh. ötpek; Khak. ipek; Shr. itpäk; Oyr. ötpök.
◊ EDT 12, 60, VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 254-256. The oldest form is clearly *et-mek with
various subsequent assimilations.
‖ A Turkic-Mong. isogloss, but no doubt archaic: a Nostratic etymology see in МССНЯ 340, ОСНЯ 1, 273-4.
-ìtí board: Tung. *(x)ite; Mong. *(h)ideɣür; Jpn. *ìtá.
PTung. *(x)ite board (on bottom of the birch-boat) (доска (на дне
берестяной лодки)): Evk. ite; Neg. īte.
◊ ТМС 1, 334.
PMong. *(h)ideɣür trough (корыто): WMong. ideɣür (L 400); Kh.
idǖr; Bur. eǖr; Kalm. idəš, idǖr.
◊ KW 205. The formal connection with ide- ‘eat’ (’trough for feeding animals’) is
probably due to a secondary contamination.
PJpn. *ìtá board (доска): OJpn. ita; MJpn. ita; Tok. íta; Kyo. ìtá; Kag.
itá.
◊ JLTT 427.
‖ The Mong. reflex is somewhat dubious (because of a secondary
merger with *ide- ‘eat, feed’), but the Tung.-Jpn. match still seems reliable.
-t῾á to rely, trust, take upon oneself: Tung. *(x)iti; Mong. *itege-; Jpn.
*àntùkàr-.
PTung. *(x)iti 1 custom, order 2 to organize, prepare 3 occasion (1
обычай, порядок 2 организовать, готовить 3 случай): Evk. iti(n) 1,
itiɣā- 2; Evn. ịtqa 1, ịtụ-, ịtɣ- 2; Neg. ịtqa 1; Orch. īti 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 333. TM > Dag. ite (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *itege- to hope, believe, trust (верить, надеяться, доверять): MMong. itege- (HYt), itqa- ‘to reason’ (MA), itegiltu
(LH)’zuverlässig’; WMong. itege- (L 417); Kh. itge-, jatga-; Bur. idxa-;
Kalm. itkə- (КРС); Ord. etege-; Dag. itge- (Тод. Даг. 146), itege- (MD 174);
S.-Yugh. hdēge-.
◊ MGCD 414.
*ìt῾ù - *it῾VKV
595
PJpn. *àntùkà-r- to take upon oneself (иметь отношение к, брать
на себя заботу о): OJpn. adukar-; MJpn. àdùkàr-; Tok. azukár-; Kyo.
ázúkár-; Kag. àzùkàr-.
◊ JLTT 680. The transitive parallel is *àntùkà-.
‖ The root should be kept distinct from *ēt῾a, although they tend to
be confused.
-ìt῾ù to hit, push: Mong. *ete-; Turk. *it-; Jpn. *ùt-.
PMong. *ete- 1 to pick, dig 2 to cut (1 ковырять, копать 2 резать):
MMong. etke- 2 (SH, HY 25); WMong. ete- 1 (L 335); Kh. ete- 1; Bur. ete1; Kalm. et- 1; Mog. etqä- 2; KT etkä (20-5a) 2; Mongr. dige- (SM 55) 2.
◊ KW 128. Forms with the meaning ‘cut’ may reflect a partial contamination with
*heske- q.v.
PTurk. *it- to push, hit (толкать, ударять): Karakh. it- (MK); Tur.
it-; Gag. jitir-; Turkm. it-; MTurk. it- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. itar-; Uygh.
itär-; Krm. it-; Tat. ĭt-; Bashk. ĭt-; Kaz. ĭjter-; KKalp. ijter-; SUygh. it-;
Khak. ĭt-; Shr. it-; Oyr. it-, ijt-; Tv. it-; Yak. üt-; Dolg. it-, üt-.
◊ EDT 38, VEWT 174, ЭСТЯ 1, 386-387, Stachowski 129, 254.
PJpn. *ùt- to beat, hit (бить, ударять): OJpn. ut-; MJpn. ùt-; Tok. út-;
Kyo. ùt-; Kag. ùt-.
◊ JLTT 781.
‖ Cf. perhaps Evn. ịtŋ- ‘to flounce, thrash about’ (ТМС 1, 333).
-it῾VKV a k. of (big) bird: Tung. *itiknija; Mong. *it-.
PTung. *itiknija 1 owl 2 crane (1 сова 2 журавль): Evk. itiknija 1;
Evn. ịtịqńa 1; Neg. ịtịŋna 1; Nan. jatnia 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 333.
PMong. *it- 1 partridge 2 jay 3 falcon 4 a k. of hawk 5 hazel-hen (1
куропатка 2 сойка 3 сокол 4 ястреб-перепелятник 5 рябчик):
MMong. jitelogu (HY 14) 4, itawun 1 (LH), itaūn 1 (Lig.VMI), itelku ‘merlin’ (MA 221); WMong. itaɣu 1, ite 2, itelgü 3 (L 417, 418); Kh. jatū 1, jotū
5; Bur. itag (šāzgaj) 2; Kalm. jotūn, itǖ ‘hazel-hen’, itə ‘a bird of prey’,
itlɣə 3; Ord. itū 1, ötölgö, etelge 3; Mongr. sdergu 3 (SM 336).
◊ KW 211, 219. Mong. > Uzb. itälgü etc., Manchu itulxen, iturxen (ТМС 1, 334), Man.
itu, Sol. itau (Rozycki 117); MKor. iktəkui (Lee 1964, 191).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
IA
-ga to fall over, shake: Tung. *iaga-; Mong. *(h)egeji-; Turk. *iāg-.
PTung. *iaga- to crumble, fall down (обваливаться, осыпаться):
Evk. ɣaw-; Neg. ɣa-; Man. ja-qsa ‘берег с осыпью’; Ul. jāga-.
◊ ТМС 1, 289.
PMong. *(h)egeji- to shake, move, tremble (дрожать, двигаться,
трястись): WMong. egeji- (L 297).
◊ Cf. also WMong. (L 296) egče ‘steep, straight, abrupt’ (cf. the meanings in TM) ( >
Yak., Dolg. ekči, see Kał. MEJ 24, Stachowski 44).
PTurk. *iāg-, *iāg-na- 1 to roll over, fall over 2 to climb over 3 to
tumble 4 to turn over, capsize, let fall (1 падать, опрокидываться, свешиваться 2 перелезать 3 валяться, перекатываться 4 ронять, опрокидывать): OTurk. aɣna- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. aɣna- 3 (MK, KB); Tur. aɣ1, aɣdɨr- 2, aɣɨn- 3; Az. aɣna- 3; Turkm. āɣ- 1, 2, āɣ-dar- 4, āɣɨna- 3; Khal.
hāɣa, hɣa ‘back, in the back’; MTurk. aɣna- 3; Uzb. ɔɣ- 1, ɔɣna- 3; Uygh.
aɣ- 1; Krm. avdar- 4, av-ɣa-la-n- 3; Tat. aw- 1, awdar- 4, awna- 3; Bashk.
aw- 1, awdar- 4, awna- 3; Kirgh. ō- 1, ōna- 3; Kaz. aw-dar- 4, awna- 3;
KBalk. aw- 1, 2, aw-la- ‘to skim’, awdar- 4, awna- 3; KKalp. aw- 1, 2, awdar- 4, awna- 3; Kum. av- 1, avdar- 4, av-la-n- ‘to turn over, incline’, avna3; Nogh. av- 1, av-dar- 4, avna- 3; SUygh. aɣɨna- 3 (ЯЖУ 11); Khak.
aŋ-dar- 4; Shr. aŋ-dar- 4; Oyr. aŋ-tar- 4, aŋ-da- (<*aŋ-na-) 3; Tv. aŋda-r- 4,
aŋda-š- 3; Chuv. jъₙvan- 1, 4; Yak. āŋ-na- 3.
◊ EDT 86-87, VEWT 7, ЭСТЯ 1, 69-70, 73-76. Forms like aŋ-dar- are not quite clear caus. from the refl. *iāg-ɨn- ? (but the refl. form is here not *iāg-ɨn- but rather *iāg-na-).
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite some confusion in Turkic, should be
kept distinct from *ḗga ‘rise’ (q.v.).
-ga ( ~ -i) a k. of disease: Tung. *(x)iag-; Turk. *īg; Jpn. *ia ~ *ai.
PTung. *(x)iag- cold (sickness), influenza (простуда, грипп): Evk.
ɣ; Evn. ǟɣ 1; Neg. ɣ.
◊ ТМС 1, 289.
PTurk. *īg illness, decease (болезнь): OTurk. ig (OUygh.); Karakh.
ig (MK, KB, Tefs.); Tur. iɣǯil; Turkm. īgli ‘rickety’; MTurk. ig (Sangl.,
Houts.); Chuv. jъx ‘leprosy, scrofula’.
*gi - *agu
597
◊ EDT 98-99, Егоров 76-77, Федотов 1, 189, Мудрак 73, Мудрак Дисс. 157, VEWT
169.
PJpn. *ia ~ *ai contagious disease (заразная болезнь): OJpn. (j)e,
(j)e-jamji; MJpn. e, e-jami.
◊ JLTT 392. Accent is not clear: in RJ both è-jàmì and é-jàmì are attested.
‖ Cf. Bur. jogšo- ‘to ache, nag’. Turk. *īg is perhaps a result of secondary narrowing < *(i)ēg. In TM there exists also an apparent derivative
*iagsi- ‘to sneeze’ which is very similar to PT *aksɨr- (*agsɨr-) id. (see
ЭСТЯ 1, 194-195). This may be either an old derivative, phonetically
distorted in Turkic, or an independent onomatopoeic root.
-gi fat: Tung. *iag-ǯakta; Mong. *eɣükü, *öɣekü; Turk. *jāg.
PTung. *iag-ǯakta fat (of a bear) (жир (медведя)): Ul. jaGǯaqta.
◊ ТМС 1, 337 (despite the isolated nature of the Ul. form its relationship with the
Turkic and Mong. forms seems reliable).
PMong. *eɣükü, *öɣekü fat (жир): MMong. e’ukun (HY 24, SH),
o’ukun (SH), ukon (IM), ukun- (MA); WMong. ügekü, ögekü(n) (L 631);
Kh. ȫx(ön); Bur. ȫxe(n); Kalm. ȫkn; Ord. ȫχö, ȫχü; Dag. eugu, ēge (Тод.
Даг. 138), euwe (MD 147); Dong. fugun; Bao. gum (MGCD šgum);
S.-Yugh. ǖkön (MGCD ǖgon); Mongr. ōke (SM 296), (MGCD ōku).
◊ KW 304, MGCD 535.
PTurk. *jāg 1 fat n., butter 2 lard 3 thick, fat (adj.) (1 жир, масло 2
сало 3 толстый, жирный): OTurk. jaɣ 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jaɣ (MK);
Tur. jaɣ 1; Gag. jā 1; Az. jaɣ 1; Turkm. jāɣ 1; Sal. jaɣ 1; Khal. jāɣ 1;
MTurk. jaɣ 1 (MA); Uzb. jɔɣ 1; Uygh. jaɣ 1; Krm. jaɣ 1; Kirgh. ǯoo-n 3;
KBalk. žau 1; Kum. jav 1; SUygh. jaɣ 1; Khak. čaɣ 1; Shr. čaɣ 1; Oyr. ū 1;
Tv. čaɣ 2; Tof. čaɣ 2; Chuv. śu, śъₙv 1; Yak. sɨa 1; Dolg. hɨa 1.
◊ VEWT 177, EDT 895, ЭСТЯ 4, 58-59, Лексика 453, Федотов 2, 127, Stachowski 117.
‖ ТМС 1, 337 (TM-Turk.), АПиПЯЯ 282. A Western isogloss.
-agu ( ~ *oga) hips, space between hips: Tung. *oga; Mong. *aɣarčak;
Turk. *(i)ag.
PTung. *oga thigh, hip (бедро, ляжка): Evk. oɣo; Evn. ōɣ; Neg. oɣo;
Ul. ō; Ork. ō; Nan. ō; Orch. ō; Ud. ō; Sol. oɣo.
◊ ТМС 2, 5.
PMong. *aɣarčak flesh between the hips (мясо между ляжками):
WMong. aɣarčag; Kh. ārcag ‘таз’; Kalm. ārcəg; Ord. ārcaq.
◊ KW 21.
PTurk. *(i)ag 1 space between the legs 2 wedge between trouser legs
(1 промежуток между ногами 2 клин между штанинами): OTurk.
aɣ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aɣ (MK) 1; Gag. ā 2; Az. aɣ (dial.) 2; Uzb. ɔɣ 2;
Uygh. aɣ 2; Krm. aw 1; Kaz. aw 2; Nogh. aw 2.
◊ EDT 75, ЭСТЯ 1, 67-68, Clark 1977, 127.
‖ A Western isogloss.
598
*àk῾ì - *áĺa
-àk῾ì ( ~ -k-) liquid, flow: Tung. *iaKu; Turk. *iak-; Jpn. *ìkà-i.
PTung. *iaKu 1 swamp, ditch 2 brook (1 болото, лужа, канава 2
ручей): Evk. jaku 1, jakta 2; Man. jōχon 1; SMan. johərən, johurun 1
(2084); Nan. jaqčịra 2; Ud. jakpa῾ 2 (Корм. 240).
◊ ТМС 1, 339.
PTurk. *iak- to flow (течь): OTurk. aq- (OUygh.); Karakh. aq- (MK);
Tur. ak-; Gag. aq-; Az. ax-; Turkm. aq-; MTurk. aq- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔq-;
Uygh. aq-; Krm. aq-; Tat. aq-; Bashk. aq-; Kirgh. aq-; Kaz. aq-; KBalk. aq-;
KKalp. aq-; Kum. aq-; Nogh. aq-; SUygh. aq-; Khak. ax-; Oyr. aq-; Tv. aq-;
Chuv. jox-.
◊ EDT 77, VEWT 12, ЭСТЯ 1, 118-120, Егоров 352, Федотов 2, 495.
PJpn. *ìkà-i pond (пруд): OJpn. ike; MJpn. ìkè; Tok. iké; Kyo. ìkè;
Kag. ìké.
◊ JLTT 422.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 196.
-k῾V light, white: Tung. *ixere; Mong. *jagaɣan; Turk. *Āk; Jpn. *áká-;
Kor. *ikɨr-.
PTung. *ixere candle, light (светильник, свеча, свет): Neg. ixere ( <
STung.); Ul. ixere; Ork. ixere; Nan. ixere; Orch. ixere.
◊ ТМС 1, 302.
PMong. *jagaɣan pink (розовый): WMong. jaɣan (L 423); Kh. jagān;
Bur. jagān; Kalm. jaɣan (СЯОС).
PTurk. *Āk white (белый): OTurk. aq (OUygh.); Karakh. aq (MK);
Tur. ak; Gag. aq; Az. aɣ; Turkm. āq; Sal. aχ; MTurk. aq ~ aɣ; Uzb. ɔq;
Uygh. aq; Krm. aq; Tat. aq; Bashk. aq; Kirgh. aq; Kaz. aq; KBalk. aq;
KKalp. aq; Kum. aq; Nogh. aq; SUygh. aq; Khak. ax; Shr. aq; Oyr. aq; Tv.
aq; Tof. aq.
◊ VEWT 12, TMN 2, 84-5, ЭСТЯ 1, 116-117, EDT 75, Лексика 598-599.
PJpn. *áká- red (красный): OJpn. aka-; MJpn. áká-; Tok. àka-; Kyo.
ákà-; Kag. ákà-.
◊ JLTT 825.
PKor. *ikɨr- to burn lively; to be deeply flushed (ярко гореть; сильно краснеть): Mod. igɨl-kəri- 1, igɨl-igɨl-ha- 1, 2.
◊ KED 1319.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 110, 277. The final vowel is not quite clear: some languages point to *-i or *-e, others - rather to *-a.
-áĺa female; to seduce, to frolic: Turk. *eĺi; Jpn. *ásuámp-; Kor. *r’ù-.
PTurk. *eĺi lady, beg’s consort (титул жены бега): OTurk. i/eši
(OUygh.); Karakh. i/eši (MK).
◊ See EDT 256, TMN 2, 182-183. The word is borrowed in Mong.: MMong. esi (HY),
WMong. esi ‘empress’, Kalm. iš ‘mother’ (KW 210), Ordos iši Gatũ ‘nom d’un sanctuaire,
eši qatun’ (DO 389), see Clark 1980, 41.
*ámu - *ánti(-kV)
599
PJpn. *ásuámp- to play, divert oneself (играть, развлекаться):
OJpn. aswob-; MJpn. áswób-; Tok. àsob-; Kyo. àsòb-; Kag. asób-.
◊ JLTT 677. Kyoto accent is aberrant (ásób- would be expected).
PKor. *r’ù- / *r- 1 to flirt 2 to marry 3 to fondle, play with 4 to
have sexual intercourse (1 соблазнять, кокетничать 2 жениться 3 ласкать, заигрывать 4 иметь половые сношения): MKor. r’ù-, əru-, ərɨ1, 2, 4; Mod. ərɨ- 3.
◊ Nam 360, 361, 367, KED 1127.
‖ ? Cf. Evk. ilu ‘pregnant’ (ТМС 1, 311).
-ámu hole, pit: Tung. *umu-; Mong. *(h)uma-; Turk. *(i)am; Jpn. *úmá-;
Kor. *ùmúk-.
PTung. *umu- hole, nest (дыра): Evk. umdē-k, umuk; Evn. umrēkēn,
ụmak; Neg. omụ; Ul. omon; Ork. omo; Nan. omo.
◊ ТМС 2, 267-269. Cf. also verbal forms (Evk. um-nut- ‘to hide’, um-rē- ‘to sink (in
snow etc.)’. The root should be distinguished from *umū- ‘to lay eggs’, *umū-kta ‘egg’.
PMong. *(h)uma- scrotum with testicles; lower part of belly (мошонка; нижняя часть живота): WMong. umadaɣ (L 874); Kh. umdag;
Kalm. omādəg; Ord. umadaG.
◊ KW 285.
PTurk. *(i)am vulva (vulva): Karakh. am (MK - Oghuz, Kypch.);
Tur. am; Turkm. am; Khal. hām; MTurk. (MKypch.) am (CCum., AH,
At-Tuhf.); Tat. am (Буд. 1, 90); Kirgh. am (R); Kaz. am (R); Oyr. am (R);
Yak. abas ‘vulva’; amanax ‘fat in the groins of cows, horses’.
◊ VEWT 18, EDT 155, R 1 643.
PJpn. *úmá- to bury, dig into (закапывать, зарывать): OJpn. uma-;
MJpn. úmá-; Tok. ùme-; Kyo. ùmè-; Kag. umé-.
◊ JLTT 778. The accent in Kyoto is irregular.
PKor. *ùmúk- to form a cavity, be depressed (образовывать впадину, быть вогнутым): MKor. ùmúk-hă-, ùmúk-; Mod. umuk-ha-, omok-ha-.
◊ Liu 593, KED 1239.
‖ Cf. also notes to *úmu ‘to bear’ (the reflexes of which tend to
merge with the reflexes of *amu with specialized meanings ‘vulva,
genitals’).
-ánti(-kV) a k. of small predator: Tung. *iandaku; Turk. *(i)anduk ( ~
-nt-); Kor. *jń.
PTung. *iandaku 1 racoon dog 2 badger 3 young of badger 4 wolverine (1 енотовидная собака 2 барсук 3 барсучонок 4 росомаха):
Evk. jantakī 4; Neg. jandako 1; Man. jandači 3; Ul. jandaqụ 1; Nan. jandaqo
1; Orch. jandaku 1, jadači 2; Ud. jandasi 2.
◊ ТМС 1,341, 249. Interdialectal loans are not excluded.
600
*ańu - *ằpV
PTurk. *(i)anduk ( ~ -nt-) a k. of predator (вид хищника): Tur. andɨk
‘вид гиены’, Osm. anduq; MTurk. andɨq ‘espèce de loup cervier’ (Pav.
C.).
◊ VEWT 20, Лексика 159.
PKor. *jń fox (лиса): MKor. jń, jń, jəńă; Mod. jəu.
◊ Nam 374, 377, KED 1164.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 159.
-ańu line, furrow: Tung. *ońa-; Mong. *(h)oji-su; Turk. *En; Jpn. *ùnài.
PTung. *ońa- 1 to draw 2 drawing, ornament 3 spot (1 рисовать 2
рисунок, орнамент, резьба 3 пятно): Evk. ońo- 1, ońō 2; Evn. ońā- 1,
ońān 2; Ork. ono 3; Ud. ońo- 1, ońo 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 20.
PMong. *(h)oji-su a hollow below or above the ribs (углубление
под ребрами): WMong. oji-su (L 606: ojis ‘pit of the stomach’); Kh. ojs.
PTurk. *En 1 earmark (on domestic animals) 2 to make an earmark 3
to castrate (1 метка на ушах (домашних животных) 2 ставить метку
на ушах 3 кастрировать): Karakh. ene- 2 (MK), 3 (MK - Kypch.); Tur.
enek 1, (dial.) en 1, ene- 3; Az. en (dial.) 1; MTurk. en (Bud.), in (Pav. C.)
1; Uzb. en (dial.) 1; Uygh. än 1; Tat. inä- (dial.) 2; Bashk. in, inäw 1;
Kirgh. en 1; Kaz. en 1, dial. ene- 2; KKalp. en 1; Nogh. en 1; Khak. in 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 177-278, EDT 166, 171.
PJpn. *ùnài furrow, seedbed (борозда, грядка): OJpn. une; MJpn.
ùnè; Tok. uné; Kyo. únè; Kag. uné.
◊ JLTT 563.
‖ The root is very similar to *ńa ‘pit, ravine’ and *ne ‘notch (on
arrow)’ q.v., and there could have been some interaction between them
- which could, in particular, explain Turk. -n instead of the expected
*-ń.
-ằpV to bend, turn; hook: Tung. *oboka; Mong. *eb-; Turk. *ebir-; Jpn.
*àpùkuà.
PTung. *oboka hook (крюк): Man. obǵa ‘a k. of wooden hook serving as a bait for eagles’; Orch. obō, oboɣo; Ud. obo῾ (Корм. 273).
◊ ТМС 2, 4.
PMong. *eb- 1 to bend, fold 2 knee 3 to roll (1 гнуть, сгибать, складывать 2 колено 3 вертеть): MMong. ebkä- 1 (IM), ibkä- 1 (MA),ebuduk
2 (SH), äbdäk 2 (IM), ubuduk 2 (MA),; WMong. ebke- 1 (L 288), ebüdüg 2
(L 290), ebkere- 3 (L 288); Kh. evxe- 1, övdög 2, evxre- 3; Bur. ebxe- 1, übdeg
2; Kalm. epkə- 1, öwdəg 2; Ord. ebχe-, ewχₙe- 1, öwödök 2; Mog. ündük;
Dag. ebke- 1 (Тод. Даг. 138), ebeke- (MD 139); Dong. odəu 2; Bao. ebdəg,
vedeg 2; S.-Yugh. wədəg 2; Mongr. udiG, idiG (SM 464), wedeG (Huzu) 2.
◊ KW 302, MGCD 251, 536.
*ap῾i - *ăp῾u
601
PTurk. *ebir- to turn (поворачивать): OTurk. ebir- (Orkh.), evir(OUygh.); Karakh. evür- (MK); Tur. evir-; Turkm. öwür-; MTurk. evir-,
iber- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. öwür- (dial.); Bashk. äwir-; Kaz. üjĭr-; Khak.
ibĭr-; Shr. ebir-; Oyr. ebir-; Chuv. avъr-.
◊ EDT 14, VEWT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 498-500, Егоров 20.
PJpn. *àpùkuà stick with a hook, stick for carrying things (палка с
крюком, палка для носки): OJpn. apuk(w)o; MJpn. àfùkò.
◊ JLTT 509.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 500. The Turkic form is hard to separate, although one
would rather expect a back vowel (*iab-) here. There indeed exists a PT
root *(i)abɨ- ‘to bend, fall, swing’ (Tat. avu- ‘to bend, fall’, Oyr. abɨ-, Tuva
aa-t-tɨn- ‘to swing’, Kirgh. oo- ‘to bend on one side, fall, swing, also in a
play’, oon- ‘to roll, as a dog’, Kaz. awu-, awɨn-, avɨ-t-qu- ‘id.’, Nogh. avɨ-,
avna-, avda- ‘id.’, Bashk. aw-, awn-, awδ- ‘id.’, KBalk. aw-, awan-, awda‘id.’, Karaim avd-, Kum. avun-), whose relationship to *ebir- is not quite
clear.
-ap῾i ( ~ *op῾u) to break: Tung. *iapu-; Mong. *ebde-.
PTung. *iapu- to break, spoil, broken (ломать, портить, сломанный): Evk. p- (Sym.); Neg. jewus; Ul. jepu-; Nan. jepu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 291, 352.
PMong. *ebde- to break (ломать, разрушать): MMong. ebde-, obde(SH), ibdä- (MA); WMong. ebde- (L 285); Kh. evde-; Bur. ebde-, ünde(Alar.); Kalm. ebdə-; Ord. ebde-; Dag. erde- (Тод. Даг. 140), erede- (MD
145); Bao. vete-; S.-Yugh. ebde-.
◊ KW 116, MGCD 249. Mong. ebde-re- > Man. ebdere- etc., see Doerfer MT 79, Rozycki
65. Cf. also WMong. ibire-, Khalkha ivre- ‘to crumble’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ap῾u adze: Tung. *upa; Mong. *oɣuli; Turk. *Apɨl.
PTung. *upa adze (долото, тесло): Man. efexun; Nan. ofali, ufali;
Orch. upa.
◊ ТМС 2, 280-281, 471.
PMong. *oɣuli adze (долото, тесло): WMong. oɣuli (L 603); Kh. ōĺ;
Bur. ōli; Kalm. ōĺə; Ord. ōli; Dong. uali.
◊ KW 292, MGCD 522.
PTurk. *Apɨl hoe (мотыга): Kirgh. abɨl-qasɨm ‘one of the pegs in a
plough’; Shr. abɨl; Oyr. abɨl, dial. ōl (Leb.).
◊ VEWT 2. Despite late and sparse attestation hardly borrowed from Mong. - for semantic and phonetic reasons, despite Аникин 73.
‖ KW 292, VEWT 2. A Western isogloss.
-ăp῾u ( ~ *ŏp῾a) to hide, conceal: Tung. *op-; Mong. *(h)ob; Turk. *Apɨ-.
PTung. *op- to hide, conceal (прятать, скрывать): Evk. op-; Nan. up
‘having submerged’ (Он.).
602
*ằré - *àrgi
◊ ТМС 2, 22.
PMong. *(h)ob trickery, deceit, fraud (хитрость, уловка, происки):
WMong. ob (L 598); Kh. ov; Bur. ob.
◊ Mong. > Tuva, Oyr. op, see VEWT 363.
PTurk. *Apɨ- 1 to hide 2 to be cautious 3 caution, precautions (1
прятать 2 быть осторожным 3 осторожность, предусмотрительность): Karakh. abɨ-, abɨt- (MK), abɨn- (refl.) (MK) 1; Uygh. abajla-, avajla(refl.) 1; Bashk. abajla- 2; Kirgh. abaj 3; Kaz. abajla- 2; KKalp. abajla- 2.
◊ EDT 6, 7, 13.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ằré lower jaw, chin: Tung. *irki; Mong. *eriwü-; Turk. *Erin; Jpn.
*t(n)kapi.
PTung. *irki gums (of teeth) (десны): Neg. irxi; Ul. irxi(n); Ork. irki;
Nan. ilxĩ; Orch. ixi.
◊ ТМС 1, 327.
PMong. *eriwü- lower jaw, chin (нижняя челюсть, подбородок):
MMong. eri’un (SH), irun (MA), eirūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. erigü, (L 322,
323:) eregüü, ereü, eregün (DO 248); Kh. erǖ; Bur. erǖ, ürge(n); Kalm. örgn;
Ord. erǖ; Mog. KT oräu (2-2a) ‘cheek’; Dag. erū (Тод. Даг. 140, MD 146);
Mongr. irū (SM 192).
◊ KW 299.
PTurk. *Erin lip (губа): OTurk. erin (OUygh.); Karakh. erin (MK);
Tur. erin (dial.); Turkm. erin; Khal. ärin; MTurk. iren (Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. irin; Krm. erin; Tat. irĭn; Bashk. irĭn; Kirgh. erin; Kaz. erĭn; KBalk.
erin; KKalp. erin; Kum. erin; Nogh. erin; Khak. irĭn; Oyr. erin; Tv. erin;
Tof. erin ‘chin’.
◊ EDT 232-233, VEWT 48, ЭСТЯ 1, 292-293, Лексика 226-227. See also notes to *Erneg
‘edge’.
PJpn. *t(n)kapi chin (подбородок): OJpn. ot(w)ogap(j)i; MJpn.
òtógafi; Tok. òtogai; Kyo. òtógàì; Kag. otogái.
◊ JLTT 513. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is irregular (points rather to *t-).
‖ KW 299, Дыбо 308, Лексика 227.
-àrgi ( ~ -o) wild beast of prey: Tung. *iarga; Kor. *írhì.
PTung. *iarga leopard (леопард): Man. jarGa / jarχa, jerxe; SMan.
jarəhə (2220); Jurch. jara (148); Ud. jagä (Корм. 240); Nan. jarga (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 337, 355.
PKor. *írhì wolf (волк): MKor. írhì; Mod. iri.
◊ Nam 406, KED 1327.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. In Kor. one has to suppose a secondary
monophthongization (*jrhì > *írhì), cf. the attested Old Koguryo *yaši (
= *yarhi) ‘wolf’ (see Miller 1979, 10).
*aru - *tá
603
-aru young (of an animal): Tung. *ora-; Mong. *(h)ori; Turk. *Arkun (?);
Kor. *rí-.
PTung. *ora- 1 small, young 2 bear-cub 3 female of bear (1 маленький, новорожденный 2 медвежонок 3 медведица): Evk. oroŋāt 3;
Evn. oịs, ojịs (dial.) 2; Neg. ojokon 2; Man. orčun, orχočo 1; Ork. oko 2
(voc.); Nan. orōqã 1; Orch. orko ~ oroko(n-).
◊ ТМС 2, 25.
PMong. *(h)ori young, energetic (молодой, крепкий, свежий):
WMong. ori (L 618); Kh. oŕ.
PTurk. *Arkun a cross-bred horse (лошадь смешанных кровей):
Karakh. arqun (MK); Uygh. a(r)ɣun; Kirgh. arɣɨn.
◊ EDT 216, ЭСТЯ 1, 171. Cf. also *arga-mak ‘stallion’ ( > WMong. arɣamaɣ, see Щербак 1997, 162). The verb arɣɨ- ‘to run swiftly (of a well-bred horse)’ is attested in Kirgh.,
Kum. and Tuva (see ЭСТЯ 1, 172). Turk. > Bur. arxan ῾bastard; cross-bred horse’. See also
Аб. 1, 66 (Osset. arɣonaq ‘well-bred dog’ < Turkic).
PKor. *rí- young (молодой, юный): MKor. rí-; Mod. əri-.
◊ Liu 545, KED 1128.
‖ The Turkic reflex is somewhat questionable; it belongs here if we
suppose a semantic development ‘young (animal)’ > ‘young horse, stallion’.
-tá ( ~ -t῾-) to give, gift: Turk. *(i)ātag; Jpn. *átápá-; Kor. *tā-.
PTurk. *(i)ātag 1 sacrifice 2 price, sale 3 engagement, votive 4 gift (1
жертвоприношение 2 цена, продажа 3 помолвка, обет 4 подарок):
Tur. adaɣ 1, 3, 4; Az. adax 3; Turkm. ādaG 3; Shr. ada 1; Yak. at 2.
◊ VEWT 5. All the listed forms may be derived from *āta- ῾to name’ ( < *āt ῾name’),
but the specific meanings rather suggest a secondary contamination.
PJpn. *átápá- 1 to give 2 price (1 давать 2 цена): OJpn. atapa- 1, atapji
2; MJpn. átáfá- 1, átáfi 2; Tok. àtae- 1; Kyo. átáé- 1; Kag. ataé- 1.
◊ JLTT 387, 678.
PKor. *tā- give (me) (дай (мне)): MKor. tā-kò; Mod. tā-go, tā-o.
◊ Liu 190, 191, KED 378.
‖ Korean demonstrates a frequent vowel elision. Phonetically a
good match would be PTM *iata ‘ritual pollution, desecration in
child-birth’, but the meaning appears too specialized.
IO
-obo ( ~ *ubi) near, come near: Tung. *ibē-; Mong. *ojira.
PTung. *ibē- to come near (надвигаться, приближаться): Evk. iwē-;
Man. ibe-; SMan. ivenə- ‘to move forward’ (1188).
◊ ТМС 1, 296. Man. > Dag. ibē- (Тод. Даг. 145).
PMong. *ojira near (близкий): MMong. ojira, ojiri (HY 52, 55), ojira
(SH), wīr(b)ɛ (IM), uiră (MA), əira (LH); WMong. ojira (L 605); Kh. oirɨn;
Bur. ojro; Kalm. ȫrə; Ord. oöro; Mog. ojrō; ZM ujrā (6-8a); Dag. wair (Тод.
Даг. 129), uajre (MD 229); Dong. uira; S.-Yugh. öiro, oiro.
◊ KW 304-305, MGCD 525.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-de skin, to tan: Tung. *(x)odinsa; Mong. *(h)ideɣe; Turk. *ed-.
PTung. *(x)odinsa 1 summer skin of deer 2 to fade (of skin) (1 летняя шкура оленя 2 линять (о шерсти животных)): Evk. odinna 1; Evn.
odnd- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 6.
PMong. *(h)ideɣe tanning stuff (дубильное вещество): WMong.
ideɣe (L 399); Kh. idē(n); Bur. exe- ‘1 заквашивать (хлеб) 2 дымить (кожу)’.
PTurk. *ed- to tan (leather) (дубить (шкуру)): Az. ejmä ‘leather bag
with clabber’; Turkm. ej-; Chuv. ir-źə ‘skinner’; Yak. etirik ῾skin scraper’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 236-237, 335-336, Мудрак Дисс. 171, Лексика 377.
‖ Лексика 377. A Western isogloss.
-ṓle to hang on (smth.), hang on hook: Tung. *ol-; Mong. *elgü-; Turk.
*īl-; Kor. *ori.
PTung. *ol- 1 hook (for hanging kettle) 2 to hang over fire (1 крюк
(для подвешивания чайника) 2 подвешивать над огнем): Evk. oldon
1, ollon- 2; Evn. olrāwụn 1, olrān- 2; Neg. olōn 1; Ul. ōrpụn 1; Ork. olǯịɣa 1;
Nan. olpị 1; Orch. ogǯiɣa 1; Ud. olohu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 14-15. TM forms like elgu- should be regarded as mongolisms. Evk. > Dolg.
oldōn, oldon (see Stachowski 191).
PMong. *elgü- to hang on (smth.) (вешать (на что-л.)): MMong.
elgu- (SH), ulku- (MA 276); WMong. elgü- (L 309); Kh. ölgö-; Bur. ülge-;
*oĺe - *ṓĺe
605
Kalm. ölgə-; Ord. ülgü-; Dag. elgu- (Тод. Даг. 139), el(e)wē- (MD 143);
S.-Yugh. olGo-, uɣu-.
◊ KW 294, MGCD 543. Mong. > Evk. elgu etc. (hardly vice versa; see Doerfer MT 89).
PTurk. *īl- 1 to hang on (smth.) 2 hook (вешать (на что-л.) 2 крючок): OTurk. il- (OUygh.) 1, ilin- (refl.) (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. il- (MK) 1,
ɨlɨn- (refl.) (MK) 1; Tur. dial. il- 1, ilmek 2; Az. ilmäk 2; Turkm. īl- 1;
MTurk. ɨl- (Abush., Sangl.), ɨlɨn- (refl.) (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. il- 1, ilmɔq 2;
Uygh. il- 1, ilmaq 2, ‘loop’; Tat. el- 1; Bashk. el- 1; Kirgh. il- 1, ilmek 2;
Kaz. il- 1; KBalk. ilin- (refl.) 1; KKalp. il- 1, ilmek 2; Kum. il- 1; Nogh. il1; Khak. əl-; Oyr. il- 1, ilmek 2; Tv. il- 1; Chuv. jъlъ, jъlmak ‘loop’; Yak. īl1.
◊ VEWT 170, ЭСТЯ 1, 343-346, Егоров 73-74.
PKor. *ori a fishing hook with several barbs (рыболовный крючок
с зазубринами): Mod. ori.
◊ SKE 178. The noun is found only is absent from major MKor. and modern Korean
dictionaries and thus somewhat dubious.
‖ SKE 178, EAS 106, Poppe 76 (Turk.-Mong.; assumption of Mong.
being borrowed from Turk., see Щербак 1997, 120, is improbable).
Turk. has a somewhat unexpected narrowing: *īl- instead of *l-; however, the etymology still seems probable (despite Doerfer’s categorical
refusal: “lautgesetzlich unmöglich”; see TMN 2, 214).
-oĺe food: Tung. *ulī-; Mong. *öl; Turk. *(i)aĺ, *(i)aĺ-a-.
PTung. *ulī- to feed (кормить): Evk. ulī-; Evn. uli-; Man. ulebu-;
Nan. uli-; Ud. ulikte ‘sacrificial fat’ (Корм. 301).
◊ ТМС 2, 260.
PMong. *öl nutritive, nutrition (питательный, пища): WMong. öl
(L 633); Kh. öl; Bur. ül; Kalm. öl; Ord. öl; S.-Yugh. öl.
◊ KW 294, MGCD 541.
PTurk. *(i)aĺ, *(i)aĺ-a- 1 meal, food 2 to eat 3 porridge 4 to feed (1
еда, пища 2 есть 3 каша 4 кормить): OTurk. aš 1, aša- 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. aš 1, aša- 2 (KB); Tur. aš 1; Az. aš 3; Turkm. aš 1; Khal. āš, š 1;
MTurk. aš 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. aš 1; Krm. aša- 2; Tat. aša- 2; Bashk. aša- 2;
Kirgh. aš 1; KBalk. aša- 2; Nogh. aša- 2; Khak. as 1; Tv. a’š 1, ažā- 4; Tof.
aša- 4; Yak. as 1; Dolg. as 1, as- 2.
◊ VEWT 29-30, ЭСТЯ 1, 210-212, TMN 2, 61-62, EDT 253, 256, Stachowski 38.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ṓĺe to weave, bind: Tung. *ul-; Mong. *(h)el-tü-; Turk. *ēĺ-; Kor. *jr-.
PTung. *ul- to sew (шить): Evk. ullī-; Neg. uli-; Man. ufi-, ifi-; SMan.
ifi- (271); Ul. urpi-; Ork. ulpi-; Nan. ulpi-; Orch. ippi-, uppi-; Ud. ulihi-;
Sol. uldi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 322, 2, 261-262.
606
*òmke - *oŋo
PMong. *(h)el-tü- to weave, knit (ткать, вязать): WMong. eltüle- (L
310); Kh. eltle-.
PTurk. *ēĺ- to spin, twist (вить, сучить, плести): Az. eš-; Turkm. īš-;
MTurk. eš- (Pav. C.); Uzb. eš-; Uygh. äš-; Krm. eš-; Tat. iš-; Bashk. iš-;
Kirgh. eš-; Kaz. es-; KBalk. eš-; KKalp. es-; Kum. eš-; Tv. eš-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 396.
PKor. *jr- to weave, tie together (ткать, связывать): MKor. jr-.
◊ Liu 566.
‖ Дыбо 1997a (Turk.-Mong.)
-òmke to crawl, move: Mong. *ömkeri-, *önkeri-; Turk. *Emgek-; Jpn.
*ùnkk-.
PMong. *ömkeri-, *önkeri- to roll, fall (кататься, падать): WMong.
ömkeri-, öŋkeri-, ömkere-, ömküri- (L 635); Kh. önxr-; Kalm. öŋkr-; Ord.
öŋχörö-; Mongr. ŋgurō- (SM 294).
◊ KW 297. Mong. Yak., Dolg. üŋkürüj- (Kał. EJE 130, Stachowski 251).
PTurk. *Emgek- to crawl (ползти): OTurk. ömgekle- (OUygh.); Tur.
emekle-; Gag. mekle-; Az. imäklä-; Turkm. imekle-; MTurk. emgekle- (Бор.
Бад., Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. emäklä-; Uygh. iŋäklä- (dial.); Kirgh. emgekte-; Kaz. eŋbekte-; Khak. ĭmekte-, nĭmekte-; Shr. emekte-; Oyr. emekte-,
emgekte-.
◊ EDT 160, VEWT 42, ЭСТЯ 1, 275. The noun *emgek ‘crawling’ is preserved in Tur.
dial. imek, Chag. emgek ‘crawling child’ (and, despite Clauson ibid. it certainly has nothing to do with *emgek ‘worry, pains’, see *emge-). Cf. also forms like Turkm. eŋkej- ‘bow’
and Yak., Dolg. üŋk- ‘to bow’ (contractions?); see Stachowski 251.
PJpn. *ùnkk- to move (двигаться): OJpn. ug(w)ok-; MJpn. ùgòk-;
Tok. ugók-; Kyo. úgók-; Kag. ùgòk-.
◊ JLTT 777. Cf. also Tok. ugomek- ‘to crawl, cluster’.
‖ For possible TM reflexes see under *ṑnV; cf. also PTM *uŋki- ‘send’
(ТМС 2, 277-278).
-oŋo ( ~ *uŋi) weave (nets), net: Tung. *inŋi-; Mong. *(h)öɣesi.
PTung. *inŋi- to weave a net, to tie knots (ткать сеть, завязывать
узлы): Evk. inŋi-; Evn. inŋъ-; Neg. ińŋi-; Ul. ī-; Nan. inru ‘woven basket’; Orch. iŋŋi-; Ud. iŋi- (iŋi-) (Корм. 239), ińiŋi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 317-318.
PMong. *(h)öɣesi fish-net (сеть для ловли рыбы): WMong. ögesi(n)
(L 632); Kh. ȫš; Kalm. ȫš; Ord. ȫšdö-, ȫšlö- ‘to fish with a fish-net’.
◊ KW 305.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. The TM form must go back to *iŋ-niwith a suffix (Mong. -ɣ- does not point to a cluster in PA).
*òpe - *òre
607
-òpe to cover; to wear: Tung. *upsi; Mong. *ibeɣe-; Jpn. *p-; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *upsi 1 shaman clothes 2 belt made of badger’s skin (1 одежда шамана 2 пояс из кожи барсука): Neg. upsi 1; Ul. upsi 1; Nan. ufsi
2.
◊ ТМС 2, 281.
PMong. *ibeɣe- to protect (защищать, покровительствовать):
MMong. ibe’e- (SH), hibe- (MA 347), ihe- (HY); WMong. ibege- (L 396);
Kh. ivē-; Bur. ebigēl ‘protection’ (dial.); Kalm. ivē- (КРС); Ord. iwegē-.
◊ Cf. perhaps also WMong. ibe- ‘to pad, lay something between or under’ ( < *’to
cover’).
PJpn. *p- to put on clothes (on the upper body); to cover (надевать
одежду (на верхнюю часть тела); покрывать): OJpn. op-, op(w)op-;
MJpn. òfòf-; Tok. ṑ-; Kyo. ṓ-; Kag. ṓ-.
◊ JLTT 742, 743. Modern tones point rather to *pp-, but this may be due to contraction.
PKor. *ps- to put on (hat) (надевать (шапку)): MKor. psɨ-, s-; Mod.
s:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 317, 319, KED 1023.
‖ Korean has a frequent initial vowel reduction.
-op῾érV ( ~ *ap῾órV, -ŕ-) horn: Tung. *opora; Mong. *eber; Kor. *s-pr.
PTung. *opora nose (нос): Man. oforo; SMan. ofərə (24); Nan. oporo.
◊ ТМС 2, 22.
PMong. *eber horn (рог): MMong. eber (HY 15, SH), äbär (IM), ibär,
hibär (MA); WMong. eber (L 286); Kh. ever; Bur. eber, über; Kalm. ewr,
öwr; Ord. ewer; Mog. ZM ebär (20-8); Dag. xeur (Тод. Даг. 176), heure
(MD 161); Dong. eve, uve; Bao. ver; S.-Yugh. ewer, eber, wer; Mongr. ujer
(SM 480), wer.
◊ KW 129,303, MGCD 249. Initial x- in Dagur is quite unclear.
PKor. *s-pr horn (рог): MKor. spr; Mod. p:ul.
◊ Nam 274, KED 832.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 46, 291. One of the cases with “prefixed” s- in Korean
body part names (cf. also *s-pj ‘bone’, *s-kòrí ‘tail’).
-òre male, young male: Tung. *ur; Mong. *(h)üreɣe; Turk. *ẹr-kek; Jpn.
*tə; Kor. *óràpí.
PTung. *ur 1 male 2 elk (2 y. old) 3 1-year-old deer (1 самец 2 лось
(2-х лет) 3 олень-однолетка): Evk. ur 1, urikčān 2; Neg. ojčān 2; Man.
urgešen 3; Nan. ojčã 2; Orch. uriča 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 281, 284, 285.
PMong. *(h)üreɣe 3 to 5-year-old stallion (жеребец от трех до пяти лет): WMong. ürege, ürije (L 1013); Kh. ürē; Kalm. ürǟ (КРС); Ord.
ürē.
608
*t῾à(mu) - *ṑt῾íkV
PTurk. *ẹr-kek 1 man 2 husband 3 male (1 мужчина 2 муж 3 самец): Karakh. erkek 1 (MK, KB); Tur. erkek 1; Gag. erkek 1; Az. erkäk 1;
Turkm. erkek 1; Sal. ärkex 1; Khal. hịrkäk 1; Uzb. erkak 1; Krm. erkek 1; Tat.
irkɛk 3; Bashk. irkäk 3; Kirgh. erkek 1; Kaz. erkek 1; KBalk. erkek 1; KKalp.
erkek 1; Kum. erkek 1; Nogh. erkek 1; Oyr. erkek 1, 2; Tv. irgek 3; Tof. i’rxek
3; Yak. irgex 3; Dolg. irgek 3.
◊ VEWT 46, TMN 2, 178-9, EDT 192, ЭСТЯ 1, 297-298, 321-322, Лексика 303, 561,
Егоров 30, Stachowski 46, 128. We follow Clauson (EDT 223-4) in separating *ēr from
*ẹr-kek.
PJpn. *tə younger brother (младший брат): OJpn. oto, otopji; MJpn.
òtòùtò; Tok. otṓto; Kyo. ótṓtó; Kag. otṓto.
◊ JLTT 513.
PKor. *óràpí brother (брат): MKor. óràpí; Mod. orabi.
◊ Liu 575, KED 1197.
‖ The Turkic forms should be kept apart from the reflexes of *ēr <
*ri q.v.
-t῾à(mu) ( ~ *ằt῾ò-) top of head, head: Tung. *utumuk; Jpn. *àtàmà;
Kor. *utu.
PTung. *utumuk back of head (затылок): Evk. utumuk; Evn.
ötömöhök; Ork. utumu.
◊ ТМС 2, 294.
PJpn. *àtàmà 1 top of head 2 head (1 темя 2 голова): MJpn. àtàmà 1,
2; Tok. atamá 2; Kyo. átàmà 2; Kag. atamá 1.
◊ JLTT 387.
PKor. *utu 1 head 2 top of head (1 голова 2 темя, верхушка головы): MKor. utu 1; Mod. udu-məri 2.
◊ Liu 591, KED 1237.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-ṑt῾íkV a k. of berry: Tung. *ōkta; Jpn. *ìtí(n)kuà; Kor. *òtắi.
PTung. *ōkta currant (смородина): Evk. ōkta; Neg. ōkta; Man.
ukuxu, -xe ‘name of a berry’; Orch. oktokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 11.
PJpn. *ìtí(n)kuà strawberry, raspberry (земляника, малина): OJpn.
itib(j)ik(w)o; MJpn. ìtígò; Tok. íchigo, ìchigo; Kyo. ìchígò; Kag. ichigó.
◊ JLTT 428. Most forms point to *ìtí(n)kuà, but the Tokyo form ìchigo - to *ítí(n)kuá or
*ìtì(n)kuà.
PKor. *òtắi mulberry (шелковица (ягода)): MKor. òtắi; Mod. oti.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1197.
‖ Accent in Korean is irregular. An Eastern isogloss; cf. Yak. oton
‘berry’ (isolated in Turkic, but perhaps archaic).
IU
-ùbú to be hungry, exhausted: Tung. *(x)ob-; Mong. *öje-; Jpn. *ùwá-;
Kor. *īb-, *ìbúr-.
PTung. *(x)ob- 1 to become spoiled (of meat) 2 to get tired, exhausted 3 to get poor (1 портиться (о мясе) 2 уставать, изнемогать 3
беднеть): Evk. obdo- 1; Evn. obd- 2; Neg. obolo- 3; Man. uba- 1, obdoqo
jali ‘spoiled, tasteless meat’.
◊ ТМС 2, 4, 5.
PMong. *öje- to be hungry, voracious (быть голодным, прожорливым): MMong. ojese- (SH) 1.
PJpn. *ùwá- to be hungry (голодать): OJpn. uwa-; MJpn. ùwá-; Tok.
ué-; Kyo. ùè-; Kag. ué-.
◊ JLTT 777. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular, but all other dialects and RJ point to
*ùwá-.
PKor. *īb-, *ìbúr- to wither, dry up, decline, decay (вянуть, засыхать, ухудшаться, иссякать): MKor. īp- (īw-), ìwr-, ì’úr-, ì’ór-; Mod. iul-.
◊ Nam 401, 403, 407, KED 1335.
‖ Ozawa 184-185. Korean has a “verbal” low tone.
-úb[u] to dig, hole: Tung. *(x)ub-gā; Turk. *oba; Jpn. *úwa-.
PTung. *(x)ub-gā burrow, hole (нора, дыра): Evk. ubgā; Evn. ụbgụq,
dial. ōwa; Neg. obga- ‘пролезать под снегом (о птицах)’; Man. o ‘armpit’.
◊ ТМС 2, 3, 242.
PTurk. *oba cavity, valley (впадина, долина): Tur. ova; Gag. uva;
Az. ova; Uzb. uwa; Uygh. ova; Tv. howu.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 403.
PJpn. *úwa- to plant (сажать): OJpn. uwa-; MJpn. úwa-; Tok. ùe-;
Kyo. ùè-; Kag. ué-.
◊ JLTT 777. The tone reflex in Kyoto is aberrant (perhaps under literary influence).
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 403 (Turk.-Tung.). The vocalism is not quite secure: the
diphthong must be reconstructed because of Jpn. *-w-, but in Turkic
one would rather expect *ɨba in this case (perhaps *ɨba > *uba > *oba because of later vowel assimilations).
*ču - *udi(rV)
610
-ču to become free, retire, disappear: Tung. *ōs-; Turk. *ɨč-; Jpn. *us-.
PTung. *ōs- to retire, make the place vacant (отступать, уступать
(место)): Evk. ōs-; Evn. ōs-; Neg. ōs-; Ul. osị-; Ork. ōssị-; Nan. ōsị-; Orch.
osu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 25-26.
PTurk. *ɨč-, *ɨč-gɨn- to lose, disappear (терять(ся), пропадать):
OTurk. ɨčɣɨn- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ɨčɣɨn- (MK), ɨč- (KB); MTurk.
ɨčqɨn- (Abush., Pav. C.); Tat. ɨčqɨn-; Bashk. ɨsqɨn-; Kirgh. ɨčqɨn-; KBalk.
ɨčxɨn-; Kum. išɣɨn-; Nogh. ɨšqɨn-; Khak. ɨsxɨn-; Shr. ɨšqɨn-; Oyr. ɨčqɨn-,
ɨqčɨn-; Tv. ɨšqɨn-; Yak. ɨhɨgɨn-.
◊ VEWT 164, ЭСТЯ 1, 672-673, ДТС 216.
PJpn. *us- to lose, get lost, disappear (терять, теряться, пропадать): OJpn. usa-, usi-nap-; MJpn. úsá-, úsí-náf-; Tok. usé-, ùshina-; Kyo.
ùsè-, úshíná-; Kag. usé-, ushiná-.
◊ JLTT 780. Accent reconstruction is not quite clear: for *usinap- ‘to lose’ the pattern
*HHH is more or less secure, but for *usa- it seems best to reconstruct *ùsá- (indicated by
Tokyo and Kyoto). We may actually be dealing with two original roots heavily interacting with each other.
‖ Cf. also Kalm. usχə- ‘to become free’ (KW 452) - if not < Turk. The
Jpn. form can be alternatively compared with MKor. irh- ‘to lose’.
-uda ornament: Tung. *udī-; Jpn. *aja.
PTung. *udī- 1 to ornament 2 ornament (1 украшать 2 украшение):
Evk. udī- 1; Neg. uditkan 2; Ork. uǯi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 248.
PJpn. *aja ornament, ornamented cloth (узор, узорная ткань):
OJpn. aja; MJpn. àjà; Tok. ayá; Kyo. áyà; Kag. áya.
◊ JLTT 388. Modern dialects point rather to *ájà (although it may be just an aberration in the Kagoshima dialect).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ude to imitate, to simulate: Turk. *öd-kün-; Jpn. *əja(n)si.
PTurk. *öd-kün- to imitate (подражать, имитировать): Karakh. ötgün- (MK); Turkm. öjkün-; MTurk. öjkün- (Pav. C.), ötgün- (Abush.);
Krm. etkin-; Oyr. ökten-; Tv. ötün-; Yak. ütügün-; Dolg. ütügün-.
◊ EDT 52, VEWT 368, ЭСТЯ 1, 515-516, Stachowski 254.
PJpn. *əja(n)si equal (такой же, одинаковый): OJpn. ojazi.
◊ JLTT 839.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss; but cf. *adV, *idV, with a possibility of interaction.
-udi(rV) to choose: Mong. *ödü-; Turk. *üdür-; Jpn. *iàr- ~ *aìr-.
PMong. *ödü- to conceive, urge, instigate (затевать, побуждать):
MMong. etuldu ‘to discuss, agree’ (HY 40); WMong. edü-, ödü- (L 294,
630); Kh. ödö-; Ord. edü-; Dong. uduru-; S.-Yugh. ūdu-.
*ŭdu - *du
611
◊ MGCD 540.
PTurk. *üdür- to choose, to select (выбирать): OTurk. üdür(OUygh.); Karakh. üδür- (MK, KB); Tur. Osm. ür-; MTurk. (Xwar.) üδür(Qutb), (MKypch.) ür- (Houts.); Khak. üzür-.
◊ VEWT 368, EDT 67-68.
PJpn. *iàr- ~ *aìr- to choose (выбирать): OJpn. er-, erap-; MJpn. èráb-;
Tok. ér-, eráb-; Kyo. èr-, éráb-; Kag. èr-, èràb-.
◊ JLTT 681, 682. All forms point to low tone in the first syllable.
‖ The Jpn. form must be derived < *idar- < *idi-ra-. Mong. reveals a
causative meaning here: *’make choose’ > ‘instigate, urge’.
-ŭdu wonder, supernatural: Tung. *(x)odu; Mong. *id-; Turk. *ɨduk; Jpn.
*i / *ju.
PTung. *(x)odu wonder (чудо): Evk. odu.
◊ ТМС 2, 7. Attested only in Evk., but having reliable external parallels. Evk. > Yak.
odū (not vice versa).
PMong. *id- female shaman (шаманка): MMong. jituxan (HY 31),
jətxan ‘волхв’ (IM), utugun / hotkun (LH); WMong. iduɣan, uduɣan (L
861); Kh. udug; Bur. udagan; Kalm. udəɣən (КРС); Ord. udaGan ‘accoucheusse, accoucheur’; Dag. jadagan (Тод. Даг. 146), jadegen ‘shaman
(in direct contact with spirits)’ (MD 168).
PTurk. *ɨduk sacred (священный): OTurk. ɨduq (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨδuq (MK); Kirgh. ɨjɨq; KBalk. ɨjɨq; Khak. ɨzɨx; Oyr. ɨjɨq, ijik; Tv.
ɨdɨq; Chuv. jərəx; Yak. ɨtɨq.
◊ EDT 46, ЭСТЯ 1, 649-650, Егоров 80, Федотов 199, TMN 230-231 (most sources
give a dubious inner Turkic derivation < *ɨd- ‘to send’, based on the old gloss in MK most probably a folk etymology).
PJpn. *i / *ju sacred, purified (священный): OJpn. i, ju.
◊ JLTT 420. Also with -tu in attributive function: i-tu-, ju-tu-.
‖ Ozawa 52-53, 177-181. Despite Щербак 1997, 120, not a borrowing
in Mong. < Turk. The Middle Jpn. itiko ‘virgin consecrated to a deity,
sorceress’ (with a later form itako id.), which is compared by Miller
(1985, 148) directly with the Mong. form, should be treated as a secondary distortion of *i-tu-kua (lit.) ‘sacred girl’.
-du to lead, direct: Mong. *udu-; Turk. *d-.
PMong. *udu- to lead, direct (вести, направлять): MMong. uduri(HY 54, SH); WMong. udu- (L 862: udurid-); Kh. udir-; Bur. udarida-;
Kalm. udrdə- (КРС); Ord. udu- ‘donner la branle, mettre en train (une
affaire)’; Bao. durə-; Mongr. duru- (SM 67).
◊ MGCD 667, TMN 1, 162-163.
PTurk. *d- to send (посылать): OTurk. ɨd- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨδ- (MK); Turkm. ɨj-; MTurk. ij- (AH); Krm. ij-; Kirgh. ij-;
612
*uga - *ge
KBalk. ij-; Khak. ɨs-; Shr. ɨs-; Oyr. ij-, ɨs-; Tv. ɨt-; Chuv. jar-; Yak. t-; Dolg.
t-.
◊ EDT 37-38, VEWT 164, ЭСТЯ 1, 332-333, Егоров 354, Stachowski 263.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-uga child, son: Mong. *öɣele ~ *oɣala; Turk. *ogul; Kor. *àhắi.
PMong. *öɣele ~ *oɣala stepbrothers (сводные братья): WMong.
ögelen (DO 531); Ord. xoöd ȫlö ‘the second husband of the mother’, ȫlön
kǖ ‘fils d῾un autre lit’; Mongr. ula ‘nés de la même mère, mais de différents pères’ (SM 469).
PTurk. *ogul son (сын): OTurk. oɣul (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oɣul
(MK); Tur. oul; Gag. ōl; Az. oɣul; Turkm. oɣul; MTurk. oɣul (Pav. C.);
Uzb. ọɣil; Uygh. oɣul; Krm. ovul; Tat. ŭl; Bashk. ŭl; Kirgh. ūl; Kaz. ŭl;
KKalp. ul; Nogh. uwɨl; SUygh. oɣul; Khak. oɣɨl, ōl; Oyr. ōl, ūl; Tv. ōl;
Chuv. ɨvъl; Yak. uol; Dolg. uol.
◊ EDT 83-84, VEWT 358, TMN 2, 81, ЭСТЯ 1, 411-412, 414-417, Лексика 313-314, 323,
429-430, Егоров 341, Stachowski 243-244. Derived are: *oguĺ ‘kin, generation’, *oglak ‘kid’
(ЭСТЯ 1, 404-405) etc. (ibid.)
PKor. *àhắi child (ребенок): MKor. àhắi; Mod. ai.
◊ Nam 343, KED 1076.
‖ It is interesting to note OJ akwo ‘child’ (usually in addressing) usually regarded as a-kwo “my child”, which may be a folk etymology.
Cf. also WMong. (L 16) aɣul ači ‘one’s own grandson or descendant’ ( <
Turk.?).
-ge to knead, press, crush: Tung. *ǖ(g)-; Mong. *uɣur; Turk. *ög-.
PTung. *ǖ(g)- to knead, press (мять, разминать, месить): Evk. ī-;
Evn. ī-; Neg. ī-; Man. uje-; Nan. ui-; Orch. ibbe ‘soft’.
◊ ТМС 1, 294.
PMong. *uɣur mortar (ступка): MMong. a’ur (HY 21, SH); WMong.
aɣur, uɣur (L 865: uɣur, uɣuur, uur, aɣur); Kh. ūr; Bur. ūr; Kalm. ūr; Ord.
ūr; Dag. ogor.
◊ KW 454, MGCD 663. Mong. > Evk. owur etc., see Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT 99,
Rozycki 166; Chag. oɣur etc., see Владимирцов 247.
PTurk. *ög- 1 to knead, press 2 porridge, liquid soup (*’smth.
pressed’) (1 месить, мять 2 кашица, похлебка (*’давленая’)): Karakh.
ögre ( ~ ü-) 2 (MK); Tur. öj-, öv- (dial.) 1; Turkm. öj- 1; MTurk. ügre 2
(Pav. C.); Uzb. uwra, ugra 2; Uygh. ügrä, ögrä 2; Krm. iwre 2; Tat. jrä 2;
Bashk. jrä 2; Nogh. üjre 2; Khak. ügre 2; Oyr. üre 2; Tv. öj- 1; Yak. üöre
2.
◊ EDT 112, VEWT 369, ЭСТЯ 1, 324-325 (*ögü-re ‘porridge’), 515, 618-620. The root
clearly has a *-g- and should be distinguished from *ǖk- ‘grind’ q. v. sub *p῾k῾ŋi (although contaminations were possible).
*ugerV - *uge(ŕV)
613
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *p῾ōpo. Despite TMN 2, 151, Chag. oɣur
and other late attested Turkic forms are most probably < Mong. (see
Ligeti 1954, 110).
-ugerV enclosure for cattle: Tung. *ugi(r)-; Turk. *ögür; Jpn. *bəri; Kor.
*ur-.
PTung. *ugi(r)- 1 herd 2 pasture 3 yard 4 gate 5 garden (1 стадо 2
пастбище 3 двор 4 ворота 5 огород): Evk. ujur 2 (Nep.), uɣuwa, uwuwa
1 (Olk., Tng.); Evn. ujirē 4; Ork. ujru 2; Ud. uhi (Корм. 303), uji 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 243, 252.
PTurk. *ögür 1 herd 2 tame 3 companion 4 group of people (1 стадо, стая 2 домашний 3 сотоварищ): OTurk. ögür 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
ögür 1 (MK, KB); Tur. öjür 2, 4; Turkm. ȫri ‘pasture’; MTurk. ögür 1,2, 3
(Sangl.); Uzb. ujur 1; Tat. öjer 1; Bashk. öjör 1; Kirgh. üjür 1, 2, 3; Kaz.
üjir 1, 2; KBalk. üjür ‘family’; KKalp. üjir 1, 2; Kum. üjür 1; ‘attached’;
Nogh. üjir 1; ‘convivial’; Khak. ȫr 1; Shr. ȫr 1; Oyr. ǖr 1; Tv. ȫr 1, 3; Tof.
ȫr 1, 3; Yak. üör 1; Dolg. üör 1.
◊ VEWT 369, Stachowski 251. Turk. (with a later developed meaning ‘companionship’, see EDT 112) > WMong. ügür, Kalm. ǖr (not vice versa, despite VEWT ibid.). A
possible derivative ( < *’to be tamed’?) can be PT *ögr-e-n- ‘to learn’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 496-498).
PJpn. *bəri enclosure, cage (загон, клетка): MJpn. wòrí, wórí; Tok.
orí; Kyo. órì; Kag. orí.
◊ JLTT 511.
PKor. *ur- 1 enclosure 2 fence 3 cage (1 загон 2 забор 3 клетка):
MKor. ùrí 1, úrh 2, 3; Mod. uri 1, 3, ul 2.
◊ Liu 592, 595, KED 1238, 1246.
‖ Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). Original vocalism is somewhat uncertain; a
diphthong must be reconstructed to account for loss of *-g- in Jpn.
(where *bəri < *uəri < *ugVri).
-uge(ŕV) river, small river: Tung. *ugē(r)- / *ug-be(n); Mong. *üjer;
Turk. *ügüŕ (~ *ö-); Jpn. *ùrà; Kor. *jhr.
PTung. *ugē(r)- / *ug-be(n) 1 wave 2 jet 3 river rift (1 волна 2 струя,
рябь, зыбь 3 порог (на реке), перекат): Evk. ūɣe 1, dial. uwē, uwge-;
Neg. uwē 1, ubge-n 3; Man. were-n 2; Ul. ugbe(n) 3; Nan. wẽ 1, ugbẽ 3;
Orch. uwe 1, 2; Ud. wē (Корм. 219), ue 1, 2, ugbe(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 1,132; 2, 243, 247.
PMong. *üjer flood, freshet (поток, наводнение): MMong. ujer (HY
4); WMong. üjer (L 1002); Kh. üjer; Bur. üjer; Kalm. üjr; Ord. üjer; Dag.
ujir; S.-Yugh. ǖr.
◊ KW 456, MGCD 691, TMN 2, 156. Mong. > Tuva üjer (see Лексика 90).
PTurk. *ügüŕ (~ *ö-) small river (речка): OTurk. ügüz (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. ügüz (MK, KB); MTurk. Kypch. ochus (CCum.);
Uygh. ögüz; SUygh. ügüz; Khak. ǖs.
614
*úgu - *úgu
◊ VEWT 369, EDT 119-120, TMN 2, 156, Лексика 90.
PJpn. *ùrà bay, coast (залив, побережье): OJpn. ura; MJpn. ùrà;
Tok. urá; Kyo. úrà; Kag. urá.
◊ JLTT 563.
PKor. *jhr shallow place (отмель): MKor. jhr; Mod. jəul.
◊ Nam 374, KED 1165.
‖ KW 456, Владимирцов 323, (Turk.-Mong.), PKE 63 (Kor.-Turk.).
Low tone in Jpn. (not matching the low tone in Kor.) is probably due to
contraction. The Mong. form cannot be separated, despite TMN 2, 156
(“lautgesetzlich mit der tü. Form nichts zu tun”). One should also note
PTM *üge-n ‘river duct’ (Neg. īɣen, Ud. jogo-so, Ul. ui-n, ТМС 1, 297, 2,
250); PT *ögen (OUygh. ögen, Oyr. ȫn).
-úgu up, above: Tung. *ug-; Mong. *öɣe-, *ög-se-; Turk. *jüg-; Jpn.
*ú-pa-; Kor. *ùh.
PTung. *ug- 1 above, up 2 to mount (1 верх, наверху 2 садиться
верхом): Evk. uɣī 1, uɣ- 2; Evn. öɣъ- 1, ū- 2; Neg. uvi- ~ uɣi- 1, okča-lā- 2;
Man. ve-si- 1; Jurch. wi-si (594) 1; Ul. uji- 1, - 2; Ork. ui, uwu 1, - 2;
Nan. uwu-j 1, ō- 2; Orch. ui-si 1, ū- 2; Ud. ui- 1, ū-na- 2; Sol. uɣe-sxī 1,
ugu- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 243-244, 245-246.
PMong. *öɣe-, *ög-se- 1 upwards 2 to rise, ascend (1 наверх 2 подниматься): MMong. o’e-de (SH) 1; WMong. ögede (L 630) 1, ögse- (L 632)
2; Kh. ȫd 1, ögsö- 2; Bur. ȫde 1, ügse- 2; Kalm. ȫdə 1, öksə- 2; Ord. ȫdö 1;
Mog. öädä; ZM udä (18-6a); Dag. wēd (Тод. Даг. 129) 1; Dong. oǯie 1; Bao.
odə 1.
◊ KW 303, MGCD 535, TMN 1, 167-168.
PTurk. *jüg- 1 upwards 2 to rise 3 hill 4 high (1 вверх, наверх 2
подниматься 3 холм 4 высокий): OTurk. jügerü (Orkh., OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. jükse- 2 (MK); Tur. jüksel- 2, jüǯe, (dial.) jüg, jüǯek, jügǯek, jüvǯek
3; Gag. ǖsel- 2; Az. jüksäl- 2, uǯa 4; MTurk. jüksät- 2 (Houts.), jüče 4 (AH);
Krm. öksel- 2.
◊ EDT 915, ЭСТЯ 4, 263-264. The form *jügerü is replaced in most modern languages
by a back row variant *jokaru, *jokgaru (see ЭСТЯ 4, 213-214); this may be due to a contamination with a synonymous root *jok “up, above” (see ЭСТЯ 4, 215).
PJpn. *ú-pa- up, above (верх, наверху): OJpn. u-pe; MJpn. ú-fe; Tok.
ué, ùe; Kyo. úé; Kag. ué.
◊ JLTT 560.
PKor. *ùh up, above (верх, наверху): MKor. ù (ùh-); Mod. wi.
◊ Nam 388, KED 1258.
‖ EAS 146-147, Poppe 60, Rozycki 222 (Mong.-Tung.), Martin 247,
Menges 1984, 291, АПиПЯЯ 15, 81, SKE 284. This is a well known Altaic root, and the Mong.-Tung.-Kor. match seems undeniable. Doerfer
first tried to abolish the obvious Mong.-Tung. parallel by attempting to
*ùjŋula - *úle
615
postulate the original meaning in Mong. as “opposite” (see TMN 1,
168-169), then included it into his list of Mong.>Tung. borrowings (Doerfer MT 25): both positions are certainly untenable. However, the
Turkic and Japanese reflexes here are not devoid of problems. The
Turkic reflex reveals an exceptional preservation of *u- as jü- (regularly *ɨg- would be expected) - which may be explained by the inner
Turkic confusion of the synonymous roots *jüg- and *jok- ( < *ŋṑk῾è
q.v.). The Japanese match can be (and has been traditionally) explained
as a compound of *u- ‘top’ with *pa (*ba) ‘place’ (v. sub *bga). However, in case of a compound we would rather expect *u-m-pa. It should
be also noticed that the form *úpa- itself is very frequent as a first component of compounds, while the root *ú- alone is never attested. This
all may mean that the Japanese form actually reflects a different root
(with a medial labial consonant), or a merger of PA *ugu with some
different root. Such a root may be perhaps discovered in TM (*ebu-ri‘to lift, raise’, see ТМС 2, 471) and Mong. (Kh. övx- ‘to rise’), with a
provisional reconstruction of PA *ébu.
-ùjŋula to weep, howl: Mong. *ujila-; Turk. *ɨjŋala-; Jpn. *ùnàr-.
PMong. *ujila- to cry, weep (плакать, рыдать): MMong. ui’jila(SH), ujla- (IM), uila-, hujlaūl- (caus.) (MA), ūjla- (Lig.VMI); WMong.
ujila- (L 866); Kh. ujla-; Bur. ujla-; Kalm. ūĺ-; Ord. ujla-; Mog. uīla-; Dag.
waila- (Тод. Даг. 129), uajle- (MD 229), uail-; Dong. uila-; Bao. lā-, la-;
S.-Yugh. ǖla-; Mongr. (u)lā- (SM 469).
◊ KW 454, MGCD 670.
PTurk. *ɨjŋa-la- to cry, weep (плакать, рыдать): Karakh. aŋɨla- ‘to
cry, howl (of a donkey)’ (МК) (?); Tur. inle-, dial. iŋile-; Gag. inne-; Az.
inlä-; Turkm. iŋle-; Khal. län-; MTurk. OKypch. iŋle- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ingala-; Krm. inle-; Tat. eŋgelde-; Bashk. ɨjla-; Kirgh. ɨjla-; Kaz. ɨnqɨl-da-;
KKalp. ɨŋɨl-da-; Khak. ɨlɣa-; Shr. ɨlɣa-; Oyr. ɨjla-; Tv. ɨjɨla-, ɨɨla-; Yak. ɨɨla-.
◊ VEWT 172, EDT 186, ЭСТЯ 1, 366-367.
PJpn. *ùnàr- to howl, weep (выть, рыдать): Tok. unár-; Kyo. únár-;
Kag. ùnàr-.
◊ JLTT 779.
‖ An onomatopaeic root, but with a rather precise phonetic matching between Turkic, Mongolian and Japanese.
-úle to measure, compare: Tung. *ül(k)e-; Mong. *üli-; Turk. *ül-, *öl-č-;
Kor. *rkùr.
PTung. *ül(k)e- 1 to measure 2 to understand 3 to transmit, relay,
teach (1 мерить 2 понимать 3 передавать, пересказывать, учить):
Evk. ilke- 1; Evn. ilkē- 1; Neg. ilkēt- 1; Man. ulxi- 2, ula- 3; SMan. ulixi- 2
616
*ùlò - *ùlò
(1860); Jurch. uli- 3; Nan. ilkeči- 1 (Kur-Urm.); Orch. ilēči- 1; Ud. ilewesi1.
◊ ТМС 2, 258, 261; 1, 309.
PMong. *üli- 1 to compare 2 shape, form, model, story (1 сравнивать 2 форма, модель, рассказ): MMong. olgeor (IM) 2, uli- 1, ulige 2
(SH); WMong. üli- 1; üliger 2 (L 1005); Kh. üle- 1; ülger 2; Bur. üliše- 1;
üĺger 2; Kalm. üĺə- 1; ülgǖr 2; Ord. üliger 2; Dag. urgil 2 (Тод. Даг. 171),
ülegire ‘story’; Mongr. xuGui 2.
◊ KW 457, MGCD 693. Mong. > Evk. ulgur ‘tale, story’ etc., see Doerfer MT 48.
PTurk. *ül-, *öl-č- 1 to measure 2 measure, measuring (1 мерить 2
мера, измерение): OTurk. ülgü (ölgü) 2; Karakh. ülgü (ölgü) 2; Tur. ölč1; Gag. jölč- 1; Az. ölč- 1, ülgü 2; Turkm. ölče- 1, ülŋŋi 2; Khal. elč- 1;
MTurk. ülgü (ölgü) 2 (Pav. C.); ölč- (IM) 1; Uzb. ọlčä- 1, ulgi 2; Uygh. ölči1, ülgä 2; Krm. oĺč-, ölče- 1; Tat. ülčä- 1, lgĭ 2; Bashk. ülsä- 1, lg 2;
Kirgh. ölčö- 1, ülgü 2; Kaz. ölše- 1, ülgĭ 2; KBalk. ülgü 2; KKalp. ölše- 1,
ülgi 2; Kum. ülgü 2; Nogh. ölše- 1, ülgi 2; Khak. ülgü 2; Shr. ülgä 2; Oyr.
ülgü 2; Chuv. viś- 1, əlgə 2; Yak. üllehin- ‘divide, distribute’; Dolg. üllehin- ‘divide, distribute’.
◊ EDT 142, VEWT 371, ЭСТЯ 1, 529, 632, Stachowski 250.
PKor. *rkùr shape, appearance (форма, вид): MKor. rkùr; Mod.
k:ol.
◊ Nam 367, KED 157.
‖ Note the widespread velar suffixation and the identity Mong.
*üliger = Kor. *rkùr.
-ùlò hollow, hole, intestine: Tung. *ül-; Mong. *(h)olugaj; Turk. *oluk;
Jpn. *ùruà.
PTung. *ül- 1 fistula, hollow nutshell 2 anus (1 свищ, пустой орех 2
anus): Evn. ịmnị 2; Man. ulu 1; Orch. īlmini 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 313; 2, 263.
PMong. *(h)olugaj thick intestine (толстая кишка): WMong. oluɣai
(L 609); Kh. olgoj; Bur. olgoj; Ord. ologȫ.
PTurk. *oluk gutter; hollowed-out tree trunk (желоб; выдолбленный древесный ствол): Karakh. oluq (MK); Tur. oluk; MTurk. oluq (IM,
AH); Uygh. olaq; Krm. oluq; Tat. ulaq; Bashk. ulaq; Nogh. olɨq; Chuv. volъ
‘tree-trunk’.
◊ EDT 136-137, ЭСТЯ 1, 451, Мудрак Дисс. 125, 131, Ашм. V, 263, Федотов 1, 99,
130. There also exists a similar - but originally different - form *og(u)l-, *ogluk, reflected in
Chag. oɣluq, Tur. dial., Gag. holluq, Chuv. valak, Yak. (Пек.) uoluk, uol-ba, with natural
contaminations.
PJpn. *ùruà hollow, hollow tree-trunk (дупло, полый древесный
ствол): Tok. uró, ùro; Kyo. úrò; Kag. uró.
‖ Turkic and Mongolian reflect a common derivative *ùlò-kV.
*ùme - *umi
617
-ùme ( ~ -o) to tie, strap, belt: Tung. *(x)üm-; Mong. *(h)umaji-; Jpn.
*mpí; Kor. *ùmi-.
PTung. *(x)üm- 1 strap, tie 2 to girdle (1 ремешок, завязка 2 подпоясывать): Evk. imenne 1; Evn. imъnru 1; Neg. imenne 1; Man. iḿele-,
uḿele- 2; Sol. imende 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 314. Evk. umurū ‘strap, belt’ etc. (ТМС 2, 272) is borrowed from Mong. ümrǖl, see Doerfer MT 27.
PMong. *(h)umaji- to tighten, shrink (суживаться, стягиваться):
WMong. umaji- (МХТТТ); Kh. umaj-.
PJpn. *mpí belt (пояс, ремень): OJpn. obji; MJpn. òbí; Tok. óbi; Kyo.
òbí; Kag. obí.
◊ JLTT 503.
PKor. *ùmi- to pucker, close up, shut up (делать складку, затягивать, закрывать): MKor. ùmi-j-tr-; Mod. umurə-ǯi-, omurə-ǯi-.
◊ Nam 390, KED 1239.
‖ SKE 286, EAS 117. Korean has a usual verbal low tone. The Jpn.
form reflects fusion with an original labial suffix (*mpí < *ùme-bV =
Mong. *umuji-). Cf. also *umi.
-umi a k. of clothing: Tung. *(x)im-; Mong. *emü- (*ömü-); Turk. *(i)öm.
PTung. *(x)im- 1 gown 2 a k. of ritual hat (1 халат 2 вид ритуальной шапки): Man. iḿantu 2; Orch. imǯa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 313.
PMong. *emü- (*ömü-) 1 trousers 2 to clothe (1 штаны 2 одеваться):
MMong. emudun (HY 23, SH), ämodän (IM), umudän (MA) 1, emus(SH), umus-, mus- (MA) 2; WMong. ömü-dü(n) (L 635), emüdü(n) 1,
emüs-, emüsge-, emüske- (L 315) 2; Kh. ömd(ön) 1, ömsö- 2; Bur. ümde(n) 1,
ümed-, müd- (Alar.); Kalm. öməs- 2; Ord. ömödü 1, ömös- 2; Mog. ündün 1,
ömüsü- 2; ZM ondun (13-4); Dag. emese- 2 (MD 143), emse- 2, (Тод. Даг.
139) emsu-, (Тод. Даг. 171) umse- 2; Dong. mədun 1, musɨ- 2; Bao. mədoŋ
1, məsə- 2; S.-Yugh. mudən 1, məs- 2; Mongr. mosə- (SM 242) 2.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 544.
PTurk. *(i)öm trousers (брюки, штаны): OTurk. üm (OUygh.)
(=öm); Karakh. öm (MK); Tur. im (Osm.); Khal. m; MTurk. ɨm (Kypch.
Houts.); SUygh. ɨm, jɨm, jüm; Chuv. jəₙm.
◊ EDT 155, VEWT 520-521, Егоров 78, Федотов 1, 195, Мудрак 119, Лексика 478.
‖ Лексика 478. A Western isogloss. In TM a reconstruction *üm- is
also not excluded; if this is the case the root should be reconstructed as
*ume and would be just a specialization of *ùme ‘tie, belt’: ‘girdled
clothes’.
618
*úmu - *umu
-úmu a k. of fruit or berry: Tung. *uma-kta; Turk. *imiti ( ~ *ɨmɨt); Jpn.
*úmái.
PTung. *uma-kta 1 brier 2 a sp. of berry 3 cornel (1 шиповник 2
шикша 3 кизил): Evn. umtčan 2; Man. umpu 3; Ul. omaqta 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 16, 268. Manchu umpu is probably an assimilation < *umqu < *uma-kta.
PTurk. *imiti ( ~ *ɨmɨt) a k. of hawthorn (вид боярышника):
OTurk. imiti (Rach.) (can also be read as ɨmɨt).
◊ ДТС 209. Attested only in Old Uyghur, but having possible parallels in Tung. and
Jpn. Turk. > Mong. imidi (the word has been pointed out by Stefan Georg, who found it
out in Позднеев: Учебник тибетской медицины (1908 г.), 339); cf. also WMong. imdij,
Khalkha imdij ‘боярышник полуперистый’ (БАМРС). The Turkic word is, of course,
not from Mongolian (which certainly has a borrowed shape with -d- in front of -i).
PJpn. *úmái plum (слива): OJpn. ume; MJpn. úmé; Tok. ùme; Kyo.
úmé; Kag. úme.
◊ JLTT 562.
‖ The Jpn. word is usually derived from Middle Chinese moj ‘plum’,
but the problem here is the same as in the word for ‘horse’ (see *èŋu):
inexplicable initial u- in Japanese. The matches in TM and Turkic may
provide an alternative Altaic explanation of Jpn. *úmái.
-umu to help, gather: Tung. *umī-; Mong. *öm-; Turk. *im-; Kor.
*umur-.
PTung. *umī- to gather (собирать(ся)): Evk. umīw-; Evn. ụmịw-;
Man. iḿa-; Ul. ụmụčị-; Ork. ụmmụ-; Nan. omō-; Orch. umu-; Ud. ūmu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 312, 2, 267-268.
PMong. *öm- 1 to gather, to work collectively 2 help 3 property, inheritance (1 собирать(ся), работать сообща 2 помощь 3 имущество,
наследство): MMong. omer- 1 (SH); WMong. ömür- 1, ömü 2 (L 635: öme,
ömüg), öm-či 3 (L 635); Kh. ömög 2, ömč 3; Bur. ümȫr- ‘вступаться за кого-л., защищать’; ümse 3; ümegle-, ümegšel- ‘защищать,
покровительствовать’; Kalm. öməg ‘protection, defence’ (КРС), ömči,
önči 3; Ord. ömȫrö- 1, ömök 2, ömči 3; Dag. umeči 3 (MD 232); S.-Yugh.
ömči 3.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 544. Mong. > Turk. ömük.
PTurk. *im- 1 public gathering 2 to gather 3 collective work (1 народное собрание 2 собирать 3 помочь, общий труд): OTurk. imer- 2;
Karakh. imren (MK) 1; Tur. imeǯe 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 633-634.
PKor. *umur- to crowd, cluster (собираться в кучу, кишеть):
MKor. umur-umur; Mod. umul-umul-ha-, omul-kəri-.
◊ Liu 593, KED 1200, 1239.
‖ A reliable common Altaic root; a small problem is fronted *im- instead of the expected *ɨm- in Turkic.
*ne - *unu
619
-ne notch (on arrow): Tung. *ün-; Mong. *oni; Kor. *ònắi.
PTung. *ün- 1 notch on an arrow 2 scar, mark (on face) 3 wrinkle
(on face) (1 зарубка на стреле 2 рубец (след от язвы, прыща) 3 морщина (на лице)): Evk. inŋu 3; Evn. ịnŋatụ 2; Man. wen 1; Nan. 1 (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 132, 318. The Man. and Nan. forms can be borrowed < Mong. (as are certainly Evk., Neg. un, see below), but the Northern forms can only be genuine.
PMong. *oni 1 hollow, groove, nick (on point of an arrow) 2 mark in
sheep’s ear (1 прорез, зарубка (на конце стрелы) 2 метка на ухе овцы): MMong. ono (SH); honi (MA) (with a secondary h-) 1; WMong. oni,
onu 1 (L 614, 615); Kh. oń 1; Bur. oni 1; Kalm. onə 1, 2; Ord. oni 1; Dag.
ońči ‘knife for making nicks’ (Тод. Даг. 160, MD 201).
◊ KW 286. Mong. > Sol. ono, Evk., Neg. un (ТМС 2, 273). Cf. also *oni ‘defile, gorge’.
PKor. *ònắi notch on an arrow (зарубка на стреле): MKor. ònắi;
Mod. onɨi.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1196.
‖ VEWT 362, Цинциус 1984, 43. The Kor. word is regarded as borrowed from Mong. in Lee 1964, 192, which is somewhat dubious (-ă- is
unexplainable). See also notes to *ńa and *ańu.
-ni to live, rest: Tung. *in-; Mong. *ün-ǯi-; Jpn. *ìn-tí; Kor. *nūi.
PTung. *in- 1 to live 2 alive (1 жить 2 живой): Evk. in- 1; Evn. īn- 1;
Neg. īn- 1; Nan. iŋ-kĩ 2; Orch. ini 2; Ud. inigi 2; Sol. inirge- ‘to revive’.
◊ ТМС 1, 315.
PMong. *ün-ǯi- to rest (отдыхать): MMong. unǯi-(gu) (SH); Bur.
ünže- ‘to spend a day’.
PJpn. *ìn-tí life (жизнь): OJpn. inoti; MJpn. ìnòtí; Tok. ínochi; Kyo.
ìnóchì; Kag. ìnóchì.
◊ JLTT 425. The word is obviously an old compound with *-tí ‘spirit; blood’.
PKor. *nūi world, generation (мир, поколение): MKor. nūi.
◊ Nam 116.
‖ MKor. has a frequent initial vowel reduction.
-unu cow: Mong. *üniɣen; Turk. *in-gek (/*ɨn-gak), *in-ken.
PMong. *üniɣen cow (корова): MMong. uni’en (SH), unejen (HY
11); WMong. ünije(n) (L 1010); Kh. ünēn; Bur. üńē(n); Kalm. ün, ünn;
Ord. ünē(n); Mog. üinä (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. unē, (Тод. Даг. 171) uńē;
Bao. unaŋ; S.-Yugh. nīn; Mongr. unē (SM 472).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 694. Mong. > Man. unijen etc., see Poppe 1966, 191, Sinor 1962, 321,
Doerfer MT 139, Rozycki 218-219.
PTurk. *in-gek (/*ɨn-gak), *in-ken 1 cow 2 female camel (1 корова 2
верблюдица): OTurk. ingek (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, ingen 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ingek 1, ingen 2 (MK); Tur. inek 1; Gag. inek 1; Az. inäk 1; Turkm.
inek 1 (ЭСТЯ), inen 2; MTurk. inek 1 (AH), inen 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. inäk,
inäj 1 (dial.); Uygh. inäk 1, (dial.) ingan, iŋgan 2; Krm. inek 1; Tat. ĭnäk 1
620
*ńa - *upo
(dial.); Kirgh. inek 1, iŋgen 2; Kaz. inek 1, ĭŋgen 2; KBalk. inek, ijnek 1;
KKalp. iŋgen 2; Kum. inek 1; SUygh. inek, enek 1; Khak. ĭnek 1; Shr. inek,
näk 1; Oyr. inek, ijnek 1; Tv. inek 1, eŋgin 2; Chuv. əne 1; Yak. ɨnax 1.
◊ EDT 184, VEWT 172, ЭСТЯ 1, 358-361, Егоров 64, Лексика 436, 447-448). Turk. >
Mong. iŋgen ‘female camel’; Hung. ünő ‘heifer’ (Gombocz 1912).
‖ EAS 114, Владимирцов 175. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Despite
Щербак 1997, 163 Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turk.
-ńa ( ~ -u, -e) pit, ravine: Tung. *uńi ( ~ ü-); Mong. *(h)oni; Turk. *ījn.
PTung. *uńi ( ~ ü-) small river, brook (речка, ручей): Ul. ụńị; Ork.
uńi ‘river’; Nan. ońị; Orch. uńi; Ud. uńi “Ańuj river”.
◊ ТМС 2, 277.
PMong. *(h)oni defile, gorge (ущелье, теснина): WMong. oni, onu
(L 614, 615); Kh. oń; Bur. oni; Kalm. onə; Ord. oni.
◊ KW 286. The root is homonymous with *oni ‘nick on point of an arrow’ (v. sub
*ne), which must be a historical coincidence (judging from external data).
PTurk. *ījn hollow, pit, lair (берлога, яма): OTurk. in (OUygh.);
Karakh. in, jin (MK); Turkm. hīn; Khal. hn; Kirgh. ijin; Chuv. jənə; Yak.
īn; Dolg. īn.
◊ EDT 166, VEWT 172, Егоров 79, Stachowski 131.
‖ A Western isogloss. It is somewhat difficult to distinguish PA
*ńa ‘pit, ravine’, *ne ‘notch (on arrow)’ and *ańu ‘line, furrow’ because of natural contaminations, but such a distinction seems necessary.
-uńŋu ( ~ -a) to breathe, smell: Tung. *uńŋu-; Mong. *(h)oŋguli-; Turk.
*ɨn-tɨk.
PTung. *uńŋu- to smell (нюхать): Evk. unŋu-; Evn. unŋu-; Neg.
uńŋu-; Ul. uńe-; Ork. unene-; Nan. ujne-; Ud. uŋefe- (Корм. 303).
◊ ТМС 2, 274-275.
PMong. *(h)oŋguli- to gasp, breathe heavily (задыхаться, тяжело
дышать): WMong. oŋɣuli- (L 613); Kh. oŋgoli-.
PTurk. *ɨn-tɨk (~ *e-) to breathe heavily (тяжело дышать): Tat.
intek- ‘to become tired, exhausted’; Bashk. intek-; Kirgh. ɨntɨq-; Kaz.
ɨntɨɣ-; Tv. ɨndɨnnɨɣ ‘panting, alarmed’; Chuv. andъx-.
◊ Егоров 29, Федотов 1,49.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-upo to be ashamed, taken aback: Tung. *üb-; Mong. *ubaj; Turk. *ubut;
Jpn. *əpəpə-.
PTung. *üb- 1 to hate, abhor 2 to panic 3 to be ashamed (1 ненавидеть, питать отвращение 2 паниковать 3 стыдиться): Evk. ibǯa- 3;
Man. ua-, ia- 1; SMan. uỻa- ‘to dislike’ (1904); Nan. obosa- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 294-295, 639; 2, 4.
*ure - *ùru
621
PMong. *(h)ubaj consciousness, attention (сознание, внимание):
WMong. ubai (L 858); Kh. uvaj; Bur. ubaj-güj ‘беззастенчивый, наглый’;
Kalm. ubāra- ‘to pay attention’ (СЯОС).
PTurk. *ubut 1 shame 2 to be ashamed (1 стыд 2 стыдиться):
OTurk. ubut (Orkh.) 1; Karakh. uvut (MK) 1; Tur. ut, -du 1, ut-an- 2; Az.
ut-an- 2; Turkm. ut-an- 2; Gag. ut-an- 2; Uygh. uvat, ubat 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 561-563.
PJpn. *əpəpə- perturbed, taken aback (встревоженный, в замешательстве, мрачный): OJpn. op(w)op(w)o-si; MJpn. obobo-si.
◊ JLTT 838.
‖ All languages reflect the root with different derivational suffixes;
the simple verbal stem is perhaps preserved only in Manchu.
-ure a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *ürē-kte; Turk. *ɨrgaj; Jpn. *utu-kui; Kor.
*ori.
PTung. *ürē-kte 1 larch 2 rod, willow rod (1 лиственница 2 прут,
прут ивы): Evk. irēkte 1; Evn. irēt 1; Neg. ijēkte 1; Ul. urekte 2; Ork. urekte
2; Nan. urekte 2; Orch. ijekte 2; Ud. jakta 2; Sol. irēkte, irētte 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PTurk. *ɨrgaj 1 name of a plant (irga) 2 honeysuckle, woodbind 3
juniper (1 ирга 2 жимолость 3 можжевельник): Uygh. irɣaj 1; Kaz.
ɨrɣaj 3; Oyr. jɨjra 3; Tv. ɨrɣaj 1.
◊ VEWT 166.
PJpn. *útú-kùi Deutzia, a decorative shrub (вид декоративного
кустарника): MJpn. útú-gì; Tok. utsugi.
◊ JLTT 565.
PKor. *ori alder (ольха): MKor. ori-namo; Mod. ori-namu.
◊ Liu 576, KED 1199.
‖ Turkic forms are usually derived < Mong. irɣaj id., but the direction of borrowing may be opposite; however, Yak. ɨarɣa is certainly <
Mong.
-ùru joy: Tung. *uru-; Mong. *urma; Turk. *ɨra; Jpn. *ùrià-.
PTung. *uru- to enjoy, be merry (радоваться, веселиться): Evk.
urūwsī-; Evn. örus-; Man. ur-gun ‘joy’; SMan. uruxun ‘joy’ (1929); Jurch.
wur-hul-ǯe-rie (372); Ork. uru-lǯini-; Sol. urun-.
◊ ТМС 2, 288. Man. > Dag. urgun ‘joy’ (Тод. Даг. 171).
PMong. *urma inspiration, enthusiasm (вдохновение, энтузиазм):
WMong. urma (L 884); Kh. uram; Bur. urma(n), urmas; Kalm. urm; Ord.
urma, urmas; Dong. uruma.
◊ KW 451.
PTurk. *ɨra character, disposition (характер, расположение): Tur.
ɨra; Tat. ɨraj (dial.); Kirgh. ɨraj; KKalp. ɨraj; Oyr. ɨra.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 659-660.
622
*úrù - *ŕgi
PJpn. *ùrià- merry, joyful (веселый, радостный): OJpn. ure-si;
MJpn. ure-si; Tok. ureshí-; Kyo. úréshì-; Kag. ureshí-.
◊ JLTT 843.
‖ One of numerous common Altaic terms of emotion.
-úrù to gather, crowd: Tung. *urū-; Mong. *ir-, *irge-; Turk. *irk-; Jpn.
*ú(n)tì; Kor. *ur.
PTung. *urū- 1 to gather, collect 2 crowd, gathering (1 собирать(ся)
2 толпа, собрание): Evk. urūw- 1, urūwū 2; Neg. ojụw-; Ork. uru-; Sol.
orụ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 287.
PMong. *ir-, *irgen 1 to fill up, to crowd 2 people (1 заполнять,
толпиться 2 народ): MMong. jirgen (HY 28), irge(n) (SH) 2, irken, hirken
(MA); WMong. ir- 1 (L 412), irgen 2 (L 414); Kh. irgen 2; Bur. ergen 2;
iraj-, ‘стоять рядами, шеренгами’, iralza- ‘мелькать ( о множестве
предметов, находящихся в движении)’; Kalm. irgn 2; Ord. īrgen ‘1
citizen, 2 chinese’; Mog. irgan 2 (Weiers); ZM orgn (9-6a); Dag. irgen 2
(Тод. Даг. 146), iregen (MD 173).
◊ KW 209. Mong. > Jurch. irhebe (843), Man. irgen (see Rozycki 117).
PTurk. *irk- to gather (собирать(ся)): Karakh. irk- (MK); Tur. irk-;
Turkm. irik- (dial.); MTurk. irk- (Pav. C.); Kirgh. irk-il-; Kaz. irk-.
◊ EDT 221, ЭСТЯ 1, 378-379.
PJpn. *ú(n)tì clan (род): OJpn. udi; MJpn. udi, útì; Tok. úji; Kyo. újì;
Kag. úji.
◊ JLTT 566. The Tokyo accent is aberrant.
PKor. *ur clan, relatives (род, родня): Mod. ul.
◊ KED 1246.
‖ KW 209, Martin 228, Lee 25-26. Cf. Old Koguryo *uš (see Miller
1979, 17).
-ŕgi (?) fat; brain: Tung. *irg[ü]; Turk. *ǖŕ.
PTung. *irg[ü] 1 brain 2 head (1 мозг 2 голова): Evk. irge 1; Evn.
irgъ 1; Neg. igge / ijge 1; Man. uǯu 2; SMan. uǯu 2 (1); Jurch. (h)u(i)ǯew
(492) 2; Ul. iǯe 1; Ork. īde 1; Nan. īge 1; Orch. igge 1; Ud. igi 1; Sol. igge,
irge 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 326.
PTurk. *ǖŕ fat (жир): Karakh. üz (MK); MTurk. üz (AH), öz ‘clinging
mud’ (Sangl.); Khak. üs; Shr. üs; Oyr. üs; Tv. üs ‘liquid fat’; Tof. üs ‘liquid fat’; Chuv. jor-var ‘скоромная пища’; Yak. üskäl.
◊ EDT 278-279, Федотов 2, 491, VEWT 523, Мудрак Дисс. 154, Лексика 454-455.
Chuv. va- points to a long *ǖ-.
‖ A Turkic-Tungus isogloss; phonetically a good match, but semantics raises some doubts.
*uŕo - *úse
623
-uŕo long; late: Tung. *(x)ir- ~ (x)ür-; Mong. *urtu, *uri-du; Turk. *uŕɨ-n,
*uŕa-k; Kor. *òrá-.
PTung. *(x)ir- ~ (x)ür- ancient, former (старый, древний, прежний): Evn. ir-bēt; Neg. ij; Sol. irēkte.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PMong. *urtu, *uri-du 1 long 2 formerly (1 длинный 2 прежде):
MMong. urdu (HY 52), urtu (SH), uruxši jire ‘to come before’ (HY 40),
ortu (IM), urtu (MA) 1, urida (HY 50), urit 2 (HY 28, SH); WMong. urtu 1
(L 884), uri-du 2 (L 883); Kh. urt 1, uŕd 2; Bur. u(r)ta 1; Kalm. utə 1; Ord.
urtu 1; Mog. urtu; ZM orṭo (11-6b); Dag. orto (Тод. Даг. 160), ortu 1;
warda (Тод. Даг. 129), ordōn (Тод. Даг. 160) 2, orete 1 (MD 202); Dong.
fudu 1; Bao. fdu (MGCD ftə) 1; S.-Yugh. rdə 1; Mongr. fudur (SM 101),
(MGCD šdur) 1.
◊ KW 452, MGCD 681. Mong. > Dolg. urut ‘formerly’ (Stachowski 246).
PTurk. *uŕɨ-n, *uŕa-k 1 long 2 lie; grow 3 far 4 long (time), late (1
длинный 2 лежать; расти 3 далекий 4 долгий, поздний): OTurk.
uzun 1, uzaq 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. uzun 1 (MK, KB), uzaq (MK) 3; Tur.
uzun 1, uzak 3; Gag. uzun 1; Az. uzun 1, uzan- 2, uzaG 3; Turkm. uzn 1,
uzaq 3; Sal. uzɨn 1, uzɨχ 3; Khal. uzān- 2, uzāq 3, uzn 1; Uzb. uzun 1, uzɔq
3; Uygh. uzun 1, uzaq 3; Krm. uzun 1; Tat. ozɨn 1, ozaq 3; Bashk. oδon 1;
Kirgh. uzun 1, uzaq 2, 3; Kaz. uzun 1; KBalk. uzun 1, uzaq 3; KKalp. uzɨn
1, uzaq 3; Nogh. uzɨn 1; SUygh. uzun 1, ozaq 3; Khak. uzun 1; Shr. uzun 1,
uzaq 4; Tv. uzun 1, uzaq 3; Tof. uzun 1 uza- ‘удлиняться’; Chuv. vъₙrъₙm
1, vъₙrax 3; Yak. uhun 1; Dolg. uhun 1.
◊ PT *uŕɨ-n ‘long’, *uŕa-k ‘far, long’ are derived from *uŕa- ‘to be long, prolonged’. See
VEWT 518, EDT 281, 283, 288-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 570-572, Stachowski 241.
PKor. *òrá- late, long ago (поздний, давний): MKor. òrá-; Mod. orä-.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1198.
‖ EAS 112, KW 452, Poppe 81, АПиПЯЯ 34, 283. Cf. *ūre.
-úse to grow, sprout: Tung. *üse-; Mong. *ös-; Turk. *ös-; Kor. *ìsàk.
PTung. *üse 1 seed 2 to grow 3 field ready for ploughing (1 семя 2
расти 3 пахотное поле): Evk. isew- 2; Evn. isu- 2; Neg. isew- 2; Man. use
1, usi-n 3; SMan. usū 1 (330, 1158, 2143); Jurch. use 1, usi-in (50) 3; Ul. use
1; Nan. use 1; Orch. usi 1; Ud. jehu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 332; 2, 290, 291.
PMong. *ös- to grow (расти): MMong. us- (MA), os- (SH), osge- caus.
(HYt); WMong. ös- (L 645); Kh. ös-; Bur. üde-; Kalm. ös-; Ord. ös-; Dag.
euse- (Тод. Даг. 141); Dong. osə-, osɨ-; Bao. ose-; S.-Yugh. ǖs-; Mongr. ōsə(SM 298).
◊ KW 301, MGCD 550.
PTurk. *ös- to grow (расти): OTurk. ös- (OUygh.); Tur. ös-; Turkm.
ös-; MTurk. ös- (Sangl.); Uzb. ụs-; Uygh. ös-; Krm. ös-; Tat. üs-; Bashk.
624
*t῾e - *t῾e
üϑ-; Kirgh. ös-; Kaz. ös-; KBalk. ös-; KKalp. ös-; Kum. ös-; Nogh. ös-;
Khak. ös-; Shr. ös-; Oyr. ös-; Tv. ö’s-.
◊ VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 552-553. Doubts about OT ös- see in EDT 241, 251, with a discussion in Clark 1977, 142-144.
PKor. *ìsàk sprout, spike (побег, колос): MKor. ìsàk; Mod. isak.
◊ Nam 401, KED 1330.
‖ Poppe 108. In Kor. one has to suppose a secondary reduction
*jsVk > *ìsàk; otherwise the correspondences are regular.
-t῾e thick liquid: Tung. *üt-; Mong. *öte-; Turk. *ȫt.
PTung. *üt- 1 to ferment bread 2 jam, cream (1 квасить (хлеб) 2 варенье, крем): Evk. itke- 1; Man. uta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 334, 2, 293.
PMong. *öte- thick (of liquids) (густой (о жидкостях)): MMong. otkan (SH); WMong. öte-ge-n; Kh. ötgün ‘гуща’; Bur. üdxe(n) (of liquids,
grass); Kalm. ötkn, ötəgn; Ord. ödχön; Mog. utkōn (Ramstedt 1906);
Dong. očeɣan (Тод. Дн.).
◊ KW 302.
PTurk. *ȫt gall (желчь): OTurk. öt (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öt
(MK); Tur. öt; Gag. jöt; Az. öd; Turkm. ȫt; Sal. öt; MTurk. öd (Pav. C.), öt
(AH, IM); Uzb. ọt; Uygh. öt; Krm. öt; Tat. üt; Bashk. üt; Kirgh. öt; Kaz. öt;
KBalk. öt; KKalp. öt; Kum. öt; Nogh. öt; SUygh. jöt; Khak. üt; Oyr. öt; Tv.
öt; Chuv. vat.
◊ EDT 35, VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 504-505.
‖ A Western isogloss. Ramstedt (SKE 79) compares Kor. jət ‘candy,
taffy’, but MKor. has consistently js here.
K
-kabari oar: Tung. *kabri-kī; Mong. *kajiɣur, -bu(r); Jpn. *kapiara.
PTung. *kabri-kī sledge pole (остол (палка для торможения
нарт)): Evk. kawrikī; Neg. kawrịx; Ul. qaụrị; Ork. qawrē; Nan. kaor;
Orch. kauri.
◊ ТМС 1, 358.
PMong. *kajiɣur, -bu(r) 1 oar 2 pedal (1 весло 2 педаль): WMong.
qajiɣur (L 915: qajaɣur), qajibi, qajibu (L 911: qajiba); Kh. xajūr, xajv 1; Bur.
xajūr 2; Kalm. xajūr, xǟwr 1, xǟwə 2.
◊ KW 161, 181.
PJpn. *kapiara oar (весло): OJpn. kapjera.
‖ A common Altaic cultural term. The difference between *kabari
and *gằja is not quite clear: both can mean ‘oar’ or ‘boat pole’ in daughter languages. The Mong. forms can be explained from an earlier form
*kabi(r)-ɣur, whence *kaibur / *kai-ɣur.
-kábó enclosure: Tung. *kaba-; Mong. *keji-d; Jpn. *kámpiá; Kor.
*kòbắr.
PTung. *kaba- 1 tent (covered with bark) 2 to enclose, fence 3 fence,
enclosure, camp (1 шалаш (крытый корой) 2 огораживать 3 забор,
ограждение; лагерь, казарма): Man. quwara- 2, quwaran 3; SMan.
quarən ‘courtyard’ (553); Ork. qaụra(n) 1; Nan. qawa 1; Orch. kawa(n) 1;
Ud. kawa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 391, 422. Manchu > WMong. quwaran ‘barracks’.
PMong. *keji-d monastery, temple (монастырь, храм): MMong.
ge-yid ‘house, building, boutique’ (hPhags-pa script); WMong. kejid (L
444); Kh. xijd; Bur. xīd; Kalm. kīd (СЯОС); Ord. kīd.
◊ Владимирцов 272, as well as DO 420 compare the MMong. word with MTurk. kebit (ДТС 290) ‘canteen, shop’ ( > Russ. кибитка, Kalm. kiwde), which, according to VEWT
244 is borrowed from Sogd. qpyδ id. Loss of -b-, though, as well as a pronounced religious meaning in Mong. make this derivation rather improbable; we are rather dealing
with a -d-derivation (standard plural or collective suffix) from an original *keji ‘enclosure’.
PJpn. *kámpiá wall (стена): OJpn. kabje; MJpn. kábé; Tok. kàbe; Kyo.
kábé; Kag. kábe.
◊ JLTT 431 (wrongly spelled as OJp kabe).
626
*kàbro - *káče
PKor. *kòbắr district (провинция, район): MKor. kò’ắr; Mod. koɨl.
◊ Liu 65, KED 148.
‖ The root is rather difficult to distinguish from *k῾ăp῾u ‘barrier’.
There also exists MJ kòfòrì ‘district, county’ - which is considered by
most authors a loanword from MKor. kò’ắr ( = kòwắr), see e.g. JLTT 457;
the loan must have occurred already after the merger of -f- ( < *-p-) and
-w- in Japanese, which can explain the orthography.
-kàbro a k. of ferment: Tung. *kabu-kta; Mong. *kowr; Turk. *Kor; Jpn.
*kàrà-; Kor. *kòr-.
PTung. *kabu-kta 1 salmon fat 2 salmon stomach (1 жир (калуги,
осетра) 2 желудок (калуги)): Ul. qaụqta 1; Nan. qaụqta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 385.
PMong. *kowr poison, harm (яд, вред): MMong. qor ‘Schaden’
(HYt), qūr ‘убыток’ (IM), qură (MA); WMong. qour, qoura (L 973); Kh.
xor; Bur. xoro(n); Kalm. xorn; Ord. xor; Dag. xor, kor (Тод. Даг. 177), hore,
huore (MD 164, 167); S.-Yugh. χoro; Mongr. xurō, xor.
◊ KW 188, MGCD 365. Cf. also WMong. qorqaɣ, qurɣaɣ ‘pus (in wound)’, Kalm.
xorxəɣ. Mong. > Oyr. qoron, Man. qoro, xoron etc. (Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 109, 144). The
forms meaning ‘damage’ may actually reflect a merger with a Turkic loanword *Kor ‘loss,
harm’, on which see under PA *k῾oru.
PTurk. *Kor 1 ferment; yeast 2 bitter, astringent (1 закваска; дрожжи 2 горький, едкий): Karakh. qor 1 (MK, IM); Turkm. Gor 1; Uzb. qɔr
1 (dial.); Tat. qur 1 (dial.); Bashk. qur 1; Kirgh. qor 1; Kaz. qor 1; KKalp.
qor 1; Yak. kuras 2.
◊ EDT 642, ЭСТЯ 6, 72.
PJpn. *kàrà- bitter (горький): OJpn. kara-; MJpn. kàrà-; Tok. kará-;
Kyo. kárà-; Kag. kará-.
◊ JLTT 830. Cf. also *kàrásì ‘vinegar; mustard’.
PKor. *kòr- wine fungus, mould, scum (винный грибок, плесень,
накипь): MKor. kòr-’àčí; Mod. kolmaǯi.
◊ Nam 51, KED 158.
‖ Cf. also MKor. kóróm ‘pus’, probably preserving the original accentuation.
-káče wish, intent: Tung. *kasaga-; Mong. *kači; Turk. *Kɨča; Jpn.
*ksí-rápa-.
PTung. *kasaga- 1 insistent, obstinate 2 to overcome (1 настойчивый, упорный 2 преодолевать (препятствия)): Evk. kasaɣa- 2; Evn.
qasɣ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 382.
PMong. *kači interest, curious thing (интерес, интересная вещь):
WMong. qači (L 901); Kh. xač.
*kăči - *káč῾u
627
PTurk. *Kɨča 1 passion, wish 2 to demand 3 to threaten (1 страсть,
желание 2 настойчиво требовать 3 угрожать): Kirgh. qɨča- 2; Kaz. qɨsa
‘commotion, anger’ (R 2, 803 - Kir.); Khak. xɨǯa 1, xɨǯan- 3; Shr. qɨčan- 3;
Oyr. qɨča 1; Tv. qɨžan- 3.
◊ VEWT 260.
PJpn. *ksí-rápa- to plan, contrive (планировать, замышлять):
OJpn. k(w)osirapa-; MJpn. kósíráfa-; Tok. kòshirae-; Kyo. kóshíráé-; Kag.
koshiraé-.
◊ JLTT 713.
‖ The suffixless root is nominal both in Turkic and Mongolian;
verbs are derived from it by means of various productive suffixes.
-kăči to pass, go through: Tung. *kas-; Turk. *geč-.
PTung. *kas- through, straight through (через, напрямик): Neg.
kas; Man. qas ‘quickly’; Ul. qas; Ork. qas; Nan. qas; Orch. kas; kasa- ‘to
send’; Ud. kahilē.
◊ ТМС 1, 382.
PTurk. *geč- to pass, wade (проходить, переходить вброд):
OTurk. keč- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. keč- (MK, KB); Tur. geč-; Gag.
geč-; Az. keč-; Turkm. geč-; Khal. käč-; MTurk. kéč- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
keč-; Uygh. kä/eč-; Krm. keč-; Tat. kič-; Bashk. kič-, kis-; Kirgh. keč-; KKalp.
keš-; Kum. geč-; Nogh. keš-; SUygh. keš-; Khak. kis-; Shr. kež-ir- ‘to ferry
across the river’; Oyr. keč-; Tv. ke’š-; Tof. ke’š-; Chuv. kaś-; Yak. kes-.
◊ VEWT 245, EDT 693-694, ЭСТЯ 3, 32-34, TMN 3, 584.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-káč῾u covering, skin: Tung. *kaču-; Mong. *kuči-; Turk. *KAč-(g)ač; Kor.
*kàč.
PTung. *kaču(-ki) skin clothes (одежда из шкуры): Man. qačiki; Ul.
qačụị; Nan. qačoị; Orch. kačun, kačuki.
◊ ТМС 1,386.
PMong. *kuči- to cover (покрывать, укрываться одеялом):
MMong. quči- (SH, HYt); WMong. quči- (L 979); Kh. xuči-; Bur. xuša-;
Kalm. xučə-; Ord. Guči-; Mog. kuči- (Weiers); Dag. koči-, xoči- (Тод. Даг.
150, 178), koči- (MD 183); Dong. qučɨ-; S.-Yugh. quǯo-; Mongr. xoi- (SM
169), (MGCD xuǯi-).
◊ KW 200, MGCD 395. Mong. > Evk. kuči-, Man. χusi- etc., see ТМС 1, 441, Doerfer
MT 77, Rozycki 113.
PTurk. *KAč-(g)ač Chinese brocade, woven fabric (китайская парча, узорная ткань): Karakh. qačač (MK).
◊ EDT 590.
PKor. *kàč skin (кожа): MKor. kàčòk, kàčh (kàs); Mod. kaǯuk, sal-gat
(sal-gačh-), (arch.) kat (kačh-).
628
*kắdaŋV - *kádì(rV)
◊ KED 25, 63, 64, 896.
‖ SKE 102, PKE 74, АПиПЯЯ 297.
-kắdaŋV ( ~ k῾-) a k. of foliage tree: Mong. *kaduŋ; Turk. *Kadɨŋ; Jpn.
*kání-pà.
PMong. *kaduŋ 1 currant 2 birch (1 смородина 2 береза): WMong.
qaduŋ; Kh. xadan 1; Kalm. χadŋ 2.
◊ KW 159.
PTurk. *Kadɨŋ birch tree (береза): Karakh. qaδɨŋ (MK), qajɨŋ (KB);
Tur. kajɨn ‘beech tree’; Az. Gajɨn ‘maple tree’; Turkm. Gajɨŋ; MTurk.
qajɨn (Houts.); Uzb. qɛjin; Uygh. qejin; Tat. qajɨn; Bashk. qajɨn; Kirgh.
qajɨŋ; Kaz. qajɨŋ; KKalp. qajɨŋ; Nogh. qajɨŋ; Khak. xazɨŋ; Shr. qazɨŋ; Oyr.
qajɨŋ; Tv. xadɨŋ; Tof. qadɨŋ; Chuv. xorъn; Yak. xatɨŋ; Dolg. katɨŋ.
◊ VEWT 218, TMN 3, 183, ЭСТЯ 5, 214-215, Лексика 122, Федотов 2, 366, Stachowski
141.
PJpn. *kání-pà birch (береза): OJpn. kanipa ‘bark of some trees’;
MJpn. kánífà; Tok. kaba.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ KW 159, TMN 3, 184(: “unklar” ). In Jpn. we probably have a
compound with *pa ‘leaf’; *kání < *kadV-N with regular nasal assimilation. The old form *kadiNpa is reflected in the Ainu loanword karinpa
‘birch tree or cherry tree’.
-kádì(rV) strong, oppressive: Tung. *kadara-ku; Mong. *keder; Turk.
*Kadɨr; Jpn. *kítú-.
PTung. *kadara-ku courageous, diligent (смелый, храбрый, старательный): Man. qadaraqu; Ul. qāda-; Ork. qadaraqu; Nan. qadaraqo.
◊ ТМС 1, 360.
PMong. *keder angry, inobedient (сердитый, упрямый): MMong.
keder ‘haughty’ (MA 213); WMong. keder (L 441); Kh. xeder; Bur. xeder;
Kalm. kedr.
◊ KW 222. Chag. keden translating the MMong. form may be a distorted mongolism.
PTurk. *Kadɨr- hard, strong, cruel (крепкий, сильный, жестокий):
OTurk. qadɨr (Orkh., OUygh.); Bashk. qajɨr (dial.); Kirgh. qajɨr ‘contradiction, objection’; KBalk. qajɨr ‘angry’; Khak. xazɨr; Shr. qazɨr; Oyr. qajɨr;
Tv. Todzh. xadɨr; Yak. xatārɨj- ‘вымещать мстительность, неприязнь,
злопамятствовать’.
◊ VEWT 218, TMN 3, 378-379, ЭСТЯ 5, 216.
PJpn. *kítú- strong, brave (сильный, храбрый, суровый): MJpn.
kitu-; Tok. kìtsu-; Kyo. kìtsù-; Kag. kitsú-.
◊ JLTT 832.
‖ A suffixed form *kádì-rV is reflected in most subgroups.
*kádù - *kadV
629
-kádù a k. of harness (bridle): Tung. *kadala / *kadara; Mong. *kada-;
Jpn. *kútúwá; Kor. *kùr’i.
PTung. *kadala / *kadara bridle (уздечка): Man. χadala; SMan.
hadələ, qadələ (1255); Nan. qadara, χadara; Sol. xadal, kadala.
◊ ТМС 1, 359 (the verb *kadala- ‘to regulate, oppress’ reflected in several languages is
derived from the noun ‘bridle’ rather than borrowed from Mong., where *kada- means
basically ‘to nail’; however, there were vast possibilities of contaminating the original
and borrowed roots (see under *kājt῾a). Nan. χadara ‘bridle’ may be borrowed from Mong.
(not quite plausibly, however: the forms like qadar are actually attested only in MMong.
and Southern Mongolian dialects), but the Manchu and Solon forms are hard to explain
as borrowings (despite Rozycki 97).
PMong. *kada- bridle (уздечка): MMong. qada’ar (HY 18, SH),
qadāsu (IM), qădar (MA), qadār (LH); WMong. qaǯaɣar (L 947), qaǯijar
(SM); Kh. xaʒār; Bur. xazār; Kalm. xazār; Ord. xaǯār; Mog. qadār; Dag.
xadāl (Тод. Даг. 172 xadāla); Dong. qata (Тод. Дн.); Gada; Bao. Gadər;
S.-Yugh. Gadar; Mongr. Gaar (SM 116), Gaa- (SM 117) ‘ronger,
brouter’, Gadar (SM 115).
◊ KW 174, MGCD 316. Often derived from *kaǯa- ‘to bite’ (see e.g. Doerfer MT 57),
but MMong. and South Mongolian forms with -d- clearly contradict it, so WMong.
qaǯaɣar is most probably a result of contamination. The isolated form with -l, Dag.
xadāl(a), may in fact be a Tungus loanword.
PJpn. *kútúwá bridle (уздечка): MJpn. kútúwá; Tok. kùtsuwa; Kyo.
kútsúwá; Kag. kutsuwá.
◊ JLTT 468. The accent in Kagoshima is secondary.
PKor. *kùr’i bridle (уздечка): MKor. kùr’i; Mod. kulle.
◊ Nam 62, KED 217.
‖ EAS 97, KW 174. Despite Doerfer MT 57 the TM forms are very
hard to explain as borrowed from Mong. In Jpn. the word is usually
analysed as “mouth ring”, which seems to be a folk etymology (in view
of external parallels: together with Kor. kùr’i it presupposes a suffixed
form like *kádu-bV-). It seems that we in fact are dealing here with an
archaic term of horse harness.
-kadV rock, mountain: Tung. *kada-; Mong. *kada; Turk. *K(i)aja (?).
PTung. *kada(r) rock (скала): Evk. kadar, kadaɣa; Evn. qadār, qadaqụ;
Neg. kadā; Man. χada; SMan. hadə ‘mountain peak’ (2069); Ul. qadalị;
Ork. qada; Nan. qadar ‘granite, marble’ (On.); Orch. kada; Ud. kada; Sol.
xadār.
◊ ТМС 1, 360 (part of the forms may be < Mong., see Doerfer MT 18, but as a whole
the root is undoubtedly genuine).
PMong. *kada rock (скала): MMong. qada (SH); WMong. qada(n) (L
902); Kh. xad; Bur. xada; Kalm. xadə; Ord. xada(n); Dag. xada, xad (Тод.
Даг. 172), hade (MD 154); Dong. Gada; S.-Yugh. Gada; Mongr. Gadā (SM
114).
◊ KW 158, TMN 1, 393, MGCD 314.
630
*kagVlV - *kajamV
PTurk. *K(i)aja 1 rock 2 mountain 3 slope (1 скала 2 гора 3 склон):
OTurk. qaja (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qaja (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kaja 1;
Gag. qaja 1, 2; Az. Gaja 1, 2; Turkm. dial. Gāja, Gaja 1; MTurk. qaja
(Houts., AH, Ettuhf., Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. qɔjɛ 1; Uygh. dial. qija 1; Tat. qɨja 1;
Bashk. qaja 1; Kirgh. qaja 1, qɨja 3 (’oblique slope’ - through contamination with *kɨj- ‘oblique’); KBalk. qaja 1; KKalp. qɨja 1; Nogh. qaja 1; Khak.
xaja 1; Shr. qaja 1; Oyr. qaja 1; Tv. xaja 1; Tof. xaja 1; Yak. xaja 2; Dolg.
kaja 2.
◊ VEWT 221, TMN 3, 565, EDT 674-5, ЭСТЯ 5, 198-199, Лексика 96, Stachowski 133.
‖ EAS 46, 97, KW 158, Poppe 95, VEWT 221, АПиПЯЯ 288, Лексика
96-97. A Western isogloss. PT -j- instead of the expected -d- is baffling
(cf. TMN 1, 394, 3, 566); perhaps OT qaja is a borrowing from some archaic “j-dialect”? Helimski 1995 proposed a Sam. etymology for the
Turkic word (PS *koəjə ‘mountain’), which cannot be excluded. But obviously Mong. is not < Turk. (despite Щербак 1997, 132). Cf. also a
toponym: OT Ezgenti qadaz = Mong. Ergenetü qada].
-kagVlV ( ~ k῾-) willow, elm: Mong. *kajila(r)-; Turk. *K(i)agɨl.
PMong. *kajila- elm (вяз): MMong. qajilasun (HY 7); WMong. qajilasu(n) (L 912); Kh. xajlas; Bur. xajlāha(n); Ord. xǟlasu; Dag. xailās (Тод.
Даг. 172).
◊ Mong. > Jurch. xailar, Man. xailan id. (Rozycki 98).
PTurk. *K(i)agɨl rod (прут): OTurk. qaɣɨl (OUygh.); Karakh. qaɣɨl
(MK, KB) ‘fresh willow shoots’; Kirgh. kōla- ‘буйно расти (о раст.) в
ущерб плоду, семени’; Khak. xāl ‘rod’.
◊ VEWT 220, EDT 610.
‖ A Turko-Mong. isogloss.
-kajamV crayfish, tick: Tung. *kiamk-; Turk. *Kạm-; Kor. *kàjàmí.
PTung. *kiamk- 1 crayfish 2 a k. of water insect 3 worm (1 рак 2
вид водяного насекомого 3 червь): Evk. kmkān 1; Evn. qǟmqr 2; Neg.
kịmkaj 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 388.
PTurk. *Kạm- 1 bed-bug 2 beetle (1 клоп 2 жук): Tur. kandalaj 1
(dial.); Turkm. Gandala 1; MTurk. qandala (Houts., Буд.) 1, qandala
(Qum.) 1; Uzb. qɛndɛlɔ 1; Tat. qandala 1; Bashk. qandala 1; Kirgh. qantala
1; Kaz. qandala 1; KBalk. qandaɣaj 1, qamažaq 2; KKalp. qandala 1; Kum.
qandala 1; Nogh. qandalaj; Khak. xandala 1; Oyr. qandrɨjaq ‘cochlea’
(Верб.); Chuv. xъₙmtla, xъₙmdъₙla, xъₙmgъₙla ~ xъₙngъₙla 1.
◊ VEWT 229, ЭСТЯ 5, 253-254, Лексика 183.
PKor. *kàjàmí ant (муравей): MKor. kàjàmí, kàjàmi, kàjàmắi; Mod.
kǟmi.
◊ Liu 22, KED 70.
*kaje - *kàji
631
‖ Лексика 183. Cf. *kuma, *kumi. In Mong. cf. perhaps Mongor
xāmənʒə (153) ‘taon’.
-kaje ( ~ k῾-) to love, covet: Mong. *kaji-; Turk. *Kɨj-.
PMong. *kaji- 1 to seek, investigate 2 love, compassion (1 искать,
исследовать 2 любовь, сострадание): MMong. qairala-, qaijirala- ‘to
love, treat kindly’ (HYt), qajirala- ‘сострадать’ (MA); WMong. qaji- 1 (L
911), qajira 2 (L 913); Kh. xaj- 1, xajr 2; Bur. xaj- 1, xajra 2; Kalm. xǟrn 2;
Ord. xǟra, xǟram 2; Dag. xairan 2 (Тод. Даг. 172); S.-Yugh. χair 2; Mongr.
xran 2; xrla- ‘cher, chéri; aimer, gratifier’ (SM 167), xairGan 2.
◊ KW 180, MGCD 317. Mong. > Man. xaira- etc., see Rozycki 98.
PTurk. *Kɨj- 1 greedy, miserly 2 wise, clever 3 to offer, sacrifice 4 to
dare (1 жадный, скупой 2 мудрый, умный 3 жертвовать, приносить
в жертву, посвящать себя 4 сметь, решаться, покушаться): Tur. kɨj3; Gag. qɨj- 4; Az. Gɨj- 3, 4; MTurk. qɨj- 4 (AH); Krm. qɨj- 3; Tat. qɨj- 4;
Bashk. qɨj- 4; Kirgh. qɨj- 3, 4; Kaz. qɨj- 3; KKalp. qɨj- 3; Khak. xɨjɣa 2, xɨjtɨx
1; Oyr. qɨjɣa 1; Chuv. xъj- 4.
◊ VEWT 262, ЭСТЯ 6, 197-198 (confused with *Kɨj- ‘to cut aslant’ which should be
probably kept apart).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-kaji animal: Tung. *kaji-; Turk. *gejik.
PTung. *kaji- 1 a big seal 2 wild goat 3 a variegated dog breed (1
нерпа (крупная) 2 коза (дикая) 3 пестрая порода собаки): Evn. kajir
2; Ork. qaịɣarị 1; Nan. kiaktān 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 361, 362.
PTurk. *gejik 1 wild animal 2 bird 3 roe (1 дикое животное 2 птица 3 лань): OTurk. kejik 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. kejik 1; Tur. gejik 3;
Turkm. kejik 1; Sal. kijyx ‘wild goat’ (ССЯ); MTurk. kejik 1 (Бор. Бад.),
kijik (MA, Abush.); Uygh. kijik 1; Tat. qɨjɨq 1; Bashk. qɨjɨq 1; Kirgh. kijik 1;
Khak. kīk 1; Chuv. kajъk 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 247, EDT 755, ЭСТЯ 5, 21-23, Лексика 151-152.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; but cf. also Mong. kik laɣusa ‘mule’; OJ
ke-mono ‘animal’ (usually explained as ‘hairy being’).
-kàji ( ~ k῾-, g-) clear, clean: Jpn. *kìjùa-; Kor. *kāi-.
PJpn. *kìjùa- clear, clean (чистый): OJpn. kjijwo-; MJpn. kìjò-; Tok.
kiyó-; Kyo. kìyò-; Kag. kiyó-.
◊ JLTT 832.
PKor. *kāi- to clear up (of weather) (проясняться (о погоде)):
MKor. kāi-; Mod. kǟ-.
◊ Nam 28, KED 68.
‖ Martin 247. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
632
*kjta - *kaku
-kjta nail, bar; to stick into: Tung. *kiata-kun; Mong. *kada-; Turk.
*Kāta-; Jpn. *kiátá ( ~ *káitá); Kor. *kìt.
PTung. *kiata-kun 1 finger-nail 2 bar, billet (1 ноготь 2 брусок):
Man. xitaxun 1; SMan. ḱatəhun 1 (76); Nan. qataxị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 384, 466.
PMong. *kada- 1 to nail 2 nail (1 прибивать гвоздями 2 гвоздь):
MMong. qada’asun 2 (SH); WMong. qada- 1, qadaɣasu(n), qadasu(n),
qadaɣa 2 (L 902, 903); Kh. xada- 1, xadās, gadas 2; Bur. xada- 1, xadāha(n) 2;
Kalm. xadə- 1, xadāsn 2; Ord. xada- 1, xadāsu 2; Dag. xada- ‘to sew a button’ (Тод. Даг. 172), (MGCD) xadə- 1, gatās (Тод. Даг. 131) 2, (MGCD)
gat 2; hade- ‘to sew on’ (MD 154); Dong. Gada- 1, Gadasun 2; Bao. Gadə1, Gadasoŋ 2 (MGCD Gasoŋ 2); S.-Yugh. Gadə- 1, Gadəsən 2 (MGCD
Gadasən, GadaG); Mongr. Gada- (SM 114) 1, Gadasə (SM 115) 2.
◊ KW 158, MGCD 277, 315. Cf. also *kadku- ‘to stick into’ (MMong. (SH) qatqu-, KW
172, 158, Dag. karku-, xarxu-, xatukulā, Тод. Даг. 148, 174, 175). Mong. > Evk. kada-, Man.
χada- etc. (see ТМС 1, 359; Doerfer MT 91, Rozycki 97); Mong. gada-sun, gata-sun > Evk.
gatahun (see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 126).
PTurk. *Kāta- 1 to stick into 2 nail (1 вонзать(ся) 2 гвоздь): Tur.
kada- 1, kadak 2 (dial.); Az. GadaG 2; Turkm. Gadaq 2; MTurk. qada(Abush., Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qada- 1, qadɔq 2; Uygh. qada- 1, qadaq 2; Tat.
qada- 1, qadaq 2; Kirgh. qada- 1, qadō 2; Kaz. qada- 1, qadaq 2; KKalp. qada1, qadaq 2; Kum. qada- 1; Nogh. qada- 1, qadaq 2; SUygh. qataɣ 2; Oyr.
qada- 1; Tv. qada- 1, qadaɣ 2; Chuv. xudav 2 (Anatri); Yak. xatā- 1; Dolg.
katā- 1.
◊ VEWT 217-8, ЭСТЯ 5, 180-182, TMN 3, 420-422, Ашм. XIV, 257, Stachowski 141.
Because of the lack of ancient attestation one cannot exclude a borrowing < Mong. (although the variant qadaɣa is very poorly represented there, and may itself be borrowed <
Turk.).
PJpn. *kiátá ( ~ *káitá) beam, cross-beam (балка, поперечный
брус): OJpn. k(j)eta; MJpn. keta; Tok. kèta; Kyo. kétá; Kag. ketá.
◊ JLTT 448. The Kagoshima accent is irregular (kéta would be expected).
PKor. *kìt pole, pillar (столб, колонна): MKor. kìtòŋ, kit; Mod.
kiduŋ, (arch.) kit [kit, kis].
◊ Nam 78, 80, KED 263, 278, 282.
‖ KW 158, Владимирцов 325, АПиПЯЯ 290. Mong. has also variants gada-sun, gata-sun (either < Turk. or interdialectal).
-kaku ( ~ -k῾-) tanned skin, leather: Tung. *kaK-; Turk. *KAkma.
PTung. *kaK- 1 to rumple (skin) 2 instrument for rumpling skin (1
мять кожу 2 кожемялка): Orch. kaku 2; Ud. ka῾i- 1 (Корм. 244).
◊ ТМС 1, 364.
PTurk. *KAkma a k. of sheepskin (вид овчины): MTurk. qaqma
(CCum., ShS).
◊ VEWT 224.
*kák῾á - *kk῾i
633
‖ Дыбо 15. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; very poorly attested and thus
not very reliable.
-kák῾á bright, shine: Tung. *kakta-; Mong. *kaka-rkaj ( ~ -g-); Jpn.
*kánká-.
PTung. *kakta- yellow, pale (желтый, бледный): Evk. kaktalama,
kaktarin.
◊ ТМС 1, 363.
PMong. *kaka-rkaj ( ~ -g-) bright, clear (светлый, ясный): MMong.
qaqarxai (HY 55) ‘evident, clear’; WMong. qaqarqai, qaɣarqai (L 907); Kh.
xagarxai.
PJpn. *kánká- to glitter, shine (блестеть, светить): OJpn. kakajak-,
kagajwop-; MJpn. kákájak-, kagajof-; Tok. kàgayak-, kagayák-; Kyo. kágáyák-;
Kag. kagayák-.
◊ JLTT 701.
‖ Ozawa 69-74.
-kk῾i angry: Tung. *kaKi; Mong. *kek-; Turk. *Kēk-.
PTung. *kaKi 1 angry 2 hasty (1 сердитый 2 торопливый): Evk.
kaki 1; Man. χaxi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 363.
PMong. *kek- / *kika- 1 arrogance 2 to irritate, be angry 3 anger (1
надменность, быть надменным 2 быть сердитым, раздраженным 3
гнев): WMong. kegseji- (L 443), keke-ji- (L 446: kekülǯe-) 1, kika- 2; Kh. xegsij- 1; Kalm. kekī-, kixə- 2, kixū 3; Ord. gegsī- 1.
◊ KW 223, 231. Cf. also kikana- ‘to oppress, avenge’.
PTurk. *Kēk- anger, malice (гнев, злоба): OTurk. kek (OUygh.);
Karakh. kek (MK); Turkm. kǟje- ‘to hate’; Uzb. kek; Tat. dial. kik; Kirgh.
kek; Kaz. kek; KKalp. kek; Chuv. kagъr ‘chaos, hell’, kagъrza vɨrt- ‘to die
(out)’, vɨźъ kagъrъl ‘starve’; Yak. kegedi ‘spiteful’.
◊ EDT 707, VEWT 247-248, ЭСТЯ 5, 24-25.
‖ KW 223. A Western isogloss. Cf. *gka.
-kk῾i to belch, choke: Tung. *kaxa-; Mong. *kekere- / *kakira- / *kaka-;
Turk. *gēkir-; Kor. *kài’ò-.
PTung. *kaxa- to choke (давиться, душить): Evk. kaka-; Man. χaGa-;
Ul. qaχambụwụsị-; Ork. qaGụmị-; Nan. qawalị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 356. Cf. also Evk. kaklari- ‘хоркать (об олене)’ (ТМС 1, 363).
PMong. *kekere- / *kakira- / *kaka- 1 to belch 2 to choke (1 рыгать
2 давиться): MMong. qaqa- 2 (SH); WMong. kekere- (L 446), qakira- (L
915: qakir-, qakiru-) 1; qaqa- 2 (L 946); Kh. xexr- 1; Bur. xexer- 1; Kalm.
kekr- 1; Ord. geχire- 1; Dag. kekre- (Тод. Даг. 149) 1; xagə- 2; S.-Yugh.
kəgerle- 1; qaGa- 2; Mongr. kəgərē-; xairā- (SM 149) 1, 2.
◊ KW 223, MGCD 336, 347. Mong. > Manchu kekere- id. etc. (see Rozycki 136).
634
*kak῾o - *kala
PTurk. *gēkir- to belch (рыгать): Karakh. kekir- (MK); Tur. gejir-;
Gag. gīr-; Az. gäjir-; Turkm. gǟgir-; Khal. gǟgür-; MTurk. gegir- (Pav. C.),
kekir- (MA); Uzb. kekir-; Uygh. keki(r)-; Krm. kekir-; Tat. kiker-; Bashk.
kiker-; Kirgh. kekir-; Kaz. kekir-; KBalk. kekir-; KKalp. kekir-; Kum. kekir-;
Nogh. kekir-; SUygh. kekirt- (ЯЖУ); Khak. kigər-; Oyr. kegir-; Tv. keɣir-;
Tof. keɣir-; Chuv. kagъr-; Yak. kegert-.
◊ VEWT 248, EDT 712, ЭСТЯ 3, 37, Лексика 232.
PKor. *kài’ò- to vomit (блевать): MKor. kài’ò-; Mod. keu-.
◊ Nam 29, KED 109.
‖ KW 223. An onomatopoeic root; the correspondences, however,
are quite regular (except for the sporadic assimilative weakening *kahi> kai- in Kor.), and it may well be common Altaic. Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 126.
-kak῾o to smell (of burning): Tung. *kakti-; Mong. *kaku-; Turk. *Kok-.
PTung. *kakti- to give out a smell of burning (пахнуть горелым,
пригорать): Neg. kaktị-; Man. χaqsa-; Ul. qaqta-; Ork. qaqtụ-; Nan. qaqtarị
(adj.); Ud. kakčisi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 364.
PMong. *kaku- to turn sour; acrid, bitter, sour (прокисать; горький, едкий): WMong. qaqu-ra-, qaqu-n (L 947); Kh. xaxra-, xaxūn; Ord.
Gaxur-, Gawxur-.
PTurk. *Kok- to smell badly, to give out a smell of burning (плохо
пахнуть, пахнуть горелым): Karakh. qoq- (MK); Tur. kok-; Gag. qoq-;
Az. Goxu (n.), Goxu-; Turkm. qoq (n.), qoqa-; Krm. qoqu, qoqɨ (n.); Nogh.
qoqɨ- ‘to be fragrant’.
◊ EDT 609, ЭСТЯ 6, 34.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kk῾ò a k. of building, fence: Tung. *kaK(u); Turk. *Kōk-uĺ; Jpn. *kákì.
PTung. *kaK(u) dam (плотина): Man. qaqu; Jurch. xe-ki (68).
◊ ТМС 1,356.
PTurk. *Kōk-uĺ ( ~ -g-) big pole, beam; hall (большой шест, столб;
зал): OTurk. qoɣ ‘shaft, thill’ (OUygh.) (?) (ДТС 452); Tur. koɣuš.
◊ VEWT 275. The OT attestation is not quite reliable.
PJpn. *kákì fence (забор): OJpn. kakji; MJpn. kákjì; Tok. kakí; Kyo.
kákì; Kag. káki.
◊ JLTT 434.
‖ The root is not widely spread and somewhat dubious semantically.
-kala family, gathering: Tung. *kal-; Jpn. *kara.
PTung. *kal- 1 clan, family 2 to gather (deer) 3 together (1 род, семья 2 собирать (оленей) 3 вместе): Evk. kalbuldī- 2, Il. kālbe 3; Man.
χala 1.
*kla - *kàla
635
◊ ТМС 1, 365, 459-460. The Manchu form was widely borrowed (Sol. xala, Neg. xala,
Oroch xala, Ud. xa, Ul., Orok, Nan. χala).
PJpn. *kara clan, family (род, семья): OJpn. kara.
◊ JLTT 438.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; see also notes to *kdu.
-kla ( ~ k῾-, -e-) heap, to pile up: Mong. *kali-; Turk. *Kāla-; Kor. *kari-.
PMong. *kali- to overflow (переливаться через край): WMong.
qali- (L 919); Kh. xali-; Bur. xali-; Kalm. xäĺə-.
◊ KW 176.
PTurk. *Kāla- to heap up, pile up (накладывать, нагромождать):
Karakh. qala- (MK); Tur. dial. kala-, gala-; Az. Gala-; Turkm. dial. Gāla-;
MTurk. qala- (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. qɛla-; Uygh. qala-; Kirgh. qala-; Kaz.
qala-; KBalk. qala-; KKalp. qala-; Nogh. qala-; Oyr. qala-; Yak. xāla-.
◊ VEWT 224, EDT 617, ЭСТЯ 5, 228-229.
PKor. *kari- 1 heap, stack 2 to pile up (1 куча, стог 2 накладывать):
MKor. kari 1; Mod. kari 1, kari- 2.
◊ Liu 19, KED 13, 14.
‖ The meaning ‘overflow’ in Mong. is probably secondary ( < ‘pour
too much, pile up very high’).
-kàla ( ~ *k῾-, -e-) a k. of hat: Mong. *kalbaŋ; Turk. *Kalpak; Kor. *kár.
PMong. *kalbaŋ (woman’s) hat ((женская) шапка): WMong.
qalbaŋ; Kalm. χalwŋ.
◊ KW 164. Mong. > Tuva xalbaŋ ‘ears (of a winter hat)’, see ЭСТЯ 5, 235.
PTurk. *Kalpak hat (шапка, шляпа): Tur. kalpak; Gag. qalpaq;
Turkm. Galpaq; MTurk. qalpaq (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. qalpɔq; Uygh. qalpaq; Krm. qalpaq; Tat. qalpaq; Bashk. qalpaq; Kirgh. qalpaq; Kaz. qalpaq;
KBalk. qalfaq; KKalp. qalpaq; Kum. qalpaq; Nogh. qalpaq; SUygh. qalmaq;
Khak. xalbax, xalpax; Yak. xalpāq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 234-235. The word is not attested in OT; cf. however the common Slavic
loanword *klobukъ, attested in Russian sources already in the 12th century (in чьрнии клобуци ‘black hats’ = the Karakalpaks, but with characteristically Bulgarian phonology).
PKor. *kár 1 peaked hat 2 rain-cover for a hat (1 конусообразная
шапка 2 покрытие для шапки (для защиты от дождя)): MKor.
kòs-kár 1; Mod. kok:al 1, kal-mo 2.
◊ Liu 73, KED 45, 134. For the component kòs- cf. *kás ‘hat’ (although vowel variation
is not clear).
‖ Basically a Turk.-Kor. isogloss; the Mongolian form is poorly attested and may be borrowed < Turkic. In TM cf. perhaps Evk. kelpeke
‘children’s winter clothes’, kelkē ‘children’s winter footwear’ (ТМС 1,
446).
636
*kằle - *kălo
-kằle knife, to cut: Tung. *kaliki; Turk. *Kɨlɨč; Jpn. *kr-.
PTung. *kali-ki(n) scar, cicatrice (шрам, рубец): Ul. qalχị(n); Ork.
qalịχị; Nan. qalχị; Orch. kalixi; Ud. kalehä.
◊ ТМС 1, 366. Cf. also Evn. qǟli- ‘to whet’ (ТМС 1, 388).
PTurk. *Kɨlč sword (меч): OTurk. qɨlɨč (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨlɨč
(MK); Tur. kɨlɨč, kɨlɨǯ; Gag. qɨlɨč; Az. Gɨlɨǯ; Turkm. Gɨlɨč; Khal. Gɨlīč;
MTurk. qɨlɨč (Pav. C.); Uzb. qilič; Uygh. qilič; Krm. qɨlɨč; Tat. qɨlɨč; Bashk.
qɨlɨs; Kirgh. qɨlɨč; Kaz. qɨlɨš; KBalk. qɨlɨč; KKalp. qɨlɨš; Kum. qɨlɨč; Nogh.
qɨlɨš; SUygh. qɨlɨš; Khak. xɨlɨs; Shr. qɨlɨš; Oyr. qɨlɨč; Tv. xɨlɨš; Chuv. xəś;
Yak. kɨlɨs, kɨlɨs.
◊ EDT 618, VEWT 263, Лексика 570, ЭСТЯ 6, 212-214. Cf. also *Kɨla-gu ‘blade’
(VEWT 263, ЭСТЯ 6, 207-208).
PJpn. *kr- to cut off, chop, hack (отрезать, отрубать): OJpn. kor-;
MJpn. kòr-; Tok. kor-.
◊ JLTT 713.
‖ One of the many “verbs of cutting” in PA, with only nominal derivatives preserved in PT and PTM.
-kălo to change, borrow: Tung. *kalma-gda; Mong. *kala-; Turk. *Kalɨm;
Jpn. *kár-; Kor. *kắr-.
PTung. *kalma-gda rich bride (богатая невеста (за которую брали
большой калым)): Neg. kalmagda; Ul. qalmaǯa; Orch. kamaǯa.
◊ ТМС 1, 367.
PMong. *kala- to change, alternate (менять, чередовать): WMong.
qala- (L 916); Kh. xala-; Bur. xala-; Kalm. xalə-; Ord. xala-; Dag. xala-; kālā‘to change, make better’ (Тод. Даг. 148, MD 181), xāla- (Тод. Даг. 173).
◊ KW 162, MGCD 319. ( > Evk. kala-, Man. χala- etc., ТМС 1, 364, Doerfer MT 81). Cf.
also qalamǯi ‘care, attention’.
PTurk. *Kalɨm 1 ransom for bride 2 fee (1 выкуп за невесту 2
штраф, подать): OTurk. qalan (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qalɨŋ (MK) 1; Tur.
kalɨn 1; Turkm. Galɨŋ 2; MTurk. qalɨn (Houts., Pav. C., Буд.) 1; Uzb.
qalin; Tat. qalɨm 1; Bashk. qalɨm 1; Kirgh. qalɨŋ 1; Kaz. qalɨŋ 1; KBalk. qalɨn
1; KKalp. qalɨŋ 1; Kum. qalɨm 1; Nogh. qalɨm 1; Khak. xalɨm 1; Oyr. qalɨm,
qalɨŋ 1; Tv. xɨlɨŋ 1 (dial. Todzh.); Tof. xɨlɨm 1; Chuv. xolъm 1; Yak. xalɨm,
xalm 1.
◊ VEWT 226, TMN 3, 399, 488, ЭСТЯ 5, 239-240, Федотов 2, 354. Turk. > Mong. qalan
‘fee, tax’ (Щербак 1997, 197).
PJpn. *kár- to borrow (брать в долг): OJpn. kar-; MJpn. kár-; Tok.
kàri-; Kyo. kárí-; Kag. karí-.
◊ JLTT 704. The transitive match (’to lend’) is PJ *kár-s- > OJ kás-.
PKor. *kắr- to change (менять): MKor. kắr-; Mod. kal-.
◊ Nam 20, KED 43.
‖ EAS 46, 154, АПиПЯЯ 75, Martin 228. The tone correspondence
between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular, so the accent reconstruction here is
*kalt῾o - *kalV
637
difficult; note that the Kor. high tone here must be archaic, because it
resists the general Korean tendency to introduce low tone into all verbal forms.
-kalt῾o to split, divide: Tung. *kalta; Mong. *kalta-s, *kelte-; Turk.
*Kolak; Kor. *kằră-.
PTung. *kalta 1 to split in halves, be splitted in halves 2 half 3 one of
a pair (1 расщеплять, раскалывать (напополам) 2 половина 3 один
из пары): Evk. kalta- 1, kaltaka 2, 3; Evn. qaltq-, qaltl- 1, qaltq 2; Neg.
kalta- 1, kaltaxa 3; Ul. qaltalị- 1, qalta 2; Ork. qaltā- 1, qalta 2; Nan. qaltā- 1,
qaltā 2; Orch. kākta- 1, kakta 2; Ud. kakta῾ 2 (Корм. 244); Sol. xaltaxa 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 367-368.
PMong. *kalta-s, *kelte- 1 half 2 to split off, break off (1 половина 2
отщеплять, отламывать): WMong. qaltas 1 (L 921), kelte-, keltere- (L
450) 2; Kh. xaltas 1, xeltre- 2; Bur. xaltagaj; xeltel-, xelter-; Kalm. keltəl- 2
(КРС); Ord. Galtas; Dag. koltorkē ‘splinter’ (Тод. Даг. 150), xaltag, kaltag
1 (Тод. Даг. 173), koletuei ‘a part’, koletuhe 1 (MD 183); Mongr. kideli-;
kidərē- 1 ‘ébrécher; s’ébrécher, mourir (petits enfants) 1’ (SM 201, 200).
◊ Mong. kelte- > Evk. kelte- etc., see Dörfer MT 134.
PTurk. *Kolak one-handed (однорукий): Karakh. qolaq (MK); Tur.
kolak (dial.); Turkm. Golaq; Tat. qulaq (dial.).
◊ VEWT 277, ЭСТЯ 6, 42.
PKor. *kằră- 1 to divide, split 2 to distinguish (1 разделять, расщеплять 2 различать): MKor. kără- 1, kằr-hắi- 1, 2; Mod. karɨ- 1, karä- 2.
◊ Nam 10, 22, KED 11, 13.
‖ SKE 98, Poppe 17, 75; Doerfer MT 47 (Turk. > Mong.). On a poss ible reflex in Jpn. see under *gằgta.
-kalu a k. of fish: Tung. *kali; Mong. *kul-.
PTung. *kali 1 crucian 2 white-fish (1 карась 2 сиг): Evk. kali 1; Ud.
kali 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 366. Cf. also Evk. kulala ‘sheat-fish’ (which, however, may be < Samod. or
Chuk.-Kamch.).
PMong. *kul- salmon (лосось): Kh. xuld, xuĺt (РМС).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; cf. *k῾ula, *k῾ile, with possible mergers.
-kalV ( ~ -ĺ-) near, to come near: Tung. *kal-; Mong. *kalu-.
PTung. *kal- 1 near 2 to come near (1 близкий, близко 2 приблизиться): Man. xanči 1; xalbu- ‘to let into the house’; SMan. hanči 1 (2611);
Ul. qāl- 2; Ork. qal- 2; Nan. qaĺčị 1; Orch. kalikun- ‘to let near’.
◊ ТМС 1, 366, 369, 372 (Man. xanči should be kept distinct from qani ‘similarly, in accordance with others’).
PMong. *kalu- to approach, come near (приближаться): MMong.
qalit- (SH); WMong. qalu-, qal- (L 916); Kh. xala-; Bur. xalaj- (in compounds); Kalm. xalə-; Dag. halede- (MD 155).
*kaĺbo - *kaĺpa
638
◊ KW 162.
‖ KW 162 (but Turk. *Kāl- ‘to stay behind’ hardly belongs here),
ТМС 1, 369, АПиПЯЯ 292. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but, despite Doerfer MT 144, hardly borrowed in TM < Mong.
-kaĺbo girdle, waist: Tung. *kalbu; Turk. *Koĺa- (*Kuĺa-); Kor. *kurəi.
PTung. *kalbu 1 girdle 2 band (1 пояс 2 тесьма, лента): Evk. kalbu
1; Evn. qālb 1; Neg. kalbu 1; Sol. xalbaŋxa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 365.
PTurk. *Koĺa- (*Kuĺa-) 1 подпоясывать 2 пояс, кушак (1 to girdle 2
girdle): Tur. kuša- 1, kušak 2; Gag. qušaq 2; Turkm. Gušaq 2; MTurk.
qušaq 2 (Pav. C.); Tat. qušaq 2 (arch.); Bashk. qušaq 2.
◊ The stem should be probably distinguished historically from *Koĺ- ‘to couple, bind’,
although contaminations were possible. Turk. > Russ. кушак (Дмитриев 1958, 28, Шипова 216).
PKor. *kurəi waist (поясница): Mod. kure, hə-guri.
◊ KED 199. The word seems to be different from the attest MKor. kùri ‘inner part of
body’ (v. sub *k῾úrgo).
‖ The root is well attested in TM, but other parallels are somewhat
questionable: the Turkic word is attested late and may be derived from
*Koĺ- ‘join, unite’; on the Korean word see above.
-k[ā]ĺe a k. of water plant: Tung. *kalčukta; Mong. *kolim; Turk.
*Kĺ-gun.
PTung. *kalču-kta 1 water lily 2 sea weed (1 водяная лилия, кувшинка 2 водоросль): Evn. qajqị 2; Neg. kalčụkta 1; Ul. qalǯuqta 1, 2; Nan.
qalǯoqta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 362, 369.
PMong. *kolim a k. of rice (вид риса): WMong. qolima (МXTTT) ‘a
k. of cereal similar to corn’; Kh. xolim; Dag. xualimpe ‘oat’.
◊ Mong. > Man. xolimpa, Sol. xolimpa, xolimpo (Тод. Даг. 178).
PTurk. *Kĺ-gun eatable grass (кормовая трава): Karakh. qɨšɣun
(MK) ‘fresh reeds which are eaten by cattle; sorrel’; Oyr. qɨšqɨn ‘пырей’;
Chuv. xəlɣen ‘кипрей’; Yak. ks ot ‘конский щавель’.
◊ EDT 672.
‖ A Western isogloss; the Mong. reflex has an irregular vowel and is
somewhat dubious.
-kaĺpa a k. of vessel: Tung. *kala-n; Mong. *kalbuga; Turk. *KAĺuk /
*KAlgak; Jpn. *kasipa.
PTung. *kala-n 1 kettle 2 bag (1 котел 2 сума): Evk. kalan 1; Evn.
qalā-was 2; Ul. qala(n) 1; Nan. qalã 1; Ud. kala(n) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 364-365. Cf. also *kalbi- ‘flat, broad’ (ТМС 1, 365; hardly < Mong., despite
Doerfer MT 51, 69 - although some forms, notably Evk. kalbaɣa ‘spoon’, Man. χalbaχa
‘crooked part of a flat spoon’, are probably borrowed, see Rozycki 100).
*kàma - *kàma
639
PMong. *kalbuga spoon, ladle, oar (ложка, весло): MMong. xalbuxua (HY 19), qalbuqa (SH), ɣalbuɣa (MA 139); WMong. qalbuɣa,
qalbaɣa(n) (L 917, 918); Kh. xalbaga(n); Bur. xalbaga ‘ложка, весло, поплавок (удочки), плавники (рыбы)’; Ord. xalbaGa; Mongr. xrGa (SM
185).
◊ Cf. also *kalba- ‘flat, broad’ (KW 83).
PTurk. *KAĺuk / *KAlgak 1 spoon 2 oar, shovel (1 ложка 2 весло,
лопатка): OTurk. qašuq 1; Karakh. qašuq, qašɨq (MK); Tur. kašɨk 1, dial.
kalak 2; Az. GašɨG 1; Turkm. qašɨq 1; MTurk. qašɨq (IM), qašuq (Houts.,
AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. qɔšiq 1, qɔlɔq 2; Uygh. qošuq, dial. qašuq 1, qalaq 2; Tat.
qašɨq 1, qalaq 2 > Chuv.; Bashk. qašɨq 1, qalaq 2; Kirgh. qašɨq 1, qalaq 2;
Kaz. qasɨq 1, qalaq 2; KBalk. qašɨq 1, qalaq 2; KKalp. qasɨq 1, qalaq 2; Kum.
qašɨq 1, qalaq 2; Nogh. qasɨq 1, qalaq 2; Khak. xazɨx 1, xalɣax 1,2; Shr. qalaq
2; Oyr. qažɨq 1, qalaq 2; Tof. qahik 1, qalɣaq 2.
◊ VEWT 225, 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 231-232, 353-354. Turk. > Russ. Siber. kašík, see Аникин
277.
PJpn. *kasipa vessel (вид сосуда): OJpn. kasipa.
◊ In the earliest texts the word unambiguously denotes some kind of vessel (esp. a
wine vessel); its reinterpretation as ‘oak leaf’ and ‘food-wrapping oak-leaf’ is certainly a
later folk-etymological development.
‖ EAS 123, KW 83, Владимирцов 366, Poppe 78 (Turk.-Mong.),
Цинциус 1984, 83, Miller 1970, 130, JOAL 121, Street 1980, 286 -287,
АПиПЯЯ 75. Despite TMN 3, 391, Щербак 1997, 135. borrowing in
Mong. from Turk. is excluded. One cannot exclude a possibility that we
are dealing with two different roots here: cf. the distinction in Turkic,
strange loss of *-b- in Tungus *kala-n, and another Kor.-Jpn. root for
‘vessel, container’: MKor. kari ‘fish pot, basket for catching fish’, OJ ke
(PJ *ka-i) ‘vessel, container’ (see Whitman 1985, 160).
-kàma to unite, together: Tung. *kamur-; Mong. *kam-; Turk. *KAmug;
Jpn. *kàmà-p-.
PTung. *kamur- together, gather (вместе, собирать): Ul. qamụr;
Ork. qamụr; Nan. qamor.
◊ ТМС 1, 371. Modern forms like Evk. kamu- ‘to gather’ may be considered borrowed
< Mong. (see Doerfer MT 111), but it is hardly possible for all forms, especially for those
with an -r-suffix.
PMong. *kam- 1 together 2 to gather together (1 вместе 2 собирать): MMong. qamtu 1, qamux ‘all’ (SH, HYt); WMong. qamtu 1 (L 925),
qamu- 2 (L 926); Kh. xamt 1; Bur. xamta 1, xamag ‘all’, xama- 2; Kalm.
xamtə 1, xamə- 2; Ord. xamtu 1; Mog. qamtu (Ramstedt 1906); Dag.
hamete 1 (MD 156); Dong. hantu 1; Bao. hamdə 1; S.-Yugh. χamtə 1,
χambə- 2; Mongr. xamdi (SM 153), xamdə 1.
◊ KW 164, 165, 177, MGCD 322, 323, 324. Cf. also WMong. qamija ‘relation, concern’.
Mong. > Yak. xomuj-, Dolg. komuj-, see Kał. JW 184, Stachowski 152.
640
*kāma - *kami
PTurk. *KAmug all, together (все, вместе): OTurk. qamuɣ (OUygh.),
qamaɣ (Orkh., OUygh.), qamɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. qamuɣ (MK, KB); Tur.
kamu; MTurk. qamuɣ (Qutb., Буд.), qamuq (Abush.); Khak. xamɨx; Shr.
qamɨq; Oyr. qamɨq; Tv. xamɨq.
◊ EDT 627, ЭСТЯ 5, 243-244. Modern forms like Kirgh., Kaz. qama- ‘to surround, besiege’, qamala- id., ‘to gather in a crowd’ etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 159) should be rather regarded
as mongolisms.
PJpn. *kàmà-pa- to arrange, set up (устраивать): OJpn. kamapa-;
MJpn. kàmàfa-; Tok. kamaé-; Kyo. kámáé-; Kag. kàmàè-.
◊ JLTT 703.
‖ KW 164, Владимирцов 391, Poppe 67-68, Цинциус 1984, 88.
Mong. can hardly be explained as borrowed < Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 132, 165.
-kāma a k. of fish: Tung. *kām-; Jpn. *kamasu; Kor. *kàmór-thi.
PTung. *kām- dried fish (юкола): Evn. qām; Orch. kambuti ‘name of
a small fish’.
◊ ТМС 1, 369, 370. Cf. also Oroch kemmui ‘herring’ (ТМС 1, 448).
PJpn. *kamasu sea pike (морская щука): Tok. kàmasu, kamasú; Kyo.
kámású; Kag. kamasú.
◊ Kagoshima and Tokyo favour the reconstruction *kàmású or *kàmàsù; the Kyoto accent, however, is quite irregular.
PKor. *kàmór-thì eel; (KED) snake fish (Channa argus), snakehead,
mullet (угорь): MKor. kàmóthì, kamorthi; Mod. kamulčhi.
◊ Nam 4, KED 17.
‖ An Eastern isogloss, with somewhat unclear tone / length correspondences; cf. perhaps also Chuv. kъₙmъₙs ‘young fish’ ( < PT *kem- ~
*köm-); Khak. xamnax ‘roach, сорога’.
-kami a k. of cloth: Tung. *kam-; Mong. *kemerlig; Turk. *KEmek.
PTung. *kam- 1 to hem a garment with a white fur stripe 2 head
kerchief 3 broad women’s belt (1 подбивать одежду белой меховой
полосой 2 головной платок 3 широкий женский пояс): Evk. kamrā1; Man. qamtun 2; Ul. qambụča 3; Ork. qāmị 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 370, 371.
PMong. *kemerlig a k. of silk (вид шелка): WMong. kemerlig (L
451); Kh. kemerleg.
PTurk. *KEmek a k. of striped cloth for making upper clothes (вид
полосатой ткани для изготовления верхней одежды): Karakh. kemek
(MK).
◊ EDT 722. The isolated OT word may be borrowed from Eastern Iranian: cf. Pers.
kamxa < Chin. gimhua (see VEWT 229 on further loans: Pers. > Turkic qamqa > Russ. камка
‘striped silk cloth’). Cf. other similar cases (like Sak. kamaiška > MK kemišge etc.).
*kàmo - *kamp῾o
641
‖ A Western isogloss (although the Turkic reflex is somewhat dubious). MKor. kamtho ‘a horsehair cap worn by officials’ (compared with
TM in SKE 92, Lee 1958, 113) is rather < Manchu.
-kàmo boiled substance, alcohol: Tung. *kamnu- / *kamdu-; Mong.
*kimur; Turk. *Kumɨŕ; Jpn. *kàm-.
PTung. *kamnu- / *kamdu- fish glue (рыбий клей): Evk. kamnun;
Evn. kanmo; Neg. kamnun; Man. amdun; Ul. qamdu(n); Ork. qamdụ(n);
Nan. qamdõ; Orch. kamnu; Ud. kamnu.
◊ ТМС 1, 370.
PMong. *kimur fermented milk with water (молочный спиртной
напиток с водой): WMong. kimur, kimuraɣan; kiram, kirma (L 470)
‘boiled milk with water’; Kh. aram ‘boiled water with milk’; Kalm.
kimr, kimrān; Ord. kirma.
◊ KW 231. Mong. > Kirgh. qɨmran, Uzb. kumran, Tuva xɨmɨrān.
PTurk. *Kumɨŕ fermented milk (молочный спиртной напиток):
Karakh. qɨmɨz (MK, KB); Tur. kɨmɨz; Az. Gɨmɨz; Turkm. Gɨmɨz; MTurk.
qɨmɨz (Pav. C.); Uzb. qimiz; Uygh. qimiz; Tat. qɨmɨz; Bashk. qomoδ, qɨmɨδ;
Kirgh. qɨmɨz; Kaz. qɨmɨz; KKalp. qɨmɨz; Nogh. qɨmɨz; Khak. xɨmɨs, Sag.,
Koib. xumɨs; Oyr. qɨmɨs; Tv. xɨmɨs; Chuv. kъₙmъₙs < Qypch.; Yak. kɨmɨs.
◊ VEWT 264, EDT 629, Лексика 450-451, ЭСТЯ 6, 219.
PJpn. *kàm- to brew sake (from rice) (варить сакэ (из риса)): OJpn.
kam-; MJpn. kàm-; Tok. kamós-; Kyo. kámós-; Kag. kamós-.
◊ JLTT 703. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (probably under literary influence).
‖ Poppe 68, Лексика 450-451. Despite Doerfer’s doubts (TMN 3,
515-516) the Turk.-Mong. parallel cannot be a coincidence.
-kamp῾o to fold, close: Tung. *kamp-; Mong. *kamki-; Kor. *kắm-.
PTung. *kamp- 1 to fold, bend 2 to press (1 складывать, сгибать 2
сжимать): Evk. kamnī- 2; Neg. kampị- 1, 2; Man. qamni- 2; Ul. qampụ- 1;
Nan. qampị- 1; Ud. qampi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 370, 371. The variant *kamnī- has probably arisen from *kamp(i)-nī- and has
secondarily merged with TM *kamnī ‘ravine’ ( the latter should be perhaps compared
with Mong. kaŋgil ‘bald hills’).
PMong. *kamki- to close, shut (закрывать): WMong. qamki- (L 924);
Kh. xamxi-; Kalm. xamxī- (СЯОС).
PKor. *kắm- to close (eyes) (закрывать (глаза)): MKor. kắm-; Mod.
kām-.
◊ Nam 23, KED 50.
‖ -p- in TM is not easily explained as a suffix, so we prefer rather to
reconstruct an original consonant cluster here.
642
*kámsa - *kāmV
-kámsa ( ~ k῾-) wind, whirlwind: Mong. *kabsara-; Turk. *Kasɨrku; Jpn.
*kánsá-i.
PMong. *kabsara- 1 to blow (of a cold wind) 2 cold wind, snowstorm (1 дуть (о холодном ветре) 2 холодный ветер, пурга): WMong.
qabsara- 1 (L 898: qabsura-), qabsaraɣa (L 899: qabsurɣa) 2; Kh. xawsra- 1,
xawsraga 2; Bur. xabsaraɣā 2; Kalm. xawsərgə 2 (КРС).
PTurk. *Kasɨrku whirlwind (вихрь): Karakh. qasɨrqu (MK); Tur.
kasɨrɣa; Az. Gasɨrɣa; MTurk. (MKypch.) qasɨrqa (Houts.), qasurɣa (AH);
Tv. qazɨrɣɨ; Tof. qa’sɨrɣɨ; Chuv. kozъrga.
◊ VEWT 240, ЭСТЯ 5, 332, Лексика 43, Ашм. VII, 20. Chuvash has an irregular form
with initial k- (*x- would be expected). But it can hardly be a borrowing from
Volga-Kypchak languages.
PJpn. *kánsá-i wind (ветер): OJpn. kaze; MJpn. kázé; Tok. kàze; Kyo.
kázé; Kag. káze.
◊ JLTT 447. OJ kaza- in compounds, which allows to reconstruct *kánsá-i.
‖ ЭСТЯ 5, 332, Лексика 43 (Turk.-Mong.)
-kắm[u]ča a k. of vessel, ladle: Tung. *kamiču; Mong. *kumǯija; Turk.
*Kamɨč; Jpn. *kámású.
PTung. *kamiču box, bag (made of birch-bark) (чуман, берестяной
короб): Evk. kamit; Ul. qamčụ; Orch. kamiči; Ud. kamisi.
◊ ТМС 1, 370.
PMong. *kumǯija a measure for gunpowder (мерка для пороха):
WMong. qumǯija (MXTTT); Kh. xumǯā; Bur. xumžā.
PTurk. *Kamɨč scoop, ladle (черпак): OTurk. qamɨč (OUygh.);
Karakh. qamɨč (MK); MTurk. qamɨč (IM); Uygh. qemič; Khak. xamɨs; Tv.
xɨmɨš; Chuv. (Bulg.) xumǯa (< *kamča(h)); Yak. xamɨas, xomuos; Dolg. komuos.
◊ EDT 626, VEWT 229, ЭСТЯ 5, 248-249, Stachowski 152.
PJpn. *kámású a k. of bag (соломенный мешок): Tok. kàmasu; Kyo.
kámású; Kag. kamásu.
‖ SKE 94, ТМС 1, 370, Мудрак Дисс. 184. Despite Doerfer MT 240
(“semantisch unsicher”), the Turk.-Tung. match seems quite plausible.
-kāmV be weak, oppress: Tung. *kama-; Mong. *kama-; Turk. *KĀma-;
Jpn. *kmà-r- ( ~ kuàmà-r-); Kor. *kam-.
PTung. *kama- 1 to oppress 2 to prohibit, be unable to help 3 (being
at a) loss (1 притеснять 2 отказывать в помощи, делать назло 3 затруднение, беда): Evk. kama- 1, kama-lit- 2; Evn. kamaɣ 3; Neg. kama-li1; Ul. qama-lụ- 1; Ork. qama-lị- 1; Nan. qama-li- 1, qama 3; Ud. kama-,
kamasi- ‘мешать удаче, насылать несчастье (о шаманах)’ (Корм. 244),
kamali- ‘прищемить, придавить’ (Корм. 245).
◊ ТМС 1, 369. Despite Poppe 1966, 191, Evk. kamaɣa is not a borrowing < Mong.
qamija ‘relation, concern’ (a quite different root, see PA *kàma).
*kna - *kna
643
PMong. *kama- 1 scab, herpes 2 infection, epidemics (1 чесотка,
парша 2 зараза, эпидемия): MMong. qamāwu (IM); WMong. qamaɣu 1,
qama- ‘to be mangy’ (L 923); Kh. xamū; Bur. xamū 1, xamšag 2; Kalm.
xamū; Ord. xamū; Dag. xamū (Тод. Даг. 173), (MGCD) xangu 1; S.-Yugh.
χamū 1.
◊ KW 165, MGCD 324.
PTurk. *KĀma- 1 become blinded, dumb 2 (set) teeth on edge 3 to
be tired, pine, droop (1 слепнуть, глохнуть 2 набивать оскомину 3 уставать, изнемогать): OTurk. qamaš- (Orkh.) 3; Karakh. qama- (MK, KB)
1, 2; Tur. kamaš- 1; Az. Gamaš- 1; Turkm. Gāmaš- 2; MTurk. qamaš- (Pav.
C., Бор. Бад., MA) 1, 2; Uzb. qɛmɛš- 1; Uygh. qamaš- 2; Tat. qamaš- 3;
Bashk. qamaš- 2; Kirgh. qama- 2; Kaz. qama- 2; KKalp. qamas- 2; Kum.
qama- 2; Nogh. qama- 2.
◊ VEWT 228, ЭСТЯ 5, 242-243, 246-247. Cf. also Kirgh., Kaz. qam ‘sorrow’, Turkm.
Gam GajGɨ ‘mischief, sorrow’. Turk. > MMong. (MA) qama- id. (see Щербак 1997, 197).
PJpn. *kmà-r- ( ~ kuàmà-r-) be in a difficult position (быть в затруднительном положении): Tok. komár-; Kyo. kómár-; Kag. kòmàr-.
◊ JLTT 712.
PKor. *kam- to be unable to, to be insufficient for (быть неспособным, недостаточным для ч.-л.): Mod. kam-gi-.
◊ SKE 91-92.
‖ KW 165, EAS 47, SKE 91-2. The Kor. parallel is found only there;
as for the Japanese word, it is not attested in any OJ or MJ sources, so
the PJ reconstruction is uncertain. One should also note irregular PJ
vocalism and tone (*-a- with high tone would be expected). This all
makes the Kor.-Jpn. aspect of the etymology dubious.
-kna to be satisfied: Tung. *kan-dari-; Mong. *kanu-; Turk. *Kān-; Jpn.
*kánáransu.
PTung. *kan-dari- to be fed up, tired of (надоесть, наскучить): Evk.
kandari-.
◊ ТМС 1, 372.
PMong. *kanu- be satisfied, thankful (быть удовлетворенным, благодарным): MMong. qan- ‘утолить (жажду)’ (МА); WMong. qanu-,
qan- (L 930); Kh. xana-; Bur. xana-; Kalm. xan-; Ord. xan-; Mongr. xani(SM 156), xanə-.
◊ KW 166, MGCD 325.
PTurk. *Kān- to be satisfied (быть удовлетворенным): OTurk. qan(OUygh.); Karakh. qan- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. kan-; Az. Gan-; Turkm. Gān-;
MTurk. (OKypch.) qan- (AH); Uzb. qɔn-; Uygh. qan-; Tat. qan-; Bashk.
qan-; Kirgh. qan-; Kaz. qan-; KBalk. qan-; KKalp. qan-; Kum. qan-; Nogh.
qan-; Khak. xan-; Shr. qan-; Oyr. qan-; Tv. xan-; Yak. xan-; Dolg. kan-.
◊ EDT 632, VEWT 230, ЭСТЯ 5, 251-252, Stachowski 136.
644
*kanti - *knu
PJpn. *kánáransu necessarily, certainly (обязательно): OJpn. kanarazu; MJpn. kánárazu; Tok. kanarazu.
◊ Formally kanarazu is a negation of kanari ‘enough’ (’not enough’ > ‘necessarily’).
The latter is not attested in RJ, and the modern dialects speak rather in favour of *kànárì.
‖ EAS 114, KW 166, Poppe 70 (but despite Ozawa 192-193 and
АПиПЯЯ 72, PJ *kànàp- should be attributed to *k῾no). The root is very
similar to *k῾āno, both phonetically and semantically, but the opposition
of *Kān- and *Kon- in Turkic does not allow to unite them. The hypothesis of Mong. *kanu- being borrowed from Turkic (see Щербак
1997, 133) is possible, but not very probable.
-kanti dewlap, peritoneum: Tung. *kanda; Mong. *kančir; Turk. *Kandɨr
(*Kantɨr); Jpn. *kinta.
PTung. *kanda dewlap (подгрудок): Man. qanda; Nan. qando.
◊ ТМС 1, 372.
PMong. *kančir peritoneum (подгрудок): WMong. qančir (L 927);
Kh. xančir; Bur. xanšar ‘belly muscles’; Kalm. xančər ‘belly muscles’
(КРС); Ord. xančir maxa ‘stomach of a meagre, skinny animal’, xančir
kün ‘thin person’.
PTurk. *Kandɨr (*Kantɨr) membrane (мездра, пленка на мясе, остающаяся после снятия шкуры): Karakh. qandɨr (MK); Chuv. xundъ,
e.g. in təₙpləₙ pɨržъ xund-i ‘appendix (anat.)’ (dial.).
◊ EDT 635.
PJpn. *kinta gills (жабры): OJpn. kjida.
‖ PT and PM reflect a suffixed form *kanti-rV.
-knt῾V to reach, attain: Tung. *kānta-; Mong. *kan[t]u-.
PTung. *kānta- to attain, reach (by hand) (доставать, дотягиваться): Ul. qanta-; Nan. qāndačị-, (On.) qāntačị◊ ТМС 1, 373.
PMong. *kan[t]u- to head towards, to address (направляться к, обращаться к): MMong. qantuqala- ‘show (?)’ (SH); WMong. qandu(MXTTT); Kh. xanda-; Bur. xanda-; Kalm. xandə- (КРС); Ord. xandu-;
Dag. xanda-.
◊ MGCD 325.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Chuv. xondъ ‘protect’, ‘influence’ etc. (if not < Mong.). Cf. also OJ katug- ‘to carry’ (although this
may be a variant of kataga-, a compound of kata ‘shoulder’ + aga- ‘lift,
raise’).
-knu swan: Tung. *kāŋgu; Mong. *kuna; Kor. *kón.
PTung. *kāŋgu a k. of duck (вид утки): Evk. kan-dirā, dial. koŋor;
Evn. qōŋāl; Neg. kaŋgụ, kōŋalān, koŋodō; Man. χoŋGo(lo)n; Ul. qaŋGụlị;
Ork. qoŋGolo; Nan. qāŋGọ; Ud. kaŋgu (Корм. 245).
*kaŋne - *kăpi
645
◊ ТМС 1, 373-374, 410. Because of recurring long vowel in Evn., Neg. and Nan.
shortness in dialectal Evk. forms should be probably regarded as secondary (misrecorded
length?).
PMong. *kuna swan (лебедь): MMong. qun (HY 14, SH); WMong.
quna, qun, quŋ (L 986); Kh. xun; Bur. xun(g); Kalm. xunə; Ord. xun.
◊ KW 197.
PKor. *kón swan (лебедь): MKor. kón; Mod. koni.
◊ Nam 50, KED 136.
‖ SKE 123.
-kaŋne helminth: Tung. *kaŋa(r); Turk. *Kɨna.
PTung. *kaŋa(r) helminth (глист): Evk. kaŋir; Evn. qaŋr; Neg. kaŋaj;
Nan. kāŋa (On.); Ork. qaŋaị ‘a k. of fish (навага)’; Orch. kaŋa ‘salmon’.
◊ ТМС 1, 374.
PTurk. *Kɨna helminth (глист): Kirgh. qɨna ‘вредитель хлебных
злаков’; Khak. xɨna; Oyr. qɨna.
◊ VEWT 264.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-káŋV dog: Tung. *kači-kān; Turk. *KAŋ-čɨk; Kor. *kàŋ-.
PTung. *kači-kān puppy (щенок): Evk. kačikān; Evn. qačịqan; Neg.
kačịxān; Ork. kēčike; Nan. kejče(kẽ); Ud. kas῾anǯiga; Sol. xasx.
◊ ТМС 1, 385.
PTurk. *KAŋ-čɨk 1 bitch 2 female (1 сука 2 самка): OTurk. qančɨq
(OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qančɨq (MK) 1; Tur. kanǯɨk 2; Az. GanǯɨG 1; Turkm.
Ganǯɨq 1; MTurk. qančɨq (Pav. C., Houts., Qutb.), qančuq (AH) 1; Uzb.
qɛnǯiq 1; Uygh. qančuq, qanǯiq (dial.) 1; Bashk. qansɨq, qansaj 1; Kirgh.
qančɨq 1; Kaz. qanšɨq, qaŋšɨ 1; KKalp. qanšɨq 1; Kum. qančɨq 1; Nogh.
qanǯɨq 1.
◊ VEWT 230, ЭСТЯ 5, 255-256, Лексика 190. The original *-ŋ- is probably preserved
in Kaz. qaŋšɨ.
PKor. *kàŋ- 1 dog 2 puppy (1 собака 2 щенок): MKor. kàhí 1, kàŋ’àčí
2; Mod. kǟ 1, kaŋaǯi 2.
◊ Nam 8, 28, KED 65, 61. The form kàhí points to a suffixed *kàŋ-h- ( < *kaŋV-k-). With
*-ń- cf. also MKor. kń’uńí ‘a k. of dog’ (Liu 50).
‖ The TM form may belong here if it goes back to *kaŋ-čikān (= PT
*Kaŋčɨk, MKor. kàŋ’àčí). See SKE 84-85, ТМС 1,385, Menges 1984,
270-271, АПиПЯЯ 296, Дыбо 9; TMN 3, 520 (“alles sehr unsicher”).
-kăpi to break, fragile: Tung. *kab-; Mong. *kebere-; Turk. *gebre-.
PTung. *kab- 1 to break, destroy, press 2 to squeeze, knead (1 ломать, разрушать, давить 2 мять): Evn. qawq-, qawl- 1; Neg. kawjụ- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 357, 358. The root is expressive and has several variants: *kab- (see above);
*kapu- reflected in Man. qafur ‘crackling’, Nan. qapo-qapo id., Ul. qapụ(r) id., Orok qapụli‘to break’, Evn. qabъr-, Evk. kapu- id. (see ТМС 1, 377-378); *kupu- in Manchu kufujen
‘fragile’.
646
*k[ā]p῾á - *k[ā]p῾á
PMong. *kebere- 1 fragile 2 to break down (1 хрупкий 2 ломаться):
MMong. keberek (HY 54) 1, kebge-, kebke- ‘zu Staub zertreten’ (SH);
WMong. kebereg, keberig 1, kebere-, kebire- 2 (L 439); Kh. xevreg 1, xevre- 2;
Bur. xebreg 1; Kalm. kewreg, kǖrəg 1; Ord. kewerek 1; Bao. kurəg; S.-Yugh.
kebreg; Mongr. kērig (SM 198), kēreG.
◊ KW 229-230, MGCD 338.
PTurk. *geb-re- 1 to become weak, fragile 2 fragile (1 слабеть, становиться хрупким 2 хрупкий): Karakh. kevre- 1, kevrek 2 (MK); Tur.
gevre- 1, gevrek 2; Gag. gevrek 1; Az. kövräk 2; Uzb. kuwrak 2; Tat. köjrök 2
(КСТТ); Bashk. käwert ‘a tree rotten inside’; Kirgh. küjrö- 1; Kaz. küjrek
2; Khak. kibrek 2; Chuv. kavraj- 1; Yak. kebirē- 1 (possibly < Mong.).
◊ VEWT 244, 245, EDT 691, ЭСТЯ 3, 7-9. Turk. > Hung. kőrő ‘fragile’ Gombocz 1912.
‖ EAS 145, Владимирцов 153-154, 258, Poppe 45. One cannot exclude Mong. < Turk. in this case. An expressive Western isogloss. Cf.
also *k῾p῾e (and Ozawa 201).
-k[ā]p῾á to cover, sack: Tung. *kup-; Mong. *kab-t-; Turk. *Kāp; Jpn.
*kàmpú-.
PTung. *kup- 1 to cover 2 cloth 3 sheath, boxing 4 sack 5 knee covers 6 hat 7 cover (n.) 8 wadded coat (1 покрывать 2 одежда 3 футляр 4
мешок 5 наколенники 6 шапка 7 покрышка 8 ватный кафтан): Evk.
kuptu-, kupu- 1, kupu 7, kupō 5, kupe 2; Evn. kupke 4, kubi 5, qụptụ 6, köbǯe
2; Neg. kuptin- 1, koptịn 7; Man. xubtu 8; Ul. kup 1 (expr. adv.); Ork.
qụptụ- 1, qōpomị 2; Nan. koptȫ 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 434, 476. Evk. kupe > Dolg. kopō, see Stachowski 153. Manchu xubtu has
variants xukdu, xuktu ( > Nan. xuktu, Neg. xuktu etc.) - which is probably a secondary
merger with a Mong. loanword (Mong. kügdü, v. sub *kugi).
PMong. *kabt- sack (мешок): WMong. qabta-ɣa(n) (L 899); Kh. xavtga; Kalm. xaptəxə, xaptrɣə; Ord. GabtarGa; Dag. xartag (Тод. Даг. 174);
Mongr. sdarGa ‘petite bourse, blague, poche’ (SM 333).
◊ KW 167, 180. Mong. qabtaɣa, qabturɣa > Evk. kapturga etc. (see Poppe 1966, 195,
TMN 1, 384-385, Doerfer MT 39); > Kirgh. qaptɨrɣa etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 271-272).
PTurk. *Kāp 1 sack 2 to surround (1 мешок 2 окружать): Karakh.
qap 1 (MK); Tur. kap 1; Gag. qap 1; Az. Gab; Turkm. Gāp 1, Gāba- 2;
MTurk. qap 1 (MA, IM), qaba- ‘to besiege’ (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qɔp 1; Uygh.
qap 1, dial. qaba- 2; Krm. qap 1; Tat. qap 1; Bashk. qap 1; Kirgh. qap 1; Kaz.
qap 1; KBalk. qap 1; KKalp. qap 1; Kum. qap 1; Nogh. qap 1; SUygh. qap 1;
Khak. xap 1; Shr. qap 1; Oyr. qap 1; Tv. xap 1; Tof. qap/b- 1; Yak. xappar 1
(?).
◊ VEWT 233, TMN 3, 366-367, EDT 578 (should be separated from *kab!) ЭСТЯ 5, 159,
266-267 (with a partial confusion with another root, probably of Mongolian origin, see
under *KAmug), 266-267. Despite Doerfer (ibid.) the resemblance with *Kāpuk ‘bark’ is
only superficial. See also notes to *K(i)amak / *K(i)apak ‘forehead, eyebrow/eyelid’.
*kăp῾è - *kàra
647
PJpn. *kàmpú- helmet (шлем): OJpn. kabut(w)o; MJpn. kàbúto; Tok.
kábuto; Kyo. kàbútò; Kag. kabutó.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ KW 167, 180, Poppe 17, 18, 43, Цинциус 1984, 76-77. Mergers with
phonetically close roots (e. g. *k῾ap῾a ‘barrier’, *k῾op῾e ‘film, covering’,
*kobe ‘clothing’, *k῾āp῾V ‘bladder’) were possible - which may explain
some vocalic and prosodic irregularities.
-kăp῾è to squeeze, press together: Tung. *kap-; Mong. *kajiči; Turk.
*Kɨp-.
PTung. *kap- 1 together 2 to press, squeeze together 3 couple 4
gripe 5 trap (1 вместе 2 давить, прижимать 3 пара 4 тиски, зажим 5
капкан): Evk. kapkal- 2; Neg. kap 1, kapel 5; Man. qab(a) 3, χafira- 2,
χafiraqu 4; SMan. havirəhun, havirəhun (2619) ‘narrow, tight’; Ul. qap 1,
qapụra- 2, qapụraqụ 4, qapalị 5; Ork. qap 1, qapịra 4; Nan. qap 1, qapịra- 2,
qapịraqo 4, qapalị 5; Orch. kapali 1; Ud. käfi- 2 (Корм. 247), kab῾au 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 376, 378-379.
PMong. *kajiči scissors (ножницы): MMong. xajiči (HY 21), qaiči
(MA); WMong. qajiči(n) (L 912); Kh. xajč; Bur. xajša; Kalm. xǟčə; Ord.
xǟči; Dag. kai (Тод. Даг. 148: kaiči, xaiči), kajči (MD 181); Dong. qaičɨ;
Bao. χiči; S.-Yugh. χaiči; Mongr. xi, xći (SM 166), xaiči.
◊ KW 180, TMN 1, 448, MGCD 318. Mong. > Oyr. qajčɨ etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 209-211); Evk.
kajič etc., see Poppe 1966, 193, TMN 1, 449, Doerfer MT 64-65.
PTurk. *Kɨp- 1 to press together 2 scissors 3 tongs 4 to cut (with
scissors) (1 сжимать 2 ножницы 3 клещи): Karakh. qɨftu (MK) 2; Tur.
kɨptɨ (dial.) 2, kɨ(r)p- 4; Az. Gɨrp- 4; Turkm. Gɨp- 1; MTurk. qɨptɨ 2
(Houts., Ettuhf.); Krm. qɨptɨ 2; KBalk. qɨptɨ 2; Khak. xɨptɨ 2, xɨpla- 4; Shr.
qɨptɨ 2, qɨpla- 4; Oyr. qɨpta 2, qɨpčɨn- 1; Chuv. xɨpčъk 3; Yak. kɨptɨj 2, kɨbɨt-,
kɨbɨj- 1; Dolg. kɨptɨj- 2.
◊ VEWT 234, EDT 582, ЭСТЯ 6, 221-222, 224, Stachowski 168.
‖ KW 180, Владимирцов 270, Poppe 48. A Western isogloss. Despite Doerfer’s doubts (TMN 1, 450), the Turk. and Mong. forms cannot
be separated from each other. It is interesting also to mention the forms
meaning ‘to wink’ ( < *’press eyelids together’) among the reflexes of
PT *Kɨp- (usually confused with *Kɨp- ‘spark’) and the TM derivative
*kapta- (usually confused with *kapta- ‘flat’). Cf. also *k῾ap῾V.
-kàra ( ~ k῾-) opposite, enemy: Mong. *kar-; Turk. *Kar-; Jpn. *kàtà-.
PMong. *kar- 1 foreign, alien 2 to be related to, connected with (1
чужой, иностранный 2 иметь отношение к, быть связанным с):
WMong. qari 1, qari-lča- 2 (L 937, 939); Kh. xaŕ 1, xarilca- 2; Bur. xari 1,
xarilsa- 2; Kalm. xäŕə 1; Ord. xari 1, xarilčin, xarilčan ‘mutually’.
◊ KW 171. Cf. also MMong. qarɣu-, qarɣa-, Kalm. χarɣə- ‘to meet’ (KW 169).
648
*kara - *kara
PTurk. *Kar- 1 opposite 2 be opposite, meet 3 bandit (1 противоположный 2 встречаться 3 разбойник): OTurk. qaršɨ (OUygh.) 1; qaraqčɨ
(OUygh.) 3; Karakh. qaršu (MK, KB), qaršɨ (KB) 1, qaraqčɨ (KB) 3, qaraqla(MK) ‘to rob’; Turkm. Garšɨ- 2; Garaq 3; MTurk. qaraq (Pav. C., Abush.)
3; Uzb. qɛrɛqči 3; Tat. qaraq 3; Bashk. qaraq 3; Kirgh. qaraqčɨ 3; KKalp.
qaraqšɨ 3; Kum. qaraq 3; Nogh. qaraq 3; Chuv. xirəś- 2; xorax 3; Yak. xar,
xār 1 (Пек.); xar-da ‘retaliation’; xarɨs- ‘to fight (with each other)’; Dolg.
kar-da ‘retaliation’, karɨs- ‘to fight’.
◊ VEWT 235, ЭСТЯ 5, 294-295, 326-327, Ашм. XVI, 219-220, Федотов 2, 365-366, Stachowski 139, 140. Chuv. xirəś- may actually reflect a different root (see *gerüĺ-), or a contamination. Turk. qaršɨ > Mong. qarsi (Clark 1980, 41). Cf. also *Karma ‘robbery’.
PJpn. *kàtà- enemy, opposite (враг, противник): MJpn. kàtàkjì; Tok.
katakí; Kyo. kátàkì; Kag. katakí.
◊ JLTT 443.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 276, Мудрак Дисс. 89. Cf. *kéro. In PTM cf. perhaps
*(x)arča- ‘to meet, oppose (an animal during hunting)’ (ТМС 1, 53) - a
root that should be kept distinct from *ača- ‘to meet’. In this case the
reconstruction *k῾àra should be preferred for PA.
-kara ( ~ -u) to look, observe: Tung. *kara-; Mong. *kara-; Turk. *Karak;
Kor. *kàrm-.
PTung. *kara- 1 to guard, protect 2 to watch (1 беречь, защищать 2
наблюдать): Evk. karama-, karma- 1, kara-m-na- ‘to envy’; Evn. qarɣụs- 1
(Arm.), qarqị- ‘to wait’; Man. qarma- 1 (perhaps also χarša-, ТМС 1, 380);
SMan. qarmə- (797) 1; Ul. qarGa-čụ- 2; Ork. qarGa- 2; Nan. qarGa-čị- 2;
◊ ТМС 1, 381-382. The Evk. form kar(a)ma- is cited from Lee 1958 (quoting Shirokogoroff 1944 which was unavailable to us).
PMong. *kara- 1 to look 2 patrol, watch (1 смотреть 2 патруль, караул): MMong. qara- 1, qara’ul (SH) 2, qara- (MA, HYt) 1; WMong. qara1, qaraɣul 2 (L 932, 933); Kh. xara- 1, xarūl 2; Bur. xara- 1; Kalm. xarə- 1;
Ord. xara- 1; Mog. qara- 1 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xarāla- 1 (Тод. Даг.
174), xarōl 2; S.-Yugh. χarūl 2, χarəmul ‘sight’; Mongr. xarla- (SM 164),
xarə- 1; xarəmul ‘sight’.
◊ KW 169, MGCD 329, 331, 334. Mong. > Chag. etc. qara-, qarawul (see TMN 1, 401,
Щербак 1997, 208; a backloan from Turkic is probably ZM qarawol (8-6a) ‘vanguard’),
ЭСТЯ 5, 288-289, 290-291.
PTurk. *Karak 1 eye-ball 2 eye 3 a gentle address (“my dear”) (1
зрачок 2 глаз 3 ласковое обращение): OTurk. qaraq 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. qaraq 2 (MK, KB); Tur. köz karasɨ 1, Osm. (XV) qaraq 2; Az. göz
Garasɨ 1; Turkm. Garaq 1; MTurk. qaraq (Pav. C., Бор. Бад., Sangl.) 1,
(Abush.) 2; Uzb. qɔrɛčiq 1; Uygh. qar(i)čuq 1; Kirgh. qaraq 3, dial. qareq 1,
2; Kaz. qaraq 3, qarašɨq 1; KKalp. qaraq 3, qarašɨq 1; Nogh. qarašɨq 1; Khak.
*kàra(ma) - *kare
649
xarax 2, dial. xaračɨ 1; Shr. qaraq 2; Oyr. qaraq 1, 2; Tv. qaraq 2; Tof. qaraq
2; Chuv. koś xori 1; Yak. xarax 2; Dolg. karak 2.
◊ VEWT 235-236, TMN 3, 434-436, EDT 652, Ашм. VII, 36, ЭСТЯ 5, 295-296, Лексика
210, Stachowski 138. Deriving *Karak from *Kara ‘black’ (see also TMN 1, 401) is highly
dubious both for semantic and morphological reasons; forms like Tur. göz karasɨ result
from secondary reanalysis. Cf. also the forms *Kara-la- ‘to stare’ (Az. qarala-, Uygh.
qarala-, see ЭСТЯ 5, 289), *Karaj- ‘to watch, preserve’ (Yak. xaraj-, Dolg. karaj-; Yak. xarɨs
‘care, wariness’, Dolg. karɨstā- ‘to care, beware’, see Stachowski 138, 140) - which, in contrast to qara- ‘look’ ( < Mong.) are unlikely to be borrowed.
PKor. *kàrm- 1 to keep, preserve 2 to wash the dead, bury (1 хранить 2 обмывать покойника, хоронить): MKor. kàrm- 1, 2; Mod.
kam-čhu- ‘to hide’.
◊ Nam 22, KED 50.
‖ KW 169, VEWT 235 (the TM forms in ТМС 1,380 - Man. qara-, qarun etc. - are obviously borrowed from Mongolian, see Doerfer MT 51,
138, Rozycki 135), Lee 1958, 114, АПиПЯЯ 287.
-kàra(ma) thin stick, rod: Tung. *kar-; Turk. *Karmak; Jpn. *kàrim; Kor.
*kármó.
PTung. *kar- rod, thin branch (прут, лоза): Evk. kar, kari, karê.
◊ ТМС 1, 379. Cf. perhaps also Orok qarụmalịma ‘children’s sledge’ (?).
PTurk. *Karmak 1 fishing rod 2 hook (1 удочка 2 крюк): Karakh.
qarmaq (KB) 1,2; Tur. karmuk 2, dial. garmaɣ 1; Az. GarmaG 1,2; Turkm.
Garmaq 1,2; MTurk. qarmaq (IM, MA) 1, 2; Uzb. qɛrmɔq 2; Uygh.
qa(r)maq 1,2; Tat. qarmaq 1,2; Bashk. qarmaq 1,2; Kirgh. qarmaq 1,2; Kaz.
qarmaq 1,2; KKalp. qarmaq 1,2; Nogh. qarmaq 1,2; Khak. xarmax 1,2; Shr.
qarbaq 1,2; Oyr. qarmaq 1,2; Tv. dial. qarmaq 1,2.
◊ VEWT 238, ЭСТЯ 5, 309-310 (usually considered to be derived from *Karba-, but
this is phonetically dubious).
PJpn. *kàrim axle, metal tube for axle (ось, втулка): OJpn. karimo;
MJpn. kàmò.
◊ JLTT 436.
PKor. *kármó axle, metal tube for axle (ось, втулка): MKor. kármó.
◊ Nam 19.
‖ The root is not widely represented, but seems reliable; the meaning ‘axle’ in Kor.-Jpn. has developed < ‘thin stick’.
-kare bow, to shoot from a bow: Tung. *kar-; Mong. *karbu-; Turk. *Kɨrɨĺ
/ *kiriĺ.
PTung. *kar- 1 to kill 2 to fight (1 убивать 2 драться): Evk. kare- 1;
Ork. karamači- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 380, 381.
PMong. *karbu- to shoot from a bow (стрелять из лука): MMong.
qarbu (HY 39, SH), qarbu- (MA); WMong. qarbu- (L 936); Kh. xarva-; Bur.
xarba-; Kalm. xarwə-; Ord. xarwa-, xarwu-; Mog. qarbuxči ‘gun’ (Weiers);
650
*karmo - *kàrò(mV)
Dag. xarba-, xarma- (Тод. Даг. 174); harebe- (MD 157); Bao. χurə-;
S.-Yugh. χarwu-; Mongr. xarmu- (SM 164).
◊ KW 177, MGCD 331. Mong. qarbu- > Evk. garpa-, garpū- etc. (ТМС 1, 142).
PTurk. *Kɨrɨĺ / *kiriĺ bow string (тетива): OTurk. kiriš (OUygh.);
Karakh. kiriš (MK); Tur. kiriš; Az. kiriš; Turkm. kiriš; MTurk. kiriš (Pav.
C., IM, AH, Qutb.); Krm. kiriš; Tat. kereš; Bashk. kereš; Kirgh. kirič; Kum.
kiriš; Nogh. kiris; Khak. kərəs, xɨrɨs; Shr. kiriš; Oyr. kiriš; Tv. kiriš; Chuv.
xirlü; Yak. kiris, kɨrɨs.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 71-72, Лексика 578.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *kàra.
-karmo a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *karmu- / *karbu-; Turk. *Kordaj ( <
*Korm-daj ?); Jpn. *kàmmái (~-ia); Kor. *kằrmjkí.
PTung. *karmu- / *karbu- 1 a k. of swallow 2 a k. of duck (1 ласточка береговая 2 утка-чернеть): Evk. karbukī 2; Nan. qarmor 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 379. Cf. also *komparī ‘heron’ ( < *karmorī?), see ТМС 1, 413.
PTurk. *Kordaj ( < *Korm-daj ?) pelican; swan (пеликан; лебедь):
Karakh. qordaj (MK); Uygh. qodaj ‘swan’; Khak. xordɨ ‘heron’; Oyr. qordoj ‘heron’.
◊ VEWT 282, EDT 649, Лексика 173, ЭСТЯ 6, 79. Cf. also Shor qoromčuq
‘полунощник’ (птица). Turk. > Mong. qorda (KW 187).
PJpn. *kàmmái (~-ia) gull (чайка): OJpn. kamame; MJpn. kàmómé;
Tok. kàmome; Kyo. kàmòmé; Kag. kamomé.
◊ JLTT 436.
PKor. *kằrmjkí gull (чайка): MKor. kằrmjkí, kărmjəkɨi; Mod.
kalmägi.
◊ Nam 20, KED 45.
‖ Martin 232-233, Лексика 173. Cf. perhaps MMong. qara’una (HY
15) ‘a k. of bird’. The tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. Like many bird names, an expressive and rather unreliable
root.
-kàrò(mV) ( ~ k῾-) a k. of weed, cockle: Tung. *kara ( ~ *x-); Mong.
*karaɣu, *karbaɣur; Turk. *KAramuk; Jpn. *kàràmùsì; Kor. *kắràč.
PTung. *kara ( ~ *x-) a k. of weed (негодная трава, плевел): Man.
χara.
◊ ТМС 1, 379.
PMong. *karaɣu, *karbaɣur 1 darnel grass, smut 2 privet, a k. of
shrub or weed (волоснец даурский, Elymus) (1 плевел, головня 2 вид
кустарника или сорного растения (волоснец даурский, Elymus)):
WMong. qaraw, (L 933) qaraɣu 1, qarbaɣur 2; Kh. xarū 1, xarvor 2; Bur.
xarbūl, xarbūr 2.
PTurk. *KAramuk cockle (куколь): Karakh. qaramuq (MK); Tur.
dial. karamuk; MTurk. qaramuq (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qɔrɛmuɣ; Uygh.
*kărsi - *kàru
651
qarimuq; Tat. qaramɨq (Sib.); Kirgh. qaramɨq; Kaz. qaramɨq; KKalp.
qaramɨq; Kum. qaramčɨq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 296-297.
PJpn. *kàràmùsì Boehmeria frutescens, a k. of hemp (вид конопли,
Boehmeria frutescens): MJpn. kàràmùsì; Tok. karamushi.
◊ JLTT 439. Analysed within Jpn. as kara ‘China’ + musi ‘ramie’, which may be a folk
etymology.
PKor. *kắràč Setaria viridis; Lolium temulentum (Setaria viridis; Lolium temulentum): MKor. kắràs; Mod. karaǯi.
◊ Nam 11, KED 10.
‖ Lee 1958, 112 (Tung.-Kor.). Turkic has *KAra- (not *Kora-), obviously influenced by *Kara- ‘black’. Cf. similar weed names: Turk.
*Küreŋ ‘sedge’ (ЭСТЯ 5, 147-148), Mong. küresün, kürmenli, kürümeli id.
-kărsi fox, marten: Tung. *karsi; Mong. *kirsa; Turk. *KArsak.
PTung. *karsi marten (куница): Man. χarsa; Nan. qarsa; Ud. kahä
(Корм. 246).
◊ ТМС 1, 361.
PMong. *kirsa steppe fox (степная лиса): MMong. kirsa (HY 10);
WMong. kirsa (L 472); Kh. ars; Kalm. kirsə; Ord. girsa.
◊ KW 232. Mong. > Kirgh. qɨrsa, Yak. kɨrsa (VEWT 267), Evk., Evn., Man. kirsa ‘steppe
fox’ (ТМС 1, 399, Rozycki 140); but the TM names for ‘marten’ are genuine, despite Doerfer MT 142.
PTurk. *KArsak steppe fox (степная лиса): OTurk. qarsaq (OUygh.);
Karakh. qarsaq (MK); Turkm. Garsaq; MTurk. qarsaq (IM, Ettuhf.); Uzb.
qɛrsɔq; Tat. qarsaq; Bashk. qarhaq; Kirgh. qarsaq; Kaz. qarsaq; KKalp. qarsaq; Nogh. qarsaq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 313, Лексика 161, TMN 3, 442.
‖ Новикова 1972, 129-130, Лексика 161. A Western isogloss.
-kàru ( ~ k῾-) black: Mong. *kara; Turk. *Kara; Jpn. *kùruà-.
PMong. *kara black (черный): MMong. qara (HY 41, SH), qara (IM),
qăra (MA); WMong. qara (L 931); Kh. xar; Bur. xara; Kalm. xarъ; Ord.
xara; Mog. qarō; ZM qarā (13-8); Dag. xara, xar (Тод. Даг. 174), hare (MD
157); Dong. qara; Bao. xera; S.-Yugh. xara; Mongr. xara (SM 158).
◊ KW 168, MGCD 328. Mong. > Evk. karā, Man. qara etc. ‘black (of horse)’ (ТМС 1,
379, Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 101, 133); > MKor. kara (măr), see Lee 1958, 119).
PTurk. *Kara black (черный): OTurk. qara (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. qara (MK, KB); Tur. kara; Gag. qara; Az. Gara; Turkm. Gara; Sal.
Gara; Khal. qara; MTurk. qara (MA, IM, Pav. C., AH, Бор. Бад.); Uzb.
qɔrɛ; Uygh. qara, dial. qare; Krm. qara; Tat. qara; Bashk. qara; Kirgh. qara;
Kaz. qara; KBalk. qara; KKalp. qara; Kum. qara; Nogh. qara; SUygh. Gara;
Khak. xara; Shr. qara; Oyr. qara; Tv. qara; Tof. qara; Chuv. xora; Yak. xara;
Dolg. kara.
652
*kărV - *kasa
◊ VEWT 235, TMN 3, 426-432, EDT 643-4, ЭСТЯ 5, 286-289, 299-100, Лексика
592-593, Stachowski 138, Федотов 2, 362.
PJpn. *kùruà- black (черный): OJpn. kurwo-; MJpn. kùrò-; Tok. kuró-;
Kyo. kúrò-; Kag. kuró-.
◊ JLTT 833.
‖ EAS 107, Владимирцов 324, ОСНЯ 1, 338, АПиПЯЯ 54-55, 73,
103-104, 274. Despite TMN 3, 427, Щербак 1997, 134, there is no need
to regard the Mong. word as borrowed from Turkic (although it is not
excluded).
-kărV a k. of bird: Tung. *kara-; Mong. *kar-; Turk. *K(i)ar-.
PTung. *kara- 1 woodcock 2 hazel grouse 3 wild birds (ducks,
geese) 4 jackdaw 5 a k. of bird 6 rook 7 black heron 8 cormorant (1
вальдшнеп 2 рябчик 3 дикие птицы (утки, гуси) 4 галка 5 вид птицы 6 грач 7 черная цапля 8 баклан): Evk. kara 1, karakī 2; Neg. karax 3;
Man. qaraki 6, qaralǯa 7, qarasu 8; Ork. qarị 4; Nan. qarqaj 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 379.
PMong. *kar- 1 grey crane 2 swallow (1 серый журавль 2 ласточка): MMong. xarijača (HY 14) 2; WMong. qarkira 1 (L 940), qarijačai 2 (L
938); Kh. xarācaj 2; Bur. xarāsgaj 2; xarxali ‘чекан (птица из семейства
дроздовых)’; Kalm. xarādā 2 (КРС); Ord. xarāčǟ 2; Dong. qaranča 2;
Mongr. xara(n)ćiG (SM 159), xarabǯaGē 2, xarančiGē 2.
PTurk. *K(i)ar- 1 heron, crane 2 swallow, swift (1 цапля, журавль 2
ласточка): OTurk. qarlɨɣač (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qarlɨɣač, qarɣɨlač (MK) 2;
Tur. karkara 1, kɨrlanɣɨč, kɨrlɨk 2; Az. GaranGuš, Garaɣloš 2; Turkm.
Garqara (dial.) 1, Garlavāč 2; MTurk. qarluwač, qarluɣač (Sangl., Pav. C.,
MA), qarlaɣač (Houts.), qarlawuč (AH); Uzb. qɛrqɛrɛ 1, qɛldirɣɔč 2; Uygh.
qaqira 1, qalɣač (dial.) 2; Tat. qarlɨɣač 2; Bashk. qarlɨɣas (dial.) 2; Kirgh.
qarqɨra 1, qardɨɣač 2; Kaz. qarqɨra 1, qarlɨɣaš 2; KBalk. qarɨlɣač 2; KKalp.
qarlɨɣaš 2; Kum. qarlaɣač, qarlɨɣač 2; Nogh. qarlɨɣaš 2; Khak. xarlaɣas,
xarlɨɣas (dial.) 2; Shr. qarlāš 2; Oyr. qarlaɣaš, qarɨlɣaš 2; Yak. xaraŋaččɨ 2.
◊ EDT 657, ЭСТЯ 5, 306-309; Лексика 175-176.
‖ A Western isogloss. See Лексика 175, Pelliot HMP 573 (Doerfer
TMN 3, 499: “unsicher”). Like many bird names, the root is expressive
and probably onomatopoetic in origin.
-kasa to prohibit, be in one’s way: Tung. *kas-; Mong. *kasi-; Jpn.
*kasi-m-; Kor. *ksr-.
PTung. *kas- 1 to reproach 2 to look down on (1 упрекать 2 пренебрежительно глядеть): Evn. qas- 1; Man. qasana- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 382.
PMong. *kasi- to have a bitter experience, become frustrated (не
удаваться, разочаровываться): WMong. qasira- (L 942); Kh. xašir,
*kaserV - *kāšu(kV)
653
xašra-; Bur. xašar ‘хлопоты, беспокойство’; хašar- ‘испытывать
отвращение’; Ord. Gašara-; S.-Yugh. Gašar-.
◊ MGCD 334.
PJpn. *kasi-m- annoying, noisy (надоедливый, шумный): OJpn.
kasi-ma-si; MJpn. kasi-ma-si, kasi-ga-ma-si; Tok. kashimashi-.
◊ JLTT 831.
PKor. *ksr- to oppose, defy (противостоять, пренебрегать):
MKor. ksr-; Mod. kəsɨrɨ-.
◊ Liu 42, KED 85.
‖ Cf. *kesa, *gaso.
-kaserV ( ~ k῾-) young cow, heifer: Mong. *kasirag; Turk. *Kɨsɨr.
PMong. *kasirag a 3-year-old cow, heifer (трехлетняя корова, телка): WMong. qasiraɣ (L 942); Bur. xašarag ‘двухгодовалый телок, двухлетний бычок’, xašarag bāxaldaj ‘двухлетний медведь’.
◊ Mong. > Khak. xazɨra etc.; cf. also (from xašrag?) Kaz. qašar, Chag. qačarǯa, see ЭСТЯ
5, 343; Russ. dial. kačarák and similar forms, see Аникин 275, 276.
PTurk. *Kɨsɨr 1 barren (cow) 2 barren mare (1 яловая (корова) 2
яловая кобыла): Karakh. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsraq 2 (MK); Tur. kɨsɨr 1, kɨsrak 2; Gag.
qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; Az. Gɨsɨr 1, GɨsraG 2; Turkm. Gɨsɨr 1, Gɨsraq 2; Khal. qɨsɨr
1; MTurk. qɨsɨr (Pav. C.) 1, qɨsɨraq 2 (Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. qisir 1; Uygh.
qisir 1; Krm. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; Tat. qɨsɨr 1; Bashk. qɨϑɨr 1, qɨϑɨraq (dial.) 2;
Kirgh. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; Kaz. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; KBalk. qɨsɨr 1; KKalp. qɨsɨr 1,
qɨsɨraq 2; Kum. qɨsɨr 1; Nogh. qɨsɨr 1; SUygh. qɨsɨraq 2; Khak. xɨzɨr 1,
xɨzɨrax 2; Shr. qɨzɨr 1; Oyr. qɨzɨr 1; Tv. qɨzɨr 1, qɨzɨraq 2; Chuv. xəzər 1,
kəsre 2; Yak. kɨtarā- ‘стать стародойною, яловеть’; Dolg. kɨtarak ‘barren’.
◊ EDT 668-669, VEWT 267, 268, ЭСТЯ 6, 249-251, Stachowski 170. Turk. > Kalm. kīsr,
KW 234 (but Doerfer TMN 3, 476 objects, saying that Kalm. is a “dialektische Variante
von kǖsr < ke’ü-ser”); > Mong. qusuraŋ / kisuraŋ ‘barren (cow)’ > Man. kisari.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss., with many later interlingual loans.
-kāšu(kV) to tickle: Tung. *kašaka-; Mong. *giǯige; Turk. *Kčɨk, *gīči-;
Jpn. *kúsú(n)kúr-.
PTung. *kašaka- 1 to tickle 2 to become scabby 3 scabs (1 щекотать
2 паршиветь 3 парша, струпья): Evk. kačaka- 1; Neg. kačaxa- 1; Man.
qasana-, qasqana- 2, qasqa(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 382, 385.
PMong. *giǯige tickle (щекотка, щекотать): WMong. giǯige, geǯige;
geǯigele-, geǯigene-, giǯigene- (L 381); Kh. giǯig; Bur. gežegendehe(n); Kalm.
giǯŋne-.
◊ KW 135.
PTurk. *Kčɨk, *gīči- 1 itching, tickling 2 to tickle (1 зуд, щекотка 2
щекотать): Karakh. kiči-, qɨčɨ-la- (v.) (MK); Tur. giǯik- 2, giǯik, gɨǯɨk 1;
654
*kat῾[a] - *kt῾e
Turkm. gīǯi 1, Gɨǯɨq 1, gīǯe- 2; MTurk. giǯik 1 (Pav. C.); Krm. kiči- 2; Tat.
keče- (dial.) 2; KBalk. kičüw 1; Tv. kiǯi- 2; Tof. kiǯi- 2; Chuv. kəźə 1.
◊ VEWT 260, 269, ЭСТЯ 3, 42-43, 6, 186-187, TMN 3, 567, EDT 591, 695. The back row
variant is interacting with PT *Kɨč- ‘to scrape, itch’ q. v. sub *k῾ùčù.
PJpn. *kúsú(n)kúr- to tickle (щекотать): Tok. kùsugur-; Kyo.
kúsúgúr-; Kag. kusugúr-.
◊ JLTT 717.
‖ ЭСТЯ 3, 43. Some irregularities are due to expressivity.
-kat῾[a] ( ~ -t-) to mix, join: Tung. *kata-; Mong. *kudku-; Turk. *Kat-;
Jpn. *kata-.
PTung. *kata- 1 to tie hard 2 band 3 friend (1 крепко привязывать
2 лента, тесьма 3 друг): Evn. qataq 3; Neg. kataɣa- 1, katịxa 3; Man. χata
2; Ul. qatara- 1; Ork. qatara- 1; Nan. qatara- ‘to grasp one’s hair’.
◊ ТМС 1, 384.
PMong. *kudku- to mix (смешивать): WMong. qudqu- (L 981); Kh.
xutga-; Bur. xudxa-; Kalm. xutxə- (КРС); Ord. Gudxu-; Dag. korku-;
Dong. quduɣu-; Bao. doGə-; S.-Yugh. qudGə-; Mongr. GusGu- (SM 128).
◊ MGCD 394. Mong. > Evk. kutku- etc., see Doerfer MT 111.
PTurk. *Kat- to mix, add, tie to (смешивать, добавлять): OTurk.
qat- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qat- (MK, KB); Tur. kat-; Az. Gat-; Turkm.
Gat-; MTurk. qat- (Sangl., MA, Pav. C., Qutb.); Uygh. qat-; Tat. qat-;
Bashk. qat-; Kirgh. qat-; Kaz. qat-; KBalk. qat-; KKalp. qat-; Kum. qat-;
Nogh. qat-; Khak. xat-; Shr. qat-; Oyr. qat-; Tv. qa’t-; Tof. qa’t-; Chuv.
xodъš ‘mixture’; Yak. xat- (but kɨtar- ‘to mix’); Dolg. kat-.
◊ EDT 594-595, VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 336, 337-338, Stachowski 141, Федотов 2, 373374.
PJpn. *kata- to mix, join, unite (смешивать, соединять): OJpn. kata-;
MJpn. kata-.
◊ JLTT 706.
‖ The Mong. vocalism is not quite clear.
-kt῾e to knock (of hooves), trot: Tung. *kata- / *kete-; Mong. *katari-;
Turk. *Ktɨr-; Kor. *kthí-.
PTung. *kata- / *kete- to knock (with hooves), sound of knocking
(стучать (копытами), подражание стуку): Neg. keter-keter; Man.
kete-qata; Ul. ketes; Ork. qatam, qatar, qatari; Nan. keter-keter.
◊ ТМС 1, 384, 456. Other expressive variants are: Man. kitir seme ‘quick (of horse
trot)’ (ТМС 1, 400), *kute- (ТМС 1, 440).
PMong. *katari- to trot (скакать, бежать рысью): WMong. qatari- (L
945); Kh. xatira-; Bur. xatar ‘рысь’; Kalm. xatərə- (КРС); Ord. Gatari-,
Gatira-; Dag. katrə- (Тод. Даг. 148: katara-), katere (MD 182).
◊ MGCD 336. Mong. > Manchu katara- ‘to trot’ (see Rozycki 135).
*kébà(rV) - *kḗči
655
PTurk. *Ktɨr- to walk, go round (ходить, обходить вокруг): Tur.
kɨdɨr- (dial.); Turkm. Gɨdɨr- (dial.); Uzb. qidir-; Krm. qɨdɨr-; Tat. qɨdɨr(dial.); Bashk. qɨδɨr-; Kirgh. qɨdɨr-; qɨdɨŋ ‘семенящий при беге (о жив.)’;
Kaz. qɨdɨr-; KBalk. qɨdɨr-; KKalp. qɨdɨr-; Kum. qɨdɨr-; Nogh. qɨdɨr-; Yak.
kɨtɨgɨras ‘проворный, быстрый, резвый (о звере), скороход’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 185.
PKor. *kthí- to stumble (спотыкаться): MKor. kthí-.
◊ Nam 36.
‖ An expressive root, but seems to be common Altaic.
-kébà(rV) field, steppe: Tung. *keber-; Mong. *keɣere; Jpn. *kápí.
PTung. *keber- plain, steppe, meadow (равнина, степь, луг): Evk.
kewer, kewe-kte; Evn. kēr-ke; Sol. xeber.
◊ ТМС 1, 443.
PMong. *keɣere steppe, desert (степь, пустыня): MMong. ke’er (SH,
HY 4), keher ‘desert’ (IM); WMong. keɣere (L 443); Kh. xēr; Bur. xēre
‘steppe; taiga’; Kalm. kērə (КРС); Ord. kēre; Dag. xēr, kēr (Тод. Даг. 149);
hēre (MD 159); S.-Yugh. kēre.
◊ TMN 1, 484, MGCD 337.
PJpn. *kápí valley between mountains (долина между гор): OJpn.
kapji; MJpn. káfí.
◊ JLTT 433.
‖ EAS 89, Poppe 48, АПиПЯЯ 14, 68. Despite Poppe 1972, 97, TMN
1, 485, Doerfer MT 94, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-kḗči night, evening: Mong. *keči-; Turk. *gēč (-e); Jpn. *kisə.
PMong. *keči- day before yesterday (позавчера): Dag. kečig udur
(Тод. Даг. 150), kečihe (MD 182).
PTurk. *gēč (-e) 1 long time 2 late 3 be late 4 night 5 evening 6 yesterday (1 долго 2 поздний 3 опаздывать 4 ночь 5 вечер 6 вчера):
OTurk. keč 1, 2, keč- 3, keče 4, 5 (OUygh.); Karakh. keč 1, 2 (KB, MK), keč3 (MK), kečä 4, 5 (KB, MK); Tur. geč 2, geǯe 4; Gag. geǯä 4; Az. geǯä 4;
Turkm. gīč 2, gīǯe 4; Sal. gäǯi 4; Khal. kīečä 4; MTurk. geče 4 (Pav.C.);
Uzb. keča 4, 6; Uygh. käčä 5; Krm. geǯe 4; Tat. kič 5, kičɛ 5, 6; Bashk. kis 5,
kisä 5, 6; Kirgh. keč 2, kečē 4, 5; Kaz. keš 2, 5, kešä 5, 6; KBalk. keč 5, keče;
KKalp. keš 2, 5; Kum. geče 4; Nogh. keš 2, 5; SUygh. kiče 4 (Mal.); Khak.
kiǯē 6; Shr. kečik 5 (Верб.); Oyr. keč 2, 5, keče 6; Tv. kežē 5; Tof. keǯe 5;
Chuv. kaś 5; Yak. kiehe 5; Dolg. kiehe 5.
◊ VEWT 245, EDT 692-3, 694-5, ЭСТЯ 3, 40-41, 50-51, Лексика 82, Stachowski 147.
PJpn. *ki(n)sə last night (прошлой ночью): OJpn. kjiso; MJpn. kiso.
◊ JLTT 452. OJ also has kjinopu ‘yesterday’ (modern kinō), which may be a contraction
< *kisə-nə-pu (with a not quite clear -pu: is it = *pi ‘day’?).
‖ See Лексика 82: rather dubious, because of very scanty attestation
in Mongolian.
656
*kč῾á - *kejbe
-kč῾á slanting, oblique: Tung. *kečeri-; Mong. *keče; Turk. *Kač-; Jpn.
*kàntúa; Kor. *kjčh.
PTung. *kečeri- to turn, change sides (поворачивать(ся)): Ul. kečeri-mbuči-; Nan. kečeri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 456.
PMong. *keče 1 slope 2 to be slanting, oblique, steep (1 склон, откос
2 косой, пологий, крутой): WMong. keč 1 (L 440: keče 2); Kh. xec 1; Bur.
xesɨ- 2; Kalm. kecə 1 (КРС); Dag. keči ‘edge, bank, shore’ (MD 182);
Dong. qeča ‘shore’ (Тод. Дн.).
PTurk. *Kač- slanting (косой): Tur. kačɨk; Tat. qaʒaj- (Sib.); Khak.
xaǯɨ-, xasxax ‘bent backward’; Shr. qazɨr- ‘to bend’; Tv. xažɨj-tɨr; Chuv.
xoś- ‘to bend’.
◊ VEWT 217, Ашм. XVI 242-246.
PJpn. *kàntúa angle, corner (угол): MJpn. kàdó; Tok. kádo; Kyo. kàdó;
Kag. kadó.
◊ JLTT 432.
PKor. *kjčh side (сторона): MKor. kjčh; Mod. kjət [kjəth].
◊ Nam 44, KED 128.
‖ Cf. *k῾ǯa, *kéč῾a (the three roots are sometimes difficult to distinguish). The medial -j- in Kor. is not quite clear.
-kéč῾à side: Jpn. *kátà; Kor. *kčh.
PJpn. *kátà side, direction; form, shape (сторона, направление;
форма, вид): OJpn. kata; MJpn. kátà; Tok. katá; Kyo. kátà; Kag. káta.
◊ JLTT 442.
PKor. *kčh outer appearance, exterior (внешний вид, внешность):
MKor. kčh; Mod. kəǯuk, kət [kəth].
◊ Nam 40, KED 87, 104.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss. See Martin 241, АПиПЯЯ 297 (with some
confusion of Kor. *kčh ‘exterior’ and *kằč- ‘near; end, limit’, see under
*kèč῾a, *k῾oǯa). The root seems very similar to both *kèč῾a and *k῾ǯa, but
in fact cannot be reduced to either of them. It is not even excluded that
the root does not exist at all: Kor. kčh ‘exterior side’ may be just a variant of kàčh ‘skin’ (see under *káč῾u), while Jpn. kátà may go back to PA
*k῾ada ‘side, to turn’ (q.v.).
-kejbe to lie: Tung. *kebi-; Mong. *keb-; Jpn. *kəjə-; Kor. *kìbúr-.
PTung. *kebi- to bow down, lie low (пригнуться, лечь ничком):
Man. keb, keo (seme); Ul. kebile-.
◊ ТМС 1, 442.
PMong. *keb- 1 to lie 2 to bow down (1 лежать 2 склоняться, нагибаться): MMong. kibtä-, kbtä- (MA), kebte-, kebde-, gebte- (SH) 1;
WMong. kebte- 1 (L 439), kebiji- 2; Kh. xevt- 2, xevij- 2; Bur. xebte-; Kalm.
keptə-; Ord. gebte-; Mog. teftä-; KT tebtä (11-1a); Dag. kert-, kerte- 1 (Тод.
*kḗjna - *keju
657
Даг. 150), kerete- 1 (MD 183); Dong. kiǯie-; Mongr. kidē- (SM 200) ‘to lie
(of animals)’.
◊ KW 226, MGCD 339.
PJpn. *kəjə- to lie (лежать): OJpn. koju-.
◊ JLTT 711.
PKor. *kìbúr- to bow down, be sloping, decline (наклоняться):
MKor. kì’úr-; Mod. kiul-.
◊ Nam 79, KED 272.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294, Ozawa 203-204, SKE 114.
-kḗjna ( ~ g-) crab; tick: Turk. *gĒne; Jpn. *kání; Kor. *ki.
PTurk. *gĒne tick, name of different parasites (клещ, назв. различных паразитов): Tur. gene, kene; Az. gänä; Turkm. gǟnä; Uzb. kana; Kaz.
kenä; KKalp. kene.
◊ VEWT 251, TMN 3, 615-616, ЭСТЯ 5, 63-64, Лексика 183. Voiced *g- and front row
vocalism speaks against the theory of Turk. being < Pers. kana (although some forms like
Khalaj kana and Turkm. dial. kǟnä may have been influenced by the Persian word - which
itself has so far no Iranian etymology and must be regarded as a Turkic loanword).
PJpn. *kání crab (краб): OJpn. kani; MJpn. kání; Tok. kàni; Kyo. kání;
Kag. káni.
◊ JLTT 437.
PKor. *ki crab (краб): MKor. ki; Mod. kē.
◊ Liu 51, KED 106.
‖ Martin 229, Miller 1980, 161-162, 1985a, 81, 1986, 48, Лексика 183.
Medial *-j- has to be reconstructed to account for loss of resonant in
Korean.
-keju ( ~ k῾-) to boil: Mong. *kajira-; Turk. *Kạjɨn-; Kor. *kò’-.
PMong. *kajira- to burn, roast (жарить): WMong. qajira-, qaɣari- (L
907); Kh. xajr-; Bur. xajra-; Kalm. xǟr-; Dag. xaira- (Тод. Даг. 172), xāri(Тод. Даг. 174); S.-Yugh. q῾ạjru- ‘to boil’ .
◊ KW 180. Mong. > Man. χari- etc. (ТМС 1, 463, Doerfer MT 142).
PTurk. *Kạjɨn- to boil (Intr.) (вариться): OTurk. qajɨn- (OUygh.);
Karakh. qajna- (MK, KB); Tur. kajna-; Gag. qajna-; Az. Gajna-; Turkm.
Gajna-; MTurk. qajna- (Qutb., IM); Uzb. qɛjnɛ-; Uygh. qajna-; Tat. qajna-;
Bashk. qajna-; Kirgh. qajna-; Kaz. qajna-; KKalp. qajna-; Nogh. qajna-;
Khak. xajna-; Oyr. qajna-; Tv. xajɨn-; Yak. kj- (kɨńńɨ-); Dolg. kɨjnar-,
kjnar- (trans.).
◊ VEWT 222, ЭСТЯ 5, 203-205, Stachowski 168, 171.
PKor. *kò’- to boil (варить): MKor. kò’-; Mod. kō-.
◊ Nam 48, KED 137.
‖ A possible derivative is PA *keju-ŕ(ga) ‘kettle’: PT *Kāŕgan (ЭСТЯ
5, 186-188 - a contraction < *Kaj-rgan ?); Mong. kaji-sun ( < *kajir-sun);
PTM *kejren (ТМС 1, 444); see KW 169; ЭСТЯ 5, 188. In that case PA *kshould be reconstructed.
*kḕju - *kela
658
-kḕju to pass beyond: Tung. *kēj-; Turk. *Kej-; Jpn. *kúaja-.
PTung. *kēj- 1 to go astray 2 to become wild (of a reindeer) (1 заблудиться, уйти в сторону 2 одичать (о домашнем олене)): Evk. kēj1; Evn. kējun- 1; Neg. kej- 2.
◊ ТМС 1,444.
PTurk. *Kej- to go away (уходить): Chuv. kaj-.
◊ Attested only in Chuvash; PT antiquity is dubious.
PJpn. *kúaja- to pass over, transgress (переходить, миновать):
OJpn. kwoja-; MJpn. kója-; Tok. kòe-; Kyo. kóé-; Kag. koé-.
◊ JLTT 710.
‖ The Jpn. form goes back to *keju-(ga)-. The Turkic parallel raises
doubts: the isolated Chuv. form may stem from Mari kaj- ‘to go’ ( < FU
*käwe, UEW 654), as suggested in VEWT 221.
-kekŋV breast, chest, ribs: Tung. *keŋ-tire; Mong. *keŋgir-; Turk.
*gEgrek.
PTung. *keŋ-tire 1 breast, chest 2 side (of body) (1 грудь 2 бок):
Evk. keŋtire 1; Evn. kēntъre 1; Nan. keŋtere 1; Ud. keŋte 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 451.
PMong. *keŋgir- chest (грудь): WMong. keŋgirdeg; Kh. xenxerceg,
xenxreg; Kalm. keŋgrtəg, keŋkrdəg; Dag. kenger (Тод. Даг. 149).
◊ KW 226. Mong. > Man. keŋgeri, Sol. xeŋer (see Doerfer MT 138); Kirgh. keŋirdek.
PTurk. *gEgrek lower soft ribs (нижние мягкие ребра): Tur. geɣrek;
Turkm. gejrek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 14, Дыбо 307, Лексика 276.
‖ Дыбо 307, Лексика 232, 276. A Western isogloss.
-kek῾V palate, throat: Tung. *kexere; Mong. *kekü-; Turk. *gekir-dek.
PTung. *kexere hard palate (твердое нёбо): Ul. kekere, kexere, xexere;
Nan. xexere; Orch. kexe; Ud. ke (Корм. 253).
◊ ТМС 1, 445.
PMong. *kekü- 1 throat cavity 2 upper part of body, thorax (1 глоточная полость 2 верхняя часть туловища): WMong. keküdeg 2 (L 446:
keküdeg, keküreg), kükege 1; Kh. xexdeg 2, xüxē 1; Ord. geχüdek 2.
PTurk. *gekir-dek throat, trachea, cartilage (глотка, трахея, хрящ):
Tur. gegirtlek (dial.); Turkm. kekirdek; MTurk. kekirtek (MA); Uzb. kekirdak; Uygh. keki(r)däk; Tat. kikertäk (КСТТ); Bashk. kigerläk (dial.); Kirgh.
kekirtek; KKalp. kegirdek; Nogh. kekirdevik; Chuv. kagъr.
◊ VEWT 248, ЭСТЯ 5, 26, Лексика 232. In many languages the word was influenced
by the verb *gēkir- ‘to belch’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kela ( ~ k῾-, -o) to rise, jump up, soar: Mong. *kali-; Turk. *Kạl(ɨ)-.
PMong. *kali- to fly, soar (парить): WMong. qali- (L 919); Kh. xali-;
Bur. xali-; Kalm. xäĺə-; Ord. xali-.
*kele - *kelta(rV)
659
◊ KW 176.
PTurk. *Kạl(ɨ)- 1 to rise 2 jump up (1 подниматься 2 подпрыгивать): OTurk. qalɨ- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qalɨ- (MK, KB) 2; Tur. kalk(ɨ)- 2,
kal-dɨr- (caus.); Az. Galx- 1, Gal-dɨr- (caus.); Turkm. Galk- 1, Gal-dɨr(caus.); MTurk. qalq- (Pav. C., Буд.) 1, (Houts., IM) 2, qal-dur- (caus.)
(Pav. C.); Uzb. qalq- 1, qalqi- 1, 2; Tat. qalq- 1,2; Bashk. qalq- 1; Kirgh.
qalqɨ- 1; Kaz. qalqɨ- 1; KKalp. qalqɨ- 1; Kum. qalq- 1; Nogh. qalq- 1; Khak.
xalɨ- 1,2 (dial. Sag.); Oyr. qalɨ- 1,2; Tv. xalɨ- 1,2; Yak. kɨlɨj- 1,2.
◊ VEWT 226, ЭСТЯ 5, 224-226.
‖ KW 163, 176, 177, ОСНЯ 1, 335. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; but a suffixed form *kel-k῾a- may be discoverable in OJ kaker- ‘to fly, soar’ (see
Miller-Street 1975, 73-75, Street 1985, 641).
-kele ( ~ -i, -o) daughter-in-law, bride: Tung. *keli; Turk. *gẹlin.
PTung. *keli 1 relative-in-law 2 girl, sister (1 свойственник, -ца 2
девушка, сестра): Evk. keli(n) 1, kiliwlī 2; Evn. keli 1; Neg. keli 1, kelewlị
2; Man. keli 1; Ul. keli(n) 1; Ork. keli(n) 1; Nan. keli 1; Orch. keli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 393, 446.
PTurk. *gẹlin bride, daughter-in-law (невеста, невестка): OTurk.
keliŋ-ün (Orkh., Coll.), kelin (OUygh.); Karakh. kelin (MK, KB); Tur. gelin; Gag. gelin; Az. gälin; Turkm. gelin; Sal. kein, kiin (ССЯ); Khal. kälin
(gälin < Az.); MTurk. kelin (Sangl., Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. kelin; Uygh.
kelin; Krm. kelin; Tat. kilen; Bashk. kilen; Kirgh. kelin; Kaz. kelin; KBalk.
kelin; KKalp. kelin; Kum. gelin; Nogh. kelin; SUygh. kelin (Malov); Khak.
kilən; Shr. kelin; Oyr. kelin; Tv. kelin; Tof. helin, henni-; Chuv. kin, kilən-;
Yak. kijīt (*plur.).
◊ VEWT 248, EDT 719, ЭСТЯ 3, 16-18, Лексика 302.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 296, Räsänen 1955, 18:3, 9. A well known Turk.-Tung.
isogloss. Despite Doerfer TMN 3, 667 (Tung.-Turk.: “...der Vergleich
zweifelhaft bleibt”; Turk. *gelin < *gel- ‘come’ - “ethnologisch sehr
überzeugende Etymologie”...), the relation between PT *gẹl- ‘to come’
and *gẹlin ‘daughter-in-law’ is purely folk-etymological.
-kelta(rV) variegated, spotted: Tung. *kelder; Mong. *kaltar; Turk.
*Kartal.
PTung. *kelder 1 variegated, spotted 2 mole (1 пестрый, пятнистый 2 родимое пятно): Evn. keldъr 2; Neg. keldejin 1; Ul. kelderu(n) 1;
Ork. kelderu 1; Orch. kegdi 1; Ud. kedei 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 446.
PMong. *kaltar variegated, dirty, brown (of horse) (пестрый, грязный, гнедой (о лошади)): WMong. qaltar (МXTTT); Kh. xaltar; Bur.
xaltar; Kalm. xaltər (КРС); Ord. Galtar; Mog. ? kala ‘spotted’ (Weiers);
Dag. kaltār (Тод. Даг. 148).
660
*kèĺčo - *kèĺǯo
◊ Mong. > Manchu. qaltara ‘a brown horse with white around the mouth and eyes’
(see Rozycki 131).
PTurk. *Kartal variegated (sheep) (пестрый (баран)): Karakh. qartal
qoj (MK).
◊ EDT 648-649.
‖ A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps OJ kata-na- ‘dirty’ (if not = kitanaid.). Turkic reflects a metathesized form (*Kartal < *Kaltar).
-kèĺčo to scrape, rub: Tung. *keli-; Mong. *kalča-; Turk. *Kạĺčɨ-; Jpn.
*kàsù-r-; Kor. *kắr-.
PTung. *keli- 1 knife, blade 2 to cut, cut out (1 нож, лезвие 2 резать, вырезать): Evk. keli 1; Evn. kēlre 1; Ork. keli- 2; Nan. keli- 2; Ud.
keli- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 446.
PMong. *kalča- 1 to flay, tear off 2 to be flayed (1 сдирать, отдирать 2 облезать (о коже)): MMong. qalčaruqsan nuqai ‘облезлая
собака’ (MA 289); WMong. qalčala- 1, qalcara- 2 (L 918: qalčar-); Kh. xalcla- 1, xalcra- 2; Bur. xalsar- 2; Kalm. xalcr- 2.
◊ KW 163.
PTurk. *Kạĺčɨ- to scrape (скрести, царапать): Karakh. qašɨ- (MK);
Tur. kašɨ-; Az. Gašɨ-; Turkm. Gaša-; MTurk. qašɨ- (Abush., MA); Uzb.
qaši-; Tat. qašɨ-; Bashk. qašɨ-; Kirgh. qašɨ-; Kaz. qasɨ-; KKalp. qasɨ-; Nogh.
qasɨ-; Chuv. xɨś-; Yak. kɨhɨj-.
◊ VEWT 240, ЭСТЯ 5, 348, Мудрак 98. Turkic is a probable source of MMong qaši’ur
‘scraper’ (cf. Chag. qašaɣu etc., see Щербак 1997, 135).
PJpn. *kàsù-r- to scrape (скрести, царапать): MJpn. kàsù-r-; Tok.
kasúr-u; Kyo. kásúr-; Kag. kasúr-.
◊ JLTT 705.
PKor. *kắr- to rub, polish (тереть, полировать): MKor. kắr-; Mod.
kāl-.
◊ Nam 20, KED 43-44.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 81-82, АПиПЯЯ 75, Мудрак Дисс. 89-90.
-kèĺǯo bald, bald spot: Mong. *kalǯa-; Turk. *KAĺ(č)ga; Jpn. *kàsìrà; Kor.
*kór(čhí).
PMong. *kalǯa- bald, having a white blaze (лысый (о человеке), со
звездочкой (о лошади)): MMong. qalǯan, qalčaɣai (MA); WMong.
qalǯa(n), qalǯi(n), qalčaɣai (L 918, 922-923); Kh. xalʒan, xalcgaj; Bur. xalzan,
xalsagai; Kalm. xalcъɣǟ ‘haarlos, grasslos’; Ord. xalǯan; Dag. xalǯin;
S.-Yugh. GalǯaŋGar.
◊ KW 163, MGCD 319. The forms with -lč- are a result of contamination with *kalča‘to rub, flay, tear off’ (v. sub *kèĺčo); but neither can be borrowed from Turkic, despite
Щербак 1997, 135. Mong. > Chag. qalčɨɣaj; Manchu qalǯa etc. (see ТМС 1, 366, Rozycki
130) > MKor. kančjá măr (Lee 1964, 190).
*kéma - *kéma
661
PTurk. *KAĺ(č)ga white spot, white blaze (белое пятно, лысина):
Karakh. qašɣa (MK); Tur. kaška; Az. GašGa; Turkm. dial. GašGa; MTurk.
qašqa (AH, MA); Uzb. qɛšqɛ; Uygh. qašqa; Tat. qašqa; Bashk. qašqa; Kirgh.
qašqa, qačqa; Kaz. qasqa; KBalk. qašxa; KKalp. qasqa; Nogh. qasqa; Khak.
xasxa; Shr. qašqa.
◊ VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 350-351. Cf. also the probable deriving stem in Tuva xaš
‘worked thin leather’, Tof. xaš ‘naked, napless (skin)’ (Рас. ФиЛ 186).
PJpn. *kàsìrà head (голова): OJpn. kasira; MJpn. kàsìrá, kàsìrà; Tok.
kashirá; Kyo. káshìrà; Kag. kashirá.
◊ JLTT 441 (’head; chief’). The word means ‘head’ (also ‘head part’, ‘chief part’) in
most modern and Middle Japanese sources (explicitly so in Wamyōshō); KKJ (p. 232) also
lists the meaning ‘hair of head’ (attested in Tosa Nikki), obviously secondary, with a
rather natural semantic transition. IKJ (p. 297) glosses the word as “denoting the whole
head including the hair and face”, as opposed to kaube ( = kami-be) denoting only the top
of the head and to atama “fontanelle”. The only clear OJ (Man’yōshū 4346) example
(kasira kakinade...) may be well translated (and usually is translated) as ‘stroking the
head’. Therefore the idea (see Vovin 2000) that the original meaning of kasira was ‘hair of
head’ (the meaning that was always expressed in Japanese as kami) is most certainly
wrong - just as his attempt to link it with the rather obscure Old Korean 麻帝核試 (MC
mạ-tìej-xäik-śì) ῾hair of head’. The latter should be probably read as [məri-ɣak-si], where
məri- is ῾head’, while -ɣak-si may stand for kark-[si] - with kark- being identical to MKor.
kārki ῾mane’, modern məri-kharak ῾hair of head’. Despite the uncertainty of Old Korean
readings in general and of -si in Old Korean -ɣak-si, it seems much more reasonable to
link the Old Korean and later Korean sources than to invent a new Old Korean word *kasi
῾hair’ and compare it with a wrongly interpreted Old Japanese word.
PKor. *kór(čhí) brain, marrow (мозг): MKor. kor, kór-čhí; Mod. kol.
◊ Nam 51, KED 156. The meaning ‘head’ in modern dialects proves that the original
meaning was ‘brain, head’ (in literary Korean the word usually means ‘marrow’ while
‘brain’ is expressed as məri-k:ol, lit. “head brain”). The meaning ‘marrow’ may have been
additionally induced by the analogy with kol-su (MKor. kor-sju) ‘bone marrow’, borrowed
from MC 骨髓 kot-sjwé; but Kor. *kor itself has of course nothing to do with MC kot ‘bone’.
‖ KW 163, Poppe 17 (Doerfer TMN 3, 479: “aus phonetischen
Gründen unsicher”). The meaning ‘head’ in Kor.-Jpn. (whence ‘brain’
in Kor.) is secondary, with a universally usual semantic shift ( < ‘bald
spot’; cf. Slavic *golъ ‘bare, naked’ and *golva ‘head’ etc.; see Фасмер 1,
429). -čhí in MKor. may either reflect the variation of the reflexes of
*-ĺǯ- (it is interesting to note also MKor. kắrčhjŋ ‘young skin of a plant’,
which may actually reflect the same root), or a compound with -čhi
‘stuff, thing’. Cf. also *keĺčo ‘to scrape, rub’: the two roots tend to be
confused with each other.
-kéma ( ~ k῾-, g-) stove, cauldron: Turk. *Kemeke; Jpn. *kámá; Kor.
*kàmá.
PTurk. *Kemeke stove, stove hole (печь, углубление в печи):
Kirgh. kemege; Khak. kimege; Shr. kebege; Oyr. kemege; Chuv. kъₙmaga.
◊ VEWT 250, ЭСТЯ 5, 35-36, Мудрак 94, Лексика 359.
662
*kma - *kemŕa
PJpn. *kámá stove (печь, очаг): OJpn. kama, kama-dwo; MJpn. kámá;
Tok. kàma, kamado; Kyo. kámá; Kag. káma.
◊ JLTT 435.
PKor. *kàmá cauldron (котел): MKor. kàmá; Mod. kama.
◊ Nam 4, KED 14.
‖ SKE 90.
-kma (~ -o) to gnaw, bite: Tung. *kem-ki-; Mong. *kemeli-; Turk.
*gEmür-; Jpn. *kàm-.
PTung. *kem-ki- to bite (of a dog, goose) (кусать, хватать за ноги):
Man. kemki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 448. Attested only in Manchu, but probably archaic (cf. the external evidence).
PMong. *kemeli-, *kemi- 1 to gnaw 2 to bite (1 грызть 2 кусать):
MMong. kemile- 1 (MA); WMong. kemeli-, kemele- (L 451), kemile- 1;
kemki- 2 (DO 413); Kh. ximle-, xemle- 1; Bur. ximel- 1; Kalm. keml- 1; Ord.
kemele- 1, kemχel- 2; Dag. keme- (Тод. Даг. 149) 1 (MGCD keḿ-, kemi-);
Bao. kamel- 2; S.-Yugh. kemle- 1 (MGCD kelme-); Mongr. xamla- 1.
◊ KW 225, MGCD 348, 350. Cf. also kemki- ‘to grind, to bite’.
PTurk. *gEmür- to gnaw (грызть, глодать): Karakh. kemür- (MK);
Tur. gemir-, kemir-; Gag. kemir-; Az. gämir-; Turkm. gemir-; MTurk.
kömür- (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. kemir-; Uygh. kemi(r)-; Krm. kemir-; Tat.
kimer-; Bashk. kimer-; Kirgh. kemir-; Kaz. kemir-; KBalk. kemir-; KKalp.
kemir-; Kum. gemir-; Nogh. kemir-; Khak. kimər-; Oyr. kemir-; Tv. xemir-;
Tof. xemir-; Yak. kömürüö ‘spongy bone’.
◊ VEWT 251, EDT 723, ЭСТЯ 3, 18-19, Лексика 262.
PJpn. *kàm- to bite (кусать): OJpn. kam-; MJpn. kàm-; Tok. kám-;
Kyo. kàm-; Kag. kám-.
◊ JLTT 703.
‖ KW 225, АПиПЯЯ 112, 274, Лексика 262. Borrowing in Mong.
from Turk. is impossible (despite Щербак 1997, 126); the Manchu form,
however, may be < Mong. (see Rozycki 137).
-kemŕa shoulderblade: Tung. *kende; Mong. *kemde-; Turk. *[k]Ebŕe.
PTung. *kende shoulderblade (лопатка): Evk. kendekē; Evn. kēndъt;
Neg. kendexe; Ork. kende.
◊ ТМС 1, 448.
PMong. *kemde- bone in horse’s foot (кость в ноге лошади): Kalm.
kemdəgn.
◊ KW 224.
PTurk. *[k]Ebŕe shoulderblade (лопатка): Tur. kebze ‘shoulderblade, augury’; Gag. kebze; Az. gäbzä ‘handle’; Turkm. kebze; MTurk.
kebze ‘shoulder’ (Sangl.); Tat. kɛwsɛ ‘tree stem’; Bashk. kɛwδɛ ‘body’;
Kaz. kebze, köwzö (R); KKalp. kebze ‘breast’.
*kemV - *ke(n)da
663
◊ VEWT 245, EDT 905, Лексика 242-243. The quality of the initial velar is not quite
clear: the Az. form perhaps preserves an archaism, while other Oghuz forms may be
kypchakisms; otherwise its Altaic connections become more dubious. KKalp. kepše
‘shoulderblade’ quoted in VEWT means in reality ‘a small shovel’ (Russ. лопатка), from
Pers. kapča = Osm. kepče ‘ein grosser Löffel’ (VEWT 254).
‖ Дыбо 306, Лексика 243. A Western isogloss.
-kemV a k. of fruit with seeds inside: Tung. *kemu-kte; Mong. *kemeke;
Kor. *kām.
PTung. *kemu-kte 1 rowan (berry) 2 a k. of berry, shamrock (1 рябина (ягода) 2 кислица, костяника): Evk. kempi 1 (Sakh.); Orch. kēmukte 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 448.
PMong. *kemeke small pumpkin, cucumber, gourd (маленькая тыква, огурец, арбуз): WMong. kemeke (L 451); Kh. xemx.
PKor. *kām persimmon (хурма): MKor. kām; Mod. kām.
◊ Liu 29, KED 49.
‖ One is also tempted to compare PJ *kákí ‘persimmon’ ( < *kem-k῾a),
but the word can be alternatively compared with TM *gaka-kta ‘cranberry’ (ТМС 1, 136). Cf. also other similar plant names: *komga, *gaŋu,
*k῾éma.
-kḕnda a k. of ungulate animal: Tung. *kēnde; Mong. *kandagaj; Turk.
*KAt.
PTung. *kēnde harnessed deer (упряжной олень): Evn. kēnde; Man.
anči-la- ‘to gather in herds (of deer in summer)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 448, 461.
PMong. *kandagaj elk (лось): MMong. qandaqai (SH); WMong.
qandaɣai (L 927); Kh. xandgai; Bur. xandagai; Kalm. xandəɣā (КРС); Dag.
xandag (Тод. Даг. 173); S.-Yugh. χandaχan.
◊ MGCD 325. Mong. > Evk. kandaɣā etc., see ТМС 1, 372, TMN 1, 420, Rozycki 132; >
Russ. Siber. kandagáj, see Аникин 255.
PTurk. *KAt (?) a fabulous animal, unicorn (сказочное животное,
единорог): OTurk. qat (OUygh.: Chin.-Uygh. Dict.); MTurk. (Xwar.) qat
(Oghuz-nama).
◊ VEWT 241, TMN 4, 393, EDT 593. Somewhat dubious: the word may represent a
rendering of Sanskr. khaḍga ‘rhinoceros’ (through Tokharian?); cf. OUygh. ktki ‘id.’.
‖ A Western isogloss; not quite reliable because of poor attestation
(and possible borrowed nature?) in Turkic and TM. Cf. OJ. kédá-mono
‘animal’ (?).
-ke(n)da ( ~ -o) a k. of coniferous tree: Tung. *kende-; Turk. *Kạdɨ.
PTung. *kende- a k. of tree (вид дерева): Nan. kendele(n), kendelē(n)
(Он.) ‘thuja’; Orch. kēndēlē ‘name of a tree’; Ud. kendele ‘red tree’ (Корм.
254).
*kenta - *kēńa
664
◊ ТМС 1, 449.
PTurk. *Kạdɨ pine tree (сосна): Khak. xara-xazɨ; Tv. xadɨ; Tof. xadɨ;
Chuv. xɨrъ; Yak. kɨtɨan ‘juniper’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 291-292, Мудрак Дисс. 179. Most languages reflect the compound
*Kara-kạdɨ (borrowed in Mong. as qaraɣai ‘larch’).
‖ A not quite certain Turk.-Tung. isogloss; Helimski 1995 supposed
a loan in Turk. < Sam. *kaətə.
-kenta threshold, gate: Tung. *kende-; Jpn. *kántuà.
PTung. *kende- 1 threshold 2 to hinder, obstruct (1 порог 2 загораживать, отгораживать): Neg. kende 1; Ul. kenderxi(n) 1, kenǯi- 2; Nan.
kenderxĩ 1, kēnǯi- 2; Orch. kenderku, kenderxi 1, kēndi- 2; Ud. kondopti 1
(Корм. 250).
◊ ТМС 1, 448.
PJpn. *kántuà gate (ворота): OJpn. kadwo; MJpn. kádò; Tok. kádo;
Kyo. kádò; Kag. kadó.
◊ JLTT 431. The Kyoto and Kagoshima accent is quite irregular - obviously, due to a
merger with *kàntúa ‘corner’.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-kènǯé late: Mong. *kenǯe; Turk. *gEnč; Jpn. *kns.
PMong. *kenǯe late, aftermath; late-grown crop, late-born child
(поздний урожай, поздний ребенок): WMong. kenǯe (L 454); Kh.
xenʒ; Bur. xenze; Kalm. kenzə (КРС); Ord. kenǯi ‘late-born (about the
second lamb or yeanling of the same year)’, kenǯile- ‘agneler deux fois
par an’; Mongr. kinēle- ‘agneler deux fois par an’ (SM 204).
◊ Mong. > Chag. kenǯe etc. (see ЭСТЯ 3, 20-21); Evk. kenǯe etc., see TMN 1, 488, Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 138.
PTurk. *gEnč young, child (молодой, ребенок): OTurk. kenč
(OUygh.); Karakh. kenč (MK, KB); Tur. genč/ǯ-; Gag. genč/ǯ-; Az. gänǯ;
Krm. genč.
◊ EDT 727, ЭСТЯ 3, 20-21, VEWT 252 (not < Pers., despite Räsänen; see TMN 1, 488).
PJpn. *kns last year; last night (прошлый год; прошлая ночь):
OJpn. kozo; MJpn. kòzó.
◊ JLTT 460.
‖ Ramstedt 1951, 66. Despite TMN 1, 488, Clark 1980, 43 hardly borrowed in Mong. from Turk. (the semantics is too different for a borro wing).
-kēńa front leg, armpit, angle: Tung. *keńe- / *kuńe-; Mong. *ka(i); Turk.
*Kājnat; Jpn. *kanai.
PTung. *keńe- / *kuńe- 1 shin 2 stockings (1 голень, колено 2 унты): Evk. keńete, kuńetu 2; Evn. kēńeče 2, kȫnčen 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 420, 449.
*kḕńu - *kḕńu
665
PMong. *ka(i) front legs (передние ноги): MMong. qa, qaji(n) (SH);
WMong. qa, qaɣa (L 895: qa ‘the part of the foreleg of an animal between
the shoulder and the knee’); Kh. xaa; Bur. xa; Kalm. xā.
◊ KW 166.
PTurk. *Kājnat 1 wing 2 fin (1 крыло 2 плавник): OTurk. qanat
(OUygh.- YB) 1; Karakh. qanat (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kanat 1, 2; Gag. qanat 1;
Az. Ganad, gänäd (dial.) 1; Turkm. Gānat 1; Sal. qanat (Kakuk,ССЯ);
MTurk. qanat (Abush., MA) 1; Uzb. qanɔt 1; Uygh. qanat 1; Krm. qanat 1,
2; Tat. qanat 1; Bashk. qanat 1; Kirgh. qanat 1; Kaz. qanat 1; KBalk. qanat
1, 2; KKalp. qanat 1; Kum. qanat 1; Nogh. qanat 1; SUygh. qejnat 1; Khak.
xanat 1, 2; Shr. qanat 1; Oyr. qanat 1, 2, qanar 2; Chuv. śonat 1, 2; Yak.
kɨnat, kɨɨat 1; Dolg. kɨnat 1.
◊ VEWT 230, TMN 3, 518, EDT 635, ЭСТЯ 5, 252-253, Федотов 2, 137, Лексика
149-150, Stachowski 168. Initial ś- in Chuv. is unclear (effect of *-j-?).
PJpn. *kanai rule, gusset (наугольник, ластовица): MJpn. kane;
Tok. kane.
‖ ОСHЯ 1, 304; Дыбо 312-313; VEWT 230, Лексика 149-150. Cf. also
Kalm. xanə ‘маховые перья’ (KW 165, АПиПЯЯ 289); but due to restricted distribution in Mong. this form should be rather considered a
Turkism (see Щербак 1997, 133).
-kḕńu distress, envy: Tung. *kēńe-; Mong. *ken- / *kin-; Turk. *köń- ( ~
-j-); Jpn. *kuna-.
PTung. *kēńe- 1 be superstitious 2 to praise, flatter 3 to speak, tell 4
to curse, rebuke 5 to doubt, suspect (1 быть суеверным 2 хвалить 3 говорить, объяснять 4 ругать 5 сомневаться, подозревать): Evk. kēńe- 2;
Evn. kēńew- 1; Neg. kēńe- 2; Man. xendu- 3, kenexunǯe- 5; Jurch. xen-du-ru
(467) 3; Ork. ken- 3, kene- 2; Ud. keni- 4; Sol. xēnī- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 448, 449-450.
PMong. *ken- / *kin- 1 psychosis, distress 2 to grudge, envy (1 психоз, расстройство 2 завидовать): MMong. kinetu ‘злопамятный’
(MA); WMong. kenege 1 (L 453), kinu- 2 (L 470); Kh. xenē 1, ana- 2; Bur.
xenē ‘болезненность’; Ord. kenē ‘maladie chronique’; Mongr. ćini, ćinći
‘colère’ (SM 451).
◊ Mong. kinu- > Man. kinu- id. (see Rozycki 140).
PTurk. *köń- ( ~ -j-) 1 to suffer, grieve 2 to regret 3 to envy 4 to be
angry 5 to offend 6 grief, sorrow (1 страдать, горевать 2 жалеть 3 завидовать 4 гневаться 5 обижать 6 печаль): Karakh. küj- ~ köj-: köŋli
küjüp ‘with pain in one’s heart’ (MK), küj- 4 (KB); Az. göjnä- 2; Turkm.
köj- 1; Khal. (jirek) kien- 1; Uzb. kuj-, kujin- 1; Uygh. köj-, köjün- 1; Tat.
köjü-, köjen- 1; Bashk. köj- 1, köjönös 6; Kirgh. küj-, küjün- 1; Kaz. küj-,
küjin- 1; KBalk. küj-, küjün- 1, küjük ‘envious’; KKalp. küj-, küjin- 1; Kum.
666
*kŋi - *keŋV
güj- 1; Nogh. küj-, küjün- 1; Khak. köj- 3; Oyr. küj-dür- 5, küjün- 3; Chuv.
kəₙvəś- 3.
◊ EDT 726. In all languages the root is completely homonymous with the reflexes of
*köń- ‘to burn’ (v. sub *k῾ùńe), which throws doubts on its etymological independence.
PJpn. *kuna- madness, psychosis (сумасшествие, психоз): OJpn.
kuna-tabure; kata-kuna ‘stupid, obstinate’.
◊ JLTT 443.
‖ In Turkic one would expect *geń-; the root, however, has since the
oldest texts almost completely merged with PT *köń- ‘to burn’, so as to
become almost indistinguishable from the latter. See also notes to
*gno.
-kŋi hollow, empty: Tung. *keŋ-; Mong. *keŋ-, *köŋ-; Turk. *geŋiŕ; Kor.
*kíń-.
PTung. *keŋ- 1 emptiness 2 to empty 3 hole, ice-hole 4 emptied (1
пустота 2 опорожнять 3 впадина, прорубь 4 опустевший): Evk.
keŋku-tēk 1, keŋre 3, keŋgur 4; Evn. kȫŋkī- 2, kēŋgule 3; Ud. keŋku 1 (Корм.
254).
◊ ТМС 1, 450-451.
PMong. *keŋ-, *köŋ- 1 to be empty, hollow, sunken 2 hole, hollow
(1 быть пустым, полым, впалым 2 дыра, полость): WMong. keŋkeji(L 454), köŋkeji- (L 489) 1, köndei (L 487) 2; Kh. xenxij-, xönxij- 1, xöndöj 2;
Bur. xünxi ‘hollow under ice’; Kalm. köndä 2 (КРС); Ord. köŋχī- , xoŋxȫ-;
Dag. kuēndī 2 (Тод. Даг. 150); Mongr. keŋgī (SM 196), koŋ 1.
◊ MGCD 374. Mong. > Kirgh. köŋdöj etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 106-107); > Dolg. keŋkej-; Yak.,
Dolg. köŋdöj (see Stachowski 145, 156).
PTurk. *geŋiŕ nasal cavity (полость носа): Tur. geniz; Az. gäniz,
gänzik; Turkm. geŋz-ew ‘nasal’; Kirgh. keŋilǯer; Yak. keŋerī ‘bridge of
nose’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 27, Лексика 216.
PKor. *kíń- nest (гнездо): MKor. kís ‘nest’, kíń- ‘to nest’; Mod. kit
(kis).
◊ Nam 83, KED 282.
‖ ЭСТЯ 5, 107 (Mong.-Tung.). In Mong. the root has several expressive variants (cf. also PA *k῾eŋa). In Kor. an early palatalization occurred (*-ŋi- > -ń-). See also notes to PA *k῾ēmŋV ‘wide’.
-keŋV to bite, gnaw: Tung. *keŋi-; Turk. *KEŋdi-.
PTung. *keŋi- to bite, gnaw (кусать, глодать): Evk. keŋi-; Neg. kēŋi-;
Nan. keŋne-.
◊ ТМС 1, 450.
PTurk. *KEŋdi- to gnaw (глодать): Karakh. keŋdi- (KB); Khak.
keŋne- (R. Sag.); Shr. keŋdi-.
*kēpu - *kĕpV
667
◊ VEWT 253 (all forms found only in Radlov’s dictionary: R 2, 1071, 1072).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-kēpu to chew: Tung. *keb-; Mong. *kebi-; Turk. *gēb-; Jpn. *kùp-.
PTung. *keb- 1 to gnaw, bite (with front teeth) 2 to pierce through 3
a big arrow (1 грызть, кусать (передними зубами) 2 продырявить 3
большая стрела, пробивающая насквозь): Evk. kewde- 2; Evn. kēwri1; Man. kejfule- 2, kejfu 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 442.
PMong. *kebi- to chew (жевать): MMong. kebi- (MA); WMong. kebi(L 439); Kh. xeve- (Gomb.); Bur. xibe- ‘жевать (только о жвачных животных)’; Kalm. kew-; Ord. kewe-; S.-Yugh. kewə-; Mongr. kēji- (SM 199),
(MGCD kē-).
◊ KW 229, MGCD 348.
PTurk. *gēb- to chew (жевать): Karakh. kev- (MK); Tur. gev-; Gag.
gevše-; Az. göjüš ‘cud’; Turkm. gǟvü-š ‘cud’; Sal. küšä-; Khal. kǟviš ‘cud’;
MTurk. keviš ‘cud’ (MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. kawša-; Uygh. köjši-; Krm.
kövše-n-; Tat. küšä-; Bashk. köjöš ‘cud’; Kirgh. küj-š-ö-; Kaz. küjis ‘cud’;
KKalp. güjse-; Kum. güjše-; Nogh. küjze-; Khak. kipse-n-; Shr. kepže-n-;
Oyr. kepše-; Tv. kegže-n-; Tof. kegže-; Chuv. kavle-; Yak. kebī-.
◊ VEWT 244, EDT 687, ЭСТЯ 3, 5-7.
PJpn. *kùp- to eat (есть): OJpn. kup-; MJpn. kùf-; Tok. kú-; Kyo. kù-;
Kag. kù-.
◊ JLTT 718.
‖ KW 229, Poppe 20, 46, ОСНЯ 1, 293, АПиПЯЯ 15, 69, 109, 279,
Ozawa 208-209, Дыбо 14, Лексика 227. Correspondences are regular
except for low tone in Jpn. (high tone would be expected).
-kĕpV upper part of body (trunk): Tung. *keb-te; Mong. *keberdeg;
Turk. *gebde.
PTung. *keb-te 1 belt 2 to bulge (of belly) (1 пояс, набрюшник 2
выпятить живот): Evk. kebder- 2; Man. xebtexe 1; Jurch. xebu-de (227) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 387-8, 442.
PMong. *keberdeg body (rump, breast and belly) (тело, туша (крестец, грудь и живот)): WMong. keberdeg; Kalm. kewrdg; Ord. kemerdek
‘thorax, chest’.
◊ KW 229.
PTurk. *gebde upper part of body (верхняя часть тела): OTurk.
kövdöŋ (OUygh.); Tur. gövde; Az. gövdä; Turkm. gövde, gövre; Uzb. gavda;
Krm. gövde; Tat. gɛwdɛ (dial.); Kirgh. kȫdö, kȫdön; Kaz. kewde; KKalp.
gewde, kewde; Nogh. kewde; Chuv. xevte, xəvtü ‘power’.
◊ EDT 688, VEWT 259, ЭСТЯ 3, 52-53, Егоров 297, Федотов 2, 339-340, Дыбо 5, Лексика 267.
668
*kḗp῾à - *kḗp῾V
‖ Дыбо 5, Лексика 267. A Western isogloss. The root is sometimes
difficult to distinguish from *kēp῾V ‘belly’ and *k῾eba ‘corpse’, due to
natural contaminations.
-kḗp῾à face, shape: Tung. *kepe; Mong. *keɣe; Turk. *gēp; Jpn. *kápúa.
PTung. *kepe 1 jaw 2 gills 3 boards (on boat’s front) (1 челюсть 2
жабры 3 передние доски (на лодке)): Evk. kewe 1; Evn. kewē 1; Ul.
kepi(n) 2, 3; Ork. kepi 3; Nan. kepĩ 2, 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 442-443, 451. Despite Poppe 1974, 132, Evk. kewe has nothing to do with
Mong. köbege ‘edge’.
PMong. *keɣe ornament, form, example (украшение, форма, пример): WMong. kege(n) (L 442); Kh. xē; Bur. xē; Kalm. kē.
◊ KW 230. Mong. > Tat. kijä, Turk. kɨja etc. (VEWT 247).
PTurk. *gēp form, example, image (форма, пример, изображение): OTurk. kep ( ~ -i-) (OUygh.); Karakh. keb ( ~ -i-) (MK); Turkm. gǟp;
MTurk. käp (AH); Kirgh. kep; KKalp. kep; Kum. kep; Nogh. kep; SUygh.
kep; Khak. kip; Shr. käp; Oyr. kep; Tv. xep; Chuv. kap; Yak. kiep.
◊ EDT 686, VEWT 253, ЭСТЯ 5, 44-45 ( > Mong. keb, see Щербак 1997, 127). Bulg. >
Old Slav. kapь. Turk. > Hung. kép ‘image’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kápúa face (лицо): OJpn. kap(w)o; MJpn. káfó; Tok. kào; Kyo.
káó; Kag. káo.
◊ JLTT 438.
‖ A good common Altaic root; the original meaning is ‘face’ or
‘jaws’, with a more abstract meaning ‘shape’ developed in the Western
area (a very usual semantic development).
-kḗp῾V belly: Tung. *kepel-; Mong. *keweli; Turk. *gēp-.
PTung. *kepel- belly, stomach (живот, желудок): Evn. kъbъl, kēbъl;
Man. xefeli, xefali; SMan. kevələ, xevələ ‘stomach, belly; bosom’ (87);
Jurch. xefuli (508).
◊ ТМС 1, 387-388.
PMong. *keweli belly; pregnancy (живот; беременность): MMong.
ke’eli (HY 47, SH), kähäl (IM), kili (MA); WMong. kegel, kebel (L 438, 442:
kegeli, kebeli); Kh. xēl, arch. xevel; Bur. xēli; Kalm. kēlə, kewl; Ord. kēl ‘foetus’; Dag. kēli (Тод. Даг. 149, MD 182); Dong. kieli; Bao. kele; Mongr. kēle
(SM 198).
◊ KW 230, MGCD 337.
PTurk. *gēp- 1 to swell, swollen (of belly) 2 to become pregnant,
pregnant 3 to be arrogant, inflated (1 пухнуть (о животе) 2 беременеть, беременная 3 чваниться, важничать): Tur. gebe 2; Gag. gebe 2;
Az. gäbiz ῾constipation’; Turkm. gǟbe 1; MTurk. gebe 2 (Pav. C.); Tat.
kəpər-, kəprəj- 3; Bashk. kəpəj- 1, kəprəj- 3; Kirgh. kebeǯe, keber 1; Kaz. kebeže 1; KKalp. kep-, gebeže 1; Tv. xever- 1; Chuv. kabar ‘insatiable, gluttonous’; Yak. kiebir- 3.
*kéra - *kèra
669
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 36. The root is partially confused (and contaminated) with *gebre- ‘to die,
corpse’ (v. sub *kăpi).
‖ Владимирцов 205. Despite Doerfer MT 93, Rozycki 104 the TM
forms cannot easily be explained as mongolisms (except Sol. kêli). The
root is homonymous (except for the final vowel which is in this case
unknown) with *kēp῾a ‘shape’, and one wonders if it is in fact not the
same root, but semantically influenced by another similar one, PA
*kepV ‘upper part of body’.
-kéra belly; body, ribs: Tung. *kerimuk; Turk. *Kạrɨn; Jpn. *kárá-(n)tá;
Kor. *kari.
PTung. *keri-muk intestine, part of stomach (кишка, внутренность
желудка): Evk. kerimek; Evn. korịmkị.
◊ ТМС 1, 453.
PTurk. *Kạrɨn belly (живот): OTurk. qarɨn (OUygh.); Karakh. qarɨn
(MK, KB); Tur. karɨn; Gag. qarɨn; Az. Garɨn; Turkm. Garɨn; Sal. qarɨn-taš
‘a relative’ (ССЯ); Khal. qārɨn; MTurk. qarɨn (Sangl., Houts., AH, MA,
IM); Uzb. qɔrin; Uygh. qerin; Krm. qarɨn; Tat. qarɨn; Bashk. qarɨn; Kirgh.
qarɨn; Kaz. qarɨn; KBalk. qarɨn; KKalp. qarɨn; Kum. qarɨn; Nogh. qarɨn;
SUygh. qarɨn; Khak. xarɨn; Shr. qarnɨ; Oyr. qarɨn; Tv. xɨrɨn; Tof. xɨrɨn;
Chuv. xɨrъm; Yak. xarɨn ‘rumen; belly’.
◊ VEWT 238, EDT 661, ЭСТЯ 5, 321-322, Лексика 277.
PJpn. *kárá(n)tá body (тело): Tok. kàrada; Kyo. kárádá; Kag. karáda.
◊ JLTT 438. The meaning ‘body’ is attested late, but there are some attestations of
kara ‘stem, stalk’ ( = ‘body’) already in Man’yōshū, apparently different from kara ‘shell’.
PKor. *kari rib(s) (ребро, ребра): MKor. kari-spjə; Mod. kalbi.
◊ Nam 3, KED 46.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 5, Лексика 277. Ramstedt (SKE 89) compares
the Kor. form with Mong. qarbiŋ etc. (see *k῾áŕme), but this seems improper (the modern form kalbi goes back to MKor. kari-spjə). The Japanese form is somewhat insecure due to its late attestation and unclear
suffix. In Mong cf. perhaps kerseŋ ‘brisket’.
-kèra ( ~ -ŕ-) to bind, wind around: Tung. *kerge- (*kergi-); Mong. *kere-;
Jpn. *kàràm-.
PTung. *kerge- (*kergi-) 1 circle, ring 2 to bind into bunches 3 to
reel 4 bunch (1 круг, кольцо 2 связывать (в пучки) 3 наматывать 4
связка, пучок): Neg. kejgeli 1; Man. xergi-, xerči- 3; Ul. kergi 4, kergin- 2;
Ork. kejgeli 1; Nan. kergi 4; Orch. keǯe- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 444. The Manchu form obviously belongs here and has nothing to do with
Evk. herke- and MMong. hergi- (q. v. sub *p῾erkV), despite Rozycki 105.
PMong. *kere- to bind, join, unite (привязывать, соединять):
WMong. kere-; Kh. xere-; Bur. xere-; Kalm. ker-; Ord. kere-, kerü.
◊ KW 227.
*kḗrdu - *kèro
670
PJpn. *kàràm- to wind around, to cling to (обвиваться, цепляться):
OJpn. karamar-; MJpn. kàràm-; Tok. karám-; Kyo. kárám-; Kag. karám-.
◊ JLTT 704. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular (possibly under literary influence).
‖ EAS 107, KW 227, SKE 104, Poppe 79-80.
-kḗrdu ( ~ k῾-) a k. of bird of prey: Mong. *kaǯir; Turk. *Krt-; Jpn. *kútí.
PMong. *kaǯir vulture (гриф, стервятник): MMong. qaǯir ‘mythical
bird’ (MA 406); WMong. qaǯir (L 949); Kh. xaǯir.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qaǯɨr etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 183-184.
PTurk. *Krt- falcon, hawk (сокол, ястреб): Tur. kartal; Turkm. dial.
Gartal; MTurk. qartal (Houts., AH, Sangl.); Kirgh. qartɨɣa; Kum. qartaq;
Khak. xartɨɣa; Shr. qartaɣa; Tv. xartɨɣa; Yak. krt, krdaj; Dolg. krt.
◊ VEWT 239, ЭСТЯ 5, 316-318, Лексика 169, Stachowski 172. Turk. *Kartɨgaj >
MMong. qarčigaj (SH qarčiqai), WMong. qarčiɣai (see TMN 1, 404), whence again late
MTurk. qarčɨɣaj (see TMN 1, 404-405, Щербак 1997, 208). Loans from Mong. are Man.
qarčin ‘kite’ and MKor. karčikəi ‘yellow falcon’ (see Lee 1958, 119, 1964, 191).
PJpn. *kútí falcon (сокол): OJpn. kuti; MJpn. kútí.
◊ JLTT 467, Miller 1979.
‖ KW 170, Лексика 169.
-kergV ( ~ *k῾-) paunch: Mong. *kerken-; Turk. *Kergük.
PMong. *kerken- paunch (of ruminating animals) (сетка желудка
(жвачных животных)): WMong. kerkeneg (МХТТТ); Kh. xerxneg; Bur.
xerxinseg.
PTurk. *Kergük paunch (сетка желудка): Karakh. kergük (MK); Tv.
kergijek.
◊ EDT 742, Рас. ФиЛ 203.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss (with assimilation in Mong. *kerken- <
*kergen-, cf. similarly in *k῾úrgo); cf. perhaps also Evk. (Tokk.) ker ‘membrane’ (ТМС 1, 452).
-kèro back, to return: Mong. *kari-; Turk. *gErü; Jpn. *ktàpa-.
PMong. *kari- 1 to come back, return; to answer 2 answer; return (1
возвращаться; отвечать 2 ответ; возвращение): MMong. qāri- (IM),
qari- (HY 34, 40, SH) 1, ɣari’ūn 2; WMong. qari- (L 937) 1; Kh. xaŕ- 1; Bur.
xari- 1, xaŕū 2; Kalm. xäŕ- (КРС) 1; Ord. xari- ‘retourner, mourir’; Mog.
qari- (Ramstedt 1906) 1; Dag. hari- (MD 157), xari- 1; xarō (Тод. Даг. 174)
2; Dong. qari- 1; Bao. χārə- 1; S.-Yugh. χarə- 1; χaru 2; Mongr. xari ‘réponse, vengeance’ (SM 162), xari- (SM 162), xarə- 1; xarū 2.
◊ TMN 1, 380, MGCD 332, 333. Mong. > Manchu qaru ‘reward, revenge, recompence,
retribution’ etc. (see Rozycki 134).
PTurk. *gErü back (назад, сзади): OTurk. kerü (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. kerü (MK); Tur. geri; Gag. gēri; Az. geri; MTurk. kerü (MA); Tat.
kire; Kirgh. keri; Kaz. keri; KBalk. kire; KKalp. keri; Kum. geri; Nogh. keri.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 27. Turk. > MMong. geru (SH) ‘back side’.
*kéro - *kru
671
PJpn. *ktàpa- to answer (отвечать): OJpn. kotapa-; MJpn. kòtàfa-;
Tok. kotáe-, kotaé-; Kyo. kòtàè-; Kag. kòtàè-.
◊ JLTT 713 (treating the verb as a historical compound of kətə + apa-, which is hardly
plausible). The forms reveal some variation between *ktàpa- and *ktápa-.
‖ Cf. perhaps Nan. kerxe ‘hump’ ( < ‘back’).
-kéro to fight, kill: Tung. *kere-, *kerbe-; Mong. *kere-; Turk. *gEröĺ-;
Jpn. *kr-; Kor. *kūr-.
PTung. *kere-, *kerbe- 1 kill 2 to fine 3 to slander 4 to revenge (1
убивать 2 штрафовать 3 клеветать 4 мстить): Evk. kerbe- 1, keremī- 3,
keremǯu bi- 4; Man. keru-le- 2, keru-n ‘fine’.
◊ ТМС 1, 381, 452, 453, 454.
PMong. *kere- 1 to quarrel, to fight 2 to be angry (1 ссориться,
драться 2 сердиться): MMong. kere- (SH), kiräldu- (MA), keurde- (IM) 1;
WMong. kere-, kereldü- (L 457) 1, kereče- 2; Kh. xerelde- 1; Bur. xerelde- 1;
Kalm. kerldə- 1; Ord. kerelde-; Mog. kerälda-; ZM keräldu- (17-3b); Dag.
xerəldə-; S.-Yugh. kerēlde- 1; Mongr. kərēdi- 1 (SM 198), (MGCD kəreldə-),
kərū ‘quarrel’ (SM 199).
◊ KW 227, MGCD 344, 345.
PTurk. *gEröĺ- to quarrel, fight, wrestle (ссориться, драться, бороться): OTurk. keriš- (OUygh.); Karakh. keriš- (MK), küreš- (MK, KB);
Tur. güreš-; Gag. güreš-; Az. güläš-; Turkm. göreš-; MTurk. küreš- (MA),
güreš- (Sangl.); Uzb. kuraš-; Uygh. küräš-; Krm. küreš-; Tat. köräš-; Bashk.
köräš-; Kirgh. keriš-, küröš-; Kaz. keris-, küres-; KBalk. küreš-; KKalp.
keris-, güres-; Kum. küreš- (dial.); Nogh. küres-; Khak. küres-; Shr. küreš-;
Oyr. keriš-, küreš-; Tv. xüres-; Tof. xireš-, xüreš- ; xire- ‘to start a fight’;
Chuv. kəreš-; Yak. küres ‘wrestling’.
◊ EDT 747-748, ЭСТЯ 3, 79-81, 5, 50-51, Федотов 1, 280. The peculiar variation of
keriš- and küreš- in old sources allows perhaps to reconstruct the original shape *geröĺ-.
PJpn. *kr- 1 to kill 2 to curse (1 убивать 2 ругать): OJpn. koros- 1,
kor- 2; MJpn. kórós- 1; Tok. kòros- 1; Kyo. kórós- 1; Kag. korós- 1.
◊ JLTT 713.
PKor. *kūr- to curse, deprecate (ругать, порицать): MKor. kūr-;
Mod. kul- (arch.).
◊ Nam 62, KED 217. Cf. also MKor. kòr’p- ‘to be rude, coarse’ (Nam 51), modern kol
‘anger’ (KED 156).
‖ EAS 146, KW 227, Poppe 18, 79, Murayama 1962, 110. Cf. *kàra.
-kru ( ~ *k῾-) old, worn out: Mong. *kari-, *kar-si-; Turk. *Kạrɨ; Jpn.
*kùtà-.
PMong. *kari-, *kar-si- to weaken, become old (слабеть, стареть):
WMong. qari- (МXTTT); Kh. xari-, xarši-; Bur. xaraši-; Kalm. xäŕ- (КРС).
PTurk. *Kạrɨ 1 old 2 old woman or man 3 to become old (1 старый
2 старуха, старик 3 стареть): OTurk. qarɨ 1, qarɨ- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
*keru(ĺV) - *késa
672
qarɨ (MK, KB) 1, qarɨ- (MK, KB) 3; Tur. karɨ, kart 1; Gag. qarɨ 1,2 (also
‘woman’); Az. Garɨ, Gart 2,1; Turkm. Garrɨ 1, Garra- 3; MTurk. qarɨ (MA,
Abush.) 1, qarɨ- (MA, Abush.) 3; Uzb. qari 1, qari- 3; Uygh. qeri 1,2, qeri3; Tat. qarɨ, qart 1; Bashk. qarɨ, qart 1; Kirgh. qarɨ, qart 1, qarɨ- 3, qart 3;
Kaz. qarɨ ~ qɛri, qart 1; KKalp. qarɨ, ɣarrɨ 1; Kum. qart 1; Nogh. qart 1;
Khak. kirə 1, kirə- 3; Shr. qarɨ 1, qarɨ- 3; Oyr. qarɨ 1, qarɨ- 3; Tv. qɨrɨ- 3; Tof.
qɨrɨ- 3; Yak. kɨrɨj- 3; Dolg. kɨrɨj- 3.
◊ EDT 644, TMN 3, 440, ЭСТЯ 5, 311-312, 314-316, Лексика 84-85, Stachowski 169,
170.
PJpn. *kùtà- to be tired, worn out (уставать, изнашиваться): Tok.
kutabiré-; Kyo. kútábíré-; Kag. kùtàbìrè-.
◊ JLTT 717. Cf. also redupl. kuta-kuta (ni) ‘tired, worn out (adv.)’; with a different
(emphatic?) accent: MJ kutabari ‘a person who is too old (sl.)’, mod. Tokyo kutabàr- ‘to live
too long (sl.)’, Kyoto kútábár-, Kagoshima kutabár- id.
‖ Cf. also Turk. *Kurt-ga ‘old woman’ (see ЭСТЯ 6, 168-169).
-keru(ĺV) a k. of predator: Tung. *kelte- ( < *kerelte-?); Mong. *kereldüg;
Turk. *KArɨĺ-; Jpn. *kunturi; Kor. *kar-.
PTung. *kelte- ( < *kerelte-?) wolverine (росомаха): Evk. keltefkī;
Evn. költekken; Neg. keltelkēn.
◊ ТМС 1, 447.
PMong. *kereldüg animal resembling the bear but smaller (животное, похожее на медведя, но меньше): WMong. kereldüg (МХТТТ);
Kh. xereldeg (Gomb.).
PTurk. *KArɨĺ- wolf (волк): Tur. kaškɨr, dial. kašɣɨr ‘a bear’; Uzb.
dial. qɛšqir, dial. qɛršiqul; Krm. qašqɨr; Kirgh. qarɨšqɨr; Kaz. qasqɨr; KKalp.
qasqɨr; Nogh. qarɨsqɨr, qasqɨr; Chuv. kaškъr < Qypch..
◊ Лексика 160., ЭСТЯ 5, 352.
PJpn. *kunturi wolverine (росомаха): Tok. kuzuri (orth. kuduri).
PKor. *kàr- tiger (тигр): MKor. kar-wm, kar-pəm; Mod. kalbm.
◊ HMCH 185, Nam 19, KED 46. A compound with *pm ‘tiger, leopard’ (v. sub
*p῾uma).
‖ The root must have denoted some big predator, probably the
wolverine. Cf. also MMong. (HY 10) qarxulax ‘small tiger’.
-késa to suffer: Tung. *kesē-; Mong. *keseɣe-; Turk. *kes-; Jpn. *kásíká-;
Kor. *kjəs-.
PTung. *kesē- 1 to suffer 2 to punish 3 scoundrel, rogue 4 to torture,
lacerate 5 sad (1 страдать 2 наказывать 3 мерзавец, негодяй 4 мучить
5 печальный): Evk. kesē- 1; Neg. keseɣī- 2; Man. kesemburu 3; Jurch.
ke-si-ge-bulu (368) 5; Ul. keseuču- 4; Nan. kesū-li- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 454-455.
*késu - *kesV
673
PMong. *keseɣe- to punish, correct (наказывать, исправлять):
MMong. kese’e- (SH); WMong. keseɣe- (L 459); Kh. xesē-; Bur. xehē-;
Kalm. kes- ‘be punished’.
◊ KW 228.
PTurk. *kes- 1 ban, prohibition 2 to punish, accuse, fine 3 tired,
smashed 4 to scoff 5 guilt, flaw 6 to appoint 7 obstinate 8 to speak
roughly, be in one’s way, hinder 9 to be hungry, in distress (1 запрет 2
назначать наказание, обвинять, штрафовать 3 усталый, разбитый 4
издеваться 5 вина, недостаток 6 устанавливать, назначать 7 упрямый 8 говорить грубо, мешать, подводить 9 голодать, испытывать
нужду): OTurk. kesetkü 1 (OUygh., Chin.-Uygh. Voc. - R); Tur. kes- 2,
kesik 3, kesin- 4; Az. käsir 5; Turkm. kesgitle- 6, kesir 7, kes- 2; Uygh. kɛs- 2,
kesir 5; Tat. kisɛt- 2; Bashk. kiϑɛt- ‘to warn’; Kirgh. kes- 2, kesir 5; Kaz.
kes- 2, keser ‘contemptuous’, 5; Tv. ke’ze- ‘to be punished, scared’; Chuv.
kas- 8, kazъl- 9; Yak. kes ‘forbidden’, keset- ‘to punish, give a lesson’.
◊ VEWT 258.
PJpn. *kásíká- to be exhausted, wasted (истощаться, чахнуть):
OJpn. kasika-; MJpn. kásíká-; Tok. kajike-.
◊ JLTT 707.
PKor. *kjəs- to suffer, undergo, experience (подвергаться, страдать): MKor. kjəs-; Mod. kjək:-.
◊ Nam 44, KED 114.
‖ KW 228, Poppe 18, 65. Cf. *kasa. The Turkic form points rather to *k῾-; if
the TM forms are borrowed from Mong. (see Doerfer MT 69), we
should rather reconstruct PA *k῾esa.
-késu thing, sort, order: Tung. *kese; Mong. *küsü-nüg; Jpn. *kúsá; Kor.
*ks / *kàs.
PTung. *kese word, order (слово, указ): Man. xese; SMan. xesə
‘edict’ (1351); Ork. kese; Ud. kehie.
◊ ТМС 1, 483 (Man. > Sol., Neg., Oroch, Nan. xese; Dag. xes, Тод. Даг. 175).
PMong. *küsü-nüg list, chart, column (of a register) (список, таблица, графа): WMong. küsünüg (L 508); Kh. xüsneg; Bur. xüsneg ‘line,
column’; S.-Yugh. kösnüg.
◊ MGCD 403.
PJpn. *kúsà sort, kind (вид, род): OJpn. kusa; MJpn. kúsà.
◊ JLTT 465.
PKor. *ks / *kàs thing (вещь): MKor. ks / kàs; Mod. kət [kəs].
◊ Nam 24, 39, KED 103.
‖ Mong. *küsünüg < *kesü- (with secondary vowel assimilation).
-kesV (~ k῾-, -i-) luck, joy: Mong. *kesig; Kor. *kìs-.
PMong. *kesig 1 luck, prosperity, grace 2part of the sacrificed meat
(1 счастье, удача, благополучие 2 часть мяса жертвенных живот-
674
*kĕta - *két῾ò
ных, которую раздают людям): MMong. kešig (SH) 2; WMong. kesig
(L 460); Kh. xišig; Bur. xešeg; Kalm. kišəg; Dag. keši (Тод. Даг. 150);
Mongr. kəšəg 1, 2 (SM 199).
◊ KW 233, MGCD 346. Doerfer (TMN 1, 469) gives the meaning as ‘Teil, Anteil,
Glück, Schicksalslos’ and regards the word as borrowed < Turk. *kesik (should be rather
*kesek) ‘piece’. The sources available to us, however, only give the meaning ‘luck, grace’
(see L 460, KW 233 etc.) which is absent in Turkic. Therefore the word is hardly borrowed
< Turkic.
PKor. *kìs- to rejoice (радоваться): MKor. kìs-; Mod. kip:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 83, KED 267.
‖ SKE 113, Poppe 65. A Mong.-Kor. isogloss; the TM forms (see
ТМС 1, 455) probably < Mong., see Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 139.
-kĕta ( ~ -t῾-, -o, -u) mule, barren: Tung. *ketem; Mong. *kači-; Turk.
*KAtɨr.
PTung. *ketem barren (of a female deer) (бесплодная (о важенке
оленя)): Evk. ketem; Evn. ketъm; Neg. ketem.
◊ ТМС 1, 456.
PMong. *kači- a k. of mule (вид мула): MMong. qači-dut (pl. <
*qačit) (SH), qačir (LH).
PTurk. *KAtɨr mule (мул): Karakh. qatɨr (MK, KB); Tur. katɨr; Az.
Gatɨr; Turkm. Gatɨr; MTurk. qatɨr (AH, Houts., IM); KBalk. qadɨr; Nogh.
qatɨr.
◊ VEWT 242, ЭСТЯ 5, 339-340, TMN 3, No 1395. The Turkic form may well be borrowed < Iran., cf. Saka khaḍara- ‘mule’. Here -ḍ- points to *rd, cf. Sogd. ɣrtr’k < *xarataraka
‘mule’ (for a quite similar compound cf. Pers. astar ‘mule’ < *assa-tara ‘horse from one
side’(Bailey 70). Doerfer is concerned about lack of length in Turkic, but length is likewise lacking in Saka and other Iranian forms. The only phonetic difficulty is the Turkic
reflex -t-, because Saka ḍ in the Saka-Uygh. glossary (14th c.) renders Turkic -r-. In one
obvious Saka loan the Saka -ḍ- is indeed rendered as -r-: cūḍām ‘stadium’ (Av. čarətu-) >
OT (Hap. by MK) čurām ‘a shot with a light far-flying arrow. However, if ‘mule’ is borrowed, it is hardly a Xinjiang loanword but rather a Common Turkic, and perhaps from
another Iranian language (Sogdian?).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. > Chag. kačir ‘mule’ etc. (see VEWT
217). The Mong. form itself may have been borrowed from Turk. (see
Щербак 1997, 137), but may as well be genuine. The Tung. parallel
makes the theory of Turk. < Iran. (Sogd. ɣrtr’k, see TMN 3, 393 with
literature) rather improbable.
-két῾ò much, many, excessively: Tung. *kete, *kēter; Mong. *ketü; Jpn.
*kátù; Kor. *kằtằk-.
PTung. *kete, *kēter 1 big 2 many 3 elder 4 almost (1 большой 2
много 3 старший 4 почти): Evk. kēter 1, kete 2; Evn. kēter 1; Neg. kētej 1;
Ul. ketele 4; Ork. ketette 4; Nan. kēte 3, ketēle 4; Orch. kēte 1, kete 4; Ud. kete
‘more’ (Корм. 213), ketige 4.
*két῾ò - *ki
675
◊ ТМС 1, 455-456. The form kēte(re) (with a long vowel) observed in some languages
may have been influenced by *kādara ‘big’ (cf. e. g. Orok kādara); the relationship between
*kete and *kāda(ra) is somewhat obscure.
PMong. *ketü too much, excessively (слишком много, чрезмерно): WMong. ketü (L 460); Kh. xet; Bur. xete; Kalm. ketərkǟ; Ord. getü,
getürχī.
◊ KW 228.
PJpn. *kátù moreover, additionally (кроме того, более того, дополнительно): OJpn. katu; MJpn. katu; Tok. kátsu; Kyo. kátsù; Kag.
kátsu.
◊ JLTT 444. Probably *kátù (Kyoto 2, Kagoshima A), but the Tokyo accent is irregular.
PKor. *kằtằk- full (полный): MKor. kằtằk- / kằtằik-; Mod. kadɨk-,
kat:ɨk-.
◊ Nam 9, KED 9.
‖ EAS 47, KW 228, SKE 84, Poppe 18, 50, Miller 1985a, 81. Despite
Doerfer MT 64, the TM form is hardly borrowed from Mong.
-két῾ò (~k῾-, g-, -o-) similar: Jpn. *kt; Kor. *kằth-.
PJpn. *kt resemblance, similarly (сходство, (суфф.) похоже на,
как): OJpn. koto; MJpn. -gótóku; Tok. -gotoku.
PKor. *kằth- to be similar, resemble (быть похожим): MKor. kằth-,
kắt-; Mod. kat- [kath-].
◊ Nam 20, 28, KED 64.
‖ SKE 99, Martin 241. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ki ( ~ *k῾i) to do, to make: Mong. *ki-; Turk. *Kɨl-; Jpn. *kì-túk-.
PMong. *ki- to do, to make (делать): MMong. ki- (SH, HYt), ke(LH), ki- (MA); WMong. ki- (L 462); Kh. xij-; Bur. xe-; Kalm. ke- (КРС);
Ord. kī-; Mog. ki- (Weiers); Dag. xī-, kī- (Тод. Даг. 150), kī-, šī- (MD 183,
216); Dong. kie-; Bao. ke- (Тод. Бн.), giə-; S.-Yugh. gə-; Mongr. gi- (SM
135), gə-.
◊ MGCD 348. Mong. > Evk. ke- id.
PTurk. *Kɨl- to do, to make (делать): OTurk. qɨl- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. qɨl- (MK); Tur. kɨl-; Az. Gɨl-; Turkm. qɨl-; MTurk. qɨl- (Pav. C.,
MA); Uzb. qil-; Uygh. qil-; Krm. qɨl-; Tat. qɨl-; Bashk. qɨl-; Kirgh. qɨl-; Kaz.
qɨl-; KBalk. qɨl-; KKalp. qɨl-; Kum. qɨl-; Nogh. qɨl-; Khak. xɨl-; Shr. qɨl-;
Oyr. qɨl-; Tv. qɨl-; Chuv. əś-xəl ‘дела’; Yak. kɨn-; Dolg. gɨn-.
◊ EDT 616, VEWT 263, ЭСТЯ 6, 205-206, Stachowski 88. Turk. *Kɨl-ɨnč ‘deed’ > Mong.
kilinče ‘sin’ (see Clark 1980, 43).
PJpn. *kì-túk- to build (строить): OJpn. kjiduk-; MJpn. kìtúk-; Tok.
kizúk-; Kyo. kízúk-; Kag. kízúk-.
◊ JLTT 710. The accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is somewhat aberrant, but old
sources and Tokyo point to *kì-.
676
*kba - *kìjá
‖ KW 223, Владимирцов 260, Poppe 19, ОСНЯ 1, 309. One of the
common Altaic monosyllabic verbal stems. In view of the external evidence, -l- in PT is to be regarded as a historical suffix.
-kba ( ~ -p-) a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *kibē; Turk. *Kɨbak / *Kabak; Jpn.
*kàpài ( ~ -ia).
PTung. *kibē birch bark (береста): Evk. kiwe, kiwē, kīwe; Evn. kīwe.
◊ ТМС 1, 390. Cf. also Nan. dial. koerẽ ‘ash tree’ (ТМС 1, 420).
PTurk. *Kɨbak / *Kabak white poplar, willow (белый тополь, ива):
Tur. kavak; Gag. qavaq; Az. GovaG; MTurk. qawaq (Houts.); Uygh. qapaq
(Jarr.); Tat. quvaq; Bashk. qɨwaq; Oyr. qāq, dial. qabaq; Tv. xāk; Tof. xk;
Chuv. хъₙva.
◊ VEWT 215, ЭСТЯ 5, 170-171, TMN 3, 534-535. The variant *Kabak is probably secondary, due to vowel assimilation; qapaq in Uygh. is also secondary - a contamination
with *Kap- ‘cover’.
PJpn. *kàpài ( ~ -ia) a k. of cypress or Thuja (вид кипариса или
туи): OJpn. kap(j)e; MJpn. kàfè.
◊ JLTT 432.
‖ The reflexes point to a tree with distinct bright bark, probably
birch (cf. also PU *kojwV ‘birch’ compared in МССНЯ 330, ОСНЯ 1,
300).
-kìjá a k. of grass: Tung. *kijo-kta; Mong. *kija-; Turk. *Kɨj(g)ak; Jpn.
*kàjá; Kor. *kójōm.
PTung. *kijo-kta brier (шиповник (плоды и кусты)): Evn. kēkto
‘unripe berry’; Man. ḱōḱōn ‘name of an edible plant’; Ul. qojoqto; Ork.
qịjoqto; Nan. qịoqto; Orch. kijokto; Ud. kökto, kiokto (Корм. 251).
◊ ТМС 1, 387.
PMong. *kija- young fresh grass on river banks (молодая свежая
трава на берегу реки): WMong. kijaǯa; Kalm. kāzə; Dag. ḱān ‘вострец’
(Тод. Даг. 148).
◊ KW 222.
PTurk. *Kɨj(g)ak sedge (осока): Tur. kɨjak (dial.) ‘marsh’; Az. gijax
(dial.) ‘grass name’; Turkm. Gɨjaq ‘пырей волосатый’; Khal. qijāq ‘soft
plants as animal food’; MTurk. qijaɣ (Pav. C.) ‘cut dried grass’; Uzb.
qijɔq; Uygh. qijaq ‘grass’; Krm. qɨjaq ‘bulb’; Tat. qɨjaq ‘leaves of cereals’;
Bashk. qɨjaq ‘leaves of cereals’; dial. qɨjɣaq id., ‘пырей’; Kirgh. qɨjaq
‘острец’, qɨjɣaq ‘sedge’; Kaz. qɨjaq ‘grass name’; KKalp. qɨjaq ‘reed
leaves’; Kum. qɨjaq; Nogh. qɨjaq; Khak. xɨjɣanax; Oyr. qɨjɣaq; Chuv. xъja
(ЭСТЯ: xъjax).
◊ VEWT 262, ЭСТЯ 6, 201-202. Turk. > Mong. kijag id. (Kalm. kāg, KW 222, Khalkha
xiag, Bur. āg, Ord. kāg, cf. TMN 3, 566). Cf. also Karakh. (MK) qajačuq ‘a fragrant mountain grass’.
*kijmV - *kìkú
677
PJpn. *kàjá Miscanthus sinensis (мискант): OJpn. kaja; MJpn. kàjá;
Tok. káya; Kyo. káyá; Kag. kayá.
◊ JLTT 446. All forms point to *kàjá except Kyoto which is aberrant.
PKor. *kójōm a k. of jujube, lotus persimmon (вид ююбы, лотосовая хурма): MKor. kójōm; Mod. kojom.
◊ HMCH 173, Liu 66, KED 147.
‖ The root denotes some wild-growing grass with sharp edges or
thorns. In Kor. there probably occurred a secondary vowel assimilation
(*káj- would be expected). Some interaction with *kúja ‘nut’ was possible, especially in the Kor.-Jap. area.
-kijmV vapour, steam; anger: Tung. *kīmu-; Mong. *kimura-; Turk.
*Kɨjm-; Kor. *kīm.
PTung. *kīmu- 1 to be inimical 2 enmity (1 враждовать 2 враг, вражда): Man. kimu-le- 1, kimun 2; Nan. kīmu-lē- 1, kīmur 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 394. Man. > Dag. kimun (Тод. Даг. 150).
PMong. *kimura- to be in disorder, conflict (быть в беспорядке, в
конфликте): WMong. kimura- (L 468); Kh. amra-; Bur. ximar-; Kalm.
kimr-; Ord. kimara-; S.-Yugh. xemral ‘chaos’.
◊ KW 231, MGCD 353.
PTurk. *Kɨjm- to move (двигаться): Karakh. qɨmɨt- (MK); Tur.
kɨmɨlda-; Az. Gɨmɨldan-; Turkm. Gmɨlda-; Uzb. qim-; Uygh. qimil ‘movement’; Bashk. qɨjmɨlda- ‘шевелиться’; Kirgh. qɨjmɨl ‘movement’; Kaz.
qɨjmɨl ‘movement’; KBalk. qɨmɨlda-; Khak. xɨjmɨra-; Oyr. qɨjmɨqta-.
◊ VEWT 262.
PKor. *kīm steam, vapour, breath, smell (пар, дыхание, запах):
MKor. kīm; Mod. kīm.
◊ Liu 118, KED 281.
‖ KW 231, SKE 112, ТМС 1, 394. Cf. similar semantic development
in *ábo q.v.
-kìkú to bite; rub, scrape: Tung. *kik-; Mong. *kegǯe-; Turk. *Kik-; Jpn.
*kùkúm-.
PTung. *kik- 1 to bite 2 to cut oneself (by rubbing at a rope) 3 to become torn (of a rope, chain) (1 кусать 2 порезаться (о веревку) 3 порваться (о веревке, цепи)): Evk. kik- 1; Evn. qịq- 1 (Новикова 1980,
183); Neg. kik- 1; Nan. kikia- 2 (Он.), kikpē- 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1,391-392. The dialectal Evk. variant kk- is expressive, but by no means <
Mong. kiqa- ‘irritate, intimidate’, as suggested in Poppe 1972, 103.
PMong. *kegǯe- to scrape off, to incise (соскребать, надрезать):
WMong. kegǯe-, (L 444:) kegǯe-le-; Kh. xegǯi-, xegʒle-; Ord. kegǯil-.
PTurk. *Kik- to rub, grind (at each other) (тереть, скрести (друг о
друга)): Karakh. kik- ‘to sharpen and whet a knife’, kikčür- ‘whet a
knife’ (MK); Yak. kikirī- ‘to rub with a noise’.
678
*kímo - *kìp῾é
◊ VEWT 270, EDT 710, 714.
PJpn. *kùkúm- to take into mouth (брать в рот, держать во рту):
MJpn. kùkúm-; Tok. kukum-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ A derivative *kìkú-čV is probably observable in Karakh. kikčür- =
PM *kegǯe-.
-kímo to arrange, intend: Tung. *kim-; Mong. *kima-; Turk. *Kɨm-; Jpn.
*kímá-.
PTung. *kim- 1 to prepare, arrange 2 to check, investigate, to concentrate on (1 готовиться, собираться 2 исследовать, проверять):
Evn. qịm- 1; Man. kimči- 2; SMan. kiməči- (1852) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 394.
PMong. *kima- 1 to arrange 2 intention, effort, care (1 заботиться о,
устраивать 2 намерение, усилие, забота): WMong. kimaɣa 2,
kimaɣada- 1 (L 467); Kh. amga- 1; Bur. amga- 1; Kalm. kimɛ: 2; Dag.
kimči- ‘to control, check’ ( < Man.).
◊ KW 231, MGCD 353.
PTurk. *Kɨm- 1 to wish, intend 2 to persuade (1 желать, намереваться 2 убеждать): MTurk. qɨmsa-n- 1; Tat. qɨmɨn- (Sib.) 1; KBalk.
qɨmtɨm ‘желание’; Oyr. qɨm- 2, qɨmzɨn- 1; Chuv. xəmlen- ‘вдохновляться, воодушевляться’; Yak. kɨmārdā-, kumārdā- ‘заботиться,
беспокоиться’, kumsugur- ‘завидовать’.
◊ VEWT 263.
PJpn. *kímá- to decide, arrange (решать, постановлять): MJpn. kimar-; Tok. kìmar-, kìme-; Kyo. kímár-, kímé-; Kag. kimár-, kimé-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ KW 231.
-kìp῾é bran, millet: Tung. *kipe; Mong. *kibag; Turk. *kẹpek; Jpn.
*kìmpí.
PTung. *kipe a k. of wild millet (просо (боровое)): Man. xife.
◊ ТМС 1, 467.
PMong. *kibag small pieces of food, rot (кусочки пищи, труха):
Bur. xibag; Mongr. kajaG ‘son des céréales, robe ou écorce des fèves,
pois’ (SM 197).
PTurk. *kẹpek bran (отруби): Karakh. kepek (MK); Tur. kepek; Gag.
kepek; Az. käpäk; Turkm. kepek; MTurk. kebek (IM); Uzb. kepɛk; Uygh.
kepɛk; Tat. kibɛk; Bashk. kɛbɛk; Kirgh. kebek; Kaz. kebek; KKalp. kepek, kebek; Kum. gebek; Nogh. kebek; Khak. kibək; Tv. xevek; Chuv. kibek, kimək
(dial.).
◊ EDT 688; ЭСТЯ 5, 47.
PJpn. *kìmpí millet (просо): OJpn. kjimji; MJpn. kìbí; Tok. kíbi; Kyo.
kìbí; Kag. kibí.
*kìp῾í - *kìro
679
◊ JLTT 450.
‖ One of several similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a, *k῾epa, *k῾bu, *gébo).
-kìp῾í ( ~ -e, -o) attentive, strict: Tung. *kib-ča-; Mong. *kib(i)-si-; Jpn.
*kìmpì-si-.
PTung. *kib-ča- prudence, moderation (бережливость, умеренность): Man. xibča-n.
◊ ТМС 1, 465. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *kib(i)- / *kebi- 1 to be attentive, cautious 2 council, deliberation (1 быть внимательным, осторожным 2 совещание): WMong.
kibsi-, kibisi- 1, kebei (L 438) 2; Kh. xevej 2; Kalm. kiwšə- 1, kewī- 2.
◊ KW 233.
PJpn. *kìmpì-si- strict, solemn (суровый, торжественный, строгий): MJpn. kìbì-si; Tok. kibishí-; Kyo. kíbíshì-; Kag. kibíshi-.
◊ JLTT 831. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A common derivative *kìp῾í-čV is reflected in all branches.
-kìro to cut, mince: Tung. *kire-; Mong. *kira-; Turk. *Kɨr-; Jpn. *kìr-.
PTung. *kire- 1 to mince 2 to be broken off, break off 3 to gnaw (1
крошить, резать на куски 2 отламываться, отламывать 3 грызть):
Evk. kirge- 3; Evn. qịrG- 3; Ul. kirki-ču- 3, kiri ‘front tooth’; Ork. keren- 1,
kirī- ‘скалить зубы’; Nan. qịarqịalị-, kerkieli- 3, kermē- 2;
◊ ТМС 1, 398, 453, 454. Cf. also Evk. kiramkī, kīrke ‘fish-fork’, kirur ‘scraper’ possibly
derived from the same root.
PMong. *kiru- to mince, cut small (размельчать, мелко резать):
MMong. keru ‘in small pieces’ (SH); WMong. kira-, kiru- (L 473); Kh.
ar-; Bur. kirma-; Kalm. kur-; Dag. kereči- (MD 182); Mongr. Cf. ćiri- ‘avoir la taille affaissée, se pelotonner’ (SM 457).
◊ KW 244. Cf. also WMong. kirbe-, Kalm. kirwə- ‘to cut off’ (KW 233).
PTurk. *Kɨr- 1 to break, demolish 2 small 3 to scrape, shave (1 ломать, разрушать 2 маленький 3 скрести, брить): Karakh. qɨr- 3 ‘to
scrape; to tear out’; Tur. kɨr- 1; Gag. qɨr- 1; Az. Gɨr- 1; Turkm. Gɨr- 1, 3;
Sal. qɨr- 3; Khal. qɨr- 1; MTurk. qɨr- 1, 3 (Pav. C.), 1, ‘to cut off’ (Бор.
Бад.); Uzb. qir- 3; Uygh. qi(r)- 3; Krm. qɨr- 1, 3; Tat. qɨr- 3; Bashk. qɨr- 1, 3;
Kirgh. qɨr- 3; Kaz. qɨr- 3; KBalk. qɨr-; KKalp. qɨr- 3; Kum. qɨr- 1, 3; Nogh.
qɨr- 3; SUygh. qɨr- 3; Khak. xɨr- 3, ‘to cut’; Shr. qɨr-; Oyr. qɨr- 3; Tv. qɨr- 3;
Tof. qɨr- 3; Chuv. xər- 1; Yak. kɨrɨj- ‘to shear, cut’; kɨra 2; Dolg. kɨrɨj- ‘to
shear, cut’; kɨra 2.
◊ VEWT 265; EDT 643; TMN 3, 567, Лексика 382, ЭСТЯ 6, 227-229, Stachowski 168,
170. The Yak. form kɨra ‘small’ is a rather transparent semantical derivative, although it is
not usually listed among the reflexes of PT *Kɨr-.
PJpn. *kìr- to cut (резать): OJpn. kjir-; MJpn. kìr-; Tok. kír-; Kyo. kìr-;
Kag. kìr-.
◊ JLTT 709.
*kirsi - *kíso
680
‖ KW 244, Menges 1982.
-kirsi ( ~ k῾-) a k. of big wild animal: Mong. *kirs; Jpn. *kisa.
PMong. *kirs rhinoceros (носорог): MMong. kers (HY 9); WMong.
kiris, kers (L 472); Kh. xirs.
◊ Clark 1980, 39 considers to be < Turkic, but what is the source?
PJpn. *kisa elephant (слон): OJpn. k(j)isa; MJpn. kísà, kìzá.
◊ JLTT 451.
‖ An interesting Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-krsu a k. of vessel, receptacle: Turk. *gīŕ; Kor. *krs.
PTurk. *gīŕ 1 a k. of box 2 to hide 3 mystery (1 вид ящика 2 прятать 3 тайна): Karakh. kiz 1, kizle- 2 (MK); Tur. gizle- 2, giz 3; Az. gizlä2; Turkm. gīzle- 2; Yak. kistē- 2; Dolg. kistē- 2.
◊ EDT 756, 760, VEWT 273, ЭСТЯ 3, 43, Stachowski 149.
PKor. *krs vessel (сосуд): MKor. krs; Mod. kɨrɨt [kɨrɨs].
◊ Liu 98, KED 236.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss. Cf. also Nan. kiriske ‘рюмка’ (?) (ТМС 1,
398).
-kŕa a k. of bird of prey: Tung. *kīran; Turk. *Kɨŕ-, *Kɨrguj.
PTung. *kīran a k. of eagle, falcon (вид орла, сокола): Evk. kīran;
Ud. käi ‘орлан-белохвост’ (Корм. 246).
◊ ТМС 1, 397.
PTurk. *Kɨŕ-, *Kɨrguj, *Kɨragan 1 hawk, falcon 2 faultless (of a bird
of prey) (1 ястреб, сокол 2 ловкий, бьющий без промаха (о ловчей
птице)): Karakh. qɨrɣuj 1 (MK); Tur. kɨrɣaj, kɨrɣɨ 1, kuran (dial.) ‘hawk’,
kɨrkaw (dial., R.) ‘a k. of hawk’; Az. Gɨrɣɨ 1; Turkm. Gɨrɣɨ 1; MTurk. qirɣu
(Pav. C.), qɨrɣɨ (Ettuhf.) 1; Uzb. qirɣij 1, qirɔnqara ‘орел-могильник’;
Uygh. ɣurɣuj, qarɣaj 1 (dial.); Krm. qɨrɣɨj, qɨrqɨn, qɨrxɨn 1; Tat. qɨrɣɨj 1
(dial.); Bashk. qɨjɣɨr (dial.) 1; Kirgh. qɨrān, qɨran 1, 2, qɨrɣɨj, qɨjɣɨr 1,
qɨrɣɨjek ‘young hawk’; Kaz. qɨran 2, qɨrɣɨj 1; KKalp. qɨran 2, qɨrɣɨj 1; Kum.
qɨrɣɨj 1; Khak. xɨza 1, xɨrɣɨjax ‘young hawk’; Chuv. xərxi 1, xərɛn ‘kite’;
Yak. kɨrbɨj ‘серый сокол, сокол-чеглок, ястреб’ (?).
◊ VEWT 266, 269, EDT 654-655, ЭСТЯ 6, 231, 232-235. Turk. *Kɨrguj ‘falcon’ > Mong.
kirɣui, see Щербак 1997, 139.
‖ EAS 113, ЭСТЯ 6, 231. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-kíso to press, squeeze, rub: Tung. *kis-k-; Mong. *kisa-; Turk. *Kɨs-; Jpn.
*ksnká-; Kor. *ks-.
PTung. *kis-k- 1 to touch, stroke, sharpen (a knife) 2 tongs, vice (1
касаться, тереться, точить (нож) 2 клещи, тиски): Evk. kiski 2, Man.
xisχa- 1 ; Nan. kiskie, (On.) kiskiẽ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 399, 466. The Evk. and Nan. forms are considered to be borrowed < Russ.
тиски, but the Man. form is no doubt genuine.
*kiso - *kít῾u
681
PMong. *kisa- to contract, shorten; to hamper, impede (сокращать,
мешать, задерживать): WMong. kis(a)- (L 473: kisa-); Kh. as-; Bur.
aha- ‘to be greedy’; Kalm. kis-.
◊ KW 233.
PTurk. *Kɨs- 1 short 2 narrow 3 to squeeze (1 короткий 2 узкий 3
сдавливать): OTurk. qɨsɣa (Orkh.) 1; Karakh. qɨs- 3 (MK, KB), qɨsɨɣ 2
(MK), qɨsqa 1 (KB), qɨsɣa 1 (MK); Tur. kɨsa 1, kɨs- 3; Gag. qɨsa 1; Az. Gɨsa 1;
Turkm. GɨsGa 1, Gɨs- 3; Sal. qɨsGa 1; MTurk. qɨsqa 1 (Abush.), qɨs- (MA);
Uzb. qisqa 1; Uygh. qisqa 1; Krm. qsɨqa 1; Tat. qɨsqa 1, qɨs- 3; Bashk. qɨsqa
1; Kirgh. qɨsqa 1; Kaz. qɨsqa 1; KBalk. qɨsxa 1; KKalp. qɨsqa 1; Nogh. qɨsqa
1; SUygh. GɨsGa, qɨsGa 1; Khak. xɨsxa 1, xɨs- 3; Oyr. qɨsqa 1; Tv. qɨsqa 1,
qɨ’s- 4, qɨz 2; Tof. qɨ’sqa 1, qɨ’s- 4; Chuv. xəzək 2, xəs- 4; Yak. kɨhaj- 3;
Dolg. kɨhalga ‘straits, sorrow’ ( = Yak. kɨhalga).
◊ PT *Kɨs-ga ‘short’ is derived from PT *Kɨs- ‘to press, squeeze’. See VEWT 267, EDT
665-7, ЭСТЯ 6, 251-253, Stachowski 167.
PJpn. *ksnká- to scrape, plane (скрести, строгать): MJpn. kosoga-;
Tok. kòsoge-; Kyo. kósógé-; Kag. kosogé-.
PKor. *ks- 1 to press 2 with force, strongly 3 to stop, put an end to
smth. (1 давить, угнетать 2 с силой, сильно 3 прекращать): MKor.
ks-nùr- 1, ks- 3, ks 2; Mod. kɨčhi-, k:ɨčhi- 3 ( < *kɨs-čhi-).
◊ Nam 75, KED 241. High tone recorded in the adverb is not quite clear (perhaps expressive; one cannot exclude, however, that it is original, being replaced in the verbal
stem by the productive low tone).
‖ Poppe 19, 65, 116, VEWT 267, KW 233 (without the Korean parallel), АПиПЯЯ 285. The original meaning may be reconstructed as
‘press, scrape off by pressing’ (whence ‘sharpen’ and other meanings).
Tone correspondences seem to be regular, but cf. notes on the Korean
tone above.
-kiso (~ *kose, k῾-, g-) certainly, verily: Jpn. *kəsə; Kor. *ks.
PJpn. *kəsə indeed, verily (emph. particle) (действительно, именно (усил. частица)): OJpn. koso; MJpn. koso; Tok. koso.
PKor. *ks certainly, without fail (точно, определенно): MKor. ks.
◊ Nam 74.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-kít῾u ( ~ k῾-) to wait, take time: Mong. *kičiɣe-; Jpn. *kútúrə(n)k- ( ~
-ua-); Kor. *kìtr’ó-.
PMong. *kičiɣe- to try, be diligent, polite (прилагать усилия, заботиться, остерегаться): MMong. kiče’e- (HY), kiči’e-, kičije- (SH);
WMong. kičige- (L 463: kičije-); Kh. xičē-; Bur. xešē-; Ord. gečē-; Dag. kičē(MD 183, Тод. Даг. 150: kiē-); kičēl ‘careful, prudent’; S.-Yugh. kəčī-;
kəčīl ‘careful, prudent’.
*kíǯV - *kč῾ù
682
◊ MGCD 345, 351. Mong. > Evk. kiče- etc.; Oyr. kiče-, Yak., Dolg. kičej- etc., see TMN 1,
487, Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki 139, Kał. MEJ 38, Stachowski 147.
PJpn. *kútúrə(n)k- ( ~ -ua-) to relax, feel at ease (расслабляться):
MJpn. kútúróg-; Tok. kutsuróg-; Kyo. kútsúróg-; Kag. kùtsùròg-.
◊ JLTT 718. Tokyo and Kagoshima have irregular accent pointing to a variant
*kùtùr(n)k-.
PKor. *kìtr’ó- to wait (ждать): MKor. kìtr’ó-; Mod. kidari-.
◊ Nam 78, KED 262. Cf. also kìth- ‘to remain’.
‖ Cf. *kdi, *gode (with possible contaminations).
-kíǯV (?) to lose, disappear: Tung. *kiǯ-; Jpn. *kíjá-.
PTung. *kiǯ- to lose (терять): Nan. kịǯo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 391.
PJpn. *kíjá- to disappear, be extinguished (пропадать, гаснуть):
OJpn. kjija-, ka-; MJpn. kíjá-; Tok. kìe-; Kyo. kíé-; Kag. kié-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; rather dubious because of scarce attestation
in TM.
-kč῾ù hole; mouth: Tung. *kuči-n; Mong. *kačir; Turk. *KĒčir; Jpn.
*kútí.
PTung. *kuči-n 1 well 2 dimples (1 колодец 2 ямочки (на щеках)):
Man. χučin 1; SMan. qočin 1 (547); Jurch. xuĉi 1(56); Nan. qočị 2; χočĩ 1 ( <
Man.).
◊ ТМС 1, 419, 475.
PMong. *kačir cheek (щека): MMong. qačar (HY 45, SH), qačər (IM),
qačar (LH) Г; WMong. qačir, qačar (L 901); Kh. xacr, xacar; Bur. xasar;
Kalm. xačr; Ord. Gačar; Dag. xačir (Тод. Даг. 175), (MGCD, Тод. Даг.
148) kačir; kačire (MD 181); Dong. qɨǯa, qɨča; Mongr. xaar (SM 148),
xaǯar.
◊ KW 173, MGCD 336.
PTurk. *KĒčir 1 trachea 2 cartilage (1 трахея 2 хрящ): Tat. käčerkä ‘a
small hair on the back of a baby’ (?); Kirgh. kečir ‘cartilage of the shoulderblade bone’; Khak. kiǯər 2; Shr. kečirtke 2; Oyr. ked’ir 1; Tof. keǯir 2,
keǯir bōs 1.
◊ VEWT 246. Length is indicated by voicing in Tof. and lack of pharyngealization.
PJpn. *kútí mouth (рот): OJpn. kuti; MJpn. kútí; Tok. kùchi; Kyo.
kúchí; Kag. kúchi ( = kúT).
◊ JLTT 467.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 111. For Jpn. cf. also Koguryo /xuče/ ‘mouth’. The root
must have basically meant ‘mouth or throat cavity’ (whence ‘mouth’,
‘cheek’ (originally probably ‘inner side of cheek’) and ‘trachea’), with a
secondary development > ‘cavity in general’ > ‘well’ in TM.
*kadi - *kdu
683
-kadi to put on, wear: Mong. *kedü- / *keǯi-; Turk. *ged-; Jpn. *kí-.
PMong. *kedü- / *kedi- 1 to wear a garment 2 saddle cloth (1 надевать одежду 2 попона): WMong. kedür- 1 (L 442), keǯim 2 (L 462); Kh.
xeǯim 2; Bur. xeder- 1; Kalm. ködr- 1, keǯəm 2; Ord. kedür- 1.
◊ KW 236. Mong. > Chag. keǯim etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 18-19; see Щербак 1997, 205, Лексика
546). Mong. keǯim itself may be an old Turkic loanword, see TMN 1, 462.
PTurk. *ged- to put on (надевать): OTurk. ked- (OUygh.); Karakh.
keδ- (MK); Tur. gij-; Gag. gī-; Az. gej-; Turkm. gej-; Sal. kij-; Khal. käd-;
MTurk. kej- (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. kij-; Uygh. kej-, kij-; Krm. kij-; Tat. kij-;
Bashk. kĭj-; Kirgh. kij-; Kaz. kĭj-; KKalp. kij-; Kum. gij-; Nogh. kij-;
SUygh. kez-; Khak. kis-; Shr. kes-; Oyr. kij-; Tv. ket-; Yak. ket-; Dolg. ket-.
◊ EDT 700, VEWT 246, ЭСТЯ 3, 12-13, Лексика 472-473, Stachowski 146.
PJpn. *kí- to put on, wear (надевать, носить (одежду)): OJpn. ki-;
MJpn. kjí-; Tok. kì-; Kyo. kí-; Kag. kí-.
◊ JLTT 709.
‖ KW 236, Poppe 19, Ozawa 197-199, JOAL 72, 73, 136, АПиПЯЯ
72. A possible TM match is Man. adu = Jurch. ha-du ‘clothes’ < *xadu
(ТМС 1, 6); this would make us reconstruct *k῾ajdi and suppose a secondary (assimilatory) voicing in Turk. *ged- < *ked-.
-kàdi seam, to sew, lace: Tung. *kiade-le-; Mong. *kaǯi; Turk. *K(i)adɨ-;
Kor. *kjd-.
PTung. *kiade-le- to lace, befringe (обшивать, окаймлять): Evk.
kelē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 443. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *kaǯi seam, facing; to face (шов, кант; обшивать): WMong.
qaǯi, qaǯi- (L 948); Kh. xaǯ; Bur. xaža ‘серебряная оправа’.
◊ Cf. also WMong. qadaɣ, Khalkha xadag ‘folded silk cloth’.
PTurk. *K(i)adɨ- 1 to sew, sew together 2 leather belt (1 шить, сшивать 2 кожаный пояс): Karakh. qaδu- 1, qaδɨš 2 (MK); Tur. kajiš 2; Gag.
qajɨš 2; Az. Gajɨš 2; Turkm. Gaja- 1, Gajɨš 2; Sal. qajɨš 2; MTurk. qajɨš 2
(Pav. C.); Uzb. qajɨš 2 (dial.); Krm. qajɨš 2; Tat. qajɨ- 1, qajɨš 2; Bashk. qaj> Chuv. xaj- 1, qajɨš 2; Kirgh. qajɨ- 1, qajɨš 2; Kaz. qajɨ- 1, qajɨs 2; KBalk.
qajɨš 2; KKalp. qajɨ- 1, qajɨs 2; Kum. qajɨ- 1, qajɨš 2; Nogh. qajɨ- 1, qajɨs 2;
Khak. xās 2; Oyr. qajɨš 2; Yak. xatɨs 2.
◊ VEWT 219, TMN 3, 408, EDT 596, 607, ЭСТЯ 5, 199, 218, Лексика 386.
PKor. *kjd- to weave, plait (ткать, заплетать): MKor. kjt- (-r-);
Mod. kjt- (-r-).
◊ Liu 56, KED 115.
‖ ТМС 1, 443.
-kdu ( ~ k῾-) relative: Mong. *kadum; Turk. *Kādɨn; Kor. *kjərăi.
PMong. *kadum relative by marriage (свойственник): MMong.
qadum (MA), qadom (IM), qadəm (LH); WMong. qadum (L 903); Kh.
684
*kằgru - *kằgru
xadam; Bur. xadam; Kalm. xadm; Ord. xadam; Dag. xadam (Тод. Даг. 172);
Dong. Gadun; S.-Yugh. Gadəm; Mongr. Gadim (SM 116).
◊ KW 158, MGCD 314. Mong. > Evk. kadum, see Poppe 1966, 195, Doerfer MT 125.
PTurk. *Kādɨn relative-in-law (свойственник): OTurk. qadɨn (Yenis.,
OUygh.); Karakh. qaδɨn (MK, KB), qadɨn (KB), qajɨn (IM); Tur. kajɨn; Az.
Gajɨn; Turkm. Gājɨn; MTurk. qajɨn (Pav. C., MA, Houts.); Uzb. qɛjin;
Uygh. qejin; Tat. qajɨn; Bashk. qajnɨ; Kirgh. qajɨn; Kaz. qajɨn; Kum. qajɨn;
Nogh. qajɨn; Khak. xazɨn/ xastɨ; Shr. qazɨn; Oyr. qajɨn; Tv. qatɨ; Tof. xattɨ;
Chuv. xoń.
◊ VEWT 218, ЭСТЯ 5, 215-216, Лексика 309, Федотов 2, 358.
PKor. *kjərăi relatives (родственники): MKor. kjrằi; Mod. kjəre.
◊ Nam 41, KED 111.
‖ KW 158, Poppe 52. Despite TMN 3, 579, Щербак 1997, 132 Mong.
is hardly < Turk. Cf. also Evn. kēde ‘friend’ (ТМС 1, 443). The Kor. word
is compared alternatively (JLTT 438) with OJ kara ῾clan, family’, but the
latter seems to have a better match in TM *kal-, see *kala.
-kằgru to bake, boil: Tung. *kurgi-; Mong. *kaɣur-; Turk. *KAgur-; Jpn.
*kùrì-dà; Kor. *krh-.
PTung. *kurgi- to burn, catch fire (гореть, вспыхивать): Evk. kurgi-;
Neg. kurgi-sin-; Man. χur-še-; Ul. kurǯi-; Sol. xudǯi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 435.
PMong. *kaɣur- to roast, bake, fry (жарить, печь): MMong. qawur(MA) 1; WMong. qa(ɣ)uru-, (L 910:) qaɣur-, qaɣuur-, quɣur-; Kh. xūr-;
Bur. xūra-; Kalm. xūr-; Ord. xūr-; Mog. ZM qouro (14-6b) ‘to boil, roast’;
Dong. kuru-; Mongr. kurgu- (SM 216).
◊ KW 201, 204. Southern forms seem to reflect front vocalism.
PTurk. *KAgur- to roast, fry (жарить): Karakh. qaɣur-, qoɣur-, qovur(MK); Tur. kavur-; Gag. qa’ur-; Az. Govur-; Turkm. Govur-, Gavɨr- (А-Б);
MTurk. qavur- (Houts., Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qɔwur-, dial. qɔɣur-; Uygh.
qoru-; Krm. qavur-; Tat. quwɨr-; Bashk. quwɨr-, dial. qɨwɨr-; Kirgh. kūr(u)-;
Kaz. quwɨr-; KKalp. quwɨr-; Nogh. quwɨr-; Khak. xōr-; Shr. qōr-; Oyr. kūr-;
Tv. xōr-.
◊ VEWT 220, ЭСТЯ 5, 175-177.
PJpn. *kùrì-dà kitchen (кухня): OJpn. kurija; MJpn. kùrìjà; Tok.
kùrija; Kyo. kúríjá; Kag. kurijá.
◊ JLTT 464. The accent in Tokyo and Kyoto is irregular (pointing to *kúrí-dá), but Kagoshima together with RJ point to original low tone.
PKor. *krh- to boil (варить(ся)): MKor. krh-; Mod. k:ɨr(h)-.
◊ Nam 74, KED 250.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk. (see TMN 3, 542, Щербак 1997, 132), but
may well be genuine, see KW 202, Владимирцов 206, Poppe 48. Ko-
*kájo - *kàjú
685
rean has the typical “verbal” low tone. The specific medial cluster explains somewhat irregular vowel behaviour in Kor.
-kájo strong odour, smoke: Tung. *koja; Mong. *kej; Turk. *KAjɨr; Jpn.
*káiN-púri.
PTung. *koja secretion of a musk deer (струя кабарги): Ul. qoja;
Nan. qoja.
◊ ТМС 1, 404.
PMong. *kej 1 air, atmosphere 2 wind (1 воздух, атмосфера 2 ветер): MMong. ke (=kəi HY 1), kei (SH), kī (IM), kĭji (MA) 1; WMong. kei
(L 444) 1; Kh. xij 1; Bur. xī 1; Kalm. kī 1; Ord. kī; Mog. kei 1,2; ZM kei 1,2
(19-4a); Dag. xein, kein, kīn 2 (Тод. Даг. 149), hejn 2, hejse- ‘to blow’ (MD
159), hij 1 (MD 162); Dong. kei 1, 2; Bao. ki 2; S.-Yugh. kī 1; Mongr. kī
(SM 199) 1, 2.
◊ KW 233-234, MGCD 347. Mong. > Evk. kei etc., see Doerfer MT 102.
PTurk. *KAjɨr castoreum, the odorous secretion of the beaver (мускус, пахучие выделения бобра): OTurk. qajɨr (OUygh.); Karakh. qunduz qajɨrɨ (MK); MTurk. qajɨr (Sangl.); Tat. Sib. qajɨr; Khak. xajɨr; Shr.
qajɨr.
◊ VEWT 222, EDT 678-679.
PJpn. *káiN-púri ( ~ *kiá-) smoke (дым): OJpn. k(j)eburi; MJpn. kébúri; Tok. kèmuri; Kyo. kémúrí; Kag. kemúi.
◊ JLTT 448. Historically a compound with *pur- ‘to wave’ (or *pur- ‘to snow, rain’);
the Ryukyu variant *kaiNpusi may reflect a different suffixation (or the influence of *mus‘to boil, steam’). Simple *kai is also attested in OJ as ke ‘vapour, breath’; the word is traditionally regarded as borrowed < MChin. khj id., but the vocalism is somewhat strange
(one would rather expect OJ ki - which, as a matter of fact, is also attested and is the normal Goon / Kanon reading of the character 氣).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 109, 277, Мудрак Дисс. 103 (see also *gūbe, *kaju, with
a possibility of contaminations). Note that both in MMong. and OJ the
root is sometimes treated as borrowed from MChin. khj (see, e.g.,
Rozycki 139) - which is not totally excluded, but somewhat dubious
(very early attestation both in Mongolian and Japanese texts, and unexplained vocalism).
-kàjú wind, air: Tung. *kuje; Mong. *kuj; Turk. *KAj; Jpn. *kùjù-r-; Kor.
*kùrì-.
PTung. *kuje whirlwind, snow storm (метель, пурга): Neg. kuje;
Orch. kue, kuwe; Ud. kue (Корм. 253).
◊ ТМС 1, 425.
PMong. *kuj whirlwind (вихрь): WMong. qui (L 982); Kh. xuj; Bur.
xuj; Kalm. xǖ (КРС); Ord. xuj; S.-Yugh. χui.
◊ MGCD 386. Mong. > Chag. qujun, Oyr. qujun etc. (see Лексика 43-44, ЭСТЯ 6,
117-118).
686
*kaka - *kằmò
PTurk. *KAj 1 shaman spirit 2 throat singing (1 шаманский дух 2
горловое пение): SUygh. qaj 1; Khak. xaj 2; Shr. qajla- 2; Oyr. qajla- 2;
Chuv. > Mari xoj ‘Gespräch’.
◊ VEWT 221. If the original meaning is ‘air movement’ (cf. the external evidence), cf.
also Chuv. kü ‘strong odour’.
PJpn. *kùjù-r- to smoke, fume (дымить(ся)): MJpn. kùjù-r-; Tok.
kuyúr-; Kyo. kúyúr-; Kag. kùyùr-.
PKor. *kùrì- be smelly, stinking (вонять, пахнуть): MKor. kùrì-;
Mod. kori-, kuri-.
◊ Liu 83, KED 200.
‖ Cf. *kájo: the two roots seem to be distinct, but certainly contaminations were possible. Kor. *kuri- < *kuju-ri-, cf. the Jpn. form.
-kaka ( ~ -k῾-) shell: Tung. *kiaK-ta / -ikta; Jpn. *kàkî.
PTung. *kiaK-ta / -ikta 1 skin 2 shell (1 кожа 2 раковина): Evk.
kkikta 1; Man. qaiqari 2; Ul. qịaqta 2; Nan. qǟχta 2; Orch. kiakta 2; Ud.
käkta (/käxta) (Корм. 246).
◊ ТМС 1, 386-387.
PJpn. *kàkî shell, oyster (раковина, устрица): OJpn. kakji; MJpn.
kàkì; Tok. káki; Kyo. kàkî; Kag. kakí.
◊ JLTT 434.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 293. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; seems quite reliable (linking
the Jpn. form with Kor. kur by Martin 238 should be rejected).
-k[a]ma a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *k[ia]m-; Mong. *kemerleg; Jpn.
*kàmuâ; Kor. *kàmà’ótí.
PTung. *k[ia]m- diver (гагара): Evn. kǟmilŋa / kiamilŋa; Ork. qojomo
‘a k. of duck’.
◊ ТМС 1, 388, 404. Cf. also Man. xumudu / xumtu ‘bustard’ (ТМС 1, 447). The vocalic
reconstruction is not quite clear.
PMong. *kemerleg a k. of pheasant-like bird (вид птицы, похожей
на фазана): WMong. kemerlig (MXTTT); Kh. xemerleg.
PJpn. *kàmuâ duck (утка): OJpn. kamwo; MJpn. kàmò; Tok. kámo;
Kyo. kàmô; Kag. kamó.
◊ JLTT 436.
PKor. *kàmà’ótí cormorant (баклан): MKor. kàmà’ótí; Mod. kamauǯi.
◊ Nam 4 (HMCH 184), KED 15.
‖ Despite some problems with vocalism, the root seems reliable.
-kằmò ghost, spirit: Tung. *kum-; Mong. *keme-; Turk. *Kiam; Jpn.
*kàmù-i.
PTung. *kum- evil spirit (злой дух): Nan. kumtu (Bik.); qōmio (On.)
‘helping spirit, human-shaped figurine of a god’.
◊ ТМС 1, 431. Attested only in Nanai (with a not quite clear vowel variation in dialects, but having probable external parallels.
*kamp῾a - *kamp῾a
687
PMong. *keme- 1 to divine on bones 2 to speak, explain (arch.) (1
гадать по костям 2 говорить, объяснять): WMong. keme- 1,2 (L 450);
Kh. xemē- 2; Kalm. kemɛ:- 1.
◊ KW 224.
PTurk. *Kiam 1 shaman 2 to shamanize, come into movement (1
шаман 2 камлать, приходить в движение): OTurk. qam 1, qamla- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. qam (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kam 1; MTurk. qam 1 (AH, IM,
Pav. C.), qamla- 2 (Sangl.); Krm. qamʒɨ 1; Tat. qam 1 (Sib.); Khak. xam 1,
xamna- 2; Shr. qam 1; Oyr. qam 1, qamda- 2; Tv. xam 1; Tof. xam 1; Chuv.
jomъś, jumъźə 1; Yak. xam-nā- (xam-sā-) 2; Dolg. kamnā- 2.
◊ VEWT 228, TMN 3, 402-406, ЭСТЯ 5, 240-241, Егоров 348-349, Федотов 1, 486, Stachowski 136.
PJpn. *kàmù-i god, spirit (бог, дух): OJpn. kami; MJpn. kàmì; Tok.
kamí; Kyo. kámi; Kag. kàmí.
◊ JLTT 435. OJ kamu- in compounds (kamu-nusi etc.).
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 192 (Turk.-Mong.). Cf. perhaps also MKor. -km in
nīm-km ‘master, Lord’ (if -km is not borrowed < Jpn. kimi, see under
*kiŋo).
-kamp῾a top, top of head: Tung. *kiama / *kiapa; Turk. *k(i)amak /
*k(i)apak; Jpn. *kàm(p)-; Kor. *kàmá.
PTung. *kiama / *kiapa 1 temple 2 face (1 висок 2 лицо): Evk. kwa
2; Ork. qmi 1; Nan. qǟf (Bik.) 1; Ud. keämikta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 386.
PTurk. *K(i)amak / *K(i)apak 1 forehead 2 front part 3 eyelid 4 eyebrow (1 лоб 2 передняя часть 3 веко 4 бровь): Karakh. qapaq 3 (MK);
Tur. kabak ‘bald’, dial. kabag 1, 2, ‘face’, ‘skull’; Az. GabaG 2, (poet.)
‘face’; Turkm. GābaG 3; MTurk. qabaq 1, 2 (Sangl., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qɔvɔq
3; Uygh. dial. qawaq 3; Tat. küz qabaɣɨ 3, dial. taw qabaɣɨ ‘mountain
slope’; Bashk. qabaq 3, ‘precipice’; Kirgh. qabaq 3, ‘pitfall’; Kaz. qabaq 3,
‘place under the forehead; edge of shore’; KKalp. qabaq 3, ‘cleft’; Kum.
göz qabaɣɨ 3; Nogh. qabaq 3; SUygh. qavaq ‘nose bridge’ (ЯЖУ); Khak.
xamax 1; Shr. qamaq, qabaq 1; Oyr. qamaq, qabaq 4, dial. 1; Tv. xavaq 1; Tof.
qabaq 4.
◊ VEWT 228, ЭСТЯ 5, 161, Лексика 199-200. An extremely complicated case: forms
meaning ‘eyelid’ are traditionally analysed as derived from *Kap- ‘to cover’ - but the
Turkm., Uzb. and Uygh. forms clearly contradict such a derivation by displaying unmistakable vowel length. A trace of the original meaning ‘forehead, eyebrow’ (later shifted to
‘eyelid’) in the Kypchak languages (not distinguishing vowel length) may be found in
expressions meaning ‘to frown (one’s forehead, eyebrows)’: Kirgh. qabaq tüj-, bürkö-, Kaz.,
KKalp. qabaq tüj-. The form *Kāpak may have been additionally influenced by PT *Kāp
‘sack; to surround’ (v. sub *k[ā]p῾á), *Kāp(ak) ‘caul, hymen’ (v. sub *k῾āp῾a). The variation of
*-m- and -p- (cf. the archaic Siberian reflexes with -m-) is parallelled by a similar variation in TM and Japanese and may reflect an original cluster, but may have been an innovation due to the contaminations with *Kap- and *Kāp.
688
*kằmù - *kàntú
PJpn. *kàm(p)- 1 top 2 head (1 верх, верхушка 2 голова): OJpn.
kamji 1; MJpn. kàmí 1, kabu(ri) 2; Tok. kámi 1, káburi, kàburi 2; Kyo. kàmí
1, kábúrí 2; Kag. kamí 1, kaburí 2.
◊ JLTT 431, 435.
PKor. *kàmá crown of head (верхушка головы): MKor. kàmá; Mod.
kama.
◊ Liu 20, HMCH 51, KED 14.
‖ PKE 68 (Kor.-Turk., without Japanese parallels), АПиПЯЯ 279,
Лексика 200. Tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
The variation between *-m- and *-p- in most subgroups reflects the PA
cluster *-mp῾-, possibly with later interdialectal loans.
-kằmù beaver; bear: Tung. *kuma; Turk. *Kạma; Jpn. *kùmà; Kor.
*kōm.
PTung. *kuma seal (нерпа, тюлень): Evk. kuma; Evn. qụma; Neg.
koma.
◊ ТМС 1, 430.
PTurk. *Kạma 1 beaver 2 otter (1 бобер 2 выдра): Uygh. qama 2; Tat.
qama 2; Bashk. qama 2; KKalp. qama 2; Khak. xam-nos, xam čat (Верб.) 1;
Shr. qamna(ɣɨ) 2; Oyr. qamdu 2; Chuv. xъₙma ‘beaver, marten’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 242, Лексика 162, Мудрак Дисс. 145. Also PT *Kam-tuŕ ‘beaver, otter’
(VEWT 228, Лексика 162) (*Kam-tuŕ may be a compound < *Kama+*utɨŕ ‘otter’ q.v. sub
*óŋdu; Leksika ibid., however, suggests rather *Kam-luč, with a diminutive *-luč. There is
also a variant *Kun-tuŕ (with *Kunu ‘wolverine’? - see, however, TMN 3, 524, with a suggestion of Turk. < Pers.).
PJpn. *kùmà bear (медведь): OJpn. kuma; Tok. kumá; Kyo. kúmà;
Kag. kumá.
◊ JLTT 463.
PKor. *kōm bear (медведь): MKor. kōm; Mod. kōm.
◊ Nam 51, KED 161.
‖ EAS 155, SKE 122-123, Дыбо 9, Martin 225, Лексика 162.
-kàntú a k. of vessel: Tung. *kondi; Mong. *kundaga; Turk. *Kendük
(*Kentük); Jpn. *kùntá.
PTung. *kondi scoop, box (ковш, черпак, ящик): Neg. konǯaxan;
Ul. konǯoko; Ork. χondoqqo ‘кисет’; Nan. kunǯi, kunǯučẽ; Orch. kōndi; Ud.
konǯi.
◊ ТМС 1, 409, 412, 470.
PMong. *kundaga a small vessel (небольшой сосуд): WMong.
qundaɣa(n) (L 986); Kh. xundaga; Bur. xundaga; Ord. xundaGa.
◊ Mong. > Man. xuntaxa (see Rozycki 112).
PTurk. *Kendük (*Kentük) 1 large earthenware jar for storing flour
2 bin, crib for flour, grain (1 большой глиняный сосуд для муки 2
ларь, закром для муки, зерна): Karakh. kendük (MK - Ganch.) 1; Az.
kändi 2; Khal. kändi ‘basket’; MTurk. kündük ‘jug’ (Sangl.); Uzb. kandik 2;
*k[a]ŋe - *kàpì
689
Kirgh. kendik ‘room for grain, fuel’ (may be < Pers.); Chuv. kandi ‘round
wooden bowl’.
◊ EDT 729. Clauson regards the word as an unequivocal iranism. The Iranian forms
are: Pekhl. kndwg ( > Armen. k’andouk), Pers. kandū, kandūk ‘big earthenware vessel for
storing grain’, Osset. xaendyg ‘pail for pickled cheese’. Persian is the source of Syr. kndwk-,
Arab. kandūǯ ‘big vessel for grain’. Also related is Sak. khadīrakya (*xandīra-) ‘a vessel’
(possibly, some basket-work, see Bailey 71, Аб. 4, 173). Abayev derives the above forms
from Iran. *kan- ‘to dig’ - which is not quite plausible (in a participle we would expect the
zero grade vocalism; unclear is the labial vowel in the suffix; semantics raises doubts). On
the other hand, all the above Iranian forms can be well explained as Turkisms, including
the Saka form - with the suffix -rak (a wellknown suffix for receptacles, see Bang 1918).
External parallels provide the final support for such a decision. Middle Greek kóndü
‘potrion’ may be < Bulg., cf. the Chuv. semantics (see Фасмер sub кандия; cf. also other
European words possibly having the same source).
PJpn. *kùntá pipe (трубка): OJpn. kuda; MJpn. kùdá; Tok. kúda; Kyo.
kùdá; Kag. kudá.
◊ JLTT 461.
‖ The root appears well reconstructable for PA, with a common derivative *kàntú-kV (PT *Kendük = PM *kundaga = PTM *kondi-kā-n.
-k[a]ŋe a k. of board: Tung. *küŋile; Mong. *kaŋga; Turk. *K(i)aŋ.
PTung. *küŋile skis (лыжи-голицы): Evk. kiŋlē; Evn. kịŋna; Neg.
kiŋne; Ul. kuŋgilte; Ork. kuŋgilte; Nan. kuŋgilte; Orch. kiŋile; Ud. kiŋgile.
◊ ТМС 1, 396. Evk. > Dolg. kiŋle (see Stachowski 148).
PMong. *kaŋga a k. of board, cross-bar (вид доски, распорки):
WMong. qaŋɣa; Kh. xaŋga; Kalm. xaŋgə.
◊ KW 166. Mong > Kaz. qaŋa ‘доска’ etc., VEWT 232.
PTurk. *K(i)aŋ 1 vehicle, cart 2 skis, sleigh (1 повозка 2 лыжи, сани): OTurk. qaŋlɨ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qaŋlɨ (MK) 1; Tur. kaɣnɨ, dial.
kannɨ, kangɨllɨ 1; Sal. ɣaŋlɨ 1; MTurk. qaŋlɨ (Sangl., Houts., AH) 1; Khak.
xaŋā 1; Shr. qaŋna 2; Tv. xk 2; Tof. qaŋha 2 (ФиЛ 91).
◊ TMN 3, 531, EDT 638, ЭСТЯ 5, 259-260, Лексика 533.
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite vocalic irregularity, the TM forms are
hard to separate from Turko-Mongolian.
-kàpì depth; edge: Tung. *kiabu-; Mong. *köb-; Jpn. *kìpà; Kor. *kìphí-.
PTung. *kiabu- bottom of boat (дно лодки): Ul. kêwu(n); Nan. kiõ;
Orch. kǟu.
◊ ТМС 1, 390.
PMong. *köb- 1 depth 2 edge, side (1 глубина 2 край, бок):
WMong. köb 1 (L 475), köbege(n), köbüge (L 476) 2; Kh. xöv 1, xövge, xövȫ
2; Bur. xübȫ 2; Kalm. köwɛ 2; Ord. köwȫ 2; Dag. kuwē, kugē 2 (Тод. Даг.
150); Mongr. koG (SM 212) 1.
◊ KW 242. Mong. > Evk. kuwē, Man. kubu-, kubuxen (ТМС 1, 423, Poppe 1966, 192,
Doerfer MT 132), Turk. köbe etc. (VEWT 285, ЭСТЯ 5, 80-81).
690
*kap῾a - *kàp῾ù
PJpn. *kìpà edge, side (край, бок): OJpn. kjipa; MJpn. kìfà; Tok. kiwá;
Kyo. kíwà; Kag. kiwá.
◊ JLTT 452.
PKor. *kìphí- deep (глубокий): MKor. kìphí-; Mod. kip- [kiph-].
◊ Nam 80, KED 283.
‖ Martin 230. Korean has a ‘verbal’ low tone and a secondary monophthongization (*-jə- > -i-). In Mong. one has to assume labial assimilation *köb- < *keb-.
-kap῾a turtle, crayfish: Tung. *kiakp- / *kiapk-; Mong. *kab-; Jpn. *kap/ *kam-; Kor. *kpúp.
PTung. *kiakp- / *kiapk- 1 crayfish 2 tick (1 рак 2 клещ): Ork.
qêqparị 1; Orch. kǟpi 2; Ud. käfi 2 (Корм. 247), keäfi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 388.
PMong. *kab- 1 crayfish 2 turtle (1 рак 2 черепаха): WMong. qabči 1
(L 896); Kh. xavč 1; Bur. xabšāxaj 1; Kalm. xawxəntə 2 (КРС); Dag. xabil 2
(Тод. Даг. 172).
◊ Dag. > Sol. xabil id.
PJpn. *kap- / *kam- 1 turtle 2 frog (1 черепаха 2 лягушка): OJpn.
kame 1, kapjeru, kapadu 2; MJpn. kàmè 1, kaferu, kafadu 2; Tok. káme 1,
kàeru, kàwazu 2; Kyo. kàmê 1, kàèrú, kàwàzú 2; Kag. kamé 1, kaerú, kawázu
2.
◊ JLTT 432, 435, 446. Original accent is not quite clear.
PKor. *kpúp turtle (черепаха): MKor. kpúp; Mod. kəbuk.
◊ Nam 32, KED 85.
‖ Martin 244 (Kor.-Jpn.). PJ *kama- presupposes a nasal suffix
(*kap῾a-nV). A very similar fish name is found in TM (Oroch kiampai
‘чилимс’, Nan. qǟfu ‘гольян (озерный)’, see ТМС 1, 397); cf. also a
quite isolated Turkm. kepir ‘carp’ (if not from Pers. kopur, see ЭСТЯ 5,
47). Whether these forms reflect the same root is yet to be determined.
-kàp῾ù ( ~ k῾-, -e-u, -a-u) hoof, heel: Mong. *kajir-; Jpn. *kupi-(mpi)su;
Kor. *kúp.
PMong. *kajir- to hit with a hoof (бить копытом): MMong. qaji(SH) ‘to tread’; WMong. qajir- (L 913: qaira-); Kh. xajr-; Bur. xajra-; Kalm.
xǟr-; Ord. xǟr-.
◊ KW 180.
PJpn. *kupi-(mpi)su heel (пятка): OJpn. kupjipjisu; MJpn. kúbísù,
kúfísù; Tok. kùbisu, kìbisu; Kyo. kúbìsù; Kag. kubísu.
◊ JLTT 461. Original accent is not quite clear: Kyoto points rather to LLL, Tokyo and
Kagoshima - to HHH, while RJ has an exceptional type HHL: this is all probably due to
the elision of a medial syllable.
PKor. *kúp hoof (копыто): MKor. kúp; Mod. kup.
◊ Liu 90, KED 220.
*kăro - *kăru
691
‖ Whitman 1985, 182, 226 (Kor.-Jpn.). Cf. Chag. (VEWT 281) kopuk
‘eine vorteilhafte (stehende) Stellung des Knöchels beim Spiel’. In TM
cf. *kōkčān ‘hoof’ (ТМС 1, 405-406) - perhaps < *kōpčān, cf. Evk. Tott.
kopčan.
-kăro crow, raven: Tung. *kori; Mong. *kerije; Turk. *KArga; Jpn.
*kara-su; Kor. *kằr-.
PTung. *kori a mythical bird (mediator) (мифическая птица (медиатор)): Ork. qorị; Nan. qorị; Orch. kōri.
◊ ТМС 1,415.
PMong. *kerije crow, raven (ворон(а)): MMong. kiriä (MA), kere’e
(SH); WMong. kerije(n) (L 458); Kh. xerē(n); Bur. xirē, xeŕē; Kalm. ker;
Ord. kerē; Dag. xerē (Тод. Даг. 175); S.-Yugh. kərī; Mongr. kərē (SM 198).
◊ KW 226, MGCD 343. Mong. > Evk. kerê etc., see TMN 1, 464, Doerfer MT 96, Rozycki 138.
PTurk. *KArga crow (ворона): OTurk. qarɣa (OUygh.); Karakh.
qarɣa (MK, KB); Tur. karɣa; Az. Garɣa; Turkm. GarGa; MTurk. qarɣa
(Houts., AH, IM, Qutb., Pav. C.), qarqa (MA); Uzb. qɛrɣɛ; Uygh. qa(r)ɣa;
Tat. qarɣa; Bashk. qarɣa; Kirgh. qarɣa; Kaz. qarɣa; KBalk. qarɣa; KKalp.
qarɣa, ɣarɣa; Kum. qarɣa; Nogh. qarɣa; Khak. xarɣa; Shr. qarɣa; Oyr. qarɣa;
Tv. qārɣan; Tof. qarɣan.
◊ VEWT 237, TMN 3, 384, ЭСТЯ 5, 303-304, Лексика 171. Turk. > Mong. qarɣa (Щербак 1997, 134).
PJpn. *kara-su crow (ворона): OJpn. karasu; MJpn. kàrásu; Tok.
kàrasu; Kyo. kàràsù; Kag. karásu.
◊ JLTT 439. Accent relations are quite unclear.
PKor. *kằr- crow, jackdaw (ворона, галка): MKor. kằr-kàmàkói; Mod.
kalgamagwi.
◊ Nam 20, KED 42.
‖ Дыбо 8, Лексика 171. In Turk. cf. also *Kuŕgun ‘raven’ (see TMN
3, 468-469, ЭСТЯ 6, 107-108).
-kăru need, necessity: Tung. *kor-pi-; Mong. *kara; Turk. *gẹrge-; Kor.
*kari- (?).
PTung. *kor-pi- to be, make in time (успеть, сделать к сроку): Neg.
kotpị-; Ul. qorpị-; Ork. qụlpị-; Nan. qorpị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 419.
PMong. *kara 1 envy 2 in need, jobless 3 miserly (1 зависть 2 нуждающийся, безработный 3 скупой): WMong. qara 1, qaraɣu, qaram 3 (L
934, 935); Kh. xar 1, xarū, xaram 3; Bur. xara 1; Kalm. xarā 2, xarəm ‘compassion; miserliness’, xarū ‘jealous; miserly; careful’ (КРС); Ord.
xaramči 3; Dag. xarmači(n) 3 (Тод. Даг. 174), hareme 3 (MD 157).
PTurk. *gẹrge- 1 to need 2 necessity, necessary 3 to stay away, dare
not (1 нуждаться 2 необходимость, необходимый 3 не осмеливать-
692
*káta - *ktu
ся): OTurk. kerge- 1 (OUygh.), kergek 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. kerge1, kerek 2 (MK, KB); Tur. gerek 2; Az. gäräk 2; Turkm. gerek 2; Khal. kerek
2; MTurk. kẹrek 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. kerak 2; Uygh. keräk 2; Krm. kerek 2; Tat.
kiräk 2; Bashk. käräk 2; Kirgh. kerek 2; Kaz. kerek 2; KBalk. kerek 2; KKalp.
kerek 2; Kum. gerek 2; Nogh. kerek 2; SUygh. kerek 2; Khak. kirek 2; Shr.
kerek 2; Oyr. kerek 2; Tv. xerek 2; Tof. xerek 2; Chuv. kir-lə 2; Yak. kerej- 3,
kerex 2; Dolg. kerek 2.
◊ VEWT 256, EDT 742, 743, ЭСТЯ 3, 25-26, Stachowski 145. Turk. > Mong. kereg (see
Щербак 1997, 127).
PKor. *kari- miserly (скупой): MKor. karin-čuməni (a comp. with
čuməni ‘pocket’); Mod. karin-sɨrəp-, karin-čuməni.
◊ Liu 20, KED 14 (Martin’s derivation < kanrin < Chin. seems dubious).
‖ Cf. also *k῾ùru ‘heavy, difficult’.
-káta salmon, a k. of fish: Tung. *kiata; Mong. *kadaraŋ; Turk. *K(i)atɨr( ~-d-); Jpn. *kátú-.
PTung. *kiata 1 salmon 2 dead fish (after releasing roe) 3 to weaken
(1 лосось 2 мертвая рыба (после икрометания) 3 слабеть): Evk. kta
1; Evn. qǟta 1; Neg. kta 1; Man. ḱata 1, ḱatu- 3; Ul. kta 2; Ork. qta 2;
Nan. qǟta- 3; Orch. kiata 2, kiata- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 389. TM > WMong. kete, Kalm. ketə (KW 228); Russ. кета.
PMong. *kadaraŋ 1 grayling 2 ruff (1 хариус 2 ерш): MMong.
qadara ‘k. of fish’ (SH); WMong. qadaraŋ 2, (L 903) qadara 1; Kh. xadar 1,
xadraŋ 2; Bur. xadaran 1; Kalm. xadərn ‘тарань’ (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. kadara etc. (not vice versa, despite Doerfer MT 103).
PTurk. *K(i)atɨr- ( ~-d-) 1 grayling 2 sturgeon (1 хариус 2 осетр):
Tv. qadɨrɣɨ 1; Yak. xats 2.
◊ VEWT 219.
PJpn. *kátú- 1 tuna fish 2 to become hungry (1 тунец 2 голодать):
MJpn. kátúwó 1, katuwa- 2; Tok. kàtsuo 1, katsué- 2; Kyo. kátsúó 1, kátsúé2; Kag. katsúo 1, kàtsùè-.
◊ JLTT 444. Historically a compound with *(d)ibua ‘fish’. Despite the difference in accent, the verbal stem seems to belong here etymologically: cf. the verbal meaning ‘to
weaken, die (after releasing roe)’ in most TM languages.
‖ An interesting root, demonstrating the acquaintance of the speakers with the way of life of the salmon (weakening and dying after releasing roe). Note a common derivative *káta-rV in the
Turko-Mongolian area.
-ktu sharp tool; notch: Tung. *kota; Mong. *godoli; Turk. *gēt-.
PTung. *kota 1 knife 2 knife on a shaft (1 нож 2 рогатина (тесак на
древке)): Evk. koto 2; Evn. qotqān 1; Neg. koto 1; Nan. qoto 1; Sol. koto 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 418. Doerfer (TMN 1, 486) tries to derive TM *kota from Mong. *kituga (v.
sub *k῾ōt῾e), but this is probably a different root.
*ká[t῾]ó - *kaǯurV
693
PMong. *godoli a k. of arrow (вид стрелы): MMong. qodoli (SH);
WMong. ɣodoli (L 358: ɣoduli ‘horn-tipped arrow’); Kh. godil; Bur. godli
‘cтрела с роговым или деревянным наконечником’; Kalm. ɣodəli;
Ord. Godoli.
◊ KW 149, TMN 1, 425. Mong. > MKor. kotorí (see Lee 1964, 192).
PTurk. *gēt- to indent, notch, crack (делать зарубку, надрез):
Karakh. ked- (OKypch., AH); Tur. get-; Turkm. gǟt-; Khal. kǟtük ῾indent’;
MTurk. ket- (MA); Uzb. ketük (n.); Tat. kit-; Bashk. kit-; Kirgh. ket-; Kaz.
ketik (n.); KKalp. ketik (n.); Nogh. ketik (n.); Chuv. kat-.
◊ VEWT 259, ЭСТЯ 3, 30-31, 5, 65-66, EDT 700-701.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Mong. one has to suppose assimilation:
godoli < *kodoli. Cf. *k῾ōt῾e.
-ká[t῾]ó stern, steering oar: Tung. *kude; Mong. *kitüge; Turk. *KAdɨk;
Jpn. *kántí.
PTung. *kude 1 stern 2 steering oar (1 задняя часть судна, корма 2
рулевое весло): Man. xude 1, 2; Nan. kude 2; Ud. kude ‘носовая переборка бата (большой долбленой лодки)’ (Корм. 252).
◊ ТМС 1, 424.
PMong. *kitüge stern, steering oar (корма, рулевое весло):
WMong. kiteg (L 474 kitüge); Kh. xiteg.
PTurk. *KAdɨk wooden trough (выдолбленная из дерева колода):
Karakh. qaδɨq (MK: Argu).
◊ EDT 597. The form, although isolated, is clearly different from *K(i)aj-guk (v. sub
*gằjá), attested both in Old Turkic and modern languages.
PJpn. *kántì steering wheel, steering oar (руль, рулевое весло):
OJpn. kadi; MJpn. kádì; Tok. káji; Kyo. kájì; Kag. káji.
◊ JLTT 447. Regular except for the Tokyo accent (*kají would be expected).
‖ Reasons for voicing in TM and Turkic are not clear (assimilative
development in a suffixed form *kát῾ó-gV?; note that in PTM we can
also reconstruct *kudege - the -ge would have been lost in all languages
where the root is attested).
-kaǯurV sand, steppe, earth: Tung. *kuǯur-; Mong. *kuǯir; Turk. *Kạjɨr.
PTung. *kuǯur- to cover, bury (with soil) (заваливать (землей)):
Neg. kuǯuj-.
◊ ТМС 1,424 (an isolated Negidal form, but with probable external parallels).
PMong. *kuǯir salty earth (солончак): MMong. qəǯər (IM); WMong.
quǯir (L 994); Kh. xuǯir; Bur. xužar; Kalm. xuǯr; Ord. xuǯir, Guǯir; Dag.
xoir (Тод. Даг. 176; MGCD xoǯir); S.-Yugh. χuǯir; Mongr. xoir ‘soude’
(SM 170).
◊ KW 195, MGCD 385. Mong. > Man. xuǯiri (see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 112 - but
not Evk. kudu).
694
*koči - *kód[o]
PTurk. *Kạjɨr 1 salt steppe 2 sandbank 3 gravel 4 sand (1 солончак
2 песчаный берег 3 гравий 4 песок): Karakh. qajɨr 1, 4 (MK Oghuz);
Tur. kajɨr 2; Turkm. dial. Gajɨr 3, 4; MTurk. (OKypch.) qajɨr (Houts. 94,
AH 74); Uzb. dial. qɛjir 3; Kaz. qajɨr 2; KKalp. qajɨr 2; Kum. qajɨr 3;
Nogh. qajɨr 4; Tv. xajɨr 1; Chuv. xъjъr 4; Yak. xajɨr tās 3.
◊ VEWT 221-222, EDT 678, ЭСТЯ 5, 206, 217, Лексика 97. Turk. > WMong. qajir,
Kalm. xǟr (KW 180).
‖ VEWT 222 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 287, Лексика 97. A Western
isogloss.
-koči ( ~ -e, *kačo) nasty: Tung. *kus-; Mong. *kečeɣü; Turk. *KAč-;
Kor. *kùč-.
PTung. *kus- hate, uneasiness (неловкость, тоска, отвращение):
Man. kušu-n.
◊ ТМС 1, 441. Cf. perhaps Nan. kusi- ‘to drive away, frighten off (cattle)’.
PMong. *kečeɣü difficult, unpleasant (трудный, неприятный):
MMong. kɛču ‘stupid’ (IM), keče’u(n), keča’u ‘hard; stupid’ (SH), keceo’u
‘verstockt’ (HYt); WMong. kečegü, (L 440:) kečegüü; Kh. xecǖ; Bur. xesǖ;
Kalm. kecǖ; Ord. gečǖ; Dag. kečū (Тод. Даг. 150).
◊ KW 229, TMN 1, 462. Mong. > Manchu keču ‘fierce, cruel’ etc. (see Rozycki 135).
PTurk. *KAč- 1 panic and disorder 2 crazy 3 (to act) inimically, cattily 4 annoyance 5 joke 6 to mock (1 паника и беспорядок 2 безумный
3 (поступать) назло, злобствовать 4 досада 5 шутка 6 насмехаться):
Karakh. qačɨš 1 (MK); Tur. kačɨk 2; Khak. xača- 3, xačaɣ 4; Shr. qaǯaŋ 5;
Oyr. qačaš 3 (adj.); Tv. qɨžɨrt- 6.
◊ VEWT 217, EDT 593. MK’s gloss is analysed as a reciprocal derivative < *KAč- ‘to
flee’, but this is obviously a folk etymology.
PKor. *kùč- nasty (противный, плохой): MKor. kùč-; Mod. kut[kuč-].
◊ Nam 64, KED 223.
‖ Mong. keče-ɣü and some Turkic forms (e.g. Khak. xača-ɣ) reflect a
common derivative *koči-gV.
-kód[o] to go, walk: Tung. *kiad-; Mong. *ködel-; Jpn. *kájuáp-; Kor.
*kd-.
PTung. *kiad- mountain pass (горный перевал): Evk. kêdris.
◊ ТМС 1, 386. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ködel- 1 to move 2 to work (1 двигаться 2 работать):
MMong. kotɛlči ‘servant’ (IM), kudäl- (MA), kodol-, godol- (SH, HYt);
WMong. ködel- 1, 2; Kh. xödl- 1, 2; Bur. xüdel- 1, 2; Kalm. ködl- 1, 2; Ord.
ködöl- 1, 2; Mog. kütäl ‘work’; Dag. xudele- 1 (Тод. Даг. 179), hudele-,
hudule- (MD 165); Dong. goǯielu- 1, 2; Bao. gudel-, gudal- 1; S.-Yugh.
gödöl-; Mongr. gudoli- (SM 139) 1.
◊ KW 235, MGCD 404.
*kójbu - *kolo
695
PJpn. *kájuáp- to walk, go back and forth (ходить): OJpn. kajwop-;
MJpn. kájóf-; Tok. kàyo-; Kyo. káyó-; Kag. kayó-.
◊ JLTT 707.
PKor. *kd- walk (ходить): MKor. kt- (kər-); Mod. kt- (kr-).
◊ Nam 32, 37, KED 95.
‖ Martin 245, АПиПЯЯ 15, 16, 71, 103, 279 (but the Turkic parallel
has to be attributed to a different root, see *gāt῾i). In TM one would
rather expect *kid- - but the PTM reconstruction is dubious anyway
(based only on one dialectal Evk. form).
-kójbu pale: Tung. *kiaba-; Mong. *kubakaj; Turk. *Kuba / *Koba; Jpn.
*kú-i.
PTung. *kiaba- pale (бледный): Evk. kwama; Evn. kmakụ; Neg.
km-dị, kr; Ul. qm-ǯị; Ork. qêmo-tto-; Nan. qịa-gǯa, qịa-m; Orch. kǟm; Ud.
keäl-keäl.
◊ ТМС 1, 386.
PMong. *kubakaj pale, withered (бледный, засохший): MMong.
qubi ‘yellow (horse)’ (SH); WMong. qubaqai (L 976); Kh. xuvxai; Bur.
xubxaj; Kalm. xōxn; Ord. xuwaxǟ.
◊ KW 192. Mong. > Oyr. qubaɣai.
PTurk. *Kuba / *Koba pale yellow, pale grey (желтоватый, сероватый): Karakh. quba (MK); Uzb. quw; Tat. quwa, qɨw (dial.); Kirgh. qū;
Kaz. quw; KKalp. quw; Kum. quw; Nogh. quw; SUygh. qo; Khak. xū; Oyr.
qō, qū; Tv. xuwa.
◊ VEWT 295, EDT 581, ЭСТЯ 6, 94-96, 98-99. Turk. > Mong. quba, quwa (KW 191,
Щербак 1997, 142; Mong. quba, however, also means ‘amber’ and may be borrowed also
from Chin. hu-p῾o, see L 976, Rozycki 111) > Man. quwa.
PJpn. *kú-i yellow (желтый): OJpn. ki; MJpn. kí; Tok. kì-iro-; Kyo.
kîíro-; Kag. kīre.
◊ JLTT 449. The root *kú- is proved by compounds like OJ ku-gane ‘yellow metal,
gold’.
‖ Владимирцов 210. *-jb- is reconstructed to account for Mong. -brather than *-ɣ-. Note, however, that modern Turkic and Mongolian
forms interact actively: some Turkic forms may be backloans from
Mong. quwa (which itself is probably a Turkism, see above).
-kolo ( ~ k῾-, -ĺ-, -u-) long; far: Mong. *kolo; Kor. *kìr-.
PMong. *kolo far (далекий): MMong. kolo (HY 52), qolo (SH), qula
(IM), qulă (MA); WMong. qolo, (L 956) qola; Kh. xol; Bur. xolo; Kalm. xolə;
Ord. xolo; Mog. qolō; ZM qolā (6-8a); Dag. xolo, xol (Тод. Даг. 177), hole
(MD 163); Dong. Golo; Bao. xolo, (MGCD) Golo; S.-Yugh. xolo; Mongr.
xolo, Golo ‘tres, fort’ (SM 170), xulo (SM 180).
◊ KW 182, MGCD 361.
696
*koĺa - *kĺe
PKor. *kìr- 1 long 2 to prolong (1 длинный 2 удлинять): MKor.
kìr’ú- 2; Mod. kīl- 1, kirɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 81, KED 264, 279
‖ АПиПЯЯ 295. A Mong.-Kor. isogloss. The Mong. form cannot be
compared with TM *gora ‘far’ (despite Poppe 18).
-koĺa to steal, deceive: Tung. *kola; Mong. *kula-gai; Turk. *K(i)aĺ-; Jpn.
*kasu-m-.
PTung. *kola 1 cunning 2 deceit 3 to deceive 4 catching thieves (1
хитрый 2 ложь 3 обмануть 4 поимщик воров и разбойников): Evk.
kolo 1; Man. χolo 2, χolto- 3, χuǯa-či 4; SMan. holə ‘lie, falsehood’ (1308).
◊ ТМС 1, 407, 476.
PMong. *kula-gai 1 robber, thief 2 to steal (1 вор, грабитель 2
красть): MMong. qulasun (HY 32), qulaqai (SH, HYt) 1, qoɣla- (IM) 2,
qulaq- (MA) 2; WMong. qulaɣai 1 (L 983); Kh. xulgai 1; Bur. xulgaj 1;
Kalm. xulxǟ, xulxā 1; Ord. xulaGǟ; Mog. qulaɣɛi; ZM qolaɣaj (11-1b); Dag.
xualag 1; hualehe 1 (MD 165); Dong. GuGi 1 (MGCD: Gulaɣəi, Guɣəi),
Gula- 2; Bao. Golai 1; S.-Yugh. χulaGai 1; Mongr. xorGw 1 (SM 172), xulaGa- ‘voler’ (SM 180), (MGCD xulGai).
◊ MGCD 388. Cf. also WMong. qulduŋ, Kalm. xuldəŋ ‘cunning’ (KW 196); on some
other derivatives and probable loanwords in Turkic see ЭСТЯ 6, 131. Mong. > Man. xulxa
etc., see Doerfer MT 82, Rozycki 112.
PTurk. *K(i)aĺ- 1 lazy, vile (in addressing a slave) 2 lazy, stubborn (1
ленивый, негодный (обращение к рабу) 2 ленивый, упрямый):
Karakh. qašaŋ (MK) 1; MTurk. qašaŋ (Pav. C.); Uzb. qaššaŋ ‘poor, beggar’; Uygh. qaššaq 1, 2, qašaŋ 2; Bashk. dial. qaššaq 1, 2, dial. qašan 2;
Kirgh. qašaŋ 2; KKalp. qasaŋ 2; Oyr. qažaŋ 2; Chuv. xъli ‘невзрачный,
плохонький’, xъlin ‘хитрец, упрямец, лодырь, лентяй’.
◊ EDT 673, ЭСТЯ 5, 348-350. Turk. > WMong. qašaŋ ‘slow, lazy’ (Clark 1980, 42);
some of the modern Turkic forms may be borrowed back from Mong. (as certainly is
Chuv. xažan).
PJpn. *kasu-m- to steal, rob (красть, грабить): OJpn. kasum-, kasume-; MJpn. kású-ma-, kàzò-f-.
◊ JLTT 705. Accentuation is not quite clear (variants kàzòf- and kású-ma- in RJ).
‖ Illich-Svitych ОСНЯ 1, 329 lists MKor. kul- ‘to lie’, but this is
probably = MKor. kūr- ‘to blow’, due to a character misidentification by
Lee Kee-mun (1958, 112).
-kĺe quiver, ornaments for quiver: Tung. *kulmaki; Mong. *kul-da-;
Turk. *Keĺ; Jpn. *knsìrì.
PTung. *kulmaki vessel for spoons, knives etc. made of birch bark
(берестяной сосуд для ложек, ножей и т.п.): Neg. kulumux; Ul. kolomo, kulumu; Ork. xulmew, xulmeu; Nan. kurmī, xurmu; Orch. kolomon,
kulumun.
*komga - *konŋu
697
◊ ТМС 1, 429. Contaminated with *kormaki, see sub *kúra(mV).
PMong. *kul-da- 1 to glue (strips of birch bark on a bow) 2 thin
strips of bone, horn or wood with which furniture, etc. is decorated (1
приклеивать (полоски бересты к луку) 2 тонкие полоски кости, рога или дерева для украшения мебели и т.п.): WMong. qulda- 1,
qulda-sun 2 (L 984); Kh. xulda- 1, xuldās 2; Bur. xuldāha(n) ‘coffin made of
birch-bark or felt’ (?).
PTurk. *Keĺ quiver (колчан): OTurk. keš (OUygh., Yenis.); Karakh.
keš (MK); MTurk. keš (Qutb., MA, IM); Krm. keš, kes; Kirgh. keš (R); Tv.
xeš (Todzh., Рас. ФиЛ 188); Tof. xeš 1; Yak. kesex (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 752, MNT 1697, ЭСТЯ 5, 60-61 (see ibid. the literature on the history of arms).
PJpn. *knsìrì chape, stripes and ornaments for quivers, furniture
etc. (оковка ножен, полосы и украшения для колчанов, мебели и
т.п.): MJpn. kòzìrì; Tok. kojiri.
◊ JLTT 460.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term (although Mong. -uhere is not quite regular; one would expect -i-/-e- or -ö-).
-komga a k. of grass: Tung. *kumga; Mong. *kamkag, *kamgaɣul; Turk.
*KAmgak.
PTung. *kumga a k. of grass (вид травы): Evn. qomāmma ‘name of a
plant with edible root’; Ork. qụmɣa ‘a k. of grass plant’.
◊ ТМС 1, 408, 430.
PMong. *kamkag, *kamgaɣul a k. of grass, Salsula (вид травы, Salsula): MMong. qamqa’ulsun ‘ein Kraut, Unkraut’ (SH), kamqa’ul ‘tumble-weed’ (HY 7); WMong. qamqaɣ (L 926), qamqaɣul; Kh. xamxag ‘солянка холмовая, желтая полынь’, xamxūl ‘tumble-weed’; Bur. xamxūl
‘tumble-weed’; Kalm. xamxəg, xamxūl; Ord. xamxaq, xamxūli; Dong.
xanxou; Mongr. xaŋGu (SM 157), xānGul.
◊ KW 164, MGCD 324.
PTurk. *KAmgak saltwort, Salsula (солянка, поташник, Salsula):
OTurk. qamɣaq (OUygh.); Karakh. qamɣaq (MK); Turkm. Gamaq; MTurk.
qamɣaq (Qutb., Pav.C), qamqaq (Houts.); Uzb. qɔmɣɔq; Uygh. qamɣaq;
Bashk. qamɣaq; Kirgh. qamɣaq; Kaz. qaŋbaq; KKalp. qaŋbaq; Kum. qammaq; Nogh. qambaq.
◊ EDT 627, VEWT 229, ЭСТЯ 5, 244-245.
‖ A Western isogloss. The root tends to contaminate with *k῾ema q.v.
(and cf. also *kemV, *gaŋu, *gokV). The Mong. form may be < Turk. (cf.
Щербак 1997, 198), but may as well be genuine.
-konŋu ( ~ k῾-) dandruff, mould: Mong. *kine; Turk. *Koŋak.
PMong. *kine mould (плесень): WMong. kine (МХТТТ); Kh. xine.
PTurk. *Koŋak dandruff (перхоть): Tur. konak; Turkm. Goŋaq.
*końo - *kopu
698
◊ VEWT 280.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-końo ( ~ k῾-) a k. of weed: Mong. *köɣene; Turk. *Konak; Jpn. *kmài;
Kor. *kìńm.
PMong. *köɣene a creeping weed (стебель ползучий): WMong.
kögene (МXTTT); Kh. xȫnö.
PTurk. *Konak 1 millet 2 Timothy grass (1 просо 2 тимофеевка,
щетинник зеленоколосый): OTurk. qonaq 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qonaq 1
(MK); Sal. qonax; MTurk. qonaq 1 (AH, MA), qonaɣ 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qụnɔq 1; Uygh. qonaq 1; KKalp. qonaq; Nogh. qonaqaj 1; Tv. xonaq 2.
◊ EDT 637, Лексика 458-459, ЭСТЯ 6, 57. OT qojaq is a ghost-word. Turk. > WMong.
qonaɣ, qonuɣ ‘millet’.
PJpn. *kmài rice (рис): OJpn. kome; MJpn. kome; Tok. komé; Kyo.
kómè; Kag. komé.
◊ JLTT 455.
PKor. *kìń- 1 weed 2 to be overrun with weeds (1 сорняк 2 зарасти
сорняками): MKor. kìńm 1, kìń- 2; Mod. kiɨm 1, kit- [kis-] 2.
◊ Nam 79, 83, KED 273, 283.
‖ The tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. Note,
however, that the reconstruction of low tone in PJ in this case is based
only on the Kagoshima form (MJ accentuation is unattested, while
Kyoto and Tokyo may point both to *LL and to *HL). Therefore a reconstruction *kmài for PJ is not completely excluded. Medial -n- in
Turkic is not quite clear (-ń- would be expected); still the relation of the
Turkic form remains probable. See also Robbeets 2000, 109.
-kopu a k. of vessel: Tung. *kiaba-; Mong. *kob-; Turk. *Kobga.
PTung. *kiaba- 1 bladder of kaluga fish used for storing oil 2 bobber
(1 пузырь калуги, употребляемый для хранения масла 2 поплавок):
Evk. kewilde 2; Evn. qold 2; Ul. qụrị 1; Ork. qêwrị 1; Nan. qịawarịa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 390, 442.
PMong. *kob- 1 groove 2 pit, channel 3 ventricle of the heart 4 gutter, trough (1 желоб 2 яма, канава 3 желудочек сердца 4 корыто):
WMong. qobil 1, qobudal 2,3, qobul 4 (L 949, 950); Kh. xovil 1, xovdol 2, 3,
xovol 4; Bur. xobō 1, 4, xobol 1, 2, 4 xobdol 3; Kalm. xowdəl 3 (КРС).
PTurk. *Kobga pail, bucket (ведро): OTurk. qovɣa (OUygh.);
Karakh. qova (MK Oghuz); Tur. kova, koɣa; Az. Gova; Turkm. Gova;
MTurk. qova (AH), qopqa (Pav. C., Бор. Бад., Abush.); Uzb. qawɣa
(dial.); Krm. qova, qopqa; Kaz. qawɣa; KKalp. qawɣa, ɣawɣa; Nogh. qawɣa;
Tv. xuva.
◊ EDT 583-584, ЭСТЯ 6, 12-13. Turk. > Mong. qobuɣa ‘bucket, trough’.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. also *kobu, *gupu (with possible contaminations).
*kòpù - *kòrtème
699
-kòpù a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *kiab-; Jpn. *kùpìnà.
PTung. *kiab- sea gull (морская чайка): Ul. qwara; Ork. qwu.
◊ ТМС 1, 386.
PJpn. *kùpìnà a k. of water bird (болотный пастушок, Rallus
aquaticus indicus): OJpn. kupjina; MJpn. kùfìnà; Tok. kuina.
◊ JLTT 462.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. It is worth noting Yak. kuba ‘swan’ - usually
derived from PT *Kugu, but with a quite inexplicable -b-; it is, in fact,
possible that some other Turkic forms - cf. Turkm. Guv, Nogh. quv etc.
also go back to PT *Kub(a) - naturally confused in most modern languages with the reflexed of *Kugu (see under *kūgu).
-kṓr[i] to roll, churn: Tung. *kur-; Mong. *kor- / *kör-; Turk. *Kiār-; Jpn.
*kurum-.
PTung. *kur- 1 churn-staff 2 to wrinkle, shrink 3 to roll, rotate 4 to
wrap round, tie round (1 мутовка 2 мяться, комкаться 3 вращаться,
вертеться 4 обвернуть, спутать): Evk. kurā- 4; Evn. koroldāwna 1, qorị2; Man. χorgi-, χurgi- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 416, 417, 435, 471. Man. χurgiku ‘whirlpool’ > Dag. xurgi id. (Тод. Даг. 180).
PMong. *kor- / *kör- 1 to roll, rotate 2 to bend, become twisted 3 to
wrinkle, become curved 4 to whirl (of water, wind) (1 крутить, вращать 2 гнуть, изгибаться 3 морщиться, искривляться 4 вертеться,
кружиться (о воде, ветре)): MMong. korbe- (SH) 1, kurbe- ‘to wallow’
(MA); WMong. körböl-, körbüge- 1 (L 490: körbe-, körbü-, körbi-), qorbaji-,
qorbuji- 2 (L 988: qorbuji-, qurbuji-), qorčaji- 3 (L 965), qorulǯa- 4; Kh. xorvoj- 3, xörvö- ‘to turn over, to upset’; xorlo ‘circle-shaped object’; Bur.
xoršogor ‘wrinkled, creasy’, xüril- 4; Kalm. xorwā ‘crooked’ (КРС); Dag.
kurbi-, xurbi-, xurbu- (Тод. Даг. 180); S.-Yugh. körwö-; korlo ‘wheel’;
Mongr. xurbā-; korlo, gulōr ‘wheel’.
◊ MGCD 375, 399. Mong. > Evk. kurbu- etc., see Doerfer MT 61, Rozycki 146.
PTurk. *Kiār- to mix (смешивать): Karakh. qar- (MK Oghuz); Tur.
kar-; Turkm. Gār-; MTurk. qar- (Abush.); Uzb. qɔr-; KKalp. qarɨ-; Chuv.
jor-, jur-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 285, EDT 642-643, Ашм. IV, 351-352, Федотов 2, 490-491.
PJpn. *kurum- to wrap (заворачивать): MJpn. kurume-; Tok. kurúm-;
Kyo. kúrúm-; Kag. kurúm-.
◊ JLTT 717. Accent unclear.
‖ EAS 147, Poppe 107, Ozawa 204. An expressive root with not
quite secure vocalic correspondences. Cf. also notes to *k῾úlo.
-kòrtème pear, fruit: Mong. *kedemen; Turk. *gErtme; Jpn.
*kù(n)tàmn.
PMong. *kedemen pear (груша): WMong. kedemen; Kh. xedmen;
Kalm. kedmn.
700
*kóru - *kosa
◊ KW 222.
PTurk. *gErtme pear (груша): Tur. germešik ‘cornus sanguinea’;
MTurk. kertme ‘яблоко, груша’ (OKypch.: AH, Houts., CCum.), kirni
‘quince’; Krm. gertme; KBalk. kertme; Kum. gertme; Nogh. kertpe.
◊ VEWT 257. Perhaps < *gürt-me, cf. the attested OT (MK-Osm., see EDT 738) kürt
‘mountain tree for making bows, Pyrus’; (AH) kürt ‘quince’.
PJpn. *kù(n)tàmn fruit (плод, фрукт): OJpn. kudam(w)ono; MJpn.
kùdàmònò; Tok. kudámono; Kyo. kúdámònò; Kag. kudamonó.
◊ JLTT 461.
‖ KW 222. Cf. Nan. kutumiekte ‘currant, gooseberry’.
-kóru rank, position, measure: Tung. *kiaru; Mong. *kiri; Turk. *Kur;
Jpn. *kúrá; Kor. *kòrằ-.
PTung. *kiaru gauge, mould (for net meshes) (шаблон (для ячей
сети)): Ul. qịrụl; Nan. qịrol; Orch. kǟro.
◊ ТМС 1, 389.
PMong. *kiri measure, degree (мера, степень): WMong. kiri, kire (L
472); Kh. xir; Bur. xire; Kalm. kirə (КРС); Ord. kere, keri.
◊ Mong. > Oyr. kīrä, Evk. kire etc. (KW 232).
PTurk. *Kur 1 rank, stage, row 2 similar, equal 3 one of a pair, odd 4
time (1 ранг, степень, ряд 2 сходный, равный 3 один из двух, нечетный 4 время, раз): OTurk. qur 1, 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. qur 1, 4 (MK);
Tur. kor 1, kur 1, 4 (dial.); Turkm. Gor ‘layer’; MTurk. qur 4 (AH, Pav.
C.); Uzb. qur 4 (dial.); Uygh. qur ‘line’ (dial.); Tat. qor 4; Bashk. qor 4,
(dial.) ‘row of coins’; Kirgh. qur 4; SUygh. qor 4; Chuv. xъrax 2,3; Yak.
kurduk 2.
◊ EDT 642, ЭСТЯ 6, 73, 151-152, VEWT 301-302 (to be distinguished from *Kur ‘belt’).
ЭСТЯ (ibid.) distinguishes between *Kor ‘layer, row’ and *Kur ‘time’ - but the roots, even
if distinguished originally, became quite confused already in Old Turkic. Turk. > Hung.
kor ‘age’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kúrá 1 place, position 2 to compare (1 место, положение 2
сравнивать): OJpn. kura, kura-wi 1, kuraba- 2; MJpn. kura, kúrá-wí 1,
kúrába- 2; Tok. kùrai 1, kùrabe- 2; Kyo. kúráí 1, kúrábé- 2; Kag. kurái 1, kurabé- 2.
◊ JLTT 464, 716.
PKor. *kòrằ- to be equal, similar (быть равным, похожим): MKor.
kòrằ-; Mod. korɨ-.
◊ Nam 46, KED 140.
‖ Martin 228.
-kosa to enclose, enclosure: Tung. *kosi-; Mong. *kasi-; Turk. *Kasɨ.
PTung. *kosi- 1 to enclose 2 enclosure 3 to graze (1 огораживать 2
заграждение 3 пасти): Evn. kös- 1, köstiŋ 2, kösči- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 420. Attested only in Evn., but having plausible Turkic and Mongolian
parallels.
*kòt῾è - *kuču
701
PMong. *kasi- 1 to enclose 2 fence, enclosure (1 огораживать 2 забор, ограждение): WMong. qasi- 1 (L 941), qasiɣa (L 942: qasiɣa,
qasija(n)) 2; Kh. xaši- 1, xašā 2; Bur. xašā 2; Kalm. xašā 2 (КРС); Ord. Gaši1, Gašā 2; Dag. xaši- 1, xaši 2 (Тод. Даг. 175), kuši- 1, kuē 2 (Тод. Даг.
152); S.-Yugh. qušā 2.
◊ MGCD 334. Mong. > Kirgh. qašā etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 346; > Man. χasχan ‘fence’ (Rozycki 103).
PTurk. *Kasɨ enclosure (загон, огороженное место): Karakh. qasɨ
(MK); Tur. qasu (dial.); Tv. qazanaq ‘shed, kennel’; Chuv. xožъ ‘space,
surroundings’
◊ EDT 666, ЭСТЯ 5, 346-347.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kòt῾è to singe, heat: Tung. *koto-ran-; Mong. *kete; Turk. *Kat-; Jpn.
*ktài ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *koto-ran- to singe, burn (опалять, обжигать): Evk. kotoron-mī (Вас.).
PMong. *kete (fire) steel (огниво): MMong. kete (SH), kete (MA);
WMong. kete (L 460); Kh. xet; Bur. xete; Kalm. ketə; Ord. gete; S.-Yugh.
kede; Mongr. kide (SM 200), kəde.
◊ KW 228, MGCD 346.
PTurk. *Kat- 1 to heat (oven) 2 (fire) steel 3 to bake (1 топить печь 2
огниво 3 печь): Kirgh. qatɨr- 3; Chuv. xot- 1; Yak. xatat 2.
◊ Ашм. XVI, 256, ЭСТЯ 5, 335 (connected with *kat- ‘dry’, but in fact a different root
because of the Chuvash form). However, if Mari oltaš ‘heat’ is from Bulg., the original
form could be *Kal-t- and should be removed from the etymology (cf. Федотов 2, 372).
PJpn. *ktài ( ~ -ua-) an instrument (iron, soldering-iron) (утюг, паяльник): MJpn. kòtè; Tok. kòte; Kyo. kóté; Kag. koté.
◊ Accent in Tokyo and Kyoto points rather to *ktái, but RJ and Kagoshima reflect
low tone.
‖ A common derivative *kòt῾è-rV is reflected in Kirgh. qatɨ-r- = Evk.
koto-ro-n-.
-kuču to cry, cough: Tung. *kusi-; Mong. *kuča-; Turk. *Kɨč-gɨr-; Jpn.
*kusam-; Kor. *kìčh-m.
PTung. *kusi- noise (шум): Evk. kusīlīn; Evn. qụsln; Man. quwas
(?); Nan. χosor-χosor; ; (On.) kusi- ‘to drive away by shouting’.
◊ ТМС 1, 439.
PMong. *kuča- to bark (лаять): MMong. xučam (HY 16), quča- (SH),
quča- (MA); WMong. quča-, quči- (L 979); Kh. xuc-; Bur. xusa-; Kalm.
xucə-; Ord. Guča-; Mog. quĭča-; Dag. koči- (Тод. Даг. 150, MD 183);
Dong. quǯa-; Bao. xeča- (MGCD χəǯa-); S.-Yugh. quǯa-; Mongr. xua- (SM
174), xuǯa-.
◊ KW 200, MGCD 394.
702
*kūč῾ú - *kdi
PTurk. *Kɨč-gɨr- to shout, cry (кричать): Az. GɨšGɨr-; Uygh. qičqir-;
Tat. qɨčqɨr-; Bashk. qɨsqɨr-; Kirgh. qɨčqɨr-; KBalk. qɨčɨr-; Kum. qɨčɨr-; Khak.
xɨsxɨr-; Shr. qɨšɨr-; Oyr. qɨčɨr-; Tv. qɨšqɨr-; Yak. kɨskɨj- ‘to whistle’.
◊ VEWT 261. Turk. > WMong. qaskira-, Kalm. xäškr- (KW 178).
PJpn. *kusam- sneeze (чихание): MJpn. kusame; Tok. kushámi; Kyo.
kúshàmì; Kag. kushámi.
◊ Accent reconstruction is unclear. Cf. also OJ kutut- ‘to snore’.
PKor. *kìčh- 1 cough 2 to sneeze (1 кашель 2 чихать): MKor.
kìčh-m 1; Mod. kičhim 1, kičhi- 2.
◊ Nam 79, KED 275.
‖ An onomatopoeic root, but seems to be well reconstructable for
PA.
-kūč῾ú to slander, swear: Tung. *koči-; Mong. *koči; Turk. *Kč-; Jpn.
*kùnt-k-; Kor. *kùčíčh-.
PTung. *koči- 1 to chant, praise 2 to deceive, lie 3 to harm (of an evil
ghost), to interrupt (1 петь песни, восхвалять 2 лгать, обманывать 3
вредить (о злом духе), препятствовать): Evk. koči-nǯa- 1, kočut- 2;
Man. χoššo- 2; Nan. qoča-lị- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 419, 420.
PMong. *koči- nickname, slander (издевательство, клевета, кличка): WMong. qoči (L 951); Kh. xoč; Kalm. xoč-l- ‘to slander’; Ord. Goči
‘detractor; reprimand, chicane’.
◊ KW 191.
PTurk. *Kč- to criticize, malice (критиковать, злобствовать):
Karakh. qɨčur- (MK); Turkm. Gǯɨt ‘reproach’; Tat. qɨǯɨ- (R.); Kirgh.
qɨǯɨn-; Khak. xɨsxar- ‘to reproach, blame’, xɨǯɨr- ‘to tease smb.’; Tv. qɨžɨrɨ‘to tease, ridicule’; Yak. khɨr-.
◊ EDT 59.
PJpn. *kùnt-k- to lure, convince; to complain (убеждать, уговаривать; жаловаться): MJpn. kudok-; Tok. kudók-; Kyo. kúdók-; Kag. kùdòk-.
◊ JLTT 715.
PKor. *kùčíčh- to swear (ругать): MKor. kùčíč-; Mod. k:uǯit- [-č-].
◊ Nam 61, KED 207.
‖ The tone in Jpn. is irregular; the form should be perhaps separated and compared with Mong. qaǯi- ‘to hate, blame, tease’ (L 948),
allowing to reconstruct a separate PA root *kadu ( ~ k῾-, -e-).
-kdi to attend, be respectful: Tung. *kidu-; Turk. *gǖd-; Kor. *kìrí-.
PTung. *kidu- 1 to respect 2 to think, remember (1 уважать, почитать 2 думать, вспоминать): Man. kidu- 2; SMan. kidu- ‘to have affection for’ (1870); Nan. kidu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 391. Cf. also Man. kedere- ‘to guard’ (1, 443) > Dag. kedereg ‘police’ (Тод.
Даг. 148).
*kudu - *kudu
703
PTurk. *gǖd- 1 to wait 2 to attend 3 to respect 4 to graze (1 ждать 2
прислуживать 3 почитать 4 пасти): OTurk. küd- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
küδ- 1, 3 (MK, KB); Tur. güt/d- 4; Gag. güt- 4; Az. güt/d-; MTurk. küt- ‘to
lead cattle away from pasture’ (Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. kut- 1, 2; Uygh.
küt- 1; Krm. küt- 4; Tat. köt- 1, 4; Bashk. köt- 1, 4; Kirgh. küj- 1, küt- 1, 2;
Kaz. küt- 2; KBalk. küt- 4; KKalp. küj-, küt- 1, 2; Kum. küt- ‘выполнять’;
Khak. küzet- 4; Oyr. küj- 1, küt- 2, 4; Yak. kǖt- 1; Dolg. kǖt- 1.
◊ EDT 701, VEWT 306, 312, ЭСТЯ 3, 107-108 (the variant *gǖt- is morphologically
secondary, actually = *gǖdü-t-). The proposed derivation (see ЭСТЯ 108) from *gü- (*kü-),
attested only in the OUygh. doublet kü- közeδ- ‘protect and keep’ (see EDT 686) is far
from certain (the meaning of kü- here is not quite clear; közeδ- is probably < *göŕ- ‘see, eye’
= Yak., Dolg. köhüt- ‘wait’; Khak. küzet- above can reflect both *-ŕ- and *-d-).
PKor. *kìrí- to praise (восхвалять): MKor. kìrí-; Mod. kiri-.
◊ Nam 78, KED 265.
‖ Cf. *kit῾u, *gode (with possible contaminations).
-kudu shore, border: Tung. *kudē; Mong. *kiǯaɣar ( < *kiǯi-ɣar); Turk.
*Kɨdɨg; Jpn. *kui ( ~ -ə-).
PTung. *kudē 1 shore, land 2 to land (1 суша, берег 2 причаливать): Evk. kudē 1; Man. kude- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 424.
PMong. *kiǯaɣar border (граница): MMong. kiǯa’ar (HY 50), kiǯi’ar
(SH), qiǯāt pl. (MA 221); WMong. kiǯaɣar (L 474); Kh. aʒgār ( <
WMong.); Bur. xizār; Kalm. kizǟr, kizr; Ord. kiǯagār ( < Kh. or WMong.);
Mog. qɨʒi ‘край’ (Weiers); Dag. kiǯār (Тод. Даг. 150); Dong. Gɨǯa;
Mongr. giār (SM 136), gəǯār.
◊ KW 233, MGCD 351.
PTurk. *Kɨd- 1 edge, border, seashore, frontier 2 margin, edging (1
край, граница, берег 2 опушка, кайма): OTurk. qɨdɨɣ (OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. qɨδɨɣ (MK) 1; Tur. kɨjɨ, kɨj 1; Kirgh. qɨjū 2; Kaz. qɨjɨw 2; KKalp.
qɨjɨw 2; Kum. qɨjɨw 2; Nogh. qɨjuw 2; SUygh. qɨzɨɣ 1; Shr. qɨjɨɣ 2; Oyr. quju
1; Tv. qɨdɨɣ 1, 2; Chuv. xərə 1; Yak. kɨtɨ 1, 2.
◊ EDT 598, VEWT 261, Лексика 94, ЭСТЯ 6, 196-197, 203. The root is also attested in
verbal function (*Kɨdɨ- ‘to border, hem’), see ЭСТЯ 6, 196.
PJpn. *kui ( ~ -ə-) fortress (укрепление, крепость): OJpn. ki.
◊ JLTT 449.
‖ EAS 46, KW 233, Владимирцов 171, 318, Poppe 19, Лексика 94.
Cf. perhaps MKor. kth ‘edge’. The Jpn. form must have originally
meant ‘border fortification, fortress’; there is hardly any reason to regard it as borrowed from Old Paekche, despite Miller 1979).
*kujilV - *kuma
704
-kujilV a k. of bird: Tung. *kilu-; Mong. *kojil-; Jpn. *kiari ( ~ *kairi);
Kor. *kirjkí ( ~ *krjkí).
PTung. *kilu- 1 grey goose 2 heron 3 gull 4 swan (1 серый гусь (казарка) 2 цапля 3 чайка 4 лебедь): Evk. kuluk 3; Evn. kiĺarqa ‘name of a
bird’, kụlar 3; Man. kilaχun 2; Ul. qlala 1; Nan. kulikte 4; Ud. kilai 3
(Корм. 248).
◊ ТМС 1, 392-393, 429.
PMong. *kojil- wild turkey (улар (горная индейка)): WMong.
qojiluɣ (MXTTT); Kh. xojlog.
PJpn. *kiari ( ~ *kairi) a k. of marsh bird (plover) (вид болотной
птицы, сероголовый чибис (Microsarcops cinereus Blyth.)): OJpn.
k(j)eri; MJpn. keri; Tok. keri.
◊ Attested already in Man’yōshū (Eastern songs), but absent from JB.
PKor. *kirjkí ( ~ *krjkí) goose (гусь): MKor. kirjkí, krjkí, kɨrəki,
kìrkí; Mod. kirəgi.
◊ Nam 66, 67, 76, Liu 96, 97, 109, 113, KED 264. The variant kirjkí is attested later
than kɨrjəki, but accounts well for the modern form with -i- (regularly < -ɨi-). The most
plausible PK reconstruction appears to be *kirkí (although *krjkí is also not excluded).
‖ Poppe 1950, 575, Lee 1958, 114. In the Kor.-Jpn. area some confusion of this root with PA *gjrV ‘wild goose’ was possible.
-kúli a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *kilde; Jpn. *kírí; Kor. *koro-.
PTung. *kilde- lime tree (липа): Evk. kilden; Ul. kilde(n); Nan. kildẽ;
Orch. kigde.
◊ ТМС 1, 393.
PJpn. *kírí Paulownia tomenfosa (павлония войлочная): OJpn.
k(j)iri; MJpn. kírí; Tok. kìri; Kyo. kírí; Kag. kíri.
◊ JLTT 451.
PKor. *koro- a k. of maple (вид клена): Mod. koroswe-namu.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-kuma ( ~ -o-, -o) a blood-sucking insect: Tung. *küme ( ~ -i-); Turk.
*Kumĺuj; Kor. *kmrí.
PTung. *küme ( ~ -i-) 1 flea 2 gnat, mosquito (1 блоха 2 мошка, комар): Evk. kimāje 2; Evn. kime 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 394.
PTurk. *Kumĺuj a louse or tick full of blood (вошь или клещ, напившийся крови): Karakh. qumšuj (MK).
◊ EDT 629. An expressive variant may be represented in OT (MK) kömiče ‘gnat’ (EDT
722).
PKor. *kmrí leech (пиявка): MKor. kmrí; Mod. kməri.
◊ Liu 41, KED 84.
‖ Cf. *kumi, *kajamV.
*kumo - *kúne
705
-kumo sand, dust: Tung. *kime ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *kumaki; Turk. *Kum.
PTung. *küme 1 shore, sand beach 2 hill, elevation 3 wild pig’s lair
(1 морской берег, пляж 2 холм, возвышенность 3 лежбище кабана):
Evn. kimewun 1; Nan. kumčien 2 (Он.), (Bik.) kum’i 3 (Сем); Orch. kīma 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 394-395.
PMong. *kumaki earth; sand grains (земля, пыль, тонкий песок):
MMong. qumaqi (Hp), qumaki (HY 3), qomaq (Lig. VMI), qomaqi (MA);
WMong. qumaɣ, qumaki (L 985); Kh. xumag, xumxi; Bur. xumxi; Kalm.
xuməg (КРС); Ord. xumuχi(n), xumiχi(n); Mongr. xumoG ‘poussière,
pierres etc. mêlées aux grains qu’on vient de battre’ (SM 182).
◊ Mong. > Nan. gumuxĩ ‘dust’.
PTurk. *Kum sand (песок): OTurk. qum (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qum (MK); Tur. kum; Gag. qum; Az. Gum; Turkm. Gum; Sal. Gum;
MTurk. qum (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qum; Uygh. qum; Krm. qum; Tat. qom;
Bashk. qom; Kirgh. qum; Kaz. qum; KBalk. qum; KKalp. qum; Nogh. qum;
SUygh. qum, qom; Khak. xum; Shr. qum; Oyr. qum; Tv. qum; Tof. xum;
Chuv. xъₙm; Yak. kumax; Dolg. kumak.
◊ VEWT 299, EDT 625, Лексика 102, ЭСТЯ 6, 133-134, Stachowski 160. Turk. >
WMong. qum, Kalm. xum ‘sand’ (KW 196; TMN 3, 508), Hung. homok (Gombocz 1912).
‖ Poppe 68. A Western isogloss. Mong. cannot be explained as a
Turk. loanword, despite TMN 3, 508-509, Щербак 1997, 143 (conversely, late Turkic forms like Oyr., Kaz. qumaq etc. are evidently <
Mong.).
-kúne person; people, country: Tung. *kün-; Mong. *küɣün, *-m-; Turk.
*Kün; Jpn. *kúní.
PTung. *kün- 1 relative, kinsman 2 name of a Manchu clan 3 name
of the Evens in Yakutia (1 родственник, член рода 2 название маньчжурского клана 3 название якутских эвенов): Evn. qịŋgalaq 3; Man.
χunčixin 1, xunčun 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 395, 477.
PMong. *küɣün, *-m- person (человек): MMong. gu’un (HY 27,
SH), komon, kumnɛt (IM), kuw(u)n (MA); WMong. kümün (L 501); Kh.
xün (pl. xümǖs), xömǖn ( < WMong.); Bur. xün; Kalm. kǖn, kümn; Ord.
kün, kümǖn (<lit.); Mog. ZM ku (10-7a), kut ibid.; Dag. xuar (Тод. Даг.
178), huare (MD 165); Dong. kun; Bao. kuŋ; S.-Yugh. kūn; Mongr. kun
(SM 211).
◊ KW 246, 249, MGCD 398.
PTurk. *Kün people (народ): OTurk. elgün (OUygh.); Karakh. el kün
(KB); Tur. elgün (Osm. XIV c.); MTurk. el wa kün (Sangl.), elgün (Pav.
C.), elgün (Oghuz-nama), elgün ‘goverment, realm’ (Ettuhf.).
◊ VEWT 309, TMN 3,656-7, Лексика 317, EDT 121-122, 725-726 (with doubts).
706
*kùp῾u - *kùp῾ù
PJpn. *kúní country (страна): OJpn. kuni; MJpn. kúní; Tok. kùni;
Kyo. kúní; Kag. kúni.
◊ JLTT 463.
‖ KW 249, VEWT 309 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 294, TMN 3, 656-657
(with criticism). The Mong. form is somewhat difficult: one has to suppose original *künün with velar ( > *küŋün > *küɣün) and labial ( >
*kümün) assimilations.
-kùp῾u silk, mulberry: Tung. *kupen; Mong. *kib; Turk. *Kɨp; Jpn.
*kùpá; Kor. *kīp.
PTung. *kupe(n) threads (нитки): Neg. xupen; Ul. xupe(n); Ork.
kupe(n); Nan. kupẽ; Orch. xupe.
◊ ТМС 1, 478.
PMong. *kib silk (шелк): MMong. kip (HY ‘boiled silk cloth’ 23,
SH), kib (IM) ‘lining’; WMong. kib, kijib (L 465); Kh. xiv; Bur. xib; Kalm.
kib, kiwŋ; Ord. keb ‘bad quality silk’.
◊ KW 233.
PTurk. *Kɨp fabric (ткань): Bashk. qɨptɨr ‘перешитая в подборку (о
шубе)’; Kirgh. qɨpɨq ‘kerchief, sash’; KBalk. qɨppa ‘skein, clew’; Khak. xɨp
‘lining, covering’; Yak. kɨbɨas ‘шерсть оленя ранним летом’.
◊ VEWT 265.
PJpn. *kùpá mulberry tree (тут, тутовое дерево): OJpn. kupa; MJpn.
kufa; Tok. kúwa; Kyo. kùwá; Kag. kuwá.
◊ JLTT 468.
PKor. *kīp silk (шелк): MKor. kīp; Mod. kīp.
◊ Nam 82, KED 282.
‖ SKE 113. Cf. also Mong. köbüŋ ‘cotton’ ( > Oyr. köböŋ, Tuva xöveŋ,
Khak. köböŋ etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 108-109 (with some confusion of this root
and Turk. *köpe ‘cloth’ < *k῾op῾e q.v. and Turk. *köp- ‘swell, foam’ < *k῾op῾i
q.v.); > Man. kubun id., see Doerfer MT 102). In fact, it would be tempting to consider Mong. *kib as a Turkic loanword (despite the fact that
the Turk. *Kɨp is not widely spread and late attested, it cannot be <
Mong.), because Mong. -i- is not quite regular here, while köbüŋ is a
perfect phonetic match.
-kùp῾ù thought, attention: Tung. *kob-ta; Mong. *kuji-; Turk. *Kɨpɨ-;
Jpn. *kùpà-.
PTung. *kob-ta esteem (уважение, почтение): Man. qobto.
◊ ТМС 1, 402. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels; cf.
also Man. χoan ῾skilled, dexterous’ (ТМС 1, 472).
PMong. *kuji- crafty, artful (ловкий, хитрый): WMong. quji-ɣur,
quji-qur (L 982); Kh. xujgūr.
PTurk. *Kɨpɨ- 1 sense, invention, cleverness 2 to invent, think of (1
смысл, изобретательность, ум 2 выдумывать): Kirgh. qɨbačɨ ‘experi-
*kure - *kurumV
707
enced person’; Khak. xɨbɨ-; Oyr. qɨbɨ-; Chuv. xъₙbъₙl ‘dexterous’; Yak.
kɨp ‘dexterously’.
◊ VEWT 260.
PJpn. *kùpà-tata- to plan, project (планировать, предполагать):
MJpn. kùfà-tata-; Tok. kuwa-dáte-; Kyo. kùwà-dàtè-; Kag. kùwà-dàtè-.
◊ JLTT 718. Hardly unitable with OJ kupatata- ‘to stand on tiptoe’.
‖ KW 233.
-kure woodcock, woodpecker: Tung. *kürekte; Mong. *kur; Turk.
*Körtük.
PTung. *kürekte woodpecker (дятел): Evk. kirekte; Neg. kijekte;
Man. kurexu; Ul. kurekte; Ork. kurekte; Nan. kurekte; Orch. kijoki; Ud. kēxi
(Корм. 248), kiexi.
◊ ТМС 1, 399.
PMong. *kur woodcock, black grouse (глухарь, тетерев): WMong.
qur, qoru (L 968, 987); Kh. xur; Bur. xura; Kalm. xorə ‘глухарь’, xurə
‘тетерев’ (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qur etc., see ЭСТЯ 6, 155-156.
PTurk. *Körtük 1 woodcock 2 turkey 3 black-cock (1 вальдшнеп 2
индюк 3 тетерев): Tat. kürkä 2; Bashk. kürkä 2; Kirgh. kürp 2; Kaz.
kürke-tawɨq 2; Khak. kürkü, dial. kürtkü ‘black-cock’, kürles (Sag.)
‘grouse’; Shr. kürtük 3; Oyr. kürtük 3, kürte 1; Tv. kürtü 3; Tof. hü’rtü 3;
Chuv. kъₙrka 2; Yak. körčöx ‘young spring duck, already able to fly’.
◊ VEWT 311, Федотов 1, 258.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kurumV to wink: Tung. *korim- / *kirim-; Turk. *kirm- / *Kɨrm-.
PTung. *korim- / *kirim- 1 to wink 2 eyelash 3 inner side of eyelid
(1 мигать 2 ресница 3 внутренняя сторона века): Evk. korimi- 1, kirimkīn 2; Evn. qorm- 1, kirimki 2; Neg. kīmkī 2; Ork. qolpịqta 3; Sol. xurmult(e) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 398, 415, 2, 352.
PTurk. *kirpik eyelash (ресница): OTurk. kirpik (OUygh.); Karakh.
kirpik (MK); Tur. kirpik; Gag. kirpik; Az. kirpik; Turkm. kirpik; Khal. kirpik; MTurk. kirpik (Sangl., Pav. C.), kirpük (MA); Uzb. kiprik; Uygh.
ki(r)pik; Krm. kirpik; Tat. kerfek; Bashk. kerpek; Kirgh. kirpik; Kaz. kərpək;
KKalp. kirpik; Kum. kirpik; Nogh. kirpik; SUygh. kirmik; Khak. kərbək;
Oyr. kirbik; Tv. kirbik; Chuv. xъrbъx, xъrbъk, (dial.) xъrbu; Yak. kirbäj,
kirbī ‘edge’.
◊ VEWT 272, EDT 737-738, ЭСТЯ 5, 74-75, Федотов 2, 333-334, Лексика 213. Cf. also
the verb *Kɨrm- / *Kɨrp- ‘to wink’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 221). The front row variant here is probably
secondary.
708
*kúŕu - *kta
‖ A Turk.-TM isogloss; cf. *kumi. Doerfer (MT 240) tries to refute the
comparison (by deriving the Turk. forms from kirpi “hedgehog” and
the TM forms from kiri- “to glitter”) - quite unconvincingly.
-kúŕu a k. of vehicle: Tung. *kur-; Mong. *kür-dün; Turk. *Kɨŕak,
*Kɨŕagu; Jpn. *kúrúmá.
PTung. *kur- 1 humming-top 2 screw 3 spool (1 юла, волчок 2 винт
3 катушка (для ниток)): Evk. kur, kuriwuk 2; Evn. kūruken 1; Nan. kurke
(On.) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 438; 2, 352.
PMong. *kür-dün wheel (колесо): MMong. gurdun (HY 17),
gurdu(n) (SH); WMong. kürdü(n) (L 504); Kh. xürd(en) ‘prayer wheel’;
Bur. xürde ‘prayer wheel’, xürǖg ‘шарниры, на которые навешивается
наружная дверь’; Kalm. kürdə ‘цилиндр с молитвенным текстом’
(КРС); Ord. kürdü; Dag. kurde (Тод. Даг. 151), kuredu, kurese (MD 185).
◊ Mong. > Manchu kurdun ‘a Buddhist cycle, samsara’ (see Rozycki 147).
PTurk. *Kɨŕak, *Kɨŕagu sledge (сани): Tur. kɨzak; Az. xizäk; MTurk.
qɨzaq (AH); Uygh. quzuq ‘bed’; Tat. qɨzaw ‘кузов’; Bashk. quδɨ
‘лукошко’.
◊ VEWT 269.
PJpn. *kúrúmá vehicle, carriage (повозка): OJpn. kuruma; MJpn.
kúrúmà; Tok. kùruma; Kyo. kúrúmá; Kag. kurúma.
◊ JLTT 465.
‖ Judging from the Turkic evidence, the vehicle in question could
have been not a wheeled one, but some kind of sleigh or sledge; however, this may be also a secondary development in Turkic (all other
languages point rather to some wheeled carriage or just wheel). Among
common derivatives one can mention PT *Kɨŕak = Evn. kūruke-n.
-kta ( ~ -t῾-) insufficiency, debt: Tung. *kōta; Turk. *Kɨt; Jpn. *kàta-.
PTung. *kōta 1 debt 2 miserly, greedy (1 долг 2 скупой, жадный):
Evk. kōta 1; Evn. qōt 1; Ul. qota 2; Ork. qụta 2; Nan. qota 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 417, 439.
PTurk. *Kɨt not enough, insufficient (недостаточный, скудный):
Tur. kɨt; kɨtlɨk ‘Ungenügendheit, Hungersnot’; Az. Gɨt; Turkm. Gɨt;
MTurk. qɨt (AH, IM); Uygh. qitiɣir ‘miserly’; Krm. qɨt; Bashk. qɨtlɨq
‘hunger’ (dial.); Kirgh. qɨdɨq ‘dwarf’, qɨtɨj- ‘secretive’, qɨtɨraj- ‘lean and
small’; Kaz. qɨtɨqtan- ‘to be offended’; KBalk. qɨt; KKalp. qɨt; Kum. qɨt;
Nogh. qɨt; Shr. qɨtɨj ‘miserly’; Tv. qɨdɨɣ ‘oppressed’; Chuv. xədəx ‘compulsion’.
◊ VEWT 268, ЭСТЯ 6, 252.
PJpn. *kàta- beggar, beggary (нищий, нищенство): OJpn.
kata-no-wi; MJpn. kata-wi, kata-no-wi (RJ kàtáfi, kàtafí).
◊ JLTT 443.
*kùtí - *kobe
709
‖ The basic meaning of the root may be formulated as ‘having not
enough, insufficience’ - whence ‘debt’, ‘miser’, ‘beggar’ etc. A Mongolian match is perhaps *kudal ‘lie, liar’ ( < ‘beggar’?).
-kùtí a k. of fox: Tung. *kitiri; Mong. *küderi; Jpn. *kìtúnái.
PTung. *kitiri a k. of fox (лиса-крестовка): Neg. kịtịjị; Ork. kitčiri;
Nan. kičiri (On.); Orch. kiti.
◊ ТМС 1, 400.
PMong. *küderi musk-deer, a k. of rat (кабарга, вид крысы):
WMong. küderi (L 497); Kh. xüder; Bur. xüderi; Kalm. küdr; Ord. küder
‘porte-musc’.
◊ KW 244. Mong. > Kirgh. küdörö.
PJpn. *kìtúnái fox (лиса): OJpn. kjitune; MJpn. kìtúné; Tok. kìtsune;
Kyo. kìtsùné; Kag. kitsuné.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ The Mong. form could be alternatively compared with Turk.
*Kodan ‘hare’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 29-30).
-ko ( ~ *k῾-) this: Mong. *kü; Turk. *Kö; Jpn. *k-; Kor. *kɨ.
PMong. *kü deictic particle (указательная частица): MMong. -gu
(SH); WMong. ene kü ‘exactly this’, tere kü ‘exactly that’; Kh. xǖ; Ord. kǖ
‘a particle’; Dag. ke, kē (Тод. Даг. 148).
PTurk. *Kö this (этот): Sal. ku; SUygh. gu, go; Chuv. ko, kъv.
◊ Федотов 1, 300-302, Левитская 32-34. Cf. the OT (Orkh., OUygh., MK) emphatic
nominal suffix -oq.
PJpn. *k- 1 this 2 that (1 этот 2 тот): OJpn. ko- 1; MJpn. kó- 1; ka- 2;
Tok. kòre 1; ká-re ‘he’; Kyo. kóré 1; ká-rè ‘he’; Kag. kói 1.
◊ JLTT 430, 452. High tone in Tokyo ká-re is not clear (the stem *ka- appears to be a
merger of *k- and *á-).
PKor. *kɨ this, that (этот, тот): MKor. kɨ (k-i); Mod. kɨ.
◊ Nam 76, KED 231.
‖ EAS 46, Martin 244, АПиПЯЯ 56, 49, 277. The root behaves like
*kó’e (with a second front vowel).
-kobe ( ~ -i) cloth, clothing: Tung. *kuberi; Mong. *kubča-; Turk. *Köbüŕ
/ *Kebiŕ.
PTung. *kuberi fur hood; collar (капор (меховой); воротник):
Man. χuberi.
◊ ТМС 1, 473.
PMong. *kubča- clothing, dress (одежда): MMong. qubčasu (HYt),
qubča (IM), qubčasun (SH); WMong. qubčasu(n) (L 976); Kh. xuvcas; Bur.
xubsaha(n); Kalm. xopcə, xupcə; Ord. Gubčasu, Gubčas; Dag. kuačilahe ‘a
cloth wrapper, a furoshiki’ (MD 184); S.-Yugh. χabčis.
◊ KW 186, 197, MGCD 384, TMN 1, 385-386.
710
*kóbe - *kbú
PTurk. *Köbüŕ / *Kebiŕ carpet, rug (ковер): Karakh. keviz (MK);
Tur. köjüz (dial.); MTurk. kebiz (MA), köwüz (Xwar.), köwüz (CCum.),
kevüz (AH); Uzb. kigiz; Uygh. kebɛz, kɛvɛz; Bashk. köjöδ; Kirgh. kebez;
KBalk. küjüz OL; Kum. gujuz (dial.); Nogh. küjiz; Khak. kibəs; Shr. kemis;
Oyr. kebis; Tv. xevis; Chuv. (Bulg.) > ORuss. kovьrъ ‘carpet’.
◊ EDT 692, ЭСТЯ 5, 83. Turk. > Mong. kebis ( > Man. kebisu etc., see ТМС 1, 444), see
Clark 1980, 39., Cf. Khalkha xiv ‘gauze, crêpe’, xövöŋ ‘cotton’. ЭСТЯ 5, 13.
‖ A Western isogloss; see under *k[ā]p῾á about possible mergers.
-kóbe ( ~ k῾-, -p-, -p῾-) to freeze: Mong. *köbsi-; Jpn. *kpr-.
PMong. *köbsi- to freeze (замерзать): MMong. köbši- (SH).
PJpn. *kpr- to freeze (замерзать): OJpn. kop(w)or-; MJpn. kófór-;
Tok. kṑr-; Kyo. kṓr-; Kag. kṓr-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ Ozawa 84. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. It is interesting to note Evk.
dial. kiwšim ‘fine snow’ ( < Mong.?).
-kbú hollow, cavity: Tung. *kobi / kebi(ŋe); Mong. *koɣu-su; Turk.
*Kobuk; Jpn. *kúmpuá; Kor. *kōr- (?).
PTung. *kobi / kebi(ŋe) 1 hole, hollow 2 cavity (1 углубление, дупло 2 впадина, углубление): Evn. qobmiĺa 1, kēwŋe, kewuŋe 2; Man. qobi
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 402, 442. The Manchu form is regarded by Rozycki 141 as borrowed <
Mong. qobil ‘groove’ (q.v. sub *kopu), which is hardly the case.
PMong. *koɣu-su empty, hollow (пустой, полый): MMong.
qo’o-sun (SH, HYt); WMong. qoɣusun (L 953); Kh. xōson; Bur. xōho(n);
Kalm. xōsn; Ord. xōson; Mog. qosun; Dag. xōson (Тод. Даг. 178), hōson
(MD 164); Dong. qosun; Bao. xosoŋ; S.-Yugh. χūsən; Mongr. xōʒən (SM
169), (MGCD xōsən).
◊ KW 191, 192-193, MGCD 355. Mong. > Evk. kōhon, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *Kobu-k empty, hollow (пустой, полый): OTurk. qovɨ
(OUygh.); Karakh. qovɨ, qovuq (MK); Tur. kovuk, gavɨk (dial.); Turkm.
Govaq, Govuq, Govalč, Govuz; MTurk. qovuq (AH); Uygh. quaq (dial.);
Khak. xax.
◊ VEWT 273, TMN 3, 415, ЭСТЯ 6, 5-6.
PJpn. *kúmpuá 1 cavity 2 to be concave, hollow (1 впадина, углубление 3 быть вогнутым, полым): OJpn. kub(w)o 1, kub(w)o-m- 2; MJpn.
kúbó 1, kúbóm- 2; Tok. kubo 1, kùbo-m- 2; Kyo. kúbóm- 2; Kag. kubóm- 2.
◊ JLTT 461, 714.
PKor. *kōr- (?) to become hollow (становиться полым, пустым):
Mod. kōl-.
◊ SKE 122.
*kóčè - *koč῾V
711
‖ SKE 122. Cf. *gupu. The Kor. form *kōr- presupposes *kobVr-; however, it is only found in SKE and may be in fact = *kòrh- ‘be hungry,
empty’ (see *gṓŕa).
-kóčè to nomadize, transport: Tung. *kuči- ( ~ -š-); Mong. *köske; Turk.
*göč-; Jpn. *ksì.
PTung. *kuči- ( ~ -š-) 1 to come 2 to wander (1 приходить 2 бродить): Evk. kuči- 1, kičur- ( < *kučir- ?) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 401, 441. Attested only in Evk.; see below on a possibility of borrowing <
Yakut.
PMong. *köske transportation, mount, cart (транспортировка, повозка, экипаж): WMong. köske, kösge (L 493); Kh. xösög.
PTurk. *göč- 1 to migrate, nomadize 2 nomadizing (1 мигрировать,
кочевать 2 кочевка): Karakh. köč- 1 (MK, KB), köč 2 (KB); Tur. göč- 1,
göč 2; Gag. göč- 1, göč ‘luggage’; Az. köč- 1, köč 2; Turkm. göč- 1, göč 2;
Khal. keč- 1; MTurk. köǯ- 1, köč 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. kọč- 1, kọč 2; Uygh. köč- 1,
köč 2; Krm. köč- 1; Tat. küč- 1, küč 2; Bashk. küs ‘рой’, küs- 1; Kirgh. köč1, köč 2; Kaz. köš- 1, köš 2; KBalk. köč- 1; KKalp. köš- 1, köš 2; Kum. göč- 1;
Nogh. köš- 1, köš 2; SUygh. köš- 1; Khak. kös- 1; Shr. köš- 1, köš 2; Oyr.
köč- 1; Tv. kö’š- 1, kö’š 2; Tof. kö’š- 1, kö’š 2; Chuv. koś- 1; Yak. kös- 1, kös 2;
Dolg. kös- 1, kös 2.
◊ EDT 693, 694, Лексика 489, ЭСТЯ 3, 88-90, TMN 3, 622, Stachowski 158, Федотов 1,
315.
PJpn. *ksì palanquin (паланкин): OJpn. kosi; MJpn. kósì; Tok. kóshi;
Kyo. kóshí; Kag. kóshi.
◊ JLTT 458. Accent in Tokyo and Kyoto is quite irregular.
‖ Poppe 63, KW 241, Владимирцов 377; Лексика 490; TMN 3, 633
(“...nicht hinreichend gesichert”). Despite Щербак 1997, 127, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk. (see also Clark 1980, 56); -s- instead of the expected -č- in Mong. is due to a position within the cluster (köske = köčke).
-č- (or *-š-) in Evk. is, however, more difficult to account for (*-s- would
be expected normally), which means that the Evk. words may actually
be borrowed < Yakut.
-koč῾V ( ~ k῾-, -č-) ram: Mong. *kuča; Turk. *Koč.
PMong. *kuča ram (баран): MMong. xuča (HY 12), qəča ‘lamb’ (IM),
quča (MA); WMong. quča (МХТТТ); Kh. xuc; Bur. xusa; Kalm. xucə
(КРС); Ord. Guča; Dag. koč; Dong. quǯa; S.-Yugh. quǯa; Mongr. xua (SM
174), xuǯa.
◊ MGCD 394. Mong. > Evk. kuča etc., see Doerfer MT 100; Bur. > Russ. Siber. xucán,
see Аникин 338-339.
PTurk. *Koč ram (баран): OTurk. qočqar, qočuŋar (OUygh.); Karakh.
qočŋar (MK); Tur. koč, kočkar; Gag. qoč; Az. Goč; Turkm. Goč, GočGar; Sal.
qošqor, qošqur; Khal. Goč; MTurk. qoč, qočqar (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. ɣɔč
712
*kogĺu - *kṓk῾à
(dial.), qọčqar; Uygh. qočqa(r), qošqa(r); Krm. qoč, qočqar, qočxar; Tat. qučqar (dial.); Bashk. qušqar; Kirgh. qočqor; Kaz. qošqar; KBalk. qocxar;
KKalp. ɣoš, qošqar; Kum. qočqar; Nogh. qošqar; SUygh. qužɣar; Oyr. qočqor; Tv. qošqar.
◊ Лексика 432, TMN 3, 539, 540-541, EDT 592, ЭСТЯ 6, 87-88. Turk. > Hung. kos, see
Gombocz 1912; Russ. dial. kočkór, kočkáŕ, see Аникин 308, 309.
‖ Poppe 62. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss, but hardly borrowed, despite
TMN 3, 540, Щербак 1997, 139.
-kogĺu ( ~ -o, -a) pipe, chimney: Tung. *kula-n; Mong. *koɣul-aj; Turk.
*Koguĺ.
PTung. *kula-n pipe, chimney (труба, дымоход): Neg. kolan; Man.
χulan; SMan. hulan (475); Ul. qụla(n); Nan. qolã; Orch. kula(n); Ud.
kula(n); Sol. kulan.
◊ ТМС 1, 428. Cf. also Nan. dial. kulekte, keulekte ‘throat’, Man. χolin ‘inner side of
cheek’. TM > Dag. xolil (Тод. Даг. 177), xuala (Тод. Даг. 178).
PMong. *koɣul-aj throat; pipe (горло; трубка): MMong. qo’olai (HY
46, SH), qūl (IM), qulaj (MA), qūla (LH); WMong. qoɣulaj (L 952); Kh.
xōloj; Bur. xōloj; Kalm. xōl, xōlǟ; Ord. xōlȫ; Mog. qōlɛi (Ramstedt 1906);
ZM qolei (2-5b); Dag. xōĺē (Тод. Даг. 177; MGCD xōĺ), hōle (MD 163);
Dong. Golei; S.-Yugh. χolo; Mongr. xōlo (SM 170).
◊ KW 192, MGCD 355. Mong. > Evk. kōlai etc., see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 142.
PTurk. *Koguĺ gutter, cavity, hollow (желоб, впадина, полость):
Karakh. qoɣuš (MK); Tur. kovuš; Az. Goɣuš; MTurk. qoɣuš (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qavuš, qɔvaš, quwuš (dial.); Krm. qowuš, quwuš; Tat. quwɨš; Bashk. qɨwɨš;
Kaz. quwɨs; KKalp. quwɨs; Kum. quwuš; Nogh. quwɨs; Khak. xōs; Chuv.
xъₙvъₙl; Yak. kuohāx.
◊ The Chuv. form may rather belong to PTurk. *Kob-. See VEWT 275, EDT 613, ЭСТЯ
6, 18-20, Stachowski 161 (the two roots interact actively).
‖ Владимирцов 365, Poppe 77 (Turk.-Mong.), Дыбо 46. A Western
isogloss.
-kṓk῾à to be deficient, damaged: Tung. *kuKe-; Mong. *koki-; Turk.
*Kōk-; Jpn. *káká-.
PTung. *kuKe- 1 to perish 2 dying (1 погибать 2 умирающий):
Evk. kukelčē 2; Evn. köke- 1; Man. guku- 1; SMan. guku- ‘to fall, to be destroyed’ (1063).
◊ ТМС 1, 169, 427.
PMong. *koki- 1 to be damaged 2 damage (1 повреждаться 2
вред): WMong. qoki- 1 (L 956: qoki 2); Kh. xo 2; Bur. xoxi 2; Kalm. xoḱə1; Ord. Goχiro- ‘to be absolutely destroyed’; Dag. kokire- (MD 183)
kokirə-; S.-Yugh. χəkər-.
◊ KW 182, MGCD 369. Mong. > Man. kokira-, see Doerfer MT 138.
*kk῾è - *kk῾è
713
PTurk. *Kōk- 1 to decrease, diminish 2 deficient, empty (1 уменьшаться 2 недостаточный, пустой): OTurk. qoq- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
qoq- 1, qoquz 2 (MK); Tur. kokuz 2; Turkm. Govuz 2; Tat. quɣɨz 2 (dial.);
Khak. xox- 1; Oyr. qoq- 1.
◊ EDT 609, 614, ЭСТЯ 6, 35-36.
PJpn. *káká- to be deficient (быть недостаточным): OJpn. kaka- ‘to
be deficient; to be damaged’; MJpn. káká-; Tok. kàke-; Kyo. káké-; Kag.
kaké-.
◊ JLTT 702.
‖ KW 182.
-kk῾è breast, to suck; heart: Tung. *xuku-n / *kuku-n; Mong. *kökön;
Turk. *göküŕ; Jpn. *kkrə; Kor. *kokăi-.
PTung. *xuku-n / *kuku-n breast (fem.) (грудь (жен.)): Evk. ukun;
Evn. ökъn; Neg. öxön / ökön; Man. oxo, oGo ‘armpit’; SMan. ohə ‘armpit’(67); Ul. kue(n), kuku(n); Ork. qū(n), qō(n); Nan. kū(n); Orch. oko(n);
Ud. koso῾ (Корм. 251); Sol. uxũ ‘milk’.
◊ Formally derived from TM *xuku- ‘to suck (breast)’, see ТМС 2, 254-255.
PMong. *kökön breast (fem.), nipple (грудь (женская), сосок):
MMong. kokan (SH), keuke (IM), kukän (MA); WMong. kökü(n), köke(n) (L
482, 483); Kh. xöx; Bur. xüxe(n); Kalm. kökn; Ord. göχö; Mog. kökä; ZM
kukä (2-8a); Dong. gogo; Bao. kugo; S.-Yugh. hgön; Mongr. kugo (SM 208).
◊ KW 237, MGCD 403. Mong. > Manchu (sp.) xuxuŋ (see TMN 1, 481), probably also
Jurch. xuxun (541).
PTurk. *göküŕ (/*gögüŕ), *Kökrek 1 breast 2 middle of the back 3
reason, sense, emotion 4 female breast (1 грудь 2 поясница, середина
спины 3 женская грудь): OTurk. kögüz 1, 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. kögüz 1
(MK); Tur. göɣüs 1, kökrek 1 (dial.); Gag. gǖs 1; Az. köks, köküs 1; Turkm.
gövüs 1, kükrek 1; Sal. göfrix 4?; MTurk. kögs, kögüs (Sangl.), köküs (MA)
1, kökrek (Abush., Бор. Бад.) 1; Uzb. kụks 1, 3, kɔkräk 1, 4; Uygh. köküs 1,
kökräk 1; Krm. kökis 1, kökräk 1; Tat. kögüs 1 (dial., КСТТ), kükrɛk 1, 4;
Bashk. kükräk 1; Kirgh. kökürök 1; Kaz. kökirek 1; KBalk. kökürek 1; KKalp.
kökirek 1; Kum. kökürek 1; Nogh. kökirek 1; SUygh. köküs, gȫs 1; Khak.
kögis 1; Shr. kögüs 1; Oyr. kögüs 1, 3; Chuv. kъₙgъₙr 1; Yak. köɣüs 2; Dolg.
köksü ‘back’.
◊ EDT 714, VEWT 288, ЭСТЯ 3, 54-55, 5, 136-137, Лексика 272-274, Stachowski 155.
The Oghuz forms with k- (Turkm. kükrek, Tur. dial. kökrek) may be < Kypchak, cf. -üinstead of -ö- in Turkm.
PJpn. *kkrə heart (сердце): OJpn. kokoro; MJpn. kòkòró; Tok.
kokóro; Kyo. kókòrò; Kag. kokoró.
◊ JLTT 454. Accent is not quite clear: all dialects and RJ point probably to a low tone
on first syllable (except Tokyo: the origin of type 2 in trisyllables is obscure); Kagoshima
can reflect any structure with this characteristics; Kyoto points rather to *kkr, as opposed to the attested kkr.
714
*kṓk῾e - *kk῾ò
PKor. *kokăi- heart of wood, pith, core (сердцевина): MKor.
kokăijaŋ; Mod. kogäŋi.
◊ Nam 45, KED 134.
‖ Poppe 108, Колесникова 1972a, 78-84, Цинциус 1984, 106-107,
Martin 248, Murayama 1962, 111, АПиПЯЯ 15, 32, 280, JOAL 147, Дыбо 13, Лексика 272-273, TMN 1, 482 (“Elementarverwandtschaft?”),
Doerfer MT 142. Mongolian and TM have a parallel verbal stem ‘to
suck (breast)’, thus the probable semantic development here is ‘to suck
(breast)’ > ‘(female) breast’ > ‘breast (in general)’ > ‘heart’.
-kṓk῾e ( ~ -i) blue, green: Tung. *kuKu; Mong. *köke; Turk. *gȫk.
PTung. *kuKu blue (синий, голубой): Evk. kuku, kuku-šin; Man.
kuku; Orch. kuagǯa.
◊ ТМС 1, 421, 426.
PMong. *köke blue, green (синий, зеленый): MMong. koko (HY 41,
SH), keuke (IM), kuk (MA); WMong. köke (L 482); Kh. xöx; Bur. xüxe;
Kalm. kökə; Ord. göχö; Mog. kükä; ZM kukä (13-7); Dag. kuke (Тод. Даг.
151, MD 185); Dong. kugie; Bao. koge, (MGCD) kugo; S.-Yugh. hgö;
Mongr. kugo (SM 209).
◊ KW 236, MGCD 378.
PTurk. *gȫk 1 blue 2 green (“macro-blue” according to Wierzbicka)
(1 синий 2 зеленый): OTurk. kök 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. kök 1 (MK,
KB), 2 (KB); Tur. gök 1; Gag. gök 1; Az. göj 1; Turkm. gȫk 1, 2; Sal. Gux 1;
Khal. kīek 2; MTurk. kök 1 (MA); Uzb. kọk 1, 2; Uygh. kök 1, 2; Krm. kök 1;
Tat. kük 1; Bashk. kük 1; Kirgh. kök 1; Kaz. kök 1; KBalk. kök 1; KKalp. kök
1; Kum. gök 1; Nogh. kök 1; SUygh. kük 1, 2; Khak. kök 1; Shr. kök 1, 2;
Oyr. kök 1, 2; Tv. kök 1; Tof. kök 1; Chuv. kъₙvak 1; Yak. küöx 1, 2; Dolg.
küök 1.
◊ VEWT 287, TMN 3, 640-642, EDT 708-9, ЭСТЯ 3, 66-68, Лексика 60, 604, Stachowski 165. In most languages the root also means ‘sky’. Turk. > Hung. kék ‘blue’, see
Gombocz 1912.
‖ EAS 154, VEWT 287, KW 236, Владимирцов 168, 324, Poppe 56,
АПиПЯЯ 288. A Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 128, Doerfer
TMN 3, 641-642, MT 99 and Rozycki 145 there is no need to assume
Mong. < Turk. or TM < Mong. (although it cannot be excluded). Derived are probably bird names: Turk. *gȫkerčin ‘dove’, *gȫkel ‘he-duck’,
ТМ *kukēkī ‘jay’, Mong. *kögürǯegene ‘dove’ (see Лексика 175; Mong. is
hardly borrowed < Turk., despite Clark 1980, 44).
-kk῾ò rubbish, dirt: Tung. *kuk-pun; Mong. *kokir; Turk. *Kok; Jpn.
*kk- ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *kuk-pun rubbish, dirt (мусор, грязь): Man. xukun; Ul.
kukpu(n); Nan. kukpũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 426.
*klé - *kólè
715
PMong. *kokir filth, rubbish; dry dung (грязь; сухой навоз, кизяк):
MMong. qokir (SH, Козин); WMong. qokir (L 956); Kh. xoxir; Bur. xoxir.
PTurk. *Kok dust, ashes (пыль, пепел): OTurk. qoɣ (OUygh.);
Karakh. qoɣ (MK); MTurk. qoɣ (AH, Pav. C.); Krm. qoq; Kirgh. qoq;
Nogh. qoq; Khak. xox; Oyr. qoq; Tv. xoq; Yak. xoɣoso.
◊ EDT 609, VEWT 275, 276, Лексика 368. Turk. > Mong. qoɣ, Kalm. xog ‘dregs, dirt’
(KW 181, Щербак 1997, 165).
PJpn. *kk- ( ~ -ua-) to urinate, excrete; to stink (мочиться, испражняться; вонять): MJpn. kòk-; Tok. kok-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ An expressive root. Cf. also Turk. *Kɨg ‘dung’ (VEWT 261), *Kakač
id. (EDT 610).
-klé to be afraid, distressed: Tung. *kul-; Mong. *kulči-; Turk. *Köl-;
Jpn. *kr-.
PTung. *kul- 1 to be frightened 2 stupid 3 stiff, silent, sullen (1 цепенеть (от страха) 2 глупый, несмышленый 3 вялый, угрюмый, оцепеневший): Evk. kululi 3; Evn. qụldam- 2, qụlụńa 3; Neg. kolo-kolo 3;
Man. quli- 1; Ul. qol-qol 3; Nan. qol-qol 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 428, 429.
PMong. *kulči- to be shy, timid (трусить, робеть): WMong. qulčij(MXTTT); Kh. xulčij-.
PTurk. *Köl- 1 to be shy, afraid, sullen 2 to be jealous 3 jealousy (1
робеть, пугаться, расстраиваться 2 ревновать 3 ревность): Shr. külün
3; Oyr. köler-, Tel. külüneš- 2; Tv. xöl-ze- 1; Chuv. küle-, küleš- 2.
◊ VEWT 289. Егоров 122-123 confuses the root with *güni (q. v. sub *kune); so does
Федотов 1, 321.
PJpn. *kr- ( ~ -u) to be disappointed, distressed (разочаро-вываться, получать урок): OJpn. koru-; MJpn. kòràs- (caus.); Tok. korí-;
Kyo. kòrì-; Kag. kòrì-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ One of the many common Altaic verbs of emotion.
-kólè ( ~ k῾-) time: Mong. *küli-; Turk. *Kolu; Jpn. *kr.
PMong. *küli- to wait (ждать): MMong. guliǯe (HY 34, SH),
k[u]ličimu- ‘waiting’ (IM); WMong. küliɣe-, küli-če- (L 499, 500); Kh.
xülē-, xülce-; Bur. xüĺē-; Kalm. külə- (КРС); Ord. külē-; Dag. kulčē- (Тод.
Даг. 151: kuĺčē-), kulečē- (MD 185).
◊ MGCD 398.
PTurk. *Kolu 1 period of time 2 originally (1 период времени 2
первоначально): OTurk. qolu 1 (OUygh.); Kirgh. qolu 2.
◊ EDT 617, Лексика 69-70, Clark 1977, 148-149.
PJpn. *kr time, period of time (время, период): OJpn. koro; MJpn.
koro; Tok. koró, kóro; Kyo. kórò; Kag. kóro.
716
*kōli - *koĺi
◊ JLTT 458. The Tokyo variant kóro is unclear.
‖ Лексика 69-70.
-kōli ( ~ -e) to harness: Mong. *köl-; Turk. *gȫl-.
PMong. *köl- to harness (запрягать): MMong. kol-, kolde- (SH);
WMong. köl-le- (L 485); Kh. xöllö-; Kalm. köll-; Ord. kölö-.
◊ KW 288.
PTurk. *gȫl- 1 to harness 2 harnessed animal (1 запрягать 2 упряжное животное): OTurk. köl- 1 (OUygh. - YB), kölük 2(Orkh., OUygh.), ‘a
vehicle’ (OUygh.); Karakh. kölük 2 (MK); Tur. gölük 2; Turkm. gȫlük
(dial.) ‘vehicle’; göle 2; MTurk. kölük 2 (Sangl.); Kirgh. kölük 2; Kaz. kölik
2; KKalp. kölik 2; Nogh. kölik 2; Khak. köl- 1, köləg Nom. Act.; Oyr. kölkö 2
(possibly < Mong.); Tv. xöl, xölge 2 (the latter is rather < Mong.); Tof.
hölle- 1; Chuv. kül- 1; Yak. köl-üj- 1, kölö, kölgö 2 (the latter may be <
Mong.).; Dolg. kölüj- 1.
◊ VEWT 288, EDT 715, 717, ЭСТЯ 3, 69-70, Федотов 1, 320-321, Stachowski 155 (following Kał. MEJ 18 and deriving Yak., Dolg. < Mong.).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Contaminations with several other roots
were possible: cf. *gldi, *k῾uli, *k῾iĺa. Cf. Щербак 1997, 128 (Turk. >
Mong.).
-kòĺbèk῾V ( ~ -o-) hub, wheel hub: Tung. *kulbuka; Mong. *kolkibči;
Turk. *Koĺ-luk; Jpn. *ksìki.
PTung. *kulbuka hub (втулка): Evk. kulbukā (dial.).
◊ ТМС 1, 428.
PMong. *kolkibči 1 hub, bearing 2 cross-bow (1 втулка 2 самострел): WMong. qolkibči (L 960: qolqubči, qolqubči numu); Kh. xolxiwč,
xolxowč 1; xolxovč-num 2.
PTurk. *Koĺ-luk 1 iron arrow-head 2 arrow with iron head (1 железный наконечник стрелы 2 стрела с железным наконечником):
Khak. xosta 1, 2; Yak. kustuk 2.
◊ VEWT 283. Turk. > Mansi kuɔšlɔx. A Siberian word; but deriving it from *Kuĺ ‘bird’
is hardly possible, despite Stachowski 162.
PJpn. *ksìki hub (ступица колеса): OJpn. kosikji; MJpn. kòsìki; Tok.
kóshiki.
◊ JLTT 458.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-koĺi ( ~ k῾-, --, -e) to freeze: Mong. *köl-de-; Turk. *Köĺ-.
PMong. *köl-de- to freeze (замерзать): WMong. kölde-, köldü- (L
485); Kh. xöldö-; Bur. xülde-; Kalm. köld-; Ord. köldö-; Dag. kuĺde- (Тод.
Даг. 151: kulde-, 179: xulde-), hulede- (MD 166), xuĺde-, xuldu-; Dong.
guanǯie-; Bao. gondə-; S.-Yugh. köldǖ-.
◊ KW 288, MGCD 373.
*kṓĺi(kV) - *kṓme
717
PTurk. *Köĺ- to freeze (замерзать): Tat. küšek-; Bashk. küšek-; Kaz.
köšü-; Tv. köžü-; Tof. köšü-; Yak. köhüj-.
◊ VEWT 294, ЭСТЯ 5, 127.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 305. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. The root should be distinguished from *k῾oli- ‘shadow, cloud’ (although contaminations are possible).
-kṓĺi(kV) ( ~ g-, -e) young of animals: Mong. *gölige; Turk. *kȫĺek.
PMong. *gölige pup, young dog or cat (щенок, детеныш собаки
или кошки): WMong. gölüge, gölige (L 386); Kh. gölög; Bur. gülge(n);
Kalm. gölgə; Ord. gölögö; Dag. gulug, gulgū (Тод. Даг. 133); S.-Yugh.
gələg; Mongr. gorgo (SM 143), gulgo.
◊ KW 137, MGCD 300.
PTurk. *kȫĺek young of camel (верблюжонок): Tur. köšek, göšek
(dial.), gölük ‘cub’; Az. köšäk; Turkm. kȫšek; MTurk. köšek (AH); Uzb.
küšek (dial.); Bashk. kölökɛj ‘calf’; KKalp. köšek (dial.); Kum. kilɛj (dial.)
‘cub’; Chuv. > Hung. kölyök, see Gombocz 1912.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 126-127.
‖ KW 137, Poppe 25, 78. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. PT has a quite irregular *k-, probably due to contamination with *kičük ‘small, young of
animals’ q. v.
-kṓme ( ~-o) mat, carpet: Tung. *kuma-lān; Mong. *köm; Turk. *Kōm;
Jpn. *km.
PTung. *kuma-lān a small carpet (made of skins) (коврик (из
шкур)): Evk. kumalān; Evn. qmnan; Neg. komalan; Ork. qụmala(n);
Orch. kumala.
◊ ТМС 1, 430. Evk. > Dolg. kumalān (Stachowski 160).
PMong. *köm rawhide, depilated skin (сыромятная шкура):
WMong. köm; Kh. xöm; Bur. xüm; Kalm. köm; Ord. köm.
◊ KW 239.
PTurk. *Kōm camel’s pack-saddle (верблюжье вьючное седло):
Karakh. qom (MK); Turkm. Gōm; MTurk. qom (MA); Uzb. qụm; Bashk.
qum; Kirgh. qom; Kaz. qom; KKalp. qom; Oyr. qom; Tv. qom; Tof. xom.
◊ VEWT 278, Лексика 541, ЭСТЯ 6, 55, Clark 1977, 149. Turk. > WMong. qom (KW
184, Щербак 1997, 139), whence Evk. kōm, Man. qomo (see ТМС 1, 408, Doerfer MT 61).
PJpn. *km straw matting (соломенная циновка, рогожа): OJpn.
komo; MJpn. kómó; Tok. kòmo; Kyo. kómò; Kag. kómo.
◊ JLTT 456.
‖ In the Western area the root denotes basically a carpet or covering
(>saddle) made of skins; since in Japanese it is a straw matting, it is not
quite clear what sort of mat was denoted by it in PA.
718
*kòmpo - *p῾òme.
-kòmpo fist, wrist: Tung. *komba-; Mong. *kombo-; Turk. *Kop-; Jpn.
*kmpusi.
PTung. *komba- wrist, hand, spoke-bone (запястье, кисть, плюсна): Neg. kombox; Ork. qom; Nan. qombịo; Ud. komugu (Корм. 249).
◊ ТМС 1, 408.
PMong. *kombo- round (esp. of hooves) (быть круглым (особ. о
копытах)): WMong. qombuji- (MXTTT); Kh. xomboj-; Bur. xombi-, xomi‘flat (of hooves); Ord. xombȫ- ‘avoir une grosse panse et un petite ouverture (vase)’.
◊ L 960 regards WMong. qombuɣur as a variant of qomuɣur ‘curled, shrivelled’, but
the Khalkha dictionary strictly distinguishes them.
PTurk. *Kop- 1 fist 2 wrist (1 кулак 2 запястье): Kirgh. qobuq ‘arthritis of metacarpus’; Oyr. qoboq 2; Tv. qowades 1, Krg. qofadeš ( < *Kop-adɨĺ).
◊ Дыбо 194 (though hardly a loanword).
PJpn. *kmpusi fist (кулак): MJpn. kòbùsì; Tok. kòbushi, kóbushi; Kyo.
kóbùshì; Kag. kobúshi.
◊ JLTT 453. RJ, Tokyo and Kyoto point to a low tone on the first syllable (although
the rest of the word reveals accent variation); only Kagoshima is quite aberrant.
‖ A common derivative *kòmpo-k῾V is reflected in PT *Kopa-k = PTM
*komba-kī.
-kómp῾i neck, part of breast: Tung. *kumpe(ke); Mong. *kömürge; Turk.
*gömül-dürük; Jpn. *kúmpí.
PTung. *kumpe(ke) breast ornaments (нагрудные украшения):
Neg. kumpken; Ul. kumpe(n); Orch. kumpe.
◊ ТМС 1, 431.
PMong. *kömürge breast ornament of horse (нагрудное украшение): Kalm. kömrg.
◊ KW 239.
PTurk. *gömül-dürük breast strap (грудной ремень): Karakh.
kömüldürük (MK); Tur. gömüldürük; Turkm. gömüldürük; MTurk.
kömüldürük (Pav. C.); Tat. küməltək (КСТТ); Bashk. küməldərək; Kirgh.
kömöldürük; Tof. hömündürük.
◊ VEWT 289, EDT 723, ЭСТЯ 3, 71-72, Лексика 552-553. Turk. > Mong. kömüldürge
(Щербак 1977, 128). Forms like Uygh. ömüldürük, Bashk. ümelderek (see ЭСТЯ 1, 530, Лексика 553) may be derived from the same stem, under an influence of *ömgen ‘upper part
of breast’ q.v. sub *emo; a separate etymology see, however, under *p῾òme.
PJpn. *kúmpí neck (шея): OJpn. kubji; MJpn. kúbí; Tok. kùbi; Kyo.
kúbí; Kag. kúbi ( = kúT).
◊ JLTT 461.
‖ Cf. also Mong. *köɣemej which can go back to *köme-ɣej, cf. potential Turkic loanwords like Chag. kömekej, Yak. kömögöj etc., see VEWT
289. Such a metathesis, however, is rather uncommon (as well as the
rendering of Mong. -ɣ- by Turkic -k-), and there are obvious loanwords
*kómtV - *kṓńi
719
from the same Mongolian source: Yak., Dolg. küömej ‘throat’ (see Kał.
MEJ 88, Stachowski 165). It may well be that the above Turkic words
are genuine after all, going back to *gömü-kej (derived from the same
root as *gömül-dürük), while Mong. köɣemej has a quite different origin
(e.g. PA *kúŋe ‘middle, heart’ q.v.).
-kómtV box, frame: Tung. *komta-n; Turk. *Komta; Jpn. *kámátí.
PTung. *komta-n cover, box (крышка, коробка): Neg. komtaxan; Ul.
qōmta(n); Nan. qomtã; Orch. kumta(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 409.
PTurk. *Komta box (ящик): Tat. qumta; Bashk. qumta; Khak. xomdɨ;
Oyr. qomda; Tv. xomdu.
◊ VEWT 279, ЭСТЯ 6, 6. Relation to Mong. qobdu is hardly possible.
PJpn. *kámátí door frame (дверная рама): Tok. kàmachi; Kyo.
kámáchí; Kag. kamáchi.
◊ JLTT 431. In OJ kamati is attested only in the meaning ‘cheek-bone(s)’, while RJ has
kàfàti id. This is possibly a specialization of the meaning ‘frame, door-frame’, additionally
(in MJ) influenced by káfó ‘face’.
‖ A reconstruction *kómVtV ( ~ -t῾-) is also not excluded (and perhaps would account better for the PJ form).
-kòna(-kV) clothes: Tung. *kuŋge; Mong. *kunar; Jpn. *kànkà-.
PTung. *kuŋge clothes (одежда): Evk. kuŋgu; Evn. köŋgeke; Neg.
keŋge; Nan. kuŋgu.
◊ ТМС 1, 433.
PMong. *kunar clothes (одежда): MMong. qunar (SH); WMong.
qunar, qunir (L 986); Kh. xunar; Bur. xunar; Kalm. xunər (КРС); Ord.
xunar; Dag. xonor (Тод. Даг. 177).
PJpn. *kànkà- 1 crown 2 to put on (upper clothes) 3 to incur, sustain
(1 венец, корона 2 надевать (верхнюю одежду) 3 подвергаться):
OJpn. kage 1, kagapur- 2, 3; MJpn. kabur-, kaubur- 2, 3; Tok. kabúr- 2,
kōmúr- 3; Kyo. kábúr- 2, kṓmúr- 3; Kag. kàbùr- 2, kṑmùr- 3.
◊ JLTT 700, 712. Modern kōmur- < kaum(b)ur- < kankapur- ( = OJ kagapur- with reduction of the middle syllable); the variant kabur- is a result of contamination with *kàm(p)‘head’ (v. sub *kamp῾a).
‖ PTM and Japanese reflect a common derivative *kòna-kV.
-kṓńi ( ~ -e) leather, cloth: Mong. *kön-ǯile; Turk. *gȫn; Kor. *kằńằm.
PMong. *kön-ǯile blanket (одеяло): MMong. konǯile (HY 23),
koanǯile (SH), kənǯəle (LH); WMong. könǯile (MXTTT); Kh. xönǯil; Bur.
xünžel; Kalm. könǯl (КРС); Ord. könǯil (Тод. ЯМВМ); Mog. könǯilä
(Ramstedt 1906); Dong. guanǯulie (Тод. Дн.); Mongr. gwənilen (SM
138).
PTurk. *gȫn tanned skin, leather (дубленая шкура, кожа): OTurk.
kön (OUygh.); Karakh. kön (MK); Tur. gön; Az. gön; Turkm. gȫn; MTurk.
720
*kòŋa - *kòŋa
gön (Sangl.), kön (Nahc., Pav. C.); Uzb. kọn; Uygh. kön; Krm. gön; Tat.
kün; Bashk. kün; Kirgh. kön; KBalk. gön; KKalp. kön; Kum. gön; Nogh.
kön; Oyr. kön.
◊ VEWT 290-291, EDT 724, ЭСТЯ 3, 72-73, Лексика 384, 476-477. Cf. also *gȫnčük ‘an
ornament on shirt’ (ЭСТЯ 5, 106).
PKor. *kằńằm material, cloth (материал, ткань): MKor. kằńằm;
Mod. kām.
◊ Nam 13, KED 49.
‖ -ằ- in MKor. is probably a result of assimilation ( < *kòńằm). Vovin
1993 compares MKor. kằńằm ‘material, cloth’ with Jpn. *kìnú, on which
see rather *k῾èjní; see also Robbeets 2000, 109.
-kòŋa brown, black: Tung. *koŋna-; Mong. *koŋ-; Turk. *Koŋur; Jpn.
*kànkâ-i; Kor. *kắnắrh.
PTung. *koŋna- black (черный): Evk. koŋno-mo,-rin; Evn. qōŋ-;
Neg. koŋnojīn; Sol. xoŋnorĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 413. Evk. > Dolg. koŋnomo (see Stachowski 152).
PMong. *koŋ- light brown (светлокоричневый): MMong. qoŋqor
(SH); WMong. qoŋɣur (L 962); Kh. xongor; Bur. xongor; Kalm. xoŋgər;
Ord. xoŋGor; Dag. xongr, kongor (Тод. Даг. 150), kongore (MD 183);
S.-Yugh. χoŋGor; Mongr. xoŋxo (SM 172) ‘de couleur rose’, (MGCD
GoŋGor).
◊ KW 185, MGCD 364. Mong. > Evk. koŋgōr, Man. qoŋGoro (morin) > Kor. koŋgol (mal)
(see Lee 1958, 119, Rozycki 143).
PTurk. *Koŋur red-brown, dark brown (рыжевато-бурый, темнокоричневый): Karakh. qoŋur (MK); Tur. koŋgur , goɣur (dial.); Gag.
qomur; Az. Gonur; Turkm. Goŋur; MTurk. qoŋur (IM), qoŋɣur (Pav. C.);
Uzb. qụŋɣir; Tat. qoŋɣɨr; Bashk. quŋɨr; Kirgh. qoŋur; Kaz. qoŋɨr; KBalk.
qoŋur; KKalp. qoŋɨr; Kum. qoŋur; Nogh. qoŋɨr; SUygh. qoŋɨr; Khak. xōr;
Oyr. qoŋɨr; Tv. xōr; Chuv. xъₙmъₙr; Yak. qoŋor.
◊ VEWT 280-1, TMN 3, 525, EDT 639, ЭСТЯ 6, 62-65.
PJpn. *kànkâ-i shadow; reflection (тень; отражение): OJpn. kage;
MJpn. kàgé; Tok. káge; Kyo. kàgê; Kag. kagé.
◊ JLTT 432.
PKor. *kắnắrh shadow (тень): MKor. kắnắr (kắnắrh-); Mod. kɨnɨl.
◊ Nam 9, KED 232.
‖ Poppe 72, KW 185, VEWT 281, Whitman 1985, 183, 199, 222, АПиПЯЯ 290, Дыбо 12, Robbeets 2000, 109. The Mongolian form qoŋɣur
might as well be a Turkism, cf. TMN 3, 525-526, Щербак 1997, 139-140
(note that qon-dun, qoŋ-du < Chinese). The TM forms, despite Doerfer
MT 37, cannot be regarded as mongolisms. In Kor. cf. also k’úró ‘mirror’ (probably a derivative from the same root; semantically cf. Jpn.
kaga-mi id. - ‘mirror’ < ‘shadow’). Note that *kắnắrh reflects a suffixed
*kōŋa - *kŏŋe
721
form *koŋ(a)-rV with assimilation > *konrV, while *kànkâ-i reflects another suffixed form *koŋ(V)-kV ( = Mong. *koŋgu-r).
-kōŋa bell: Tung. *kōŋā-; Mong. *koŋku; Turk. *Koŋra-; Jpn. *káná-i.
PTung. *kōŋā- 1 ringing sound (expr.) 2 bell (1 звук колокольчика
(экспр.) 2 колокольчик): Evk. kōŋākte 2; Evn. qōŋat 2; Neg. koŋịr, koŋụr
1; Man. qoŋgir 1; Ul. qoŋGoqto 2; Ork. qoŋGoqto 2; Nan. qoŋGōqto 2; Orch.
koŋokto 2; Sol. xoŋātt 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 410.
PMong. *koŋku bell (колокольчик): WMong. qoŋqu (L 963); Kh.
xonx; Bur. xonxo; Kalm. xoŋxə (КРС); Ord. xoŋxo; Dag. kuāngarta, (Тод.
Даг. 178), kuangarete (MD 184), xuangarta; Dong. GoŋGon; Bao. GoŋGa;
S.-Yugh. χoŋGo; Mongr. xoŋGor.
◊ MGCD 365.
PTurk. *Koŋra- 1 to ring, toll 2 bell (1 звенеть, звонить 2 колокол(ьчик)): Karakh. qoŋraq, qoŋraɣu 2; Tur. koŋrak (dial.) 2; Az. Gɨmrow
2; Sal. koŋor 2; MTurk. qumrawu 2 (AH); Uzb. qɔŋɨraw 2; Uygh. qoŋɣraq,
qoŋɣiraq (dial.) 2; Tat. qɨŋɣɨraw 2; Bashk. quŋɨraw 2 (dial.); Kirgh. qoŋɣurō
2; Kaz. qoŋɨraw 2; KKalp. qoŋraw 2; Kum. qoŋuraw 2; Nogh. qoŋɨraw 2;
Khak. xoŋra- 1, xoŋro 2; Shr. qoŋra- 1, qoŋrā 2; Oyr. qoŋro- 1, qoŋrū 2; Tv.
qoŋɣura- 1.
◊ VEWT 280, TMN 3, 526, EDT 640, ЭСТЯ 6, 60-61.
PJpn. *káná-i bell (колокол): OJpn. kane; MJpn. káné; Tok. kàne; Kyo.
káné; Kag. káne.
◊ JLTT 437.
‖ KW 186, ТМС 1, 410. In Jpn. the word is homonymous with
*káná-i ‘metal’, which is probably secondary (but may explain the irregular tone).
-kŏŋe to tear out, uproot: Tung. *koŋ-; Turk. *Koŋur-; Jpn. *kənsu-; Kor.
*kń-.
PTung. *koŋ- to tear out, uproot (выдирать, вырывать): Evk.
koŋdot-; Evn. qonŋaq-, qonŋal-.
◊ ТМС 1, 410, 412 (the root should be distinguished from *koŋda- ‘break, crosswise’ q.
v. sub *kòŋti).
PTurk. *Koŋur- to tear out, uproot (выдирать, вырывать): Karakh.
qoŋur- (MK); MTurk. qoŋar- (Abush., Бор. Бад.); Tv. xuna-; Yak. xoŋun-,
xoŋnor-; Dolg. koŋor-.
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 640, ЭСТЯ 6, 65, Stachowski 152.
PJpn. *kənsu- to uproot (вырывать (с корнем)): OJpn. kozu-.
◊ JLTT 714.
PKor. *kń- 1 to pull, drag 2 to draw 3 stroke, drawn line (1 тащить,
тянуть 2 чертить 3 черта, проведенная линия): MKor. kń- 2, kń-,
722
*koŋgV - *kopV
kń-, skń- 1 (with sk- representing expressive gemination), ks ( = *kń)
3; Mod. k:l- 1, kt- [kɨs-] 2.
◊ Nam 69, 75, KED 247, 257.
‖ Whitman 1985, Robbeets 2000, 102. The Jpn. form is historically a
compound with *s(u)- ‘to make, do’. In Kor. a palatalization *kŏŋe >
*kŏńe occurred.
-koŋgV deaf: Tung. *koŋga; Mong. *koŋgor.
PTung. *koŋga deaf (глухой): Neg. koŋgo; Ul. qoŋGo; Ork. qoŋGo;
Nan. qoŋGo; Orch. koŋgo; Sol. xoŋgō.
◊ ТМС 1, 471. TM > Dag. xongō, kongō (Тод. Даг. 177).
PMong. *koŋgor naive, guileless (простодушный): WMong. qoŋɣor
(L 962: qoŋɣur); Kh. xoŋgor; Bur. xongor; Ord. xoŋGor.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-kòŋti ( ~ -e, *kuŋtu) to break, break in halves: Tung. *koŋda-; Mong.
*könde-le; Jpn. *kùntàk-.
PTung. *koŋda- 1 crosswise 2 to break, snap, be broken 3 half (of an
object) (1 поперек 2 ломать(ся) 3 половина (предмета)): Evk. koŋdor
1, koŋdorgo- 2; Evn. qoŋds 1, qoŋdq- 2; Orch. kondo 3; Ud. kandugu 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 412.
PMong. *könde-le crosswise (поперек): MMong. kondolen (HY 53);
WMong. köndelen, köndülen (L 488); Kh. xöndöl; Bur. xündelen; Kalm.
köndəln; Ord. köndölön; Dag. hundulen (MD 166), xundul; Bao. guandəlaŋ;
S.-Yugh. köndölön; Mongr. kwəndilen (SM 206), kundəlen.
◊ KW 289, MGCD 374. Mong. > Chag. köndälän etc., see TMN 1, 483, Щербак 1997,
205.
PJpn. *kùntàk- to break (ломать): OJpn. kudak-; MJpn. kùdàk-; Tok.
kudák-; Kyo. kúdák-; Kag. kùdàk-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ Poppe 84 (Tung.-Mong.; Doerfer TMN 1, 483 criticizes Poppe’s
TM reconstruction *köndes - which is justified, but does not abolish the
parallel).
-kopV to plane, whet: Tung. *kuba-; Mong. *kobiki; Turk. *Kobuĺ,
*Kobuĺa-.
PTung. *kuba- to plane, scrape (строгать, скоблить): Evk. kuwa-;
Evn. qụwụn ‘scraper, drawing-knife’; Neg. koa-, kowa-; Man. quwa-fia-;
Ork. qụwaị, qụwaqụ ‘plough’; Nan. qoatamsa ‘chip, splinter’; Orch. koa-,
kua-, kuwa-; Ud. kua-.
◊ ТМС 1, 421.
PMong. *kobiki a k. of chisel with a grooved blade (вид долота с
закругленным краем): WMong. qobki (L 949: qobiki); Kh. xovxi; Bur.
xobxol- ‘to plane, scrape off’.
*kŏp῾é - *kṓp῾i
723
◊ WMong. qobqul- ‘to tear away’ ( > Evk. kopko-, Man. qobqolo- etc., see ТМС 1, 414,
Doerfer MT 91, Rozycki 141).
PTurk. *Kobuĺ, *Kobuĺa- 1 sharpened (arrow) 2 to sharpen, plane (1
заостренная (стрела) 2 точить, строгать): OTurk. qovuša- (OUygh.) 2;
Karakh. qovša- (MK) 2; Tur. (Osmanli) qovuš, qoɣuš (XVI c.) 1.
◊ EDT 613-614.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kŏp῾é to bend; elevation, convexity: Tung. *kupe-; Mong. *köb- / *küb-;
Turk. *göpe(ne); Jpn. *kəmpu; Kor. *kòp-, *kùp-.
PTung. *kupe- 1 to swell up 2 hill, mound 3 convex (1 вздуваться,
распухать 2 холм, бугор 3 выпуклый): Evk. kepe- 1, kupike, kuwudek 2;
Neg. kupe- 1; Ul. kubdu 2; Nan. kubdū 2, kupul-kupul 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 422, 434, 452. The root actively contaminates with *kepu- ‘to drift, float on
the surface’ (v. sub *kup῾e).
PMong. *köb- / *küb- 1 to bend, incline 2 arch, convex, convexity 3
to swell 4 mountain ridge 5 bow-string (1 наклонять, склоняться 2 дуга, выпуклый, выпуклость 3 раздуваться 4 горный хребет 5 тетива):
MMong. k[o]bči 5 (IM), kubči, kubčin (MA 219); WMong. köbüre-, küber1, köbügür, kübügür 2, köbkeji- 3, köbči 4 (L 475, 476, 477); Kh. xüvre- 1,
xövxij- 3, xövč 4, 5; Bur. xübše 4, 5; Kalm. köwkə- 3, köwčə 4, 5 (КРС); Dag.
kubeči 5 (MD 184).
PTurk. *göpe(ne) haystack (стог сена): Tur. geben; Tat. kübe; Bashk.
kübɛ; Kum. keben; Tv. xöpēn; Chuv. koba.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 15, 80, Федотов 1, 308-309. Turk. > Hung. kepe ‘sheaf’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kəmpu lump, hump (шишка, горб): Tok. kobú; Kyo. kòbû;
Kag. kóbu.
◊ JLTT 453. PJpn. accent is unclear.
PKor. *kòp-, *kup- to be bent (быть изогнутым): MKor. kòp-, kup-;
Mod. kop-, kup-.
◊ Nam 52, 63, KED 163, 220.
‖ Cf. *gṓp῾e, *k῾àpe (in Mong. and TM also a partial contamination
with *kup῾e ‘light, float’). See also notes to *k῾ep῾orV ‘curved bone’.
-kṓp῾i ( ~ -e) navel: Mong. *köj; Turk. *gȫpek; Kor. *kop.
PMong. *köj navel (пупок): MMong. kī (IM), qui (SH); WMong. köi,
(L 498:) küi; Kh. xüj ‘umbilical cord’; Bur. xüj; Kalm. kī; Ord. kǖ ‘umbilical cord’.
◊ KW 234. Cf. also Bur. xübšerge ‘umbilical cord’.
PTurk. *gȫpek navel (пупок): Karakh. köbek (IM); Tur. göbek; Gag.
göbek; Az. göbäk; Turkm. gȫbek; MTurk. köbek (Sangl.); Krm. köbek; Tat.
kübäk (dial.); Chuv. kъₙvaba.
◊ VEWT 285, EDT 688, ЭСТЯ 3, 52, Федотов 1, 247. Cf. also probably from the same
root: Chuv. kəₙpśa ‘vagina’, Tat. köpšä ‘pipe-like stalk’.
724
*kŏp῾V - *kóre
PKor. *kop navel (пупок): MKor. păi-s-kop; Mod. päk:op.
◊ Nam 253, KED 743.
‖ MKor. păi-s-kop has also a variant păi-s-pok - which must be secondary in the light of external evidence.
-kŏp῾V all: Tung. *kupukte; Mong. *kow; Turk. *Kop.
PTung. *kupu- 1 all 2 whole (1 весь 2 целый): Evk. kūkte 1; Neg.
kepukte 1; Ul. kupte 2; Ork. kupukte 2; Nan. kupukte 2; Ud. kufula, kufule 2;
Sol. xokkoǯi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 426 (some forms listed should be qualified as mongolisms).
PMong. *kow all (весь): WMong. qou; Kh. xū; Bur. xū; Kalm. xō;
Dag. xō, xua (Тод. Даг. 176); Mongr. x-la, x-lo (SM 180).
◊ KW 191. Mong. > Sal. k῾ō ‘all, various’.
PTurk. *Kop all (весь): OTurk. qop (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qop
(MK).
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 579.
‖ KW 191, Владимирцов 255, АПиПЯЯ 15, 27, 289, Дыбо 12. A
Western isogloss (possible Kor.-Jpn. reflexes see under *k῾óp῾i).
-kóre to freeze: Tung. *kuri-; Mong. *kör; Turk. *Kört; Jpn. *kr-.
PTung. *kuri- 1 to freeze (of ice on window) 2 snow drift (1 намерзнуть (о льде на окне) 2 сугроб, намет снега): Evk. kurêr- 1; Evn. kurilke
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 436-437.
PMong. *kör 1 dense, thick snow 2 to freeze (1 толстый сугроб 2
замерзать, остывать): MMong. kor-be ‘iced, cold’ (HY 6); WMong. kör
1, körü- 2 (L 490); Kh. xör 1, xörö- 2; Bur. xür 1, xüre- 2; Kalm. kör 1, kör- 2
(КРС); Ord. kör- 2; S.-Yugh. kör 1, kör-, körgö- 2; Mongr. kori- ‘se geler’
(SM 215), korə 1.
◊ MGCD 375, 376.
PTurk. *Kört snow drift, deep snow (сугроб, глубокий снег):
OTurk. kürtük (OUygh.); Tur. kürt (dial.), gürtük; Uygh. kürt; Tat. kört;
Bashk. kört; Kirgh. kürtük; Kaz. kürt, kürtək; KBalk. kürt; Kum. kürt;
Nogh. kürtək; Khak. körtək; Shr. kürt; Oyr. körtük, kürt; Tv. xörtük; Chuv.
kərt (Anatri); Yak. kürǯük.
◊ EDT 739, ЭСТЯ 5, 149-150.
PJpn. *kr- to freeze (замерзать, застывать): OJpn. kor-; MJpn. kór-;
Tok. kór-; Kyo. kòr-; Kag. kór-.
◊ JLTT 713. Accent in Tokyo and Kyoto is irregular (pointing to a variant *kr-).
‖ VEWT 311, KW 240.
*kòrke - *kru
725
-kòrke a k. of vessel: Tung. *kurke; Mong. *korgu; Turk. *Körke; Kor.
*kúkì.
PTung. *kurke vessel made of birch bark (сосуд из бересты): Evk.
kurken ‘биток для сбора ягод’; Ul. kurke; Ork. kurke; Nan. kurke; Orch.
kukke; Ud. kuku (Корм. 252).
◊ ТМС 1, 426, 437.
PMong. *korgu a k. of vessel (вид сосуда): WMong. qorɣu (L 965);
Kh. xorgo; Dag. xorgo (Тод. Даг. 177).
PTurk. *Körke wooden dish, bowl (деревянное блюдо, чаша):
Karakh. körge (MK); MTurk. körge (Abush.), körege (Sangl.); Krm. körege;
Oyr. kürgü ‘ein grosses Birkenrindengefäss’; Chuv. korga ‘scoop’.
◊ EDT 742, VEWT 311, Федотов 1, 372.
PKor. *kúkì vessel, dipper, a measure of weight (сосуд, черпак, мера веса): MKor. kúkì; Mod. kugi.
◊ Liu 82, HMCH 243, KED 196.
‖ A good common Altaic root, denoting some kind of big vessel
(used as a measure of weight in the Eastern area).
-koru a k. of big fish: Tung. *koru; Mong. *korbu; Turk. *Kor(t)-; Jpn.
*kùntírà; Kor. *kòrài.
PTung. *koru pike (щука): Evn. kȫrike, kurike ‘a k. of fish (род мальмы)’; Neg. kojčān; Man. xoro; Ul. qorụ.
◊ ТМС 1, 404, 420. Manchu has also a front-row variant kure ‘tench’ (also kurče, kurčin
‘a k. of sea fish’), see ТМС 1, 438 (cf. also Ul., Nan. kuere ‘амур белый’, ТМС 1, 445); the
Manchu word was borrowed > WMong. küre, Kalm. kür ‘tench’ (see Doerfer MT 144).
PMong. *korbu beluga, white fish (белуга, белая рыба): WMong.
qorbu (L 965); Kh. xorov; Kalm. xorwə (КРС).
◊ Cf. also WMong. qarba ‘a k. of fresh-water fish’ (or is it < ‘carp’?).
PTurk. *Kor(t)- 1 burbot 2 pike 3 huso, beluga (1 налим 2 щука 3
белуга): Tat. (КСТТ) qurtɨ 1, qurtan 2; Kaz. qortpa 3; Nogh. qortpa 3;
Khak. xortɨ 1 (Sag.); Shr. qortu 1; Oyr. qortu 1; Chuv. ? kъrtъš, kъrъš ‘ruff’
( = Mari kɨrɨš, kərkke ‘trout’).
◊ Федотов 1, 260. For Chuv. kъrtъš cf. also Tat. qɨrtɨš (the direction of borrowing is
unclear).
PJpn. *kùntírà whale (кит): OJpn. kudira; MJpn. kùdírà; Tok. kùjira;
Kyo. kùjírà; Kag. kujirá.
◊ JLTT 468. The Kyoto accent is aberrant.
PKor. *kòrài whale (кит): MKor. kòrài; Mod. korä.
◊ Liu 63, KED 138.
‖ Accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
-kru ( ~ -ŕ-) nut: Tung. *kuri; Jpn. *kùrù-i; Kor. *kắrái.
PTung. *kuri cone, nut (шишка, орех): Man. χuri ‘fir cone’; Jurch.
xuri (127) ‘fir cone’; Nan. kori-či ‘water nut’, kore-kta ‘pine cone’.
◊ ТМС 1, 416, 417, 478.
726
*kósV - *kŏše
PJpn. *kùrù-i chestnut (каштан): OJpn. kuri; MJpn. kùrì; Tok. kurí;
Kyo. kúrì; Kag. kurí.
◊ JLTT 464. For *-u cf. OJ kuru-su ‘chestnut grove’.
PKor. *kắrái wild walnut (дикий грецкий орех): MKor. kắrái; Mod.
karä.
◊ Nam 11, KED 11.
‖ Дыбо 11, Whitman 1985, 193, 231, Menges 1984, 274 -275. Basically
an Eastern isogloss: the Turkic forms of the type koz are most probably
borrowed from Iranian. There are also forms reflecting *koŕak (VEWT
285), but they may also reflect a contamination of the root *Koŕ (or the
borrowed koz) with the genuine root *kusɨk (e.g. Tuva ku”suk), see
*kušu.
-kósV ( ~ -u-) chain, ring: Tung. *kosa; Jpn. *kúsárì; Kor. *kùsr.
PTung. *kosa 1 stone ring 2 ring, pectoral (1 каменное кольцо 2
кольцо, обруч): Ul. qoso(n) 2; Ork. qoso 1; Orch. koso 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 417.
PJpn. *kúsárì chain (цепь): OJpn. kusari; kusar- ‘to be linked,
chained together’; MJpn. kúsárì; Tok. kùsari; Kyo. kúsárí; Kag. kusári.
◊ JLTT 466. Modern dialects point rather to *kúsárí.
PKor. *kùsr pearl(s) (жемчуг): MKor. kùsr; Mod. kusul.
◊ Liu 84, KED 204.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. Old Koguryo *kos ‘gem, jewel’ (see Miller
1979, 10).
-kŏše edge, protrusion: Tung. *koša; Mong. *kosiɣu; Turk. *Kösri; Jpn.
*kùisì ( ~ -i-); Kor. *kìsrk.
PTung. *koša river bend, cape, angle (излучина реки, мыс, угол):
Evk. kočo; Evn. qoč; Neg. kočo; Man. χošo; Ul. χočụ; Orch. kočīmdi
‘curved’; Ud. koso(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 419. A complicated case: Manchu has also qočo (borrowed from some Amur
language?).
PMong. *kosiɣu protrusion, beak (выступ, клюв): MMong. xoši’un
(HY 15), qoši’un (SH); WMong. qosiɣu(n), qusiɣu(n) (L 970); Kh. xošū;
Bur. xušūn; Kalm. xošūn, xušūn; Ord. Gušū; Mog. ZM qošun (8-5b);
Dong. qušun; Mongr. Gošə (SM 126).
◊ KW 190, TMN 1, 406-407.
PTurk. *Kösri 1 sides of the chest 2 wind-screen, bill (1 боковые
части груди 2 козырек): Karakh. küsri 1 (MK); Chuv. kъₙzъₙr-uk 2.
◊ Chuv. > Russ. козырек (on the possible Turkic origin of the Russian word see Фасмер 2). See EDT 751.
PJpn. *kùisì ( ~ -i-) bank, shore (берег, край): OJpn. kisi; MJpn. kìsì;
Tok. kishí; Kyo. kíshí; Kag. kishí.
◊ JLTT 451. Kyoto has an irregular accent (*kíshì would be expected).
*kóšì - *kòt῾e
727
PKor. *kìsrk protrusion, edge of roof (выступ, край крыши):
MKor. kìsrk; Mod. kisɨk [kisɨlk].
◊ Nam 79, KED 269.
‖ SKE 113-114, EAS 102. The Kor.-Jpn. forms are not quite regular:
in Kor. one would rather expect *ksìrk (so probably we are dealing
with a metathesis); the diphthong -ui- in Japanese (as in the few other
similar cases) has a not quite clear origin. It may well be that the Jpn.
form is related to *kui ‘fortress’ < *’border’, see *kudu - although the
suffixation is peculiar.
-kóšì lever: Tung. *kuši-pun ( ~ -č-); Mong. *kösi-; Turk. *köse-; Jpn.
*kúsàpì; Kor. *kosak.
PTung. *kuši-pun ( ~ -č-) pole, lever (жердь, вага): Ul. kuspu(n);
Nan. kučipũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 439.
PMong. *kösi- 1 to prop, move with a lever 2 lever (1 подпирать,
двигать рычагом 2 рычаг): WMong. kösi- 1, kösiɣür 2 (L 492); Kh. xöši1, xöšǖr 2; Bur. xüše- 1, xüšǖrge 2; Kalm. köšǖrɣə 2 (КРС); Ord. göšö- 1,
göšǖrge 2.
PTurk. *köse- 1 to stir with a poker 2 poker (1 помешивать кочергой 2 кочерга): Az. kösöv 2; Turkm. köse- 1, kesevi 2; MTurk. köse- (AH)
1, küsegü (IM) 2; Uygh. kösɛj 2; Tat. kisɛw (dial.) 2; Bashk. keϑɛw, küδɛw,
küϑɛk 2; Kirgh. kösö- 1, kösȫ 2; Kaz. köse- 1, kösew 2; KBalk. kösew 2;
KKalp. köse- 1, kösew 2; Kum. kösew 2; Nogh. köse- 1; Khak. közes 2; Oyr.
közǖš 2; Tv. köze- 1; Chuv. küsek ‘lever, stick’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 119-121. The regular reflex would be expected as *göse-; the shape köse- is
probably due to the influence of *kȫŕ ‘glowing coals’ (cf. in MK: köze- ‘to stir with a
poker’).
PJpn. *kúsàpì wedge, brace, clinch (клин, скоба, шпонка): MJpn.
kúsàfì, kúsàbì; Tok. kùsabi; Kyo. kúsábí; Kag. kusabí.
◊ JLTT 465. The word has a rare accent structure HLL.
PKor. *kosak a piece of wood reinforcing a dovetail joint (деревянная распорка): Mod. kosak.
◊ KED 144.
‖ The root (as a verb) meant basically ‘to use a prop or lever’,
whence an instrumental noun *kóšì-p῾V (TM *kuši-pu-n, PJ *kúsà-pì, possibly also Mong. kösi-ɣü-r).
-kòt῾e hole: Tung. *kota-; Mong. *kota-gar; Turk. *göt; Kor. *kút.
PTung. *kota- 1 concave, cavity 2 to bend upwards (1 впалый, впадина, углубление 2 выгибаться): Evk. koto-kon 1; Evn. qotańa 1; Man.
χotoro- 2; Ul. qotom- 2; Nan. qotajgã 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 418.
728
*kŏt῾i - *kŏt῾i
PMong. *kota-gar hollow (n.) (впадина, впалый): WMong. qota-ɣar
(L 972: qotuɣur); Kh. xotgor; Bur. xotogor; Kalm. xotəɣər, xotxər; Ord. GotoGor.
◊ KW 190.
PTurk. *göt anus, buttocks (задница, ягодицы): Karakh. köt (MK);
Tur. göt; Gag. göt; MTurk. köt (MA, Pav. C.), MKypch. köt (CCum., Ettuhf.); Uzb. ket; Krm. köt; Kirgh. köt; Chuv. kot.
◊ VEWT 294, EDT 700, ЭСТЯ 3, 84-85, TMN 3, 618, Мудрак 50, Лексика 281, Федотов 1, 316. Cf. also *gütük ‘tailless’.
PKor. *kút hole, pit (дыра, яма): MKor. kút; Mod. kut, kudəŋi.
◊ Nam 62, KED 197, 216.
‖ Лексика 281. Derived are Turk. *göten(e) ‘stomach’ (ЭСТЯ 3, 85),
Mong. *kotuɣa- id. ( > Evk. koto etc., see Doerfer MT 103-104); cf. also
TM *kuta id. (ТМС 1, 418, 439), see Doerfer ibid.
-kŏt῾i to lift, raise: Tung. *kutu-; Mong. *kötü-; Turk. *göt-; Jpn. *kutu-.
PTung. *kutu- 1 to drag 2 mountaineering 3 to raise, lift (1 тащить,
волочить 2 подъем (в гору) 3 поднимать): Evn. kötъɣ, kötъŋe 2; Man.
xete- 3; Nan. kutu- 1; Orch. kotolo ‘sleigh’.
◊ ТМС 1, 418, 421, 483. Man. > Ul., Nan. xete- ‘raise, lift’.
PMong. *kötü- 1 to lead 2 hill 3 to be high, lift the breast (1 вести 2
холм 3 возвышаться, поднимать грудь): MMong. kotol- 1 (HY 39, SH);
WMong. kötüle- (L 493: kötül-, kötel-) 1, kötül 2 (L 493: kötül, kötel), köteji3; Kh. xötlö- 1, xötöl 2; Bur. xütel- 1, xütel 2; Kalm. kötl- 1, kötl 2, kötī- 3;
Ord. götöl- 1, götöl 2; Dag. kutlē- 1 (Тод. Даг. 152: kutule-), kutelē- (MD
185); Bao. kutel- 1 (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. kütēl- 1; Mongr. kudor (SM 206), 2
(MGCD kudol), kudoli- (SM 206), kudolə- 1.
◊ KW 242, MGCD 378. TMN 1, 323. Kalm. kötr- ‘to lift’ may be borrowed < Turk.
Mong. > Man. kutule- (see Doerfer MT 118, Rozycki 147; but Nan. kutu- can hardly be
explained as a loan).
PTurk. *göt- to rise, raise (поднимать(ся)): OTurk. kötür- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kötür- (MK, KB); Tur. götür-; Gag. götür-; Az. göt-;
Turkm. göter-; Khal. ketür-, ketir-; MTurk. köter- (Abush., MA); Uzb.
kọtar-; Uygh. kötär-; Krm. köter-; Tat. kütɛr-; Bashk. kütär-; Kirgh. kötör-;
Kaz. köter-; KBalk. kötür-; Kum. göter-; Nogh. köter-; SUygh. küter(ЯЖУ); Khak. ködər-; Shr. ködür-; Oyr. ködür-; Tv. ködür-; Tof. kö’tür-;
Yak. köt-; kötör ‘bird’; Dolg. köt- ‘to fly; run’.
◊ VEWT 294, EDT 706, ЭСТЯ 3, 86-88, Stachowski 158. Cf. also Karakh. kötki ‘hill’,
kötü ‘the roof of a house’ (MK, EDT 701).
PJpn. *kutu- to turn upside down (переворачиваться (вверх
дном)): OJpn. kutu-kapjer-; MJpn. kútú-kafer-; Tok. kutsugáe-; Kyo.
kútsúgáé-; Kag. kùtsùgàè-.
*kòt῾V - *kúbé
729
◊ JLTT 718. The PJ accent is not clear. Cf. also OJ katug- ‘to carry on the shoulders’
(perhaps < kutug- under the influence of kata ‘shoulder’, kataga- ‘carry on the shoulder’).
‖ EAS 147, KW 242, TMN 1, 459.
-kòt῾V ( ~ k῾-, -u-) village, locality: Mong. *koto; Turk. *Kutu; Kor. *kót.
PMong. *koto 1 town, group of huts 2 family, home (1 город, деревня 2 семья, дом): MMong. qutan ‘hurdle’ (MA), qoton (SH, HYt);
WMong. qota(n), qotu(n) (L 972) 1; Kh. xot 1; Bur. xoto(n) 1; Kalm. xotn,
xotə 1; Ord. Goto 1, ‘cote’; Dag. xoton, koton 1 (Тод. Даг. 178); Dong. ?
kide 2; Bao. kute, kete 2; S.-Yugh. χoto 1; Mongr. kudu (SM 206) 2.
◊ KW 190, MGCD 368. Mong. > Kirgh., Chag. qotan; Evk. koton etc. (Doerfer MT 81,
Rozycki 109).
PTurk. *Kutu group of people (группа людей): Karakh. qutu (KB).
◊ EDT 596.
PKor. *kót place, locality (место, местность): MKor. kót; Mod. kot
[kos].
◊ Nam 50, KED 164.
‖ EAS 154, SKE 127.
-kúbé to wish, hope, like: Tung. *kub- / *keb-; Mong. *köw-, *küw-,
*köɣe-r; Turk. *güb-; Jpn. *kuámp- ( ~ -ú-).
PTung. *kub- / *keb- 1 friendly, lovingly 2 bride (1 милый, любящий 2 невеста): Evk. kuwer 2; Man. keb, keo 1; Nan. kewēli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 423, 443.
PMong. *köw-, *küw-, *köɣe-r 1 joy, happiness 2 wish 3 proud 4
percent, profit 5 to become excited, boast (1 радость, счастье 2 желание 3 гордый 4 процент, прибыль 5 возбуждаться, хвастаться):
WMong. köwr, köger 1, köger(e)-, kögeri- 5 (L 479); Kh. xȫr 1, xǖ 4, xȫrö- 5;
Bur. xȫrǖ ‘babbler, gabby; merry’, xȫrxǖ ‘boastful’; Kalm. kǖ 2, kȫr 3;
Ord. kȫrö- ‘s῾exalter’.
◊ KW 243, 249.
PTurk. *güb- 1 to be proud, arrogant, enjoy self-respect 2 to hope 3
proud (1 быть гордым, надменным 2 надеяться 3 гордый): OTurk.
küvez 3, küven- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. küvez 3, küven- 1 (MK); Tur. güven1, 2; Az. güvän- 1,2; Turkm. gövne- ‘to approve’; MTurk. küven- 1
(Sangl.); Bashk. köjäδ 3; Nogh. küjez 3.
◊ VEWT 306, EDT 690, ЭСТЯ 3, 91-92.
PJpn. *kuámp- ( ~ -ú-) to flatter (льстить): OJpn. kwobu-; MJpn.
kóbú-; Tok. kòbi-; Kyo. kóbí-; Kag. kobí-.
◊ JLTT 710.
‖ KW 243, Владимирцов 212, EAS 113, Poppe 48, 82. Despite TMN
1, 486, Mong. is not < Turk.
730
*kubirgV - *kūči
-kubirgV ( ~ k῾-) drum: Mong. *keɣürge / *köɣürge; Turk. *Kübrüg.
PMong. *keɣürge / *köɣürge drum (барабан): MMong. ke’urge,
ko’urge (SH), korge (HY 19); WMong. kögerge, kögürge (L 480); Kh. xȫrög.
◊ Mong. > Chag. kewürge, see TMN 1, 473-475.
PTurk. *Kübrüg drum (барабан): OTurk. kübrüg (OUygh.); Karakh.
küvrüg (MK); Tur. kewrüg (Osm.); MTurk. (Xwar.) küwrü (Qutb), küvrüg
(IM).
◊ EDT 690-691.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss - but despite TMN 1, 473-475, hardly borrowed in Turk. from Mongolian.
-kúbù ( ~ -o-, -p-) pole, shaft: Tung. *kobil; Turk. *Kubak ( ~ -p-); Jpn.
*kúpì.
PTung. *kobil mast (мачта): Ul. qowụl; Nan. qojol; Orch. kōwi.
◊ ТМС 1, 403.
PTurk. *Kubak ( ~ -p-) arrow shaft (древко стрелы): Tat. qubaq
(Sib.); Shr. qubu ‘pole’.
◊ VEWT 295.
PJpn. *kúpì pole, post (шест, столб): OJpn. kupji; MJpn. kúfì; Tok.
kúi; Kyo. kúì; Kag. kuí.
◊ JLTT 462. Some accent irregularities are due to contraction.
‖ The root is not widely spread, but seems to be reliable.
-kūči power: Tung. *kusǖ-; Mong. *küči-n; Turk. *gǖč; Kor. *kóčắk.
PTung. *kusǖ- 1 to fight 2 fight 3 strength, power (1 драться, биться 2 драка, бой 3 сила): Evk. kusī- 1, kusīn 2; Evn. kusi- 1, kusin 2; Neg.
kusī- 1, kusun 3; Man. xusun 3; SMan. husun 3 (171); Jurch. xiu-sun (513)
3; Ul. kusu(n) 3; Ork. kusu(n) 3; Nan. kusũ 3; Ud. kuhi 3; Sol. xusui
‘strong, powerful’.
◊ ТМС 1, 438-439.
PMong. *küči-n power, strength (сила): MMong. kočer- (IM), kučin
‘old age’ (MA), guču(n) ‘strength’ (SH, HYt); WMong. küči, (L 496:)
küčü(n); Kh. xüč; Bur. xüše(n); Kalm. küčn; Ord. güči(n); Dag. kuči (Тод.
Даг. 152, MD 184); Dong. kučie; S.-Yugh. kuǯən; Mongr. kui (SM 207).
◊ KW 249, MGCD 403.
PTurk. *gǖč power (сила): OTurk. küč (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. küč
(MK, KB); Tur. güǯ; Gag. güč; Az. güǯ; Turkm. gǖč; Khal. kīič; MTurk.
küč (Sangl., Pav. C., MA); Uzb. kuč; Uygh. küč; Krm. küč; Tat. köč; Bashk.
kös; Kirgh. küč; Kaz. küš; KBalk. küč; KKalp. küš; Kum. güč; Nogh. küš;
SUygh. kuš; Khak. küs; Shr. küš; Oyr. küč; Tv. küš; Tof. küš; Yak. kǖs;
Dolg. kǖs.
◊ VEWT 306, EDT 693, ЭСТЯ 3, 96-98, Stachowski 166.
PKor. *kóčắk 1 extreme, very powerful 2 at most (1 чрезвычайный,
очень сильный 2 самое большее): MKor. kóčắk-hă- 1; Mod. koǯak 2.
*kči - *kùdá
731
◊ Nam 48, KED 148.
‖ EAS 96, KW 249, Владимирцов 165, Poppe 63, 112, АПиПЯЯ 16.
High tone in Kor. is not clear. Despite TMN 3, 627, Щербак 1997, 128,
Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turkic; TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong., despite Rozycki 113. In АПиПЯЯ (p. 77) the root was compared
with PJ *kìsV- ‘to contest’. The latter, however, has better Tungus parallels: TM *gali- ‘to contest’ (ТМС 1, 138), see *gaĺi.
-kči ( ~ k῾-, g-, -č῾-, -o, -u) to hold in arms: Turk. *Kūč-; Kor. *kòč-.
PTurk. *Kūč- to embrace (обнимать): OTurk. quč- (Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. quč- (MK); Tur. kuǯ-, koč-; Az. Guǯ-; Turkm. Guč-; MTurk. quč(Pav. C.); Uzb. quč-; Krm. quč-; Tat. qoč-; Kirgh. quč-; Kaz. quš-; KKalp.
quš-; Yak. kūs-; Dolg. kūs-.
◊ EDT 590, VEWT 295-296, ЭСТЯ 6, 105-106, Stachowski 163. Shortening in Turkm. is
unclear (length in Yak. and voicing -č- > -ǯ- in Tur., Az. point to *-ū-).
PKor. *kòč- to hold in two arms (держать двумя руками): MKor.
kòč-.
◊ HMCH 342, Nam 54.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-kùdá to be submerged; to pour out: Tung. *kodori-; Turk. *Kud-; Jpn.
*kàntùk-.
PTung. *kodori- 1 to scoop 2 scoop (made of birch bark) (1 черпать
2 ковш (берестяной)): Ul. qodụrpụ(n) 2; Nan. qodori- 1 (On.), qodorịqo,
qodorpõ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 403.
PTurk. *Kud- 1 to pour out (water) 2 to pour 3 well (1 лить 2 сыпать 3 колодец): OTurk. qud- 1 (OUigh.), quduɣ 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
quj- 1 (MK), quδuɣ 3 (MK, QB); Tur. kuju 3, qujɨ 3 (dial.); Gag. quju 3; Az.
Guju 3; Turkm. Guj- 1, 2, Gujɨ 3; MTurk. quj- 1 (Sangl.), qujɨ 3 (Pav.C.);
Uzb. quj- 1; Uygh. quj- 1; Krm. quj- 1, quju 3; Tat. qoj- 1, 2, qojɨ 3; Bashk.
qoj- 1, 2, qojɨ 3 (dial.); Kirgh. quj- 1, 2; Kaz. quj- 1, 2, qujɨ 3 (dial.); KBalk.
quj- 1, 2, quju 3; KKalp. quj- 1, 2, qujɨ 3; Kum. quj- 1 quju 3; Nogh. quj- 1,
2, qujɨ 3; SUygh. quz- 1; Khak. xus- 1, 2 (dial.); Shr. quspaq ‘большой
туес’ (?); Tv. qut- 1; Tof. qut-/d- 1; Chuv. xɨv- 1, 2; Yak. kut- 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 296, EDT 596, 598, ЭСТЯ 2000, 109-111, 119-120, Мудрак Дисс. 102, Федотов 2, 379. The root contained undoubtedly *-d-, but variants with *-j- are attested unusually early. Turk. > MMong. ɣuduh (SH), WMong. quduɣ (whence backwards > Turkm.
Guduk, Uygh. quduq, Khak. xutux etc.), see EDT ibid., KW 194, Щербак 1997, 143, TMN
1, 395-396, Stachowski 162.
PJpn. *kàntùk- to dive (нырять, погружаться): OJpn. kaduk-; MJpn.
kàdùk-; Tok. kazúk-; Kyo. kázúk-.
◊ JLTT 707.
‖ Evk. kudu, kuduk ‘saline; spring with salted water; well, spring’ is
semantically distant from the other TM forms and very probably bor-
*kude - *kugi
732
rowed from Mong. (however not from Mong. quǯir, despite Doerfer MT
104, but rather from quduɣ ‘well’ - itself borrowed from Turkic, see
above). One can mention Mong. küdese- ‘to swim (of a snake)’, but both
the vocalism and the meaning seem to be somewhat aberrant.
-kude relative-in-law: Mong. *kuda; Turk. *güde-.
PMong. *kuda relative-in-law (сват, свойственник): MMong. guda
‘match-maker, parent-in-law’ (HY 32), quda (SH); WMong. quda (L 979);
Kh. xud; Bur. xuda ‘сват’, xudagɨ ‘cватья’; Kalm. xudə; Ord. xuda; Dag.
xodugu, (Тод. Даг. 176) xodog, (Тод. Даг. 178) xuada; Dong. Gudaɣi;
S.-Yugh. Gudā; Mongr. Guda (SM 123), Gudā.
◊ MGCD 384. Mong. > Chag. quda etc. (see TMN 1, 424, Лексика 310, ЭСТЯ 6,
102-103), Chuv. xъda (Róna-Tas 1973-1974), Man. xuda etc., see KW 194, Щербак 1997,
208, Doerfer MT 81-82.
PTurk. *güde- 1 son-in-law 2 guest (1 зять 2 гость): OTurk. küdegü
1, küden 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. küdegü 1, küden 2 (MK, KB); Tur. güveji 1;
Gag. güvǟ 1; Az. gijev 1; Turkm. gijev 1; Sal. kui 1 (ССЯ); Khal. kideji 1;
MTurk. küjew 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. kujɔw 1; Uygh. küjoɣul 1
(*küjö-oɣul); Krm. gijav 1; Tat. kijäw 1; Bashk. kejäw 1; Kirgh. küjȫ 1; Kaz.
küjew 1; KBalk. kijew 1; KKalp. küjew 1; Kum. gijev 1; Nogh. kijew 1;
SUygh. kuzeɣɨ 1; Khak. kəzö 1; Shr. küze 1; Oyr. küjü 1; Tv. küdē 1; Tof.
hüdǟ 1; Chuv. kərü 1; Yak. kütüö 1; Dolg. kütüö 1.
◊ EDT 703, 704-705, ЭСТЯ 3, 43-45, Лексика 297-298, Stachowski 166. Turk. > Mong.
küdegü; Yak. > Evk. kutē.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-kugi ( ~ -k-, -e) quilted clothes, trousers: Tung. *kukču; Mong. *küg-dü;
Kor. *kă’oi ( ~ *ko’ăi).
PTung. *kukču 1 sleeping-bag 2 clothes with quilted sleeves (1
спальный мешок 2 одежда с зашитыми рукавами): Evk. kukču 1, 2;
Evn. qụčụ 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 427.
PMong. *küg-dü thick quilted trousers, wadded trousers (толстые
ватные штаны): WMong. kügdü (L 497); Kh. xügd.
◊ Mong. > Man. xukdu, xuktu ῾quilted coat’, Nan. xuktu id. etc. (see ТМС 1, 476).
PKor. *kă’oi ( ~ *ko’ăi) dressing for the lower part of body (одежда
для нижней части тела): MKor. kă’oi, ko’oi; Mod. koi.
◊ Nam 15, 48, KED 148. Martin treats the word as a loanword < MC khò ‘trousers’ +
ʔɨj ‘clothes’; however, the word means both ‘trousers’ and ‘skirt’ in MKor.; the compound
is not found in Chinese proper; and the MKor phonology cannot be explained < Chinese.
Modern koi (orth. ko’ɨi) may be a secondary modification under Chinese influence.
‖ Although not very widely represented, the root appears to be
Common Altaic.
*kgù - *kúja
733
-kgù swan: Tung. *kūku; Turk. *Kugu; Jpn. *kùkùpí; Kor. *kòhài.
PTung. *kūku (/*xūku) swan (лебедь): Evk. ūk-si; Evn. -sị; Neg.
xūk-si; Ul. kuku; Ork. kuku / kukku; Nan. kuku; Orch. kūku; Ud. kūxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 426-427; 2, 336.
PTurk. *Kugu swan (лебедь): OTurk. quɣu (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
quɣu (MK); Tur. koɣu, kuɣu; Az. Gu, Guɣu; Turkm. Guv; MTurk. quɣu
(Ettuhf.), qu (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. quw; Uygh. quw; Krm. quɣu, qoɣu, quw;
Tat. qū, qu (Буд.); Sib. quɣɨ ‘polar duck’; Kirgh. qū; Kaz. quw; KBalk.
quw; KKalp. quw; Kum. quw, qū; Nogh. quw; Khak. xū; Shr. qū; Oyr. qū;
Tv. qū; Yak. kuba; Dolg. kuba.
◊ VEWT 275, EDT 609, TMN 3, 533-534, Лексика 171, ЭСТЯ 6, 101, Stachowski 159.
Turk. > Kalm. ɣoɣǟ, ɣoɣā ‘(Heer)schnepfe’, see KW 149. On Yak. kuba see a special note
under PA *kòpu.
PJpn. *kùkùpí swan (лебедь): OJpn. kukupji; MJpn. kùkùfí; Tok.
kugui (arch.).
◊ JLTT 462.
PKor. *kòhài heron (цапля): MKor. kòhài.
◊ Nam 49.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 172, Whitman 1985, 183, 222. Kor. has an irregular low tone. The root is onomatopeic and the medial consonant behaves irregularly in TM (various assimilations are attested). In Turkic
the root could additionally contaminate with *kòpu q.v. The Altaic antiquity is, however, beyond doubt.
-kúja a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *kuju-; Mong. *kajil-; Kor. *kjú, kijú.
PTung. *kuju- 1 goose 2 young of birds 3 duck (1 гусь 2 птенец 3
утка): Evk. kujukī 1; Evn. kujuken 2; Neg. kujuxēn 3; Man. χojχo 2; Jurch.
xojxolo ‘горлица’ (184); Ork. kujumu ‘турпан’; Orch. kuja ‘баклан’; Sol.
xujūx 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 424, 425.
PMong. *kajil- 1 sea gull 2 lark (1 морская чайка 2 жаворонок):
MMong. qajiruqana (SH) ‘Weissfedervogel (e. Drosselart)’.; WMong.
qajilaɣan 1 (MXTTT); Kh. xajlgana 1; Bur. xajlgana 1, xajrgana 1,2.
◊ Cf. also WMong. qui (L 982) ‘a k. of duck with variegated spots; a grey bird with a
long tail resembling a magpie’.
PKor. *kjú, kijú domestic goose (домашний гусь): MKor. kjú,
kijú; Mod. kəwi.
◊ Nam 35, KED 87.
‖ Turk. *Kɨjgɨ- ‘a k. of bird’ (VEWT 261) may be possibly related, but
merged with *Kɨj- ‘to cry’ (ibid.).
-kúja a k. of nut: Tung. *kuju-kta; Jpn. *kaja; Kor. *kài’òm.
PTung. *kuju-kta 1 nut 2 blue-berry (1 орех 2 голубика): Evn. kujkit
2; Nan. qojaqta 1; Orch. kuikta 1; Ud. kuikta 1 (Корм. 252).
734
*kujV - *kúk῾è
◊ ТМС 1, 425.
PJpn. *kaja Torreya nucifera (японский мускатный орех): OJpn.
kaja; MJpn. kaja; Tok. kaya.
◊ JLTT 446. PJ accent is unclear.
PKor. *kài’òm prickly grass; nutwood (колючая трава; орешник):
MKor. kài’òm, kai’am; Mod. käam.
◊ Nam 28, 29, KED 72.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; see also notes to *kìjá.
-kujV ( ~ k῾-, g-) thick, saturated: Turk. *Koju-g; Jpn. *kuá-; Kor. *k-r-.
PTurk. *Koju-g thick, saturated (толстый, густой): OTurk. qojuɣ
(OUygh.); Karakh. qojuɣ (MK); Tur. koju; Gag. qoju; Turkm. Gojɨ; Uzb.
qujuq; Uygh. qojuq; Krm. qoju, quju; Tat. qujɨ; Bashk. qujɨ; Kirgh. qujū;
Kaz. qoju; Nogh. qojɨ; Khak. xojɨɣ; Shr. qojɨɣ; Oyr. qoju; Tv. xojuɣ; Tof.
xouɣ; Yak. xojū; Dolg. kojū.
◊ EDT 676, TMN 3, 562, ЭСТЯ 6, 32-33, Stachowski 150. The deriving stem *Koj(u)‘to become viscous, thick’ is attested in Oyr. qoj-, KKalp. qojɨ-, Khak. xojɨ-, Tuva xoju- (see
ibid.). The reconstruction *Koń- is proposed in VEWT 276, but is based only on the not
quite reliable Tofalar nasalization; the Yakut and OT evidence does not support it.
PJpn. *kuá- thick, saturated (густой): OJpn. kwo-; MJpn. kó-; Tok.
kó-; Kyo. kó-; Kag. kò-.
◊ JLTT 832.
PKor. *k-r- to be thick, fertile, rich (быть густым, плодородным):
MKor. kr-; Mod. kl-.
◊ Liu 47, KED 97.
‖ The second vowel and tone are hard to establish because of contraction in Jpn. and Kor.
-kukata ( ~ -k῾-) carpal joint: Tung. *koKalta; Mong. *kagda; Jpn.
*kakatə.
PTung. *koKalta mittens (рукавицы): Evk. kokollo; Evn. qụqtn;
Neg. koxolo; Ul. qōlto; Nan. qōlto; Orch. kōkto; Ud. ko῾lo (Корм. 250).
◊ ТМС 1, 405.
PMong. *kagda carpal joint (of animals) (кистевой сустав (животных)): WMong. qaɣda (L 908); Kh. xagd; Bur. xagdū.
PJpn. *kakatə heel (пятка): Tok. kàkato; Kyo. kákátó; Kag. kakató.
◊ JLTT 433. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ The meaning in Mongolian is probably original here; in Japanese
one has to suppose a shift ‘carpal joint of feet’ > ‘heel’; in TM - > ‘covering for the carpal joint (wrist)’ = ‘mittens’.
-kúk῾è meat: Tung. *kuKu-; Jpn. *kuaku-mi; Kor. *kòkí.
PTung. *kuKu- 1 to mince (meat) 2 minced meat 3 fat, inner fat (1
строгать (мясо) 2 строганое мясо 3 жир, нутряное сало): Evk. kukurē1, kukurē 2; Evn. kuk- 1; Orch. kukene 3.
*kúlme - *klV
735
◊ ТМС 1, 427.
PJpn. *kuaku-mi meat (with bumps, warts) (мясо (с шишками, бородавками)): OJpn. kwokumji.
PKor. *kòkí fish, meat (рыба, мясо): MKor. kòkí; Mod. kogi.
◊ Nam 45, KED 135.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 296. An Eastern isogloss; but cf. perhaps Mongor xuGo
‘ventre, entrailles’.
-kúlme a k. of ungulate: Tung. *ku(l)ma-; Mong. *kulan; Turk. *Kulum;
Jpn. *kuáma.
PTung. *ku(l)ma- maral, Siberian stag (изюбр): Evk. kumaka, kumaran; Neg. komaxa; Nan. qomaqa; Orch. kumaka; Sol. xụmxā.
◊ ТМС 1, 430. Medial -l- is not reflected (it is best preserved in Manchu which has
lost the root); but cf. also Evk. kulkuńa, kulčen ‘a k. of deer’ (perhaps < *kulm-čen, -kuńa
with loss of -m-, but preservation of -l-).
PMong. *kulan ass (осел): MMong. qulan (SH), qulan (MA);
WMong. qulan, külen (L 984); Kh. xulan; Bur. xulan; Kalm. xulŋ, xuln;
Ord. xulan.
◊ Mong. > Turk. qulan (see ЭСТЯ 6, 127-128, Doerfer TMN 3, 557); > Manchu qulan
(see Rozycki 148).
PTurk. *Kulum foal (жеребенок): OTurk. qulun (Yen.); Karakh. qulun (MK); Tur. kulun; Az. Gulun; Turkm. Gulun; MTurk. qulun, qulum
(Pav. C.); Uzb. qulun (dial.); Uygh. qulun (dial.); Tat. qolɨn; Bashk. qolon;
Kirgh. qulun; Kaz. qulɨn; KKalp. qulɨn; Nogh. qulɨn; SUygh. qulun, qulum, qulɨm, qolun; Khak. xulun; Oyr. qulun; Tv. qulun; Chuv. xъₙm; Yak.
kulun.
◊ EDT 622, TMN 3, 506-507, ЭСТЯ 6, 132-133.
PJpn. *kuáma foal, colt (жеребенок, жеребец): OJpn. kwoma; MJpn.
kómá; Tok. kóma, komá; Kyo. kòmá; Kag. kóma.
◊ JLTT 455. The accent is somewhat unclear (Kyoto is quite aberrant, but Tokyo and
Kagoshima may still point to a high tone on the first syllable). The word is usually
treated as kwo ‘child’ + uma ‘horse’, but the order of the components is quite unusual.
‖ Turkic and TM reflect a common derivative *kúmle-ŕV.
-klV servant, slave: Tung. *kēlu-me ( < *kūle-me ?); Turk. *Kul.
PTung. *kēlu-me servant (слуга): Evk. kēlūme; Evn. kēlme; Ork. kele.
◊ ТМС 1, 447.
PTurk. *Kul slave, servant (слуга, раб): OTurk. qul (Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. qul (MK); Tur. kul; Az. Gul; Turkm. Gul; MTurk. qul (Pav. C.);
Uzb. qul; Uygh. qul; Krm. qul; Tat. qol; Bashk. qol; Kirgh. qul; Kaz. qul;
KBalk. qul; KKalp. qul; Kum. qul; Nogh. qul; SUygh. qul; Khak. xul; Shr.
qul; Oyr. qul; Tv. qul; Yak. kulut; Dolg. kulut.
◊ VEWT 297, TMN 3, 503-505, EDT 615, Лексика 318, ЭСТЯ 6, 120-121, Stachowski
160.
*kulV - *kuĺV
736
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. also Kalm. keln, WMong. kele ‘slave’ (if
not == “tongue”).
-kulV ( ~ -o-, -ĺ-) snake, worm: Tung. *kulī-n; Kor. *kùrjŋí.
PTung. *kulī-n 1 worm 2 snake (1 червь 2 змея): Evk. kulikān 1, kulīn 2; Evn. qụlịn ‘mosquito’; Neg. kolixān 1; Ul. qụla(n) 1; Ork. qola 1;
Nan. qolã 1; Orch. kulǟ 1, 2; Ud. kuliga 1, 2; Sol. xoĺex 1, xoĺ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 428. Evk. > Dolg. kulikan (Stachowski 160).
PKor. *kùrjŋí adder, viper (гадюка): MKor. kùrjŋ’í; Mod. kurəŋi.
◊ Nam 58, KED 199.
‖ SKE 132, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; further Nostratic
parallels see in ОСНЯ 1, 308.
-kúĺap῾V oak, oak-tree: Tung. *kolopo-kta; Jpn. *kásípà; Kor. *kàràp.
PTung. *kolopo-kta a k. of tree (вид дерева): Orch. kolobokto,
kopolokto ‘ritual fir-tree’; Ud. kofolokto ‘a k. of tree’.
◊ ТМС 1, 407-408.
PJpn. *kásípà oak-tree (Quercus dentata thunb.) (вид дуба): OJpn.
kasipa; MJpn. kásípà; Tok. kàshiwa; Kyo. kàshíwà; Kag. kashíwa.
◊ JLTT 441. The word has a rare accent type HHL.
PKor. *kàràp oak-tree (дуб): MKor. kàràp; Mod. karam-namu.
◊ Nam 3, Liu 19.
‖ Martin 237. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *k῾olV.
-kuĺV ( ~ -o-) enclosure: Tung. *kuli-, *kuli-ti-; Turk. *Koĺ.
PTung. *kuli-, *kuli-ti- 1 to fence, shut off 2 threshold 3 partition,
screen 4 lobby (1 загораживать, отгораживать 2 порог 3 перегородка, загородка 4 прихожая): Evk. kultir 2; Evn. qlị- 1; Neg. kultik 3;
Jurch. xu-li 4 (205); Orch. kukti- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 428-9.
PTurk. *Koĺ hut, hovel, camp(ing) (хижина, лачуга, лагерь):
Karakh. qoš ‘family’ (Tfs.); Turkm. Goš; MTurk. qoš ‘camp, camping’
(Pav. C.), ‘house, dwelling’ (Sngl.); Tat. quš; Bashk. qɨwɨš; Kaz. qos;
KKalp. qos; Nogh. qos; Balk. qoš; Kum. qoš; Tv. qoš ‘caravan’; Chuv. xüžə,
xužə, xužъ; Yak. xos ‘room’.
◊ VEWT 283, EDT 670, Лексика 491-492, ЭСТЯ 6, 90-94, Федотов 2, 375-376. Turk. >
WMong. qos, Kalm. xoš (KW 189), WMong. qosi-liɣ (Clark 1980, 42). The root is confused
with *Koĺ ‘pair’, but should be probably distinguished. Tat. and Bashk. obviously reflect a
contamination with *Koguĺ ‘empty space, hollow’. A loanword from Tokh. koṣkīye ‘hut’
(which itself is < Iranian, see Adams) had been suggested - which, however, cannot explain the absence of -k- in the Turkic form.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
*kúma - *kúmi
737
-kúma a musical instrument: Tung. *kumu-n; Turk. *Komuŕ; Kor.
*kmnkó.
PTung. *kumu-n music (музыка): Man. kumun; SMan. kumun
(1382).
◊ ТМС 1, 431. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable parallels in Turk. and
Kor.
PTurk. *Komuŕ musical instrument (музыкальный инструмент):
Kirgh. qomuz; Kum. qomuz; SUygh. qoŋus, qoŋɨs; Khak. xomɨs; Oyr.
qomus; Tv. xomus; Yak. qomus, qamɨs.
◊ VEWT 281, ЭСТЯ 6, 69-71.
PKor. *kmnkó a Korean harp of seven strings (корейский семиструнный музыкальный инструмент): MKor. kmnkó; Mod. kəmungo.
◊ Nam 32, KED 84.
‖ SKE 106. Cf. *kupro - the two roots are to be distinguished.
-kumba(ka) a k. of vessel: Tung. *kōmba; Mong. *kombuga; Turk.
*Kumgan; Jpn. *kámá.
PTung. *kōmba scoop, ladle (ковш, черпак): Evk. kōmba; Evn.
kȫmeŋe; Neg. kombo; Ul. qombo; Ork. qombo; Nan. qombo.
◊ ТМС 1, 408, 420.
PMong. *kombuga sack (мешок): WMong. qombuɣa (МХТТТ); Kh.
xombogo; Bur. xombogo.
PTurk. *Kumgan kettle, jug (котел, кувшин): Karakh. qumɣan
(MK); Tur. kumɣan (dial.); Az. Gumɣan; Turkm. Gumɣān (dial.); MTurk.
qumɣan (Pav. C.); Uzb. qumɣɔn; Uygh. qumɣan; Krm. qumɣan, quman;
Tat. qomɣan; Bashk. qomɣan; Kirgh. qumɣan; Kaz. quman; KBalk. qumɣan;
KKalp. quman; Kum. qumman; Nogh. qumɣan.
◊ EDT 627, VEWT 300, ЭСТЯ 6, 136-137 ( > Mong. qumaɣan, see Щербак 1997, 143).
PJpn. *kámá kettle (котелок): MJpn. kama; Tok. kàma; Kyo. kámá;
Kag. káma.
◊ JLTT 435.
‖ Either length in TM or tone in Jpn. is irregular.
-kúmi ( ~ -o-) hollow, cavity, inner angle: Tung. *kum-; Mong. *kömüg;
Jpn. *kúma; Kor. *kùm-k.
PTung. *kum- 1 edge 2 hollow, cavity 3 precipice (1 край, бок 2 дупло, впадина 3 яр): Evk. kumdika 1, kumŋa 2; Evn. kumtutti 3; Man.
kumdu 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 431, 450. Despite Rozycki 146, Man. kumdu cannot be explained as a
loan < Mong. köŋdei (q. v. sub *kŋi).
PMong. *kömüg edge, overhang (of a mountain), shelter (край, навес): WMong. kömüg (L 487); Bur. xümeg ‘canyon, ravine; hollow’;
Kalm. köməg.
738
*kumi - *kumi
PJpn. *kúma inner angle, cavity (внутренний угол, впадина):
OJpn. kuma; MJpn. kúmá; Tok. kumá; Kyo. kúma.
◊ JLTT 463. Kagoshima has irregular accent: kùmá (which would point to *kùmà) - but
the other dialects, together with the RJ form kúmá / kúmà point uniformly to a high tone
in the first syllable.
PKor. *kùm- cavity, hole (впадина, дыра): MKor. kùmk, kùmú
(kùmúk-); Mod. kuməŋ.
◊ Nam 59, 63, KED 201.
‖ Lee 1958, 114, Martin 233.
-kumi ( ~ -o-, -e) eyebrows, hair on temples: Tung. *kum-; Mong.
*kömü-; Kor. *kùmìt.
PTung. *kum- eyelid (веко): Evn. kȫmdemke; Neg. kembukte; Ul.
kumte, kumbikte; Nan. kumukte; Ud. kempukte, kemukte (Корм. 254).
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 447.
PMong. *kömü- eyebrow (бровь): MMong. kumuskä (MA 250);
WMong. kömüske (L 487: kömüsge); Kh. xömsög; Bur. xümedxe; Kalm.
kömskə; Ord. kömösχö; Mongr. komosgo (SM 213), kumosgo.
◊ KW 239, MGCD 374. Mong. > Yak. kömüske etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 103).
PKor. *kùmìt hair on temples (волосы на висках): MKor. kùmìt,
kumis; Mod. kwimit [kuimith].
◊ Nam 59, 65, KED 228. Both variants with -t and -s are early attested and it is hard to
decide which one is original (because of the early confusion of -t and -s). The MKor. variant kui-mit(h), whence modern kwimit, is obviously a result of reinterpreting the word as
*kui-mith ‘roots of the ears’.
‖ Poppe 19, 68, Дыбо 5, Лексика 214 (but the Turkic parallels
should probably be separated: cf. *kuru(mV)). Despite Doerfer MT 80,
TM forms cannot be < Mong.
-kumi ( ~ -o-,-u-) a k. of insect: Tung. *kumke; Mong. *kömörege; Turk.
*Kumɨr-; Jpn. *kùmuâ; Kor. *kmi.
PTung. *kumke louse (вошь): Evk. kumke; kumikēn ‘insect’; Evn.
kumke; kumnilen ‘name of a beetle’; Neg. kumke; Man. xelmeku, xelmexen
‘spider’; Nan. kuŋke (dial.); Orch. kume; Ud. kumuge; Sol. xuŋkē; xumīxe
‘ant’.
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 431, 481. -l- in Manchu is probably secondary (tabooistic contamination with xelme ‘shadow’).
PMong. *kömörege a k. of insect (вид круглого червя (желто-розового цвета, величиной с ноготь человеческого пальца, живущего
в печеночной области)): WMong. kömörege (МХТТТ); Kh. xömrög.
PTurk. *Kumɨr- ant (муравей): OTurk. qumursɣa (OUygh.); Tur.
komursɣa (dial.); Turkm. Gumursɣa; Sal. qumusqa, qomusqən; Khal.
Gumurɣāč; MTurk. qumursxa (Pav. C.), qumursuɣa (AH); Uzb. qumursqa; Krm. qumurstqa, qumurstqu; Tat. qɨrmɨsqa; Bashk. qɨmɨrϑqa; Kirgh.
qumursqa; Kaz. qumɨrsqa; KBalk. qumursxa, qumursqa, qumurčxa; Kum.
*kmu - *kune
739
xomursɣa; Nogh. qumɨrsqa; Khak. xumusxa, xɨmɨsxa; Shr. qɨmɨrtaš,
qumɨstaš; Oyr. qomursqa; Tv. qɨmɨsqajaq; Yak. kɨmɨrdaɣas.
◊ EDT 628, VEWT 300, Лексика 183-184, ЭСТЯ 6, 140-141.
PJpn. *kùmuâ spider (паук): OJpn. kum(w)o; MJpn. kùmó; Tok. kúmo;
Kyo. kùmô; Kag. kumó.
◊ JLTT 463.
PKor. *kmi spider (паук): MKor. kmi; Mod. kəmi.
◊ Nam 32, KED 84.
‖ SKE 105, Lee 1958, 119, Martin 242, ОСНЯ 1, 309, АПиПЯЯ 290,
Дыбо 9, Лексика 184. An expressive root: cf. *kuma, *kajamV.
-kmu to wrap up, cover: Tung. *kum-; Mong. *kumi-; Turk. *Kum- /
*Kɨm-; Jpn. *kùm-; Kor. *kàm-.
PTung. *kum- 1 to cover oneself, cover up 2 to embrace (1 закутывать, покрывать(ся) 2 обнимать): Evk. kumu- 1, kumlē- 2; Evn. kumle- 1,
kemnu- 2; Neg. kumul- 1, komnō- 2; Ul. kumul- 1; Ork. kumele- 1; Nan.
kumuligu- 1; Orch. kumul- 1; Sol. xumelī- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 431.
PMong. *kumi- to wrap up, roll up, collect (складывать, заворачивать): WMong. qumi- (L 985), qumbi-; Kh. xumi-; Bur. xumi-; Kalm.
xümə-, xömə-, xuḿə-; Ord. xumi-; Dag. komo- (Тод. Даг. 150); Mongr.
xumbu- ‘envelopper, couvrir’ (SM 182).
◊ KW 193, 197, 202, MGCD 389, TMN 1, 416.
PTurk. *Kum- / *Kɨm- to wrap, tuck (подворачивать, подтыкать):
Uzb. qimti-; Tat. qɨmtɨ-; Bashk. qɨmtɨ-; Kirgh. qɨmtɨ-; Kaz. qɨmtɨ-, qɨmta-;
KKalp. qɨmtɨ-, qɨmta-; Nogh. qɨmtɨ-; Oyr. qɨm-; Tv. qumza ‘package’; Yak.
kumuj-.
◊ VEWT 301, ЭСТЯ 6, 221-223.
PJpn. *kùm- to plait, intertwine, combine (плести, сплетать): OJpn.
kum-; MJpn. kùm-; Tok. kúm-; Kyo. kùm-; Kag. kùm-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kàm- to wind around (обвивать, наматывать): MKor. kàm-;
Mod. kām-.
◊ Liu 29, KED 50.
‖ Martin 246 (Kor.-Jpn.). Korean has a usual low ‘verbal’ tone, but
the -a-vowel is quite irregular . Perhaps one should think of an early
merger in Kor. with the root *kàma ‘to connect’ (q.v.).
-kune ( ~ g-) one of several wives: Turk. *güni; Jpn. *kuanami.
PTurk. *güni 1 co-wife 2 envy, jealousy 3 jealous, envious person 4
to be jealous, envy (1 одна из нескольких жен 2 зависть, ревность 3
ревнивец, завистник 4 ревновать, завидовать): OTurk. küni (OUygh.)
2; Karakh. küni (MK) 1; Tur. gönü, günü 1, 2; Az. günü 1; Turkm. güni 1;
MTurk. küni (MA, Pav. C.) 1, 2; Uzb. kundaš 1, kunči 3; Uygh. kündäš 1,
740
*kunu - *kúńà
kün-lü- 4, kün-či 3; Krm. kündeš 1, kün-le-, künü-le-, könü-le- 4; Tat. köndäš
1, kön-če 3, kene (dial.) 2; Bashk. köndäš 1, kön-lä- 4, kön-sö 3; Kirgh. künü,
kündöš 1, künü-lö- ‘to be jealous (of women)’; Kaz. kündes 1, kün-de- 4;
KKalp. kündes 1, kün-le- 4; Kum. gün-čü 3; Nogh. kündes 1, kün-le- 4;
SUygh. kun bol- 4 (ЯЖУ); Khak. kün-ne- 4, künǯi 3; Oyr. künü 2; Tv.
xün-ne- 4; Yak. künǖ 2.
◊ VEWT 307, 309, EDT 727, ЭСТЯ 3, 104-105, Мудрак 76, Федотов 1, 269. Cf. perhaps
also Yak. kiīt, Dolg. kinīt ‘sister-in-law’ (?).
PJpn. *kuanami first wife (in polygamy) (первая жена (при многоженстве)): OJpn. kwonamji; MJpn. kónámí.
◊ JLTT 456.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Evn. qōŋań ‘witch’ (ТМС 1, 411).
-kunu ( ~ *k῾-) to fold, twist: Mong. *kuni-; Turk. *Kun-da-; Jpn.
*kùniàr-.
PMong. *kuni- to fold, plait (складывать, заплетать): WMong.
quni-, qunija- (L 986); Kh. xuni-; Bur. xuni-; Mongr. xunāʒə ‘pli, ride,
sillon’ (SM 182).
PTurk. *Kun-da- 1 to swaddle 2 swaddlingclothes (1 пеленать 2 пеленки): Tur. kundak 2; Gag. qundaq 2; Az. GundaG 2; Turkm. Gunda- 1,
Gundaq 2; MTurk. qondaq 2 (R.); Uzb. qụndɔq 2; Uygh. qondaq 2; Krm.
qɨndaq 2; Tat. qontɨq 2 (dial.); Kirgh. qundaq 2; Kaz. qundaq 2; KKalp.
qundaq 2; Kum. qunnaq 2; Nogh. qundaq 2; Oyr. qɨndaq 2.
◊ VEWT 301, ЭСТЯ 6, 144-146.
PJpn. *kùniàr- to twist (крутить, изгибать): MJpn. kuner-; Tok.
kunér-; Kyo. kúnér-; Kag. kùnèr-.
◊ JLTT 716.
‖ A good Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. parallel.
-kúńà ( ~ k῾-) skin, leather: Mong. *kujag; Turk. *Kuńak; Jpn. *kámì.
PMong. *kujag armour (панцирь): MMong. qujax (HY 19, SH), qəjəq
(IM), qojāq (LH); WMong. qujaɣ (L 983); Kh. xujag; Bur. xujag; Kalm.
xujəg; Ord. xujaG; S.-Yugh. χujaG; Mongr. xojaG (SM 173), xujaG.
◊ KW 195, MGCD 387.
PTurk. *Kuńak 1 armour 2 skin (1 панцирь 2 шкура): Karakh. qujaq
1, qujqa 2 (MK); MTurk. qujaq 1 (Pav. C.); Tat. qojqa 2; Bashk. qojqa 2;
Kirgh. qɨjaq 1, qujqa 2; Kaz. qujqa 2; KKalp. qujqa 2; Nogh. qujqa 2; Khak.
xujax 1, xujɣa 2; Oyr. qujaq 1, qujqa 2; Tv. qujaq 1, qujɣa 2; Tof. quaq 1;
Yak. kuax 1, kuaxa 2.
◊ EDT 676, VEWT 301, Лексика 576, ЭСТЯ 6, 111, 113, Stachowski 161. Turk. >
Mong. qujiqa ‘skin from the head’ (whence Evk. kuika etc., see Doerfer MT 132; Dolg. kujka
‘head skin’, see Stachowski 160).
PJpn. *kámì paper (бумага): OJpn. kam(j)i; MJpn. kámì; Tok. kamí;
Kyo. kámì; Kag. kámi.
*kúńe - *kúŋe
741
◊ JLTT 435.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk., but may as well be genuine.
-kúńe moth, worm: Tung. *kuńī-kta; Turk. *güńe / *guńa; Jpn. *ká; Kor.
*kńúi.
PTung. *kuńī-kta 1 larva of a gad-fly 2 butterfly (1 личинка овода 2
бабочка): Evk. kujīkta, dial. kuńukta 1; Evn. köjit 1; Neg. kujikte 1; Ul.
koači 2; Ork. kūńikte 1; Orch. kōńi(ka(n)) 2; Ud. koańa῾ 2 (Корм. 249).
◊ ТМС 1, 410, 424. Evk. > Dolg. künükte, küńükte (Stachowski 165).
PTurk. *güńe / *guńa moth (моль): Karakh. küjä (MK); Tur. güve;
Az. güvä; Turkm. güje; Uzb. kuja; Tat. köjɛ; Bashk. köjä; Kaz. küje; KBalk.
küje; KKalp. küje; Nogh. küje; Khak. kǖ; Shr. quja ‘Kellerwurm’; Oyr.
küje, quja; Chuv. kəₙve; Yak. köür, küjür.
◊ VEWT 297, ЭСТЯ 3, 94, Лексика 186. Kirgh. kübö is rather < Mong. kibe id.
PJpn. *ká mosquito (комар): OJpn. ka; MJpn. ka; Tok. kà; Kyo. k;
Kag. ká.
◊ JLTT 430.
PKor. *kńúi 1 earth-worm 2 intestinal worm, ascarid (1 земляной
червь 2 глист): MKor. kńúi 1; Mod. kəwi 2.
◊ Nam 34, KED 87.
‖ Räsänen 1955, 18:3, 19 (Turk.-Tung.), ОСНЯ 1, 298-299, Лексика
186, Robbeets 2000, 108; TMN 3, 660 (“...der ev. Vergleich zweifelhaft...”). The Japanese form goes back to a suffixed *kuńe-gV (cf. the TM
and Kor. forms); the vowel, however, is quite irregular - which may be
due to contraction (cf. a very similar case in PJ *ka ‘day’ < PA *gòjńu).
-kúŋe (*kújŋe) heart, middle: Tung. *kuŋ-; Turk. *göjŋ-il; Kor.
*kà’ón-tắi.
PTung. *kuŋ- 1 to beat (of heart) 2 heart 3 aorta, vein (1 биться (о
сердце) 2 сердце 3 кровеносный сосуд): Evn. kuŋ- 1, kuŋkis 2, kewuŋe
(Ol.) 3; Man. kuxen 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 427, 433, 442.
PTurk. *göjŋ-il heart, mood (сердце, дух): OTurk. köŋül (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. köŋül (MK, KB); Tur. gön-ül; göjün, göjn (dial.); Gag.
gön; Az. könül; Turkm. gövün, köŋ-ül (arch. - borrowed from Türki); Sal.
göjŋy; Khal. kīil; MTurk. köŋül (Sangl., MA); Uzb. kọŋil; Uygh. köŋül;
Krm. könül, kölün; Tat. küŋəl; Bashk. küŋəl; Kirgh. köŋül; Kaz. köŋil;
KBalk. köl; KKalp. köŋil, kewil; Kum. göŋül; Nogh. köŋil; SUygh. köŋül;
Khak. kȫl, köŋn-ə; Shr. köŋn-ü; Oyr. kǖn; Tof. xȫl; Chuv. kəₙməₙl; Yak.
köŋül ‘will, freedom’; Dolg. köŋül ‘permission’.
◊ VEWT 291, EDT 731, ЭСТЯ 3, 75-77, Лексика 274, Stachowski 156. Almost all languages reflect a suffixed form (a substantivized adjective in -il, see Gabain AG 75). Khak.,
Shor reflect a nominalized attributive form of köŋül.
PKor. *kà’ón-tắi middle (середина): MKor. kà’ón-tắi; Mod. kaun-de.
*kŭŋi - *kuŋt῾V
742
◊ Nam 7, KED 22.
‖ On a possible Mongolian reflex see under *kómp῾i.
-kŭŋi child: Tung. *kuŋā; Mong. *köw, *köw-ɣün, *kewken; Turk. *güŋ;
Jpn. *kúa.
PTung. *kuŋā 1 childhood 2 child 3 new-born child (1 детство 2 ребенок 3 новорожденный): Evk. kuŋā, kuŋa 1, kuŋākān 2; Evn. qụŋa 2;
Neg. koŋaxān 2; Nan. qoŋar bī 3; Sol. kuaxań 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 433.
PMong. *köw, *köw-ɣün, *kewken child, son (ребенок, сын):
MMong. ko’un (HY 29, SH), kəušəŋ (HY 30), ko’u (SH), keun (IM), kuwn
(MA); WMong. köü, köbekün, keüken (L 461: keüken, kegüken); Kh. xǖ,
xüvgǖn ‘son’, xǖ-xen ‘daughter, girl’; Bur. xübǖn ‘son’, xǖge(n) ‘child;
daughter’,; Kalm. köwǖn ‘son’, kǖkn ‘girl’; Ord. kǖ ‘son’, kǖχen; Mog.
köün; ZM koun (9-8b) ‘son’, koukläq (10-5b) ‘youth’; Dag. keuku ‘son’
(MGCD, Тод. Даг. 149 keku), keku (MD 182); Dong. kəvan, kəwon ‘son’;
Bao. kū (MGCD kuŋ); S.-Yugh. kǖken; Mongr. kū, kō ‘son’ (SM 205),
kugen (SM 208) ‘child’.
◊ KW 242, MGCD 395, TMN 1, 455. Cf. also WMong. küi, Kalm. kī ‘tribe, kin’ ( >
Turk. köj, see KW 234, VEWT 286).
PTurk. *güŋ female slave (рабыня): OTurk. küŋ (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. küŋ (MK, Tefs., IM); Turkm. güŋ ‘a Turkmani born from a Persian woman’ (Буд.); MTurk. küŋ (MA), (MKypch.) küŋ (CCum.); Uzb.
guŋ ‘voiceless female slave’; Kirgh. küŋ; Kaz. küŋ; KKalp. küŋ; SUygh.
küŋ (ЯЖУ); Chuv. xъr-ɣъm.
◊ VEWT 309, EDT 726, ЭСТЯ 5, 142, Лексика 317. The Uzb. meaning was influenced
by Persian gung ‘deaf-and-dumb’.
PJpn. *kúa child (ребенок): OJpn. kwo; MJpn. kó; Tok. kò; Kyo. kṓ;
Kag. kó.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ KW 242, АПиПЯЯ 82, Дыбо 7. The Jpn. form goes back to
*kuŋ(i)-gV.
-kuŋt῾V ( ~ -o-) rump, anus: Tung. *kuŋdu-; Mong. *koŋdu-, *koŋǯi-;
Turk. *Koŋ; Kor. *kuŋtuŋ-.
PTung. *kuŋdu- 1 rump 2 cunnus (1 круп, крестец 2 cunnus): Evk.
kunŋukī, kuŋduki 1; Evn. qońńa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 410, 432.
PMong. *koŋdu-, *koŋǯi- 1 rump, buttocks 2 anus 3 posterior (1
крестец, ягодицы 2 anus 3 зад): MMong. qonǯijasun [P]; WMong.
qoŋdulai 1 (L 962: qondulai), qonǯijasu 3 (L 963: qoŋǯusu ‘junction of two
thighs, crotch’); Kh. xondloi 1; Bur. xondoloj 1, xonzōhon 2, 3; Kalm.
xondəsn ‘the joint between the legs’; Ord. xondolȫ 1; Mongr. Gonosə,
Gwənasə ‘le derrière (homme, animaux)’ (SM 123).
*kup῾e - *kùp῾ŕó
743
◊ KW 185. Mong. > Man. χonsun, xonǯisun.
PTurk. *Koŋ 1 thick part of the thigh; muscles 2 behind, buttocks (1
толстая часть бедра; мышцы, мускулы 2 зад): Karakh. qoŋ (MK) 1;
Uygh. qoŋ 2; Kirgh. qoŋ 1, 2; Kaz. qoŋ 1, 2; KKalp. qoŋ 1; SUygh. qoŋɨr,
qoŋqɨr 2; Tv. qoŋ ‘animal body’; Yak. kuŋ 1.
◊ VEWT 280, Clark 1977, 149, ЭСТЯ 6, 58-59. Turk. > Mong. Khalkha xongo, Kalm.
xoŋ (although -o in the Khalkha form is suspicious and perhaps reflects a genuinely cognate PM *koŋgo).
PKor. *kuŋtuŋ- rump, buttocks (круп, ягодицы): MKor. kuŋtuŋ’i;
Mod. kuŋduŋi.
◊ Nam 91, KED 222.
‖ EAS 141, Poppe 18.
-kup῾e light (of weight), floating on the surface: Tung. *kepu- ~ *kopu-;
Mong. *köbü-; Kor. *kàpắi-.
PTung. *kepu- ~ *kopu- to float on the surface (плавать на поверхности): Evk. kepke-met-; Evn. kewu-met-; kebduŋči- ‘to swim (of sea animals)’; Neg. kopon- ~ kepen-; kebgexit- ‘to produce bubbles (of fish)’; Ul.
kopto-; Ork. kuptu-du-; Nan. qopto-l, kepte (adv.); Orch. kopčo ‘fish-hook’;
Ud. kopčol-.
◊ ТМС 1, 442, 451-452. Cf. also Evk. keptulī, kepeme ‘soft, fluffy’; TM *kebkV (*kepkV?)
‘free, empty’ (ТМС 1, 386).
PMong. *köbü- to drift on the surface (плавать на поверхности):
WMong. köb-, köbbü- (L 475); Kh. xövö-; Bur. xübe-, xübxelze-; Kalm. köw-;
Ord. köwö-.
◊ KW 242.
PKor. *kàpắi- light (of weight) (легкий (о весе)): MKor. kàpắi-jáp-;
Mod. kabjəp-.
◊ Nam 5, KED 17.
‖ In Kor. cf. also MKor. kàpór’o- ‘to winnow’. The root tends to contaminate with *k῾op῾i ‘foam’ and *gebo ‘empty, light’ q.v. See SKE 82,
Poppe 43.
-kùp῾ŕó ( ~ k῾-) a musical instrument: Mong. *kuɣur; Turk. *Kopuŕ; Jpn.
*kt.
PMong. *kuɣur a musical (string) instrument (музыкальный
(струнный) инструмент): MMong. qu’ur (SH); WMong. quɣur (L 982);
Kh. xūr; Bur. xūr; Kalm. xūr; Ord. xūr; Dag. kōr; S.-Yugh. χūr.
◊ KW 201, MGCD 380, TMN 1, 443. Mong. > Evk. kūr etc., see TMN 1, 444-445, Doerfer MT 61.
PTurk. *Kopuŕ a k. of musical (string) instrument (вид музыкального (струнного) инструмента): OTurk. qopuz (OUygh.); Karakh.
qopuz (MK); Tur. kopuz; Turkm. Gopuz; MTurk. qopuz (Бор. Бад.), qobuz
(AH); Uzb. qụbiz; Uygh. qowuz; Krm. qobuz; Tat. qubɨz; Bashk. qubɨδ;
744
*kùp῾Ỻ - *kúra(mV)
Kirgh. qobuz; Kaz. qobɨz; KBalk. qobuz; KKalp. qobɨz; Nogh. qobɨz; Shr.
qobus; Tof. xobus.
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 588, TMN 3, 535-537, Лексика 614, ЭСТЯ 69-71.
PJpn. *kt a k. of musical (string) instrument (вид музыкального
(струнного) инструмента): OJpn. koto; MJpn. kòtó; Tok. kóto; Kyo. kótó;
Kag. kotó.
◊ JLTT 459. Accent in Kyoto is irregular.
‖ Владимирцов 211, Poppe 18, 48, 82. The root cannot be united
with *kúma for phonetical reasons, although in modern languages their
reflexes tend to merge. Despite Doerfer’s doubts (TMN 1, 445: “Urverwandtschaft ist sehr unwahrscheinlich”), it is probably archaic; loan
from Turk. into Mong. (TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 139) is quite improbable. Jpn. has -t- (instead of the expected -r-) probably because of a special cluster development.
-kùp῾Ỻ ( ~ k῾-, -o-) part: Mong. *kubi; Jpn. *kùmpà-r-.
PMong. *kubi 1 part, deal 2 to divide (1 часть, порция 2 делить,
распределять): MMong. qubi (SH,MA) 1, qubijaxda- 2 (HYt), qūbi (IM);
WMong. qubi 1 (L 976), qubija- 2 (L 977); Kh. xuỻ 1; Bur. xubi 1; Kalm.
xuwə- 2, xüvə 1 (КРС); Ord. xuwi 1; Dag. xo 1, (Тод. Даг. 176) xobi 1;
Dong. Guɣa- 2; Bao. χua- (Тод. Бн.), Gua- 2; S.-Yugh. χuwə 1; Mongr.
xuGwā- (SM 176), xuGua- 2.
◊ MGCD 382. Mong. > Evk. kuwi, kowi; Tuva xū (see TMN 1, 422).
PJpn. *kùmpà-r- to distribute (распределять): OJpn. kubar-; MJpn.
kùfàr-; Tok. kubár-; Kyo. kúbár-; Kag. kùbàr-.
◊ JLTT 714.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. also OT (ДТС) qobɨ (USp.) ‘belongings,
inheritance’, which Doerfer (TMN 1, 423) considers to be the source of
the Mong. word, but which in fact hardly exists (the attestation is
rather scarce and dubious, see EDT 581).
-kúra(mV) sheath, basket: Tung. *kor-, *kormaki; Mong. *kor, *korum-;
Turk. *Kurman, *Kurug-luk; Jpn. *kátáma.
PTung. *kor-, *kormaki 1 sheath 2 dish made of birch bark (1 ножны 2 берестяная посуда): Evk. kor 2; Man. χomχon 1; Ul. qōmaị 1; Ork.
qolmoj 1; Nan. qorm 1; Orch. kommoi 1; Ud. komigi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 409, 414. Despite Doerfer MT 239, Evk. kor is hardly < Mong. (because of a
significant semantic difference).
PMong. *kor, *korum- quiver (колчан): MMong. qor (SH), qor (MA),
qur, qərəmṣā (IM); WMong. qor (L 965), qorumsaɣa (L 969); Kh. xor,
xoromsogo; Bur. xormogo ‘quiver’, xormongo ‘налучник’; Kalm. xormsxə;
xor ‘small bag’; Ord. xur.
◊ KW 186, 188, TMN 1, 427-428. Mong. > Kirgh. qoramsa etc. (see ЭСТЯ 6, 78).
*kure - *kuri
745
PTurk. *Kurman, *Kurug-luk bow-case, quiver (футляр для лука,
колчан): Karakh. qurman, quruɣluq (MK); Tur. koruluk; MTurk. qurman
(Ettuhf.); Uzb. qurma ‘wooden vessel’; Khak. xurlux; Oyr. qurluq.
◊ EDT 657, 660 (hardly from Pers. qurbān, but rather vice versa), ЭСТЯ 6, 163, 164.
PJpn. *kátáma bamboo basket (бамбуковая корзина): OJpn. katama;
MJpn. kátámí, kátámì; Tok. katami.
◊ JLTT 443.
‖ KW 186. Cf. MKor. kàrm- (Whitman kălm-, SKE kam-) ‘to hide, put
away’? Cf. also *k῾ure ‘basket’ - with a possibility of contaminations in
Mong.
-kure to run, quick: Tung. *kora-; Mong. *kur(u)-; Turk. *Küre-; Kor.
*kɨrk-.
PTung. *kora- to drive away (прогонять): Evn. koro-.
◊ ТМС 1, 416. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *kur(u)- 1 rapid, quick 2 moment, short time 3 to hurry (1
быстрый 2 момент, мгновение 3 спешить): MMong. qurdi ‘haste’
(IM), kordun ‘Läufer’ (LH); WMong. qurdun 1 (L 989), qurum 2 (L 991),
quruji- 3; Kh. xurdan 1, xuram 2; Bur. xurda(n) 1; Kalm. xurdn; Ord. xurdun 1; Mog. qurdun 1 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xordun 1, (Тод. Даг. 177),
horedun 1 (MD 164), xordon 1; Dong. Guǯin, Gudun 1; Bao. Gordoŋ 1;
S.-Yugh. Gurduŋ 1; Mongr. Gurdun (SM 127), Gurdən 1.
◊ KW 198, MGCD 390. Mong. > Man. xurdun etc., see Doerfer MT 145, Rozycki 112.
PTurk. *Küre- to run away (убегать): OTurk. küre- (OUygh.);
Karakh. küre- (MK, KB); Kirgh. kürgüčtö- ‘загонять скот’, kürgüj ‘возглас, которым гонят ягнят’; Yak. kürē-; Dolg. kürē-.
◊ EDT 737, VEWT 310, ЭСТЯ 5, 146, Stachowski 166.
PKor. *kɨrk- to run away, to escape (убегать, спасаться бегством):
Mod. kɨk- [kɨlk-].
◊ SKE 115.
‖ SKE 115. The Korean root is attested only there, thus not very reliable (and the vocalic reflex is dubious).
-kuri wattle, fence, enclosure, building: Tung. *kori; Mong. *kürijen;
Turk. *Kur-; Jpn. *kuru-wa.
PTung. *kori 1 frame, blockhouse 2 cage 3 shed (1 сруб 2 клетка 3
хлев): Neg. koj 1; Man. χorin 2,3; Ul. qorị 1,2; Ork. qorị 1; Nan. qorị 1;
Orch. koi 1; Ud. koai- (Корм. 249), kua- ‘to make a blockhouse’.
◊ ТМС 1, 415. The listed forms cannot be regarded as mongolisms, despite Doerfer
MT 77 (although forms like Evk. korigan are certainly < Mong., see Poppe 1966, 191).
PMong. *kürijen enclosure (огороженное место, двор, забор):
MMong. gurijen (HY 4) ‘fenced well’, gure’en (SH); WMong. kürijen (L
506); Kh. xürēn; Bur. xüŕē ‘glass rim’, xüŕēl- ‘to fence, enclose’, xüŕēn
746
*kúro(mV) - *kúro(mV)
‘monastery’; Kalm. kürǟ (КРС); Ord. kürē; Dag. xorē; Dong. Goron;
S.-Yugh. kürēleg; Mongr. kuraŋ.
◊ MGCD 400. Mong. can hardly be the source of MTurk. qurɨqan, despite Щербак
1997, 206; Mong. > Evk. kur etc.; Chag. küren, see TMN 1, 479, Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki
147; Yak., Dolg. kürüö, see Kał. MEJ 33, Stachowski 166). On Mong. > Russ. kuréń see Аникин 328.
PTurk. *Kur- to erect (a building), to establish (строить, устанавливать): OTurk. qur- (OUygh.); Karakh. qur- (MK); Tur. kur-; Gag. qur-;
Az. Gur-; Turkm. Gur-; MTurk. qur- (AH, Houts.); Uzb. qur-; Uygh.
qu(r)-; Krm. qur-; Tat. qor-; Bashk. qor-; Kirgh. qur-; Kaz. qur-; KBalk.
qur-; KKalp. qur-; Kum. qur-; Nogh. qur-.
◊ VEWT 302, EDT 643, ЭСТЯ 6, 156-157. There is also a derivative *Kur-gan (see e.g.
TMN 3, 542-543), which is sometimes hard to distinguish from *Kōrɨ-kan (see *Kōrɨ-).
PJpn. *kuru-wa fortress embankment; quarter (крепостной вал;
квартал): MJpn. kuru-wa; Tok. kùruwa; Kyo. kúrúwá; Kag. kuruwá.
◊ The accent is unclear: either *kúrúwá or *kùrúwá.
‖ KW 187, SKE 125, Poppe 88, TMN 1, 434. The root is actively co ntaminating with *k῾ōra q.v.
-kúro(mV) a k. of clothes: Tung. *kurumV; Mong. *kormaj; Turk. *Kur;
Jpn. *krm; Kor. *korɨm.
PTung. *kurumV a k. of upper clothes (вид верхней одежды): Evk.
kurmu, dial. kumma ‘fur stockings; women’s upper garment’; Evn.
kummēs ‘hat, cap’; Man. kurume; Nan. kurme.
◊ See ТМС 1, 174, 431, 437. The Evk. form gurumī reflects a secondary merger with
*gurē- ‘to unfasten’; Mong. kürme ‘upper coat’ is most probably borrowed from Manchu
(despite Doerfer MT 144, proposing an opposite direction), just like Kor. khurimä id. (see
Lee 1958, 119).
PMong. *kormaj lap, skirt (подол, юбка): MMong. qormai (HY 22,
SH), qormāə (IM), qurmi (MA 303); WMong. qormai, qormui (L 967); Kh.
xormoj; Bur. xormoj; Kalm. xormǟ, xormā; Ord. xormȫ; Dag. xuarm(ā),
xuaram (Тод. Даг. 178), huareme (MD 165); S.-Yugh. χormī; Mongr.
xorm (SM 173), (MGCD xurmī).
◊ KW 188, MGCD 366. Mong. > Evk. korm, see Doerfer MT 94.
PTurk. *Kur belt (пояс): OTurk. qur (OUygh.); Karakh. qur (MK);
Tur. kur; MTurk. qur (Pav. C., Abush.), qor (AH); Uygh. qor (dial.); Tat.
qur; Kirgh. qur; Kaz. qur; KKalp. qur; SUygh. qur, qor; Khak. xur; Oyr.
qur; Tv. qur; Yak. kur; Dolg. kur.
◊ VEWT 301-302, EDT 642, ЭСТЯ 6, 150-152, Stachowski 162. Cf. also *kürm- ‘to bind’
(Sib.-Tat. kürmö, Oyr. kürmä-k, Bashk. kürim ‘завязка для борти’, see VEWT 311, Лексика
499 - if not < Mong. gürmel, see under *guŕi ).
PJpn. *krm clothes (одежда): OJpn. koromo; MJpn. kórómó; Tok.
kòromo; Kyo. kórómó; Kag. korómo.
◊ JLTT 458.
*krV - *kŕe
747
PKor. *korom clothes string, lace (тесемка): MKor. korom; Mod.
korɨm.
◊ Liu 63, KED 140.
‖ Poppe 1950, 576. A common Altaic cultural term.
-krV to cut out, sharp: Tung. *kōri-; Mong. *kurča; Turk. *Kurč.
PTung. *kōri- 1 to delve, carve out, pick out 2 to wound accidentally (1 вырезать, выдалбливать, выковыривать 2 порезать(ся), случайно ранить): Man. qori- 1; Nan. kōrxi- 2 (On.).
◊ ТМС 1, 415.
PMong. *kurča sharp (острый): MMong. qurča (HY 54, SH), qurča‘to sharpen’ (IM); WMong. qurča (L 988); Kh. xurc; Bur. xursa; Kalm.
xurcə (КРС); Ord. Gurča; Dag. xorčin (Тод. Даг. 178), korečin (MD 184);
S.-Yugh. qurča; Mongr. xua (SM 174), xuǯadə.
◊ MGCD 391.
PTurk. *Kurč sharp, hard (of steel) (острый, твердый (о стали)):
Karakh. qurč (MK); MTurk. qurč (Houts.); Uzb. qurč; Uygh. qujuč; Krm.
qurč; Tat. qorɨč; Bashk. qoros; Kirgh. qurč; Kaz. qurɨš; KBalk. qurč; Kum.
qurč; Nogh. qurɨš; Oyr. qurč; Chuv. xorźъ ‘steel’.
◊ VEWT 303, EDT 647, ЭСТЯ 6, 170-171, Федотов 2, 367.
‖ KW 199. A Western isogloss. Doerfer (TMN 3, 441) (and Clark
1980, 43) regard Mong. as borrowed from Turk. (saying that the original meaning in Turkic is ‘steel’ - which is not the case, see EDT 647). On
a possible Jpn. reflex see under *k῾[u]ri.
-kŕe ( ~ -i) autumn; rain, storm: Tung. *kure-; Mong. *kura; Turk. *gǖŕ.
PTung. *kure- storm, whirlwind (буря, сильный ветер): Evk.
kur-ge-kūn; Evn. qụrgị, kur; Ul. kūre(n); Nan. kūre (On.).
◊ ТМС 1, 435, 436. Length in Ul. and Nan. is compensatory ( the forms are contracted
< *kure-ge-).
PMong. *kura rain (дождь): MMong. qura (HY 2, SH), qora (IM),
qura (MA), qora (LH); WMong. qura (L 987); Kh. xur; Bur. xura; Kalm.
xur; Ord. xura; Dag. xuar (Тод. Даг. 178); Dong. Gura; Bao. Gura, Gora;
S.-Yugh. xura; Mongr. xurā (SM 184).
◊ KW 197, MGCD 390. Also means ‘last year’. [Ramstedt compares Kirgh. quralai
‘Regenzeit’].
PTurk. *gǖŕ autumn (осень): OTurk. küz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
küz (MK); Tur. güz; Gag. güz; Az. güz-äm ‘autumn wool’; Turkm. gǖz;
MTurk. güz (Sangl.); Uzb. kuz; Uygh. küz; Krm. küz; Tat. köz; Bashk. köδ;
Kirgh. küz; Kaz. küz; KBalk. küz; KKalp. küz; Kum. güz; Nogh. küz;
SUygh. kuz; Khak. küs; Shr. küs; Oyr. küs; Tv. küs; Tof. küs; Chuv. kəₙr;
Yak. kühün; Dolg. kühün.
◊ VEWT 312, EDT 757, TMN 4,10, ЭСТЯ 3, 94-95, Лексика 75, Stachowski 164.
748
*kusu - *kušu
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294 (although Jpn. *kəti is probably to be separated, see
*k῾ĕdo), Лексика 75. A Western isogloss. The comparison seems quite
plausible, although it seems not to have been proposed earlier. The Korean form, compared in SKE 118 with Turk. *gǖŕ (kɨru ‘2-d harvest in
one year’) is late attested and probably = kɨru, MKor. krh ‘stubble’.
-kusu ( ~ k῾-, -o-) a k. of grass: Mong. *kosi-; Jpn. *kùsà; Kor. *kòsàrí.
PMong. *kosi- clover (клевер): WMong. qosijaŋɣur (MXTTT); Kh.
gerijn xošingor (МРС), xošōngor (МХТТ, БАМРС).
PJpn. *kùsà grass (трава): OJpn. kusa; MJpn. kùsà; Tok. kusá; Kyo.
kúsà; Kag. kusá.
◊ JLTT 465.
PKor. *kòsàrí fern, bracken (папоротник): MKor. kòsàrí; Mod. kosari.
◊ Liu 65, KED 144.
‖ Accent correspondence is irregular. Cf. also OJ kùsúri ‘medicine’.
Cf. perhaps also Chuv. ku(r)žanak ( < *kösinek) ‘agrimony, bur’.
-kùši ( ~ -o-) to rot: Tung. *kušu; Jpn. *kùsà-; Kor. *kùs-.
PTung. *kušu 1 touchwood 2 dandruff, soot (1 гнилушка, труха 2
перхоть, ушная сера, сажа): Evk. kuču 1; Evn. kuč 1; Neg. kutin 1 [ =
kučin]; Man. χosori, χusuri 2; Nan. kuči (On.) ‘uneven surface of birchbark’.
◊ ТМС 1, 441, 479.
PJpn. *kùsà- foul, stinking (дурно пахнущий, вонючий): OJpn.
kusa-; MJpn. kùsà-; Tok. kusá-; Kyo. kùsà-; Kag. kusá-.
◊ JLTT 833. Cf. also, as a noun, PJ *kùsà ‘eczema’ (JLTT 465).
PKor. *kùs- odorous (пахучий): MKor. kùs-; Mod. kusu-ha-.
◊ Nam 60, KED 204.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; but cf. also WMong. kösür-sün (Kalm. kösrsn)
‘dung’ = OJ kùswò id.; WMong. kusam ‘sediment in a pot after boiling
milk’ (MGCD 392); Yak. kuha-ɣan, Dolg. kuha-gan ‘bad’ (Stachowski
159). Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-kušu nut: Tung. *košikta; Mong. *kusiga; Turk. *Kusɨk; Jpn. *kusi.
PTung. *koši-kta 1 nut 2 peach (1 орех 2 персик): Evk. kočikta; Man.
χusiχa 1; Jurch. xu-ĉu 1 (129), xu-ĉur 2 (106); Ul. qačịaqta 1; Nan. qočoa 1;
Orch. kočokto ‘a k. of bush’.
◊ ТМС 1, 419; 2, 291. Manchu χusiχa may be < Mong.; but cf. also χusiri mō ‘a k. of
chestnut-like tree’, χasuran ‘tree bark, bark of wild peach tree’ (Захаров 385, ТМС 1, 464).
PMong. *kusiga walnut (грецкий орех): WMong. qusiɣa(n) (L 991);
Kh. xušga; Ord. GušiGa.
◊ Cf. also Kh. xošid ‘a k. of nut’ (MXTTT).
PTurk. *Kusɨk nut (орех): Karakh. qusɨq ‘pine kernel’ (ML); Khak.
xuzux; Oyr. qusuq; Tv. qu’suq; Tof. quzuq.
*kušV - *kut῾i
749
◊ EDT 667, TMN 3, 475, ЭСТЯ 6, 23-24.
PJpn. *kusi a k. of nut (вид ореха): OJpn. kusi.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 17, Дыбо 14, ЭСТЯ 6, 23-24 (with some confusion of
this root and *k῾usa q.v.
-kušV intestine: Tung. *kuči ( ~ -š-); Mong. *kos, *koskinag.
PTung. *kuči ( ~ -š-) 1 sausage (made of bear’s intestine fat) 2 large
intestine (1 колбаса (из околокишечного жира медведя) 2 толстая
кишка): Evk. kuči 1; Nan. qočị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 441.
PMong. *kos, *koskinag rectum, large intestine, colon, anus (двенадцатиперстная кишка, прямая кишка, толстая кишка, anus):
WMong. qos, qosginaɣ (L 971: qoškinaɣ); Kh. xos, xošnogo, xošginog; Bur.
xošxonog; Kalm. xošnəg (КРС); Ord. Goši, GošχinoG.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-kùt῾á fortune: Tung. *kutu-ri; Mong. *kutug; Turk. *Kut; Jpn. *kàntuá.
PTung. *kutu-ri luck, fortune (счастье, удача): Man. χuturi; Jurch.
xu-tur.
◊ ТМС 1, 440. The Manchu-Jurchen word cannot easily be explained as a mongolism,
despite Doerfer MT 136. Man. > Dag. xotor (Тод. Даг. 178).
PMong. *kutug good fortune, majesty (счастье, святость, величие):
MMong. qutux (SH, HY), qudux (SH); WMong. qutuɣ (L 992); Kh. xutag;
Bur. xutagta ‘a Buddhist rank’; Kalm. xutəg; Ord. GutuG.
◊ KW 200. Mong. > Evk. kutu (ТМС 1, 440, Doerfer MT 136).
PTurk. *Kut luck, good fortune (счастье, хорошая судьба): OTurk.
qut (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qut (MK); Tur. kut; Turkm. Gut; MTurk.
qut (AH); Uzb. qut; Krm. qut; Tat. qot; Bashk. qot; Kirgh. qut; Kaz. qut;
KKalp. qut; Nogh. qut; Khak. xut; Oyr. qut; Tv. qut; Chuv. xъₙt; Yak. kut;
Dolg. kut.
◊ VEWT 305, EDT 594, ЭСТЯ 6, 175-177, Stachowski 162.
PJpn. *kàntuá ability, talent (способность, талант): OJpn. kad(w)o;
MJpn. kàdó.
◊ JLTT 432 (treated together with ‘corner’).
‖ EAS 142, Poppe 18, 50. Mong. is not < Turk., despite TMN 3, 553,
Щербак 1997, 143.
-kut῾i ( ~ -t-) bog, marsh: Tung. *kuta; Turk. *Küte(re); Jpn. *kutai.
PTung. *kuta bog, marsh (болото): Evk. kuta; Evn. kuta; Neg. kota;
Jurch. xoto-o-n ‘pond’ (34).
◊ ТМС 1, 439.
PTurk. *Küte(re) bog, marsh (болото): Tat. küter, kötɛ (dial.); Bashk.
küter (dial.); Khak. ködre; Oyr. küdre.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 154-155.
PJpn. *kutai bog, marsh (болото): MJpn. kute.
750
*kùǯi - *kùǯi
‖ The root is not very widely spread, but seems both phonetically
and semantically plausible.
-kùǯi ( ~ *kòǯe) neck, collar: Tung. *kuǯu- / *kuǯi-; Mong. *küǯüɣün;
Kor. *kíč.
PTung. *kuǯu- / *kuǯi- 1 neck 2 to bow one’s head (1 шея 2 наклонять голову, склоняться, стоять на коленях): Neg. kuǯit-/č- 2; Man.
xuǯu- 2; Ork. qoǯị 1; Nan. kuǯu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 403, 424.
PMong. *küǯüɣün neck (шея): MMong. kuǯu’un (HY 46), guǯu’un
(SH), koǯeon (IM), kuǯun (MA); WMong. küǯügün, küǯügüü (L 510); Kh.
xüʒǖ; Bur. xüzǖ(n); Kalm. küzǖn; Ord. küǯǖ(n); Mog. küǯǖn; ZM kožun
(2-7a); Dag. kuǯū, xuǯū (Тод. Даг. 151, 179), huǯū (MD 166); Dong.
Guǯun; Bao. guǯuŋ; S.-Yugh. guǯǖn; Mongr. gui (SM 140).
◊ KW 249, MGCD 397.
PKor. *kíč 1 collar 2 feather, feathers, plumes 3 diaper(s), swaddling
clothes (1 воротник 2 перо, оперение 3 пеленки): MKor. kís 3, kič 1;
Mod. kit [kis] 1, 2, kiǯəgwi 3.
◊ Nam 82, 83, KED 274, 282.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294. In Kor. one has to assume a secondary fronting kič
< *kɨč; otherwise the correspondences are regular.
K῾
-k῾ăbo to deceive: Tung. *xab-; Mong. *kaɣur-; Turk. *Kob-; Kor. *k-.
PTung. *xab- 1 to go mad 2 evil spirit 3 endearment 4 to grizzle (1
сходить с ума 2 злой дух 3 ласка, приветливость 4 привередничать,
кокетничать, капризничать ): Man. χabčian 3; Ul. χaụn, χabdarị 2,
χaụn- 1; Ork. χaụ-s ‘замертво’; Nan. χaõ ‘dizziness’, χoan- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 457, 467.
PMong. *kaɣur- to deceive (обманывать): WMong. qaɣur- (L 910);
Kh. xūra-; Bur. xūra-; Kalm. xūr-; Ord. xūr-.
◊ KW 201. Mong. qaɣurmaɣči ‘deceiver, liar’ > Manchu qarmaǯi ‘dishonest’ (see Rozycki 134).
PTurk. *Kob- 1 to slander 2 conjuration, exorcism (1 клеветать 2 заклинание): OTurk. qovla- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qovuz, qovuč 2 (MK); Tur.
kovu, kovɨ (dial.) ‘slander’; MTurk. qov ‘slander’ (AH); Yak. xobulā- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 17-18, EDT 584, Clark 1977, 147. Turk. > WMong. qob ‘gossip’ (KW 181),
whence again Oyr. qop etc. (VEWT 281). Despite EDT 584, hardly connected with *Kob‘to chase’ (v. sub *gbè).
PKor. *k- lie, deceit (ложь, обман): MKor. k-čs (čs = čń ‘shape,
appearance’); Mod. kǯit, kāǯit [-s].
◊ Nam 36, KED 88.
‖ The vowel *-- in Kor. must be due to contraction.
-k῾ăču to run, drive: Tung. *xasa-; Mong. *kočur-; Turk. *KAč-.
PTung. *xasa- to pursue, drive (гнаться, гнать): Evk. asa-; Evn.
asị-saw-; Neg. asa-; Man. asaχa fasaχa ‘in a hurry’; Ul. χasa-; Ork. χasa-;
Nan. χasa-sị-; Orch. asa-; Ud. aha-; Sol. asa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 54.
PMong. *kočur- to stay behind (отставать, оставаться позади):
MMong. qočor-, qočoda- (SH), qūčar- (Lig.VMI), qučar- (MA); WMong.
qočur- (L 951); Kh. xocro-; Bur. xosor- ‘to disappear, vanish; die’; Kalm.
xocr-; Ord. Gočiro-; Mog. qočaru- (Ramstedt 1906).
◊ KW 190-191.
PTurk. *KAč- to run away, flee (убегать): OTurk. qač- (Orkh., Yen.);
Karakh. qač- (MK, KB); Tur. kač-; Gag. qač-; Az. Gač-; Turkm. Gač-;
MTurk. qač- (Houts., AH, IM, MA); Uzb. qɔč-; Uygh. qač-; Krm. qač-; Tat.
752
*k῾ač῾e - *k῾ada
qač-; Bashk. qas-; Kirgh. qač-; Kaz. qaš-; KBalk. qač-; KKalp. qaš-; Kum.
qač-; Nogh. qaš-; Khak. xas-; Shr. qaš-; Oyr. qač-; Tv. qaš-.
◊ VEWT 217, ЭСТЯ 5, 340-342.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 16; Цинциус 1984, 88-89. A Western isogloss.
-k῾ač῾e kind, sort: Tung. *xačin; Jpn. *kt; Kor. *kàčí.
PTung. *xačin 1 kind, sort, variety 2 various (1 вид, разновидность
2 разнообразный): Man. χačin 1; SMan. hačin 1 (2558); Jurch. ha-če-jin
‘thing’; Ul. χačị(n) 1; Ork. χatčị(n) 2; Nan. χačị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 465. The word is borrowed (from Manchu or Nanai) > Sol. xaĩ, Neg. xačịn,
Oroch xači, Ud. xasi.
PJpn. *kt thing, affair (дело): OJpn. koto; MJpn. kòtò; Tok. kotó;
Kyo. kótò; Kag. kotó.
◊ JLTT 459.
PKor. *kàčí kind, sort, variety (вид, разновидность): MKor. kàčí;
Mod. kaǯi.
◊ Nam 8, KED 26.
‖ SKE 101, Lee 1958, 112. An Eastern isogloss. The Jpn. *kt seems a
good match, but within Japanese it is rather hard to separate from the
homonymous *kt ‘word, speech’ (see *gre(pV)). This is probably a
secondary merger, but responsible for the irregular accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn.
-k῾č῾V a k. of vessel: Tung. *xaču-kan; Turk. *Kāča.
PTung. *xaču-kan kettle (котел): Man. χačuχan, χančuχan; Ul.
χačoa(n); Ork. χačụɣa(n); Nan. χačoχã; Orch. xačua(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 464-465.
PTurk. *Kāča earthenware vessel, cup (глиняный сосуд, чаша):
Karakh. qača (MK); Tur. kap-kaǯak; Az. Gab-GaǯaG; Turkm. Gāp-GāǯaG;
Uygh. qača; Yak. xāhax ‘big leather-bag, big leather-sack’.
◊ VEWT 217 (hardly < Pers.), EDT 590, ЭСТЯ 5, 342-343.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ada side, to turn: Tung. *xadaga-; Mong. *kadawra-; Turk. *KAdɨr-.
PTung. *xadaga- to turn back, move back (поворачивать, двигаться назад): Evk. adaɣā-; Evn. adaɣ-; Neg. adaɣān-; Ul. χadan-; Nan. χadān-.
◊ ТМС 1, 13-14. TM > Dag. adgā- (Тод. Даг. 118).
PMong. *kadawra- to deviate, move to the side (отклоняться, двигаться в сторону): WMong. qadaura- (МХТТТ); Kh. xadūra-; Bur.
xadūra-.
PTurk. *KAdɨr- to twist, turn, bend (поворачивать, гнуть, крутить): OTurk. qadar- (OUygh.); Karakh. qaδɨr- (MK), qadɨr- (MK, KB);
Tur. dial. gajɨr-; Gag. qajɨr-; Az. Gajɨr-; Turkm. Gajɨr-; MTurk. qajɨr- (Pav.
C.); Uzb. qɛjir-; Uygh. qari-, qajrɛ-; Krm. qajɨr-; Tat. qajɨr-; Bashk. qajɨr-;
*k῾ádí(-rV) - *k῾àd[ú]
753
Kirgh. qajɨr-; Kaz. qajɨr-; KKalp. qajɨr-; Nogh. qajɨr-; Khak. xazɨr-; Oyr.
qajɨr-; Chuv. xajъr- < Tat..
◊ EDT 604, ЭСТЯ 5, 195-197.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 80-81. A Western isogloss. On a possible Jpn. reflex see under *kéč῾a.
-k῾ádí(-rV) to scrape off, scraper, tool for processing skins: Tung.
*xargan; Mong. *kederge; Turk. *KEdir-; Jpn. *káintúr-.
PTung. *xargan chock (for processing fish skins) (колодка (для обработки шкур или рыбьей кожи)): Nan. χaǯGã (Kur-Urm.); Orch.
xaiga(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 458.
PMong. *kederge 1 scraper 2 device for processing skins (1 скребок
2 инструмент для обработки шкур): WMong. kederge(n) (L 441); Kh.
xedreg 1; Bur. xederge 2; Kalm. kederɣn 2 (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. kederē etc. (ТМС 1, 443), see Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki 104, whence Yak.
kederen, Dolg. gedere, kedere (see Kał. TJ 265, Stachowski 85).
PTurk. *KEdir- 1 to skin (a sheep) 2 to scrape on a washboard
(while washing) (1 обдирать (овцу) 2 шаркать при стирке белья о
бельевую доску): Karakh. keδir- 1, keδr-il- (pass.), keδr-iš- (coop.),
keδr-im ‘skinned meat’ (MK); Tv. kidire- 2.
◊ EDT 705. Yak. kederēn ‘scraper’ is rather < Mong., see Лексика 380.
PJpn. *káintúr- to scrape off (соскребать): OJpn. kedur-; MJpn.
kédúr-; Tok. kezur-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ PTM *xargan < *xadVrgan with a regular loss of -d- before -r-.
Diphthong in Jpn. is not clear (*kíntúr- would be normally expected).
-k῾àd[ú] to be worn out, destroyed: Tung. *xadü-; Mong. *kidu-; Turk.
*KAdu-; Jpn. *kùntù-ra-.
PTung. *xadü- to be worn out, become thin, fragile (изнашиваться,
истончаться, становиться хрупким): Evk. adīŋ- ‘to diminish’; Evn. ad-;
Ork. xadụ-.
◊ ТМС 1, 16.
PMong. *kidu- to slaughter, destroy (убивать, разрушать):
MMong. kidu- (SH); WMong. kidu- (L 464); Kh. ada-; Ord. xudu-.
PTurk. *KAdu- 1 to stick in 2 sting 3 to sew (1 втыкать 2 жало 3
сшивать строчкой, оторачивать, вышивать): Karakh. qaδu- (MK) 3;
Turkm. Gaja- 3; Tat. qajɨ- 3, Sib. qajal- ‘to be piqued’; Bashk. qaj- 3, qajaw
2; Kirgh. qajɨ- 1; Kaz. qajɨ- 3; KKalp. qajɨ- 3; Kum. qajɨ- 3; Nogh. qajɨ- 3;
Khak. xaza- 1.
◊ EDT 596, ЭСТЯ 5, 180-181. The root should be distinguished from *Kāta- ‘to stick
in, nail’ (v. sub *kjta).
754
*k῾a(j) - *k῾a(j)
PJpn. *kùntù-ra- to be destroyed, break down (разрушаться, ломаться): OJpn. kudu-ra-; MJpn. kùdù-ra-; Tok. kuzuré-; Kyo. kúzúré-; Kag.
kùzùrè-.
◊ JLTT 718.
‖ The root is rather difficult to distinguish from *k῾et[o] q.v.; contaminations may explain partial vocalic irregularities. Mong. *kidu- is
usually compared with Turk. *Kɨd- ‘to destroy’ (thus KW 244, VEWT
261, TMN 1, 487-488), but this form probably does not exist: in OT (8th
c.) there is a dubious Hap. leg. qɨdmaz ‘did not spare (?)’, but all other
sources (starting with MK) have only *Kɨj- and its reflexes (see EDT
595) - which is quite a different root, see *gijo.
-k῾a(j) who, interrogative pronoun: Tung. *xia (*xai); Mong. *ken, *ka-;
Turk. *kem, *Ka-; Jpn. *ka; Kor. *ka.
PTung. *xia (*xai) 1 what 2 who (1 что 2 кто): Evk. kūn 1, 2; Evn.
ǟq 1; Neg. xun, kun 1, 2; wa 1; Man. ai / ja 1, 2; SMan. ai 1 (2896); Ul.
χaj 1; Ork. xai 1; Nan. χaị 1; Sol. ī 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 4-5, 286-288.
PMong. *ken, *ka- who (кто): MMong. ken (SH), kɛn (IM), kin (MA);
qa’a (SH) ‘where’; WMong. ken (L 453); Kh. xen; Bur. xen; Kalm. ken;
Ord. ken; Mog. ken; ZM kijän (27-5a); Dag. ken, xen (Тод. Даг. 149); xā(Тод. Даг. 173), hā- ‘where’, hen (MD 153, 154, 160); Dong. kien; qa-; Bao.
kaŋ; ha-; S.-Yugh. ken; xā-, xa-; Mongr. ken (SM 195).
◊ KW 225, MGCD 310, 342.
PTurk. *kem, *Ka- 1 who 2 which (1 кто 2 какой): OTurk. kem (OT,
OUygh.) 1, qaju (OT, OUygh.), qanu (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. kem~kim (MK,
KB) qaju (MK, KB) 2; Tur. kim 1; Gag. kim 1; Az. kim 1; Turkm. kim 1, qaj
2; Sal. käm 1; MTurk. kim (Abush., IM) 1; Uzb. kim 1, qaj 2; Uygh. kim,
kem (dial.) 1, qaj 2; Krm. kɨm 1; Tat. kem 1, qaj 2; Bashk. kem 1, qaj (dial.)
2; Kirgh. kim 1, qaj 2; Kaz. kim 1, qaj 2; KBalk. kim 1; KKalp. kim 1; Nogh.
kim 1; SUygh. kɨm 1; Khak. kem 1; Oyr. kem 1, qaj 2; Tv. qɨm 1, qajɨ 2; Tof.
qum 1, qai 2; Chuv. kam 1; Yak. kim 1, xaja 2; Dolg. kim 1, kaja 2.
◊ VEWT 271, EDT 720-721, ЭСТЯ 5, 67-68, 191-192, Stachowski 134, 147.
PJpn. *ka interrogative particle (вопросительная частица): OJpn.
-ka; MJpn. -ka; Tok. -ka.
PKor. *ka, *ko interrogative particle (вопросительная частица):
MKor. -ka, -kó; Mod. -ka, -ga, -ko, -go.
◊ Nam 45, KED 2, 133.
‖ EAS 46, 47, 140, KW 225, Цинциус 1984, 75-76, АПиПЯЯ 41-42,
285. The TM form, despite Doerfer MT 27, Rozycki 222 has nothing to
do with Mong. *ja- q.v.
*k῾ắka - *k῾akt῾o
755
-k῾ắka to break, tear off: Tung. *xak-; Mong. *kaka- / *kaga-; Turk.
*KAk-; Jpn. *kák-.
PTung. *xaK- 1 to cut off 2 to tear off, separate (1 подрезать, перерезать 2 отделять, отрывать): Neg. akị- / kakị- 1; Ul. χaqpa-lụ- 2; Ork.
χaqpa- 2; Nan. χāGa- 1, χaqpā- 2; Ud. akpinda- 1, kakpaligi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 25, 363.
PMong. *kaka- / *kaga- to break, tear off (ломать, расщеплять, отдирать): MMong. qaqal- (SH), qaqača- ‘to divide’ (HY 34), qaɣal- (IM);
WMong. qaqa- (L 906: qaɣal-, qaɣala-); Kh. xaga-; Bur. xaxa-; Kalm. xaɣəl(КРС); Ord. xaGal-; Mog. qakara- (Weiers); Dag. xagalā- (Тод. Даг. 172),
hagere-, hagare-, hagelā- (MD 155); Dong. GaGača- ‘to part’ (Тод. Дн.);
Mongr. xaGali-; xaGarā- 1 ‘fendre, briser, casser, morceler; se fendre, se
fêler 1’ (SM 150).
PTurk. *KAk- to hit, knock, tear (бить, стучать, рвать): Karakh. qaq(MK); Tur. kak-; Gag. qaq-; Az. Gax-; Turkm. qaq-, qaqɨl-; MTurk. qaq(Houts., AH, Qutb, MA); Uzb. qɔq-; Uygh. qaq-; Krm. qaq-; Tat. qaq-;
Bashk. qaq-; Kirgh. qaq-; Kaz. qaq-; KBalk. qaq-; KKalp. qaq-; Kum. qaq-;
Nogh. qaq-; Khak. xax-; Oyr. qaq-; Tv. qaq-; Tof. qa’q-; Dolg. kakrɨj- ‘break
into small pieces’.
◊ VEWT 223, ЭСТЯ 5, 221-222, Stachowski 135.
PJpn. *kák- to break off (отламывать): OJpn. kak(a)-; MJpn. kák-;
Tok. kàk-; Kyo. kàk-; Kag. kák-.
◊ JLTT 702. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
‖ A possible derivative is PA *k῾akt῾o ‘castrated animal’ q.v.
-k῾akt῾o a large domestic animal: Tung. *xakta-; Turk. *Kotuŕ; Jpn.
*ktpì.
PTung. *xakta- 1 to castrate (a deer) 2 castrated deer (1 кастрировать (оленя) 2 кастрированный олень): Evk. akta- 1, aktakī 2; Evn. āt- 1,
ata 2; Neg. aktawčā 2; Ork. χaqta 2; Nan. χaqta- 1, χaqtaqto 2; Sol. attamal
‘testiculi’.
◊ ТМС 1, 26. Initial x- in Southern TM proves firmly (despite Doerfer MT 17) that the
root is not borrowed < Mong. aɣta ‘castrated horse’ (although some forms - namely, Sol.
akta, Nan., Man. aqta morin ‘castrated horse’ - certainly are, and should be kept apart from
the reflexes of PTM *xakta-).
PTurk. *Kotuŕ yak (як): Karakh. qotuz (MK); Tur. xotoz; Az. Gotaz;
Turkm. Gotaz; MTurk. qotas (Pav. C.), qutuz (AH); Uzb. qọtas; Uygh.
qotaz; Krm. qutas; Tat. qutaz (dial.); Kirgh. qotos.
◊ EDT 608, ЭСТЯ 6, 81-82.
PJpn. *ktpì large and sturdy ox (большой вол): OJpn. kotopji;
MJpn. kòtòpì.
◊ JLTT 459.
756
*k῾ằkú - *k῾ala
‖ If the original meaning is ‘a castrated animal’ (as in TM), the stem
may be a derivative of PA *k῾ắka ‘to break, tear off’ q.v.
-k῾ằkú doll: Tung. *xaku-kan (/*k-); Turk. *KAgur; Jpn. *kùnkù-tú; Kor.
*koāŋ.
PTung. *xaku-kan (/*k-) doll (кукла): Ul. χaqụa(n); Ork. χoqo(n);
Nan. aqoã; Orch. xakuã.
◊ ТМС 1, 459. Cf. also *kakura-kta ‘decorative bells’ (ТМС 1, 375).
PTurk. *KAgur doll (кукла): Karakh. qoδurčuq (MK); Tur. dial. kurčak; Turkm. Gurǯaq; MTurk. qawurčaq (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.), qavur (R);
Uzb. qụɣirčɔq; Uygh. qo(r)čaq, dial. qoɣurčaq; Tat. qurčaq; Bashk. qursaq;
Kirgh. qūrčaq; Kaz. quwɨršaq; KKalp. quwɨršaq; Kum. qurčaq; Nogh.
quwɨršaq.
◊ VEWT 220, EDT 587, 606, ЭСТЯ 6, 161-163. Modern reflexes point quite clearly to
*-g- (less probably - *-b-), so the attested form with -δ- must be a phonetic aberration.
Interference with OT qoduz ‘femme sole’ (suggested in Tekin 1969 and ЭСТЯ ibid.) is not
excluded, but cf. also the notes below.
PJpn. *kùnkù-tú a k. of doll (вид куклы): MJpn. kùgùtú; Tok.
kugutsu.
◊ JLTT 462. In OJ kugutu is attested with the meaning ‘satchel worn at the belt’; JB
derives it from kugu ‘a k. of grass’ and suggests that dolls were carried in such satchels.
Even if it they were, it is highly probable that the name of the satchel is derived from
‘doll’, and not vice versa; the connection with “kugu-grass” is highly dubious.
PKor. *koāŋ doll, mask, comedian (кукла, маска, актер): MKor.
koāŋtái; Mod. kwāŋdä.
◊ Liu 79, KED 184.
‖ Дыбо 15. Cf. Khalkha xǖxeldej ‘doll’ (a contamination with xǖxe-n
‘child, girl’). One should also mention WMong. qoduɣu-čin ‘clown;
mask’: this may be a metathesis < *kogu-du- ( = PJ *kùnkùtú) and the
form may actually shed light on the mysterious Karakh. qoδurčuk (quite
probably < *kog-du-rču-k = WMong. qoduɣu-čin).
-k῾ala ( ~ -u) wait, be late: Tung. *xalā-; Mong. *kala; Turk. *Kal-.
PTung. *xalā- to wait (ждать): Evk. alā-č-; Evn. alač-; Neg. alāč-;
Man. aĺa-; SMan. iali- (1439, 3034); Ul. xala-čị-; Ork. xalā-čị-; Nan. xala-či-;
Orch. alā-či-; Ud. ala-si-; Sol. alā-.
◊ ТМС 1, 29-30.
PMong. *kala 1 bitter life experience 2 to decease (rev.) (1 трудность, горький опыт 2 скончаться (почт.)): WMong. qala 1, qali- 2 (L
916, 917); Kh. xal 1, xali- 2; Bur. xala; Kalm. xal (КРС); Ord. xala ‘rude or
cruel treatment’.
PTurk. *Kal- 1 old man 2 to be tired 3 to be ~ years old (1 старик 2
уставать 3 иметь возраст): OTurk. qal- (Orkh., YB) 3; Karakh. qal (MK)
*k῾ale - *k῾alVbV
757
1; MTurk. qal- ‘to come to an end’ (CCum.); Oyr. qala- 2; Chuv. xoll-en
‘slowly’.
◊ VEWT 224. EDT 615-616. Chuv. xullen is derived (by Tekin 1975, 281) from PT
*K(i)aĺaŋ (v. sub *koĺa), but it rather belongs here.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾ale snow, snow-flakes: Tung. *xalu-; Mong. *kilaɣa; Turk. *Kɨla-gu.
PTung. *xalu- snow (falling in flakes) (снег (падающий хлопьями)): Evk. alunti; Neg. altamị; Ork. χalụqta.
◊ ТМС 1, 34.
PMong. *kilaɣa fine snow falling in the sunlight (мелкий снег, падающий при свете солнца): WMong. kilaɣa (МXTTT); Kh. alā.
PTurk. *Kɨla-gu 1 snow-flakes in windless weather 2 hoar-frost 3
first snow (1 снежинки, падающие при тихой погоде 2 иней, изморозь 3 первая пороша): Bashk. qɨlaw 2; Kirgh. qɨlamɨq 3; Kaz. qɨlaw 1;
Kum. qɨlaw 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 207.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾alo girth, tug: Tung. *xala-; Turk. *Kolaŋ; Kor. *koraŋ.
PTung. *xala- tug, belt (лямка, ремень): Evk. alaɣ; Evn. al; Neg. ala,
alan; Ul. χala; Ork. χalị; Nan. χala; Orch. ala; Ud. ala.
◊ ТМС 1, 28-29. Аникин 80 proposes: Evk. > Khant. ălak > Russ. dial. alák, álak > Yak.
ālɨk, Ket alək, Yukagh. ałik; cf. also Nivkh halɨk id. This would make the etymology of Ket
alək presented in Старостин 1995, 181 ( = PNC *hwlkwē ‘chariot’) obsolete.
PTurk. *Kolaŋ saddlegirth (подпруга): Karakh. qolan (MK); Tur. kolan; Gag. qolan; Turkm. Golaŋ; MTurk. qolan, qolaɣ (Pav. C.), qulan (AH);
Khak. xolaɣ; Shr. qolaɣ; Oyr. qoloŋ; Tv. xolaq; Yak. xolun.
◊ VEWT 277, Лексика 549-550, EDT 622, ЭСТЯ 6, 47-49.
PKor. *koraŋ fetters, handcuffs (путы, оковы, наручники): Mod.
koraŋ.
◊ KED 138.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term. PT and Korean reflect the common derivative *k῾alo-ŋV.
-k῾alVbV wild garlic, leek: Mong. *kalijar; Turk. *KAlba.
PMong. *kalijar wild garlic, leek (черемша): MMong. qalijarsun
(SH); WMong. qalijar (L 920); Kh. xaliar; Bur. xaĺār; Mongr. xarir (SM
163).
PTurk. *KAlba wild garlic, leek (черемша): OTurk. ? qalma ‘a k. of
food’ (Rach.); Khak. xalba; Shr. qalba; Oyr. qalma; Tv. xɨlba.
◊ VEWT 227. Cf. an OT (MK) Hapax keleb ‘a tender plant which grows in the Turks'
summer pastures and fattens livestock quickly’ (EDT 716), keleb-le- ‘to be covered by this
plant (of a mountain)’, for which cf. also Sak. kalarbä ‘a k. of plant, whose root is used in
medicine’ (Bailey 35). See also Стеблин-Каменский 1982, 77, comparing the Sak. form
with Pers., Tadzh. kalam ‘cabbage’ (> Turkm. kelem) - these all may be variously trans-
758
*k῾ăĺi - *k῾àmo
formed substratum loanwords, cf. also Greek krambǟ ‘cabbage, radish, rutabaga’ - according to Frisk possibly < Pelasg.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. perhaps some other plant names:
Oyr., Tuva kɨlbɨš ‘бадан широколистный’; perhaps TM *xul- > Evk. uli
‘толокнянка’, xuletũ ‘назв. растения с целебным корнем’.
-k῾ăĺi napless skin, membrane: Tung. *xalukta; Mong. *kali-sun; Turk.
*keĺ.
PTung. *xalu-kta 1 membrane, dandruff 2 birch bark (1 мездра,
перхоть 2 береста): Evk. alukta 1; Evn. altъ 1; Neg. alta 1; Man. alχuwa
1, alan 2; Ork. χalụqta 1; Nan. χaloqta 1; Orch. alukta 1; Ud. alu, alukta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 33-34.
PMong. *kali-sun 1 skin, shell 2 thin skin on penis (1 шкура, скорлупа 2 кожица на половом члене): MMong. qalisu 1 (SH); WMong.
qalisu(n) 1 (L 920), qaldaɣan 2 (L 919: qaldaɣa ‘penis’); Kh. xaĺs 1; Bur.
xaĺha(n) 1; Kalm. xäĺsn 1, xaldəɣən 2; Ord. xalisu 1; Dag. xalis 1, (Тод.
Даг. 173) xalise; halise ‘thin skin, dandruff’, hajlese, hajse (MD 155, 156);
S.-Yugh. χaləsən 1; Mongr. xaliʒə (SM 151), xalsə 1.
◊ KW 162, MGCD 320. Cf. also *kalim, Kalm. xäĺm ‘bark, skin’ (KW 176).
PTurk. *keĺ 1 skin 2 gall between camel’s front legs (1 шкура 2 потертость между передними ногами верблюда): Turkm. kešik 2; Tv.
ke’š 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 60-61 (joining this root with keš ‘quiver’ is hardly possible).
‖ Цинциус 1984, 82. A Western isogloss.
-k῾ằĺo reed, a k. of grass: Tung. *xalī-; Mong. *kal-; Turk. *KAĺak; Kor.
*kắr.
PTung. *xalī- bog, swamp (болото, болотная растительность):
Evk. alīkta ‘тальник (на гольцах)’, ‘поросль (на гари)’; Man. χali; Ork.
χālčị; Nan. χalõ.
◊ ТМС 1, 32, 461.
PMong. *kal- reed; feather-grass (тростник; ковыль): WMong.
qaltalǯi (MXTTT); Kh. xaltalǯ 1, ‘лапчатка шелковая’; Bur. xalaxan.
PTurk. *KAĺak bulrush, reedmace (камыш, рогоз): Karakh. qašaq
(MK); Kirgh. qašaq (VEWT), qašeq ‘aftergrass’.
◊ VEWT 240.
PKor. *kắr reed (тростник): MKor. kắr; Mod. kal.
◊ Nam 20, KED 42.
‖ EAS 110.
-k῾àmo to help, easy: Mong. *kim-da; Turk. *kömek; Jpn. *kàmàp-; Kor.
*kòmá-b-.
PMong. *kim-da easy, simple, cheap (легкий, простой, дешевый):
WMong. kimda (L 468); Kh. amd; Bur. ximda; Kalm. kimdə (КРС); Dag.
kiand (Тод. Даг. 148: ḱanda), kainde, kiande (MD 181); S.-Yugh. kəmdo.
*k῾amo - *k῾no
759
◊ MGCD 352.
PTurk. *kömek help (помощь): Tur. kömek; Az. kömäk; Turkm.
kömek; Khal. kömɛk, kemɛk; MTurk. kömek (Pav. C.); Uzb. kụmɛk; Uygh.
kömɛk; Tat. kümɛk ‘collective, many people’; Bashk. kümɛk ‘collective,
many people’; Kirgh. kömök; Kum. kömek; Nogh. kömek; Yak. kömö; Dolg.
kömö.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 98-99, Stachowski 156.
PJpn. *kàmàp- to take care of, be concerned with (заботиться о):
OJpn. kamap-; MJpn. kàmàf-; Tok. kamá-; Kyo. kámá-; Kag. kàmà-.
◊ JLTT 703.
PKor. *kòmá-b- to be thankful, appreciate (быть благодарным, ценить): MKor. kómáp- (kómáw-); Mod. komap- (komaw-).
◊ Nam 47, KED 141.
‖ Turk. *kömek instead of the expected *komak under the influence of
the borrowed ömük ‘help’ (see *umu).
-k῾amo dung, faeces: Tung. *[x]amū-; Mong. *komu-; Turk. *Kom-.
PTung. *[x]amū- 1 faeces, dung 2 to defecate 3 snuff, thief (in a pipe)
(1 испражнения, кал, помет 2 испражняться 3 нагар (в трубке)):
Evk. amū-n 1, amū-n- 2; Evn. amụ 3; Neg. amụn 1, amụt- 2; Man. χamu 1,
χamu-ta- 2; SMan. hamə (100) 1, hamətə- (101) 2; Ul. amụ 1, amčị- 2; Ork.
amụ(n) 1, amụ- 2; Nan. amõ 1, am-čị- 2; Orch. amụ 1; Ud. amu- 1, amukta2; Sol. am 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 40. No doubt a common TM root, although phonology is extremely peculiar. Initial *x- is indicated here by Manchu χ- (which is a facultative reflex of PTM *x-,
more often disappearing in Manchu) and supported by external evidence. If this is the
case, the Southern forms (Nanai, Orok and Ulcha) are to be explained as Northern (but
not Manchu!) loanwords.
PMong. *komu- horse dung (конский помет): MMong. qomaul (SH,
Козин); WMong. qomuɣul, qomul (L 961); Kh. xomōl; Kalm. xomāl.
◊ KW 184.
PTurk. *Kom- 1 horse dung 2 sheep dung balls 3 round, spheroid (1
конский помет 2 катышки овечьего помета 3 круглый, шарообразный): Karakh. qomuq 1 (MK); MTurk. qumal 3, qumalaɣ 2; Kaz. qumalaq
2.
◊ EDT 627, VEWT 299. Cf. also Chag. qombul ‘round knob’ (VEWT 279; the isolated
Kalm. qumbaji-, qumbiji- ‘sich zusammenballen’, see KW 196) may have a Turkic origin).
‖ A Western isogloss. PM *komu-gal < *kamu-gal, with a frequent
rounding before -u- in a polysyllabic form.
-k῾no match, other side: Tung. *xān-gi-; Mong. *kani; Turk. *Kon-; Jpn.
*kànàp-.
PTung. *xān-gi- other, other side (другой, другая сторона): Evn.
āŋịlị; Neg. aŋị-lị; Ul. χaŋGị-la; Ork. χaŋnē; Nan. χaŋGịa.
◊ ТМС 1, 46.
760
*k῾aŋa - *k῾ápa
PMong. *kani friend, mate (друг, товарищ, муж): MMong. qanilqa‘to compare’ (SH); WMong. qani (L 930); Kh. xań; Bur. xani; Kalm. xańi,
xäń; Ord. xani; Dag. xań, xani (Тод. Даг. 173); Mongr. xaniŋ ‘famille de
la femme’ (SM 157).
◊ KW 165, 177, MGCD 327. Mong. > Evk. kani etc. (ТМС 1, 372, Doerfer MT 132,
Rozycki 133), Shor qanai etc. (VEWT 230).
PTurk. *Kon- 1 neighbour 2 friend, guest (1 сосед 2 друг, гость):
OTurk. qonšɨ 1, qonaq 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. qošnɨ, qonšɨ ‘neighbour’,
qonuq ‘guest’ (MK); Tur. komšu 1; Gag. qomšu 1; Az. Gonšu 1; Turkm.
Goŋšɨ 1, Gonaq 2; MTurk. qonšɨ (AH), qošnɨ (MA) 1; Uzb. qụšni, qɔšni 1;
Uygh. qošna, xošna 1; Krm. qonšɨ 1; Kirgh. qoŋšu 1; KBalk. qonšu 1;
KKalp. qoŋsɨ 1; Kum. xonšu 1; Nogh. qoŋsɨ 1; Khak. xonǯɨx 1; Chuv.
xъₙna.
◊ VEWT 279, EDT 637, 640, ЭСТЯ 6, 56, 66-68. The word is considered to be derived
from *Kon- ‘to spend a night’ ( > Mong. qonu- id., KW 185; see Щербак 1997, 139, TMN 1,
420, 3, 530, ЭСТЯ 6, 55-56, EDT 632, Stachowski 152). However, further derivation of
*Kon- from *Ko- ‘to put’ (see TMN ibid.) seems highly improbable. External evidence
speaks rather in favour of the original meaning “guest, to visit (as a guest)’ ( < *’friend,
match’), whence “to spend a night, visit, stay” ( = Russ. гостить).
PJpn. *kànàp- to match (соответствовать, подходить): OJpn. kanap-; MJpn. kànàf-; Tok. kaná-; Kyo. káná-; Kag. kaná-.
◊ JLTT 703. All forms point to *kànà-p- except Kagoshima ( < *káná-p-).
‖ Cf. *kna.
-k῾aŋa hair, long hair: Tung. *(x)aŋulī; Mong. *koŋgurčag; Jpn. *kàmì;
Kor. *k’úč.
PTung. *(x)aŋulī deer skin (with fading hair) (шкура оленя (с линяющей шерстью)): Evk. aŋulī.
◊ ТМС 1, 46. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *koŋgurčag cluster, bunch (гроздь, кисть): WMong.
qoŋɣurčaɣ (L 962); Kh. xongorcog; Kalm. xoŋɣərcəɣ (КРС); Mongr.
xoŋGooG ‘gousse, silique, alveole (d’abeille)’ (SM 171).
◊ Cf. qoŋɣurčaɣ üsü ‘long hair, mane’.
PJpn. *kàmì hair (волосы): OJpn. kamji; MJpn. kàmì; Tok. kamí; Kyo.
kámì; Kag. kamí.
◊ JLTT 435.
PKor. *k’úč moustache, beard (усы, борода): MKor. kə’uč, k’ús.
◊ HMCH 205, Nam 35.
‖ Irregular low tone in MKor. (possibly due to contraction). Mong.
*koŋgurčag is a result of frequent labial attraction ( < *kaŋgurčag).
-k῾ápa to buy, pay back: Tung. *xab-; Jpn. *káp-; Kor. *kàph-.
PTung. *xab- 1 to buy 2 to complain, start a lawsuit (1 покупать 2
жаловаться, начинать судебное разбирательство): Man. χabša- 2; Ul.
χapsị- 2; Ork. χaw- 1, χapsị- 2; Nan. χapsị- 2.
*k῾àpe - *k῾ăpra
761
◊ ТМС 1, 457, 459, 467.
PJpn. *káp- buy, (ex)change (покупать): OJpn. kap-; MJpn. káf-; Tok.
kà-; Kyo. ká-; Kag. ká-.
◊ JLTT 706. Cf. also *kápá-, *kápár- ‘change’.
PKor. *kàph- to compensate, pay back (компенсировать, отплачивать): MKor. kàph-.
◊ HMCH 333.
‖ Martin 227. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *k῾èpu.
-k῾àpe strong, power; to swell: Tung. *xabu-l-; Mong. *kab-; Jpn. *kpà-.
PTung. *xabu-l- to swell (распухать): Evk. awul-; Evn. awụl-; Neg.
awụl-; Man. ajbi-; Ul. χaụlị-; Ork. χawlị-; Nan. χaolo-; Ud. auli-.
◊ ТМС 1,9. Cf. also Evk. kawirgačā ‘водянка (у оленя)’ (ТМС 1, 358).
PMong. *kab- 1 swelling 2 to swell 3 power (1 опухоль 2 распухать, пухнуть 3 сила): MMong. qabu 3 (SH), qabar- 2 (MA); WMong.
qabuŋ 1 (L 895:) qabaŋ, qabaŋɣa, qabaŋɣu), qabad- 2 (L 900: qabud), qaba 3
(L 900: qabu, qaba); Kh. xavan 1, xavda- 2, xav 3; Bur. xabaŋ 1, xabda- 2;
Kalm. xawəŋ 1 xawdə- 2; Ord. xawaŋna- 2; Mog. ZM qābāt (5-6b) 1; Dag.
habede- (MD 154), xawda- (Тод. Даг. 172), xaū- 2, xaudal 1; Dong. qajatu2; Bao. χitə- 2; S.-Yugh. χabdar 1, χauda- 2; Mongr. xdi-, xawudi- 1 (SM
165, 166), (MGCD xaidə-).
◊ KW 158, TMN 1, 379-380, MGCD 312, 313.
PJpn. *kpà- hard, strong (твердый, сильный): OJpn. kopa-; MJpn.
kòfà-; Tok. kowá-; Kyo. kówà-; Kag. kowá-.
◊ JLTT 833.
‖ KW 158, Цинциус 1984, 79-80. The meaning “swell” is probably
secondary, under the influence of *gṓp῾e q.v. (in Mong. possibly also
under the influence of Turk. *Kāp- < *gṓp῾e); cf. also *kop῾e.
-k῾ăpra to scrape, rasp, plane: Tung. *xarpu- / *xarpi-; Mong. *kawra-;
Turk. *K(i)arba-.
PTung. *xarpu- / *xarpi- 1 to rasp, plane 2 plane, knife (1 строгать 2
нож (для строгания)): Neg. atpụgda 2; Ork. χalpịn- 1; Nan. χarpịčị- 1;
Orch. appili 2; Ud. afili 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 59.
PMong. *kawra- file (напильник): MMong. qūra (IM), qurai (MA
313); WMong. qaurai (L 946), qaɣurai (DO 371); Kh. xūraj; Bur. xūraj;
Kalm. xǖrǟ; Ord. xūrǟ; Dag. xaur-dāgu, (Тод. Даг. 175) xaura; S.-Yugh.
χūrī; Mongr. xrā- ‘se peler, s’écorcher’ (SM 184).
◊ KW 204, MGCD 380. Mong. > Man. χuwara (Rozycki 114).
PTurk. *K(i)arba- 1 to grope (for smth.) 2 to grasp (with hands or
teeth) 3 to swim (grope through water with hands and feet) 4 to rake
up (1 нащупывать 2 хватать (руками или зубами) 3 плавать (хвататься за воду руками и ногами) 4 сгребать): OTurk. qarva- (OUygh.)
*k῾pri - *k῾apV
762
1; Karakh. qarva- (MK) 1; Tur. kavra- 2; Turkm. Gabra- 2; MTurk. qarba(Qutb); Khak. xarba- 2; Shr. qarba- 2; Oyr. qarba- 2; Tv. qarban- 3; Yak.
xarbā- 2,3,4; Dolg. karbā- ‘to row, swim’.
◊ EDT 646, VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 302-303, Мудрак 103 (with a wrong attribution of
Tuva xɨr-). Despite Kał. MEJ 42, Stachowski 139, forms like Yak. xarbā- are hardly borrowed < Mong. qarma- (on which see under *k῾aŕa).
‖ Poppe 17, 82. A Western isogloss.
-k῾pri fan, bellows: Tung. *xarpu-; Mong. *keɣürge; Turk. *kȫrü-; Kor.
*kūr-.
PTung. *xarpu- 1 to sweep 2 fan 3 broom (1 махать, подметать 2
веер, опахало 3 метла): Evk. arpul- 1, arpukī 2; Evn. arpakị 2; Neg. atpụ1, atpụxị 2; Man. arfuqu 2; Ul. χarpụ- 1, χarpụ 3; Ork. χarpụrị- 1, χarpụ 3;
Nan. χapolị- 1, χapol 3; Orch. appu- 1, appu(i) 3; Ud. akpu- 1, akpuŋku 2, 3;
Sol. arpuku 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 52.
PMong. *keɣürge bellows (меха): MMong. ku’urge, gūrege (SH),
keokeor ‘мех для вина’, keurge ῾мех для раздувания῾ (IM); WMong.
kegürge, kögerge (L 480); Kh. xȫrög; Bur. xȫrge; Kalm. kȫrəg; Dag. huruhe
(MD 167), xūrug.
◊ KW 243, MGCD 369. Mong. > Evk. kurge etc. (ТМС 1, 435-436), see Doerfer MT 18,
Rozycki 110.
PTurk. *kȫrü- 1 to use bellows 2 bellows (1 использовать меха 2
меха): Karakh. körük (MK) 2; Tur. körü- 1, körük 2; Gag. körük 2; Az.
körük 2; Turkm. kȫrik 2; MTurk. görük (IM), körük (MA, Pav. C.) 2; Uzb.
kölik (dial.) 2; Tat. kürek 2; Bashk. kürek 2; Kirgh. kȫrük 2; Kaz. körək 2;
KKalp. körək 2; Kum. körük 2; Nogh. körək 2; Khak. körək 2; Oyr. körük 2;
Tv. xörük 2; Yak. küört 2.
◊ VEWT 293, ЭСТЯ 5, 118, Лексика 414-415.
PKor. *kūr- to blow (дуть): MKor. kūr-.
◊ Nam 62.
‖ EAS 147, KW 243, Poppe 110 (but Kor. kurək ‘small sack’ is derived < kur- ‘roll, wrap’ and does not belong here). Despite Щербак
1977, 128, the Mong. form is hard to explain as a Turkic loanword. Irregular labialization in Turk. is probably caused by the simplification
of the cluster with labial -b-.
-k῾apV to bring close, rub against: Tung. *xab-; Mong. *kabi; Turk.
*Kab-.
PTung. *xab- to rub, wipe off (вытирать): Evk. aw-; Evn. aw-; Neg.
aw-; Ul. χāwụ-; Ork. χaw-; Nan. χao-; Orch. au-; Ud. au-.
◊ ТМС 1, 7.
*k῾àp῾à - *k῾àp῾à
763
PMong. *kabi 1 close to, near 2 to touch, whet (1 близко 2 трогать,
точить): WMong. qabi 1, qabira- 2 (L 897, 898); Kh. xaỻ 1, xavira- 2; Bur.
xabār, xabada 1; Kalm. xäwə 1, xäwr- 2; Ord. xawā, xawā.
◊ KW 178, 179.
PTurk. *Kab- 1 to unite, bring together 2 be brought together (1
объединять, собирать 2 собираться): OTurk. qavɨr- 1 (OUygh.), qavɨš2 (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qavur- 1 (MK, KB), qavɨš- 2 (MK); Tur. kavuš2; Gag. qauš- 2; Az. Govuš- 2; Turkm. Govur- 1, Govuš- 2; MTurk. qavuš2 (Qutb, Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qɔwuš- 2; Uygh. dial. qavuš- 2; Krm. qavuš- 2;
Tat. qawɨš- 2; Bashk. qawɨš- 2; Kirgh. qōš- 2; Kaz. qawɨs- 2; KKalp. qawɨs2; Nogh. qawɨš- 2; SUygh. qawɨs- 2; Oyr. qabɨr- 1; Tv. xavɨr- 1; Tof. xabɨr1; Chuv. > Danube Bulg. koubraton ‘collector, unifier (of lands)’.
◊ VEWT 216, EDT 585, 588, ЭСТЯ 6, 14-16. OT also has quvra- ‘come together, assemble’, with a rather strange vocalism (see EDT 586 - but modern forms like qura- are
not related, being borrowed from Mong. qura-, qurija-).
‖ KW 178, 179, Цинциус 1984, 77-78. A Western isogloss.
-k῾àp῾à a k. of vessel, box: Tung. *xapsa; Mong. *kaɣurčag, *kajirčag;
Turk. *Kapɨrčak, *Kapsak; Jpn. *kàpì.
PTung. *xapsa 1 box 2 bag 3 delved boat (1 ящик, коробка 2 сумка
3 лодка-долбленка): Evk. awsa 1, 2; Evn. aws 2; Neg. awfsak 1; Man.
absa 1, 3; Nan. xapsio (On.) 1; Ork. χapsaw 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 9. Man. > Nan. aps, Oroch absa. The Orok form quite clearly shows PTM
*x-, so it is hardly probable that Mong. absa ‘coffin’ is borrowed from < Manchu) - despite
the widespread idea of TM < Mong. and Mong. < Turk. (see, e.g., Clark 1977, 148, Sinor
1995).
PMong. *kaɣurčag, *kajirčag small box, chest (маленький ящик):
WMong. qaɣurčaɣ, qajirčaɣ (L 914); Kh. xūrcag, xaircag; Bur. xūrcag ‘coffin’; Kalm. xūrcəɣ ‘grosser Kasten’; Ord. xǟrčaG; Dong. xaʒɨ; S.-Yugh.
χairǯaG; Mongr. xāǯə.
◊ MGCD 317. Mong. > Oyr. qajirčaq etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 277-278.
PTurk. *Kapɨrčak, *Kapsak 1 box, coffin 2 basket (1 ящик, гроб 2
корзина): Karakh. qapɨrčaq 1,2 (MK); Tur. koburčuk, dial. kapurǯak 1,
dial. kabzak, kabsak 2; Turkm. Gapɨrǯaq 1; MTurk. qabɨrčaq (IM), qaburčuq
(AH); Chuv. > Hung. koporsó 1 (see Gombocz 1912).
◊ EDT 587, ЭСТЯ 5, 276-278. Tekin (1979, 127) cites Uygh. qapɨz ‘coffin’, but we were
unable to find the word either in Old or Mod. Uyghur. Perhaps he meant Karakh. xafsɨ
‘small box’ (MK, see EDT 587). Brockelmann derived the word from Lat. capsa through
Syr. qafsā, but a loan in Turkic < Syr. is not quite probable, and the word might well be
genuine. But modern forms: Tur. dial. kapsa ‘box, chest’, (CCum.) qapsa ‘box, coffin’ may
well be < Syr. (cf. ЭСТЯ 5, 277).
PJpn. *kàpì scoop, ladle, spoon (черпак, ложка): OJpn. kapji; MJpn.
kàfì.
◊ JLTT 433 (unjustly united with kapji ‘egg, shell’).
764
*k῾p῾à - *k῾āp῾a
‖ Владимирцов 206, Tekin 1979, 127. Despite a widespread point of
view (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 5, 277), Mong. can hardly be < Turk. The root (especially in the Turk.-Mong. area) is liable to mergers with *k῾ubu ‘coffin’ and *k῾áp῾a ‘barrier’ q.v.
-k῾p῾à bark, skin: Tung. *xabda(-nsa); Mong. *kawda-; Turk. *Kāpuk;
Jpn. *kapa; Kor. *kàph- / *kph-.
PTung. *xabda(-nsa) leaf (лист): Evk. abdanna; Evn. ebdъnrъ; Neg.
abdana; Man. abdaxa / afaxa; SMan. afəhə (2137); Jurch. ha-[bxa] (119); Ul.
χabdata; Ork. xamdata; Nan. χabdata (Nkh.), χaftaca (Bik.); Orch. abdasa;
Ud. abdehä.
◊ ТМС 1, 5. Man. > Dag. abug, abuk ‘sheet (of paper)’ (Тод. Даг. 118).
PMong. *kawda- 1 bark 2 page (1 кора 2 страница): WMong. qaudasu, qaɣudasu(n) 2 (L 909); Kh. xūdas 2; Bur. xūdaha(n) 2; Kalm. xūdъsn
1; Ord. xūdasu 2.
◊ KW 201. Although later contaminations were possible, Mong. *kawda- can not be
explained as borrowed from Turk. qaɣad ‘paper’ ( < Arab.), despite Щербак 1997, 126.
Mong. > Man. xoušan etc., see Doerfer MT 142.
PTurk. *Kāpuk 1 bark (n.) 2 shell (1 кора 2 скорлупа): Karakh. qabɨq
(Tefs.) 1, 2; Tur. kabuk 1, 2; Gag. qap, qabɨ 1, 2 ‘external cover, covering’;
Az. GabɨG 1, 2; Turkm. GābɨG 1, 2; MTurk. qapuq 1 (MA, AH); Uzb. qɔbiq
1, 2; Uygh. qobuq (R, o-t) 1, 2; Krm. qabux 1, 2; Tat. qabɨq 1, 2; Bashk. qabɨq
1, 2; Kirgh. qabɨq 1, 2; Kaz. qabɨq 1, 2; KBalk. qabuq 1, 2; KKalp. qabɨq 1, 2;
Kum. qabuq 1, 2; Nogh. qabɨq 1, 2; Khak. xabɨx (Kach.) 1, 2; Shr. qabɨq 2;
Oyr. qabɨq 1, 2; Tv. xavɨq 2; Chuv. xobъ 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 234, TMN 3, 368-9, ЭСТЯ 5, 168, Лексика 107, Федотов 2, 358.
PJpn. *kapa skin, leather; bark (кожа; кора): OJpn. kapa; MJpn. kàfà;
Tok. kawá; Kyo. káwá ‘skin’, kàwá ‘leather’; Kag. kawá.
◊ JLTT 445. The tone opposition in Kyoto points to PJ *kápá ‘skin’ vs. *kàpà or *kàpá
‘leather’ (the RJ and Tokyo accentuation pointing to *kàpà, but Kyoto - to *kàpá).
PKor. *kàph- / *kph- 1 bark 2 skin (1 кора 2 кожа): MKor. kàphr,
kàphắr, kəpčir 1, 2; Mod. k:əpčil 1, k:aphɨl, k:əphɨl, k:əptegi 2.
◊ Nam 8, 38, KED 29, 89, 103.
‖ Martin 225, KW 201, Владимирцов 255, АПиПЯЯ 15, 38-39, 67,
92, 274, Лексика 107. Regular except for tone variation in Japanese,
possibly due to interaction of several similar PA roots (see *gébo, *k῾epa,
*k῾bu, *kèp῾i).
-k῾āp῾a ( ~ -i, -u) bladder, film: Tung. *xap-; Mong. *kabičak; Turk. *Kāp;
Kor. *kapo.
PTung. *xap- fish bladder (рыбий пузырь): Evk. kapata; Neg. āpị;
Ul. χāpa.
◊ ТМС 1, 11, 376. K- in Evk. is probably due to a contamination with *kepu- (v. sub
*kup῾e).
*k῾ăp῾ù - *k῾ăp῾ù
765
PMong. *kabičak groin (пах): WMong. qabičaɣ (L 897); Kh. xaỻcag.
PTurk. *Kāp 1 caul 2 virgin’s hymen 3 scrotum 4 bladder 5 afterbirth (1 оболочка плода 2 девственная плева 3 мошонка 4 пузырь 5
послед): Karakh. qap (MK) 1, qapaq (MK) 2; Tat. qapčɨq 3, 4; Shr. qabɨčaq
1; Oyr. qapčɨq 3; Tv. xapčɨq 3; Chuv. köpček 5.
◊ EDT 578, 583; ЭСТЯ 5, 266-267 (the root should be probably distinguished from the
homonymous *Kāp ‘sack, cover’ q. v. sub *k[ā]p῾á).
PKor. *kapo fish bladder, (KED) sausage stuffed in a fish bladder
(рыбий пузырь): Mod. kabo.
◊ KED 18.
‖ One of several similar roots, actively interacting with each other see notes to *k῾[ā]p῾a ‘to cover’. Mong. *kabi-čak ‘groin’ is a result of secondary semantic development, probably < *’scrotum’ or ‘hymen’ (cf.
the meanings in Turkic).
-k῾ăp῾ù barrier: Tung. *xapki-; Mong. *kaɣa-; Turk. *Kap-; Jpn. *kupai.
PTung. *xapki- to block, partition (отгораживать, перегораживать, перегородка): Neg. apk; Ul. χaqpalị; Ork. χaqpē ~ χapqē; Nan.
χaqpị-; Ud. afikta.
◊ ТМС 1, 47.
PMong. *kaɣa- to hinder, close (закрывать): MMong. qa’a- (HY 17,
SH); WMong. qaɣa- (L 905); Kh. xā-; Bur. xā-; Kalm. xā- (КРС); Ord. xā-;
Dag. xā- (Тод. Даг. 172), hā- (MD 153); Dong. qa-; Bao. xā-; Mongr. xā(SM 145).
◊ MGCD 310, 311. Mong. > Evk. kā- etc. ; Mong. qaɣalɣa ‘door’ (MMong. xa’alqa, HY
16) > Tuva xālɣa etc., see TMN 1, 442, Doerfer MT 60-61; Rozycki 131.
PTurk. *Kap- 1 cover (n.) 2 gate, door 3 to close (1 крышка 2 ворота, дверь 3 закрывать): OTurk. qapaɣ, qapɨɣ (Orkh., OUygh.) 2, qapɣɨ
(Orkh.) 2, qapaq (OUygh.) 1, qap- 3; Karakh. qapuɣ (MK, KB), qapɣaq
(MK) 1, qapuɣ (MK) 2; Tur. kapak 1, kapɨ 2, kapa- 3, kap- 3; Az. GapaG 1,
Gapɨ 2, Gapa- 3; Turkm. Gapaq 1, Gapɨ 2, dial. Gap- 3; Sal. qāvu 2 (ССЯ);
MTurk. qabaɣ (Qutb.) 1, qapu (Houts., Pav. C.) 2, qabuɣ (Qutb.) 2; Uzb.
qɔpɛqɔq 1, qɔpqɛ 2, qɔplɛ- 3; Uygh. qap(q)aq 1, dial. qobuɣ 2, qapla- 3; Krm.
qabaq 2; Tat. dial. qapqaq 1, qapqa 2, qapla- 3; Bashk. qapqa 2, qapla- 3;
Kirgh. qapqaq 1, qapqa 2; Kaz. qaqpaq 1, qapɨ 2, qaqpa 2; KKalp. qaqpaq 1,
qapɨ 2, qaqpa 2; Kum. qapu 2, qabaq 2; Nogh. qapaq 1, qapɨ 2, qap(l)a- 3;
Khak. xaxpax 1; Shr. qabaq 1; Oyr. qaqpaq 1; Tv. qaqpaq 1; Chuv. xobъ 1,
xop(la)- 3; Yak. xappax 1; Dolg. kappaktā- ‘to cover’.
◊ VEWT 203, TMN 3, 369, ЭСТЯ 5, 160, 263-264, 274-275, Лексика 510, Федотов 2,
358-359, Stachowski 138 (there is also a variant *Kāp- - due to merger with another root
*Kāp-, v. sub *k[ā]p῾á; the meaning ‘cover’ here is probably secondary). Turk. > Mong.
qabqaɣ ‘cover’ (whence Evk. kapkak, see Doerfer MT 125), qabqa ‘gate’, see TMN 3, 371, 415,
Hung. kapu ‘gate’, see Gombocz 1912.
766
*k῾ap῾u - *k῾ap῾V
PJpn. *kupai fence to keep away animals (забор, предохра-няющий от животных): OJpn. kupe.
‖ EAS 89-90, Владимирцов 208, ОСНЯ 1, 337, Цинциус 1984, 85.
Mong. qaɣa- is not < Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 133. See also notes to
PA *kábo.
-k῾ap῾u a stinging insect: Tung. *xapina(bu); Mong. *kubilǯagana; Turk.
*KApuŋ (?).
PTung. *xapina(bu) wasp, bee (оса, пчела): Ul. χapuna; Ork.
χapịnawụ(n); Orch. xapinu; Ud. afuna῾u (Корм. 209).
◊ ТМС 1, 462. Cf. also Evk. awawa ‘butterfly’ (ТМС 1, 8).
PMong. *kubilǯagana female tick (самка клеща): WMong.
qubilǯaɣana (L 978: cattle tick); Kh. xuvalʒ, xuvalʒgana, xuvilʒgana; Bur.
xubalza ‘tick’; Ord. xuwilǯaGana.
PTurk. *KApuŋ (?) bumble-bee (шмель): OTurk. qabuŋ (OUygh. Suv.).
◊ ДТС 399.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 85, Дыбо 9. A Western isogloss.
-k῾ap῾V to press, grasp: Tung. *xap-ki-; Mong. *kab-; Turk. *Kap-.
PTung. *xap-ki- to strangle, throttle (удушить, удавить): Evk. apki-;
Evn. apq-; Neg. apkụ-; Ork. χaqpị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 47.
PMong. *kab- 1 to pinch, squeeze, grasp; hold 2 to join, press together 3 flat (1 сжимать, хватать, держать 2 соединять, сдавливать 3
плоский): MMong. qabči- 1, qabataxai (HY 53), qabtaqai 3 (SH), qabči- 1,
qəbtaɣai 3 (MA 284, 285); WMong. qabči- (L 896); qabla- 1; qabsara- 2 (L
898: qabsu-, qabsur-, qabsura-); qabta- 3 (L 899); Kh. xavči-; xavsr- 2; xavt3; xavtgaj 3; Bur. xabša-; Kalm. xapčə-, xawšə-; xawl- 1; Ord. Gabči- 1, gǟbtǟgǟ 3, Gabtǟ- ‘be flat’; Dag. karči- 1 (Тод. Даг. 148), xawči- 1 (Тод. Даг.
172); kabtaǵē 3 (Тод. Даг. 148), kabečiē- 1, kabeteǵaj 3 (MD 181); Mongr.
xamā- ‘s’agacer (dents)’ (SM 153).
◊ KW 167, 174. qabči- may be a merger of *kab- and *kajiči (v. sub *kăp῾è). Mong. qabta> Evk. kapta- etc., see Doerfer MT 25-26; Mong. qabči- > Evk. kapči-, see ibid. 125; Mong.
qabčiɣur ‘tongs’ (despite Щербак 1997, 165, not < Turk.) > Evk. kapčur, Man. qabčixun, see
ibid. 127, Poppe 1966, 193, Rozycki 129; Mong. > Kirgh. qapčɨɣaj, qapčal etc., see ЭСТЯ 5,
273-274.
PTurk. *Kap- 1 to snatch, take 2 to bite (1 брать, хватать 2 кусать):
OTurk. qap- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qap- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kap- 1,2;
Gag. qap- 1,2; Az. Gap- 1,2; Turkm. Gap- 1,2; MTurk. qap- (AH, IM, Pav.
C., Qutb) 1; Uzb. qɔp- 1,2; Uygh. qap- 1,2; Tat. qap- 1,2; Bashk. qap- 1,2;
Kirgh. qap- 1,2; Kaz. qap- 1,2; KBalk. qab- 1,2; KKalp. qap- 1,2; Nogh. qap1,2; Khak. xap- 1,2; Oyr. qap- 1,2; Tof. qa’p- ‘to grab with one’s mouth;
bite (of fish)’; Chuv. xɨp- 1,2; Yak. xap- 1,2.
*k῾ăra - *k῾re
767
◊ VEWT 233, EDT 580, ЭСТЯ 5, 264-265, TMN 3, 373-374.
‖ KW 167, Poppe 43, ОСНЯ 1, 315, АПиПЯЯ 289 (but the Jpn. form
should be kept separate, see *k῾apa). A Western isogloss. The root is expressive and tends to contaminate with *kap῾e ‘to squeeze, pinch’ (q. v.),
as well as with *k῾épà ῾side’ (in Mong.: ‘to grasp’ > ‘press’ > ‘flatten,
flat’), but nevertheless reconstructable for PA (despite Doerfer’s doubts
in TMN 3, 374); borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite improbable, despite Щербак 1997, 133.
-k῾ăra tide, ebb-tide, flood: Tung. *xarba; Mong. *kargi-; Turk. *KAr-;
Jpn. *kátà.
PTung. *xarba 1 shallow place, shoal 2 shallow 3 ebb, ebb-tide 4 to
become shallow (1 мель 2 мелкий 3 отлив, отмель 4 мелеть): Evk.
arba 1,2; Evn. arbatị 1; Neg. ajba- 4; Ul. χalba 2; Nan. χarba 1,2.
◊ ТМС 1, 49.
PMong. *kargi- overfall, waterfall (быстрина, перекат реки):
MMong. qarki ‘Strom, Lauf des Flusses’ (SH); WMong. qargi ‘rapids’,
qargil ‘shoal in a river’ (L 936); Kh. xargil; Bur. xarja; Kalm. xärgə.
◊ KW 177. Mong. > Evk. kargi, Man. χargi etc. (ТМС 1, 381, Doerfer MT 103, Rozycki
102); > Yak. xargɨ ‘show place’, Dolg. karg ‘show’ (Stachowski 139).
PTurk. *KAr- 1 to overflow 2 moat, ditch (1 переливаться через
край 2 канава): OTurk. qarɨm ~ qaram (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qar- (MK) 1,
qarɨm (KB) 2; Tur. kar- (of water) ‘to pile up behind an obstacle’, dial.
karɨm 2; Az. Garɨm 2; Turkm. Garɨm 2; MTurk. qar- (IM) 1; Uzb. qārɨm
(dial.) 2; Uygh. qerim 2; KKalp. qarɨm 2; Shr. xaral; Oyr. qarantɨ ‘thawed
spot’; Tv. xarālča ‘ice-hole’.
◊ EDT 643, ЭСТЯ 5, 320.
PJpn. *kátà 1 tide, ebb-tide 2 beach, bay (1 отлив 2 залив, лагуна):
OJpn. kata 1; MJpn. kátà 1; Tok. kata 2.
◊ JLTT 442.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 86.
-k῾re edge: Tung. *xāri-; Mong. *kira; Turk. *Kɨr.
PTung. *xāri- border, hem (кайма, обшивка): Ul. χārịča; Nan. χāri-,
χāriča.
◊ ТМС 1, 371.
PMong. *kira edge, ridge (край, горный хребет): WMong. kira (L
470); Kh. ar; Bur. ara ‘гребень горы’; Kalm. kirə; Ord. kirā; Dag.
χarGaG, (Тод. Даг. 150) kira ‘mound’; Mongr. ćirē ‘bord, limite’ (SM
458).
◊ KW 232, MGCD 354. Mong. > Evk. kira etc. (ТМС 1, 397), see Doerfer MT 46.
PTurk. *Kɨr 1 isolated mountain 2 mountain top, mountain ridge 3
steppe, desert, level ground 4 edge (1 отдельно стоящая гора 2 вершина горы, гребень горы, возвышенность 3 степь, пустыня, равни-
768
*k῾áru - *k῾aŕa
на 4 край): Karakh. qɨr 1 (MK, KB), ‘rising ground’ (IM,14 c.); Tur. kɨr 3;
Gag. qɨr 3; Turkm. Gɨr 3; MTurk. qɨr (Sangl.), qir (Pav. C.) 2, 3; Uzb. qir 2,
3, 4; Uygh. qir 3, 4; Krm. qɨr 3; Tat. qɨr 3, 4; Bashk. qɨr 3, 4; Kirgh. qɨr 2, 3;
Kaz. qɨr 2, 4; KBalk. qɨr 3; KKalp. qɨr 2, 4; Kum. qɨr 3; Nogh. qɨr 3; Khak.
xɨr 2, ‘roof’; Shr. qɨr; Oyr. qɨr 2, 3, 4; Chuv. xir 3; Yak. kɨrtas 2; kɨrdal ‘hill’;
Dolg. kɨrdal ‘hill’.
◊ EDT 641, VEWT 265, Лексика 95-96, ЭСТЯ 6, 225, Stachowski 169. Derived is PT
*Kɨran ‘edge, ridge’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 226); but note that modern forms like Turkm. Gɨra, Tuva
qɨra etc. are borrowed < Mong. kira.
‖ EAS 144, KW 232, Poppe 114, Дыбо 12, Лексика 96, TMN 3, 568,
ЭСТЯ 6, 226. A Western isogloss; in Turkic contaminating with the reflex of *giru q.v.
-k῾áru a k. of cloth: Tung. *xara-musa; Mong. *kormu-sun; Turk. *KArs;
Kor. *kòró.
PTung. *xara-musa thigh covers, stockings (наголенники, чулки):
Evk. aramus; Evn. armr; Neg. ajmos; Ork. χamụsa; Orch. am(u)su; Ud.
amuhi; Sol. aramuš.
◊ ТМС 1, 48. Evk. > Russ. Siber. aramúsɨ, aramúzɨ (pl.) (Аникин 92).
PMong. *kormu-sun thin silk kerchief (тонкий шелковый платок):
WMong. qormusun; Kalm. xorməsn.
◊ KW 188.
PTurk. *KArs a k. of upper clothes (вид верхней одежды): Karakh.
qars (MK); MTurk. qars (Pav. C.); Uygh. bel-qɛrs, qol-qɛrs; Kirgh. qars;
Oyr. qaris ‘a k. of textile’ (dial.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 312.
PKor. *kòró satin, ornamented silk (сатин, узорный шелк): MKor.
kòró.
◊ Nam 46.
‖ In Mong. cf. also qorgaj ‘brocade’ ( > Chag. qurgaj id.), which,
however, may be alternatively compared with PT *kürk ‘fur, fur coat’
(ЭСТЯ 5, 148-149).
-k῾aŕa ( ~ -u, -i) to scrape, grind, bite: Tung. *xar-kü-; Mong. *karu-; Turk.
*Kaŕ-; Kor. *kār-.
PTung. *xar-kü- 1 to bite 2 to sting (1 кусать 2 колоть, жалить):
Evk. arki- 2; Evn. arq- 2; Neg. ajkị- 2; Ul. χačo- 1, 2; Ork. χātụ-la- 2; Nan.
χajqo- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 51-52.
PMong. *karu-, *kar-ma- to rasp, plane; to rake up (скрести, строгать; сгребать): WMong. qaru-, qar-ma- (L 940); Kh. xara-; Bur. xarxa
‘mole’; Kalm. xar-; Ord. xaru-, xarūl ‘plane’.
◊ KW 169.
*k῾sa - *k῾ắsi
769
PTurk. *Kaŕ- 1 to dig 2 to scrape, scratch 3 plane (1 копать 2 скрести, царапать 3 рубанок): OTurk. qaz- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qaz- (KB),
qazɨ- (MK) 1; Tur. kaz- 1,2, kazɨ- 2, kazaɣɨ 3; Gag. qaz- 1; Az. Gaz- 1,2,
Gazɨ- 1,2; Turkm. Gaz- 1, Gaza- 2; MTurk. qaz- (AH, Houts., MA, IM,
Pav. C.) 1, (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. qaz- 1, qazi- 1; Uygh. qaz- 1; Tat. qazɨ- 1;
Bashk. qaδɨ- 1; Kirgh. qaz- 1; Kaz. qaz- 1; KKalp. qaz- 1; Kum. qaz- 1;
Nogh. qazɨ- 1; Khak. dial. xas- 1; Shr. qas- 1; Oyr. qas- 1; Tv. qas- 1; Chuv.
xɨr- 2; Yak. xas- 1,2; Dolg. kas- 1.
◊ VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 185-186, Мудрак 103, Stachowski 140. Chuv. -ɨ- is not quite
clear here.
PKor. *kār- to plough; to grind, plane (пахать; скрести, растирать):
MKor. kār-; Mod. kal-.
◊ Liu 28, KED 43, 44.
‖ EAS 46, 111, KW 169, Цинциус 1984, 87. Cf. Old Koguryo *kaš
‘plough’ (thus in Miller 1979, 13; Lee has *kal; the isolated Manchu
χalχan ‘ploughshare’ may be < Kor.).
-k῾sa place between limbs: Tung. *xasa-kī; Mong. *kasa; Turk. *Ksɨk;
Kor. *kàsằm.
PTung. *xasa-kī wing (крыло): Evk. asakī; Evn. asịqị; Neg. asax;
Man. asχa; SMan. asəhə ‘wing, fin’ (2293); Ul. χasalị; Ork. χasa; Nan.
χasar; Orch. asi.
◊ ТМС 1, 54. TM > Dag. ačikī, ašikī (Тод. Даг. 122).
PMong. *kasa crotch (внутренняя сторона бедра): WMong. qasa
(МXTTT); Kh. xas; Bur. xahä (Barg.-Bur., DO 296); Ord. Gasa.
PTurk. *Ksɨk groin (пах): OTurk. qasɨɣ (OUygh.); Tur. kasɨk; Az.
GasɨG; Turkm. Gāsɨq; MTurk. qasɨq (IM, R - Vam.); Tat. qasɨq; Bashk.
qaϑɨq (dial.); Chuv. xɨza.
◊ VEWT 239, EDT 666, ЭСТЯ 5, 331-332, Мудрак Дисс. 179.
PKor. *kàsằm breast (грудь): MKor. kàsằm; Mod. kasɨm.
◊ Nam 5, KED 20.
‖ Closed * in Turkic is not clear.
-k῾ắsi to cut; piece: Tung. *(x)asu-; Mong. *kasu-; Turk. *kes-; Jpn.
*kínsú; Kor. *kàsk- / ksk-.
PTung. *(x)asu- 1 to chop, cut off 2 to bite (1 обрубать, отсекать 2
кусать): Evk. asu- 2; Man. asia- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 56.
PMong. *kasu- to cut off pieces, to adze, to diminish (срезать,
уменьшать, укорачивать): WMong. qasu- (L 942); Kh. xas-; Bur. xaha-;
Kalm. xas-; Ord. Gasu-.
◊ KW 171. Mong. > Evk. kasi- (ТМС 1, 382-383).
PTurk. *kes- to cut (резать): OTurk. kes- (Yenis.); Karakh. kes- (MK,
KB); Tur. kes-; Az. käs-; Turkm. kes-; Khal. käs-; MTurk. kes- (Abush.);
770
*k῾ăsi - *k῾ébá
Uzb. kes-; Uygh. kes-; Tat. kis-; Bashk. kiϑ-; Kirgh. kes-; Kaz. kes-; KBalk.
kes-; Kum. kes-; Khak. kis-; Shr. kes-; Oyr. kes-; Tv. ke’s-; Chuv. kas-; Yak.
kehē-.
◊ VEWT 257, ЭСТЯ 5, 55-57, 58. Turk. *kesek > WMong. keseg ‘piece, part’ (TMN 3,
596, Clark 1980, 39, Щербак 1997, 127).
PJpn. *kínsú scar (шрам, рана): OJpn. kjizu; MJpn. kízú; Tok. kìzu;
Kyo. kízú; Kag. kízù.
◊ JLTT 452.
PKor. *kàsk- / ksk- 1 to cut, trim 2 to break off (1 резать, подрубать 2 отламывать): MKor. kàsk- 1, ksk- 2; Mod. k:ak:- 1, k:ək:- 2.
◊ Nam 26, 27, 39, KED 35, 91.
‖ SKE 103 (Turk.-Kor.; despite TMN 3, 596, Kor. kəsk- is not a
“teleologische Sternchenform”). Cf. also Nan. (Bik.) kesi- ‘to cut out’ with quite inexplicable k- (a borrowing?). Reasons for prenasalization
in Jpn. are unclear (perhaps a suffixed form like *k῾ắsi-gu-n is reflected).
-k῾ăsi leash, trap, net: Tung. *xasu-; Turk. *kes-.
PTung. *xasu- 1 net, trap 2 to fish (1 сеть, ловушка 2 ловить рыбу):
Man. asu 1; SMan. asə 1 (664); Ul. χasčụ- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 464.
PTurk. *kes- 1 a k. of leash for domestic animals 2 chain, leash,
noose 3 sea knot (1 вид привязи для домашних животных 2 цепь,
привязь, петля 3 морской узел): Karakh. kesgük (MK) ‘collar’; Turkm.
kesmik 1; Kaz. keskek 1; Chuv. kasmъk 2, kazak 3.
◊ EDT 750, ЭСТЯ 5, 59. Deriving the root from kes- ‘cut’ is dubious semantically.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ásV thorn, thorny tree: Tung. *xasī-kta; Kor. *kàsắi.
PTung. *xasī-kta fir-tree (ель): Evk. asīkta; Evn. asta; Ul. χasta; Ork.
χasīqta; Nan. χasịkta; Orch. asikta; Ud. ahikta.
◊ ТМС 1, 56.
PKor. *kàsắi thorn (колючка): MKor. kàsắi; Mod. kasi.
◊ Nam 5, KED 21.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; cf. also Bur. xasuuri, xasuurgana,
xasuurha(n) ‘fir-tree’ ( < TM?).
-k῾ébá corpse: Tung. *(x)eburen; Mong. *keɣür; Turk. *gEbre; Jpn.
*kámpánái.
PTung. *(x)eburen corpse (труп): Man. ūren, oren, eoren.
◊ ТМС 2, 289-290. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
PMong. *keɣür corpse, dead body; cemetery (труп; кладбище):
WMong. keɣür (L 443); Kh. xǖr; Bur. xǖr; Kalm. kǖr, (КРС) kür; Ord. kǖr;
S.-Yugh. kǖr.
◊ KW 250, MGCD 395.
*k῾ébà - *k῾ĕdò
771
PTurk. *gEbre 1 corpse 2 to die (of animals) (1 труп 2 дохнуть (о
животных)): Karakh. kövre ‘carrion’ (MK); Tur. geber-, (dial.) gevre- 2;
Gag. geber- 2; Az. gäbär- 2; Turkm. gövre 1; Krm. geber- 2; Oyr. qavraj‘истлевать, тлеть’ (Ашм. 6, 19) (?).
◊ VEWT 244, EDT 690, ЭСТЯ 3, 36. The root is confused here with *gēp- ‘to swell (of
belly), become pregnant’ (with which it indeed contaminates in Oghuz languages).
PJpn. *kámpánái corpse (труп): OJpn. kabane; MJpn. kábáné; Tok. kabane.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 124. In Turkic the root is preserved basically in
Oghuz languages; it obviously obtained initial *g- (*k- would be normally expected) under the double influence of *gēp- ‘to swell (of belly)’
and *gebre- ‘fragile’.
-k῾ébà river, bay: Tung. *xebe; Jpn. *kápà; Kor. *kái ( < *kabi).
PTung. *xebe- 1 bay 2 lake (1 залив 2 озеро): Evk. ewerēn 1; Neg.
ewejen 2; Ul. xewe(n) 2; Ork. xewere(n) 1; Nan. xewẽ 1, 2; Orch. ewe 1; Ud.
ewe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 436. Cf. also Ul. χawa(n) ‘bay’ (ТМС 1, 457).
PJpn. *kápà river (река): OJpn. kapa; MJpn. káfà; Tok. kawá; Kyo.
káwà; Kag. káwa.
◊ JLTT 445.
PKor. *kái ( < *kabi) inlet, estuary (бухта, устье реки): MKor. kái;
Mod. kä.
◊ Liu 33, KED 65.
‖ Martin 250 (Kor.-Jpn.). An Eastern isogloss. The irregular high
tone in MKor. may be due to contraction after the loss of *-b-. Cf. OT
(MK Ganǯaki) kevli ‘the mouth of a canal’ (EDT 689).
-k῾ĕdò wind, fog: Tung. *xedün; Mong. *küdeŋ; Turk. *Kad; Jpn. *kəti (~
-ua-).
PTung. *xedü-n wind (ветер): Evk. edin; Evn. edъn; Neg. edin; Man.
edun; SMan. udun (2052); Jurch. hedu-un (5); Ul. xedu(n); Ork. xedu(n);
Nan. xedu(n); Orch. edi(n); Ud. edi(n); Sol. edĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 438-439.
PMong. *küdeŋ fog, mist (туман): WMong. küdeŋ (L 497); Kh.
xüden; Kalm. küdŋ; Ord. küde, küdük.
◊ KW 244.
PTurk. *Kad wind, whirlwind (ветер, вихрь): Karakh. qaδ (MK);
Tur. kaj ‘rainy weather’; Turkm. Gaj; MTurk. qaj (AH, Pav. C., Abush.);
Kirgh. qajɨ- ‘to be frozen’; Khak. xas; Tv. xat, xadɨ- ‘to be frozen’; Tof. qat;
Yak. xatā- ‘to be cold in spring’.
◊ EDT 593, ЭСТЯ 5, 193-194, Лексика 46. Borrowing < Sam. *kacu ‘whirlwind’ is
hardly credible, despite Helimski 1995.
772
*k῾egVnV - *k῾ela
PJpn. *kəti (~ -ua-) East wind (восточный ветер): OJpn. k(w)oti;
MJpn. koti; Tok. kochi (arch.).
◊ JLTT 458.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 289, Дыбо 11.
-k῾egVnV nine: Tung. *xegün; Jpn. *kəkənə-.
PTung. *xegün nine (девять): Evk. jeɣin; Evn. ujun; Neg. ijeɣin; Man.
ujun; SMan. uin, ujun (2743); Ul. xuju(n); Ork. xuju(n); Nan. xujũ; Orch.
xuju(n); Ud. jeji; Sol. jegĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 352-353.
PJpn. *kəkənə- nine (девять): OJpn. kokono-; MJpn. kokono-; Tok.
kokóno-; Kyo. kókònò-; Kag. kòkònó-.
◊ JLTT 454. Accent is unclear, just as in all other numerals.
‖ Miller 1985, 143. An exact Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-k῾ḗja ( ~ -o) to slide, swim: Tung. *xeje-; Mong. *kajiba-; Turk. *Kāj-.
PTung. *xeje- 1 to sink 2 to float, flow (1 погружаться 2 плыть (по
течению)): Evk. eje- 1; Evn. ejēn- 2; Neg. ejē-n- 2; Man. eje- 2; SMan. ei‘to flow, to overflow’ (1807); Ul. xeje-n- 2; Ork. xeje-n- 2; Nan. xeje- 2;
Orch. eje- 2; Ud. eje- 2; Sol. eji- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 440-442.
PMong. *kajiba- to swim (of birds, animals) (плавать (о птицах,
животных)): WMong. qajiba- (L 911); Kh. xajva-; Bur. xajba 2; xajbalza‘идти мерно покачиваясь, ритмично колыхаться’; Kalm. xǟwə ‘oar’
(КРС).
PTurk. *Kāj- 1 to slide 2 to swim 3 skis (1 скользить 2 плавать 3
лыжи): Tur. kaj-, dial. kajp- 1; Turkm. Gāj- 1, 2; Kirgh. qajpɨ- 1; SUygh.
qaj- 2; Oyr. qaj- 1; Tv. xaj- 1; Yak. xajɨhar 3; Dolg. kańɨhar, kāńɨhar, xāhar 3.
◊ VEWT 233, ЭСТЯ 5, 197-198, Stachowski 137 (nasalization in Dolg. is unclear).
‖ A rather complicated Western isogloss. The TM form is compared
(in SKE 61-62, АПиПЯЯ 297) with Kor. hi- ‘swim’; this seems now dubious because of the apparent lack of development PA *k῾- > Kor. *h-.
The Korean word should rather be considered as having lost the initial
vowel (*hi- < *uhi-) and be derived < PA *uku q.v. On the other hand,
Evk. kajama, Orok qajama ‘bare (not fur-lined) skis’ are most probably
borrowed < Mong. qaiba ‘a k. of oar’ (or perhaps from some unattested
Yakut form, cf. the meaning ‘skis’ in Yak.?).
-k῾ela ( ~ -o, -u) a k. of small animal: Tung. *xel-; Mong. *kaliɣun; Turk.
*Keleŋü.
PTung. *xel- 1 bat 2 flying squirrel 3 swallow (1 летучая мышь 2
белка-летяга 3 ласточка): Evk. eldukī 1; Evn. elduki 2, 3; Ul. xele 1; Ork.
xelei 3; Nan. xelegdexĩ, xeregdepĩ 1; Orch. xelegduki 1; Ud. elugduge 1; Sol.
eligd 1.
*k῾èlńí - *k῾éĺe
773
◊ ТМС 2, 446.
PMong. *kaliɣun 1 otter, beaver 2 brown, yellowish-brown (1 выдра, бобер 2 коричневый, игрений): MMong. qali’un (HY 11), qali’un
(MA) 1, qali’un (SH) 2, kalbūn 2 (Lig.VMI); WMong. qaliɣun (L 919) 1;
Kh. xaĺūn 1, 2; Bur. xaĺūn 1, 2; Kalm. xǟĺǖn 1, 2; Ord. xaĺū 1, xaĺū(n) 2;
Dag. xalō, (Тод. Даг. 173) xalū 1; kalūr 2 (Тод. Даг. 148), halō (MD 156);
Mongr. xaliu.
◊ KW 177, MGCD 320. Mong. (also with the derived meaning ‘brown, yellowish-brown’) > Man. kailun ‘brown (horse)’, χailun ‘otter’ etc., see TMN 1, 383, Doerfer MT
132, Rozycki 98, 130; > Kor. kariun (măr), see Lee 1958, 119.
PTurk. *Keleŋü field mouse (мышь-полевка): Karakh. kelegü
‘al-yarbū’ (MK); Tur. kelen(g)i, geleni, dial. gelenki; Uygh. keleŋü (IM);
Kirgh. kelemiš, keler, keles.
◊ VEWT 249, EDT 718, ЭСТЯ 5, 31, Лексика 181. The root is not widely attested (although mentioned by MK), and may become confused with the root for ‘lizard’; in Turkic
dialects folk-etymologically influenced by gelin ‘bride’ (cf. also gelincek ‘weasel’, see
Цивьян 1979), which would explain voiced g- (irregular in the Altaic perspective).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾èlńí mortar: Tung. *xelńi; Turk. *kẹli; Jpn. *kìnái.
PTung. *xelńi mortar (ступка): Man. xeĺen; Ul. xeńi; Nan. xeńi ( >
Neg. xeńi).
◊ ТМС 1, 481.
PTurk. *kẹli mortar (ступка): Tur. keli (dial.); MTurk. keli; Uzb. keli
(dial.); Krm. keli; Tat. kile; Bashk. kile; KBalk. keli; Kum. keli; Chuv. kilə;
Yak. kelī.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 33. Cf. also such forms as Chuv. kiźep ‘tamper, pestle’ and Bashk. ki(l)sap,
kilϑap id. Turk. > Hung. kölyű, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kìnái pestle (пестик): OJpn. kjine; MJpn. kine; Tok. kíne; Kyo.
kìné; Kag. kiné.
◊ JLTT 450. The OJ variant kji probably reflects an early contraction < *k῾èlńí-gV.
‖ A common Altaic cultural term; despite the rare cluster *-lń- the
reconstruction appears reliable.
-k῾éĺe belt, waist: Tung. *xelgeńe; Turk. *keĺč; Jpn. *ksí.
PTung. *xelgeńe 1 waist 2 interval (1 поясница, талия 2 промежуток): Evk. eŋeńē 1; Evn. eŋъń 1, ēlgъ 2; Neg. eŋeńē 1; Ul. xeŋgi 1; Ork.
χeŋgeje ‘armpit’.
◊ ТМС 2, 446, 458.
PTurk. *keĺč 1 belt 2 back, spine (1 пояс, ремень 2 спина, хребет):
OTurk. keš (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. keš ~ kiš (MK) 1; Kirgh. kešene ‘girdle’;
Chuv. kaźan 2.
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 752, MNT 1697, ЭСТЯ 5, 60-61. Sak. käša- ‘belt’ may be < Turkic
(Bailey 56 expresses doubts as to the phonetic regularity of its derivation from Proto-Iran.
774
*k῾ĺú - *k῾éma
*kaša ‘armpit’). The vowel may have been long - to judge from Turkm. kīšen ‘chain’
(which reflects a hybrid form between *kiĺe-n ‘fetters’, q. v. sub *k῾ìĺa, and *keĺč ‘belt’).
PJpn. *ksí waist (поясница): OJpn. kosi; MJpn. kósí; Tok. kòshi;
Kyo. kóshí; Kag. kóshi.
◊ JLTT 458.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 76, 289. Cf. also comments to *soga.
-k῾ĺú a small wild animal: Tung. *xeldegde ( -gǯe); Mong. *kerelǯegene;
Turk. *Küĺül; Jpn. *kùsá(m)pú.
PTung. *xelde-gde ( -gǯe) a k. of fox (лиса-крестовка): Neg.
xeldegde ( < South. Tung.); Ul. xeldegǯie(n); Ork. xeldegde, xeldekte; Nan.
xeldegǯẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 481.
PMong. *kerelǯegene field mouse (полевая мышь): WMong.
kerelǯegene (L 457); Kh. xerelʒgene.
PTurk. *Küĺül 1 rat 2 mole (1 крыса 2 крот): Tat. köšöl (dial.) 1;
Bashk. köšöl 1, 2; Khak. küzəl 2; Oyr. küžül 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 155. Turk. > Kalm. küšl (KW 248).
PJpn. *kùsá(m)pu hedgehog (еж): MJpn. kùsábú.
◊ JLTT 465.
‖ In Turkic one has to suppose vowel assimilation (*Küĺül < *Keĺül),
and in Mong. - a regular r/l metathesis ( < *keler-ǯegene). Cf. a number of
similar roots, with a possibility of contaminations: see *keru, *k῾ūĺa,
*kùti, *k῾ela.
-k῾éma a k. of reed or leek: Tung. *xeŋgukte; Mong. *kamgar; Turk.
*Kamɨĺ; Jpn. *kámá.
PTung. *xeŋgu-kte wild onion (дикий лук): Evk. uŋukte, eŋukte;
Evn. eŋut; Neg. eŋukte; Man. uŋge, eŋgule; Ul. xeǯikte; Nan. xeǯukte.
◊ ТМС 2, 280, 458.
PMong. *kamgar wild leek (дикий лук-порей): WMong. qamaɣar
(MXTTT); Kh. xamgar.
PTurk. *Kamɨĺ reed (тростник): OTurk. qamuš, qamɨš (OUygh.);
Karakh. qamɨš (MK, IM); Tur. kamɨš; Az. Gamɨš; Turkm. Gamɨš; MTurk.
qamɨš (Qutb, MA); Uzb. qɛmiš; Uygh. qomuš; Tat. qamɨš; Bashk. qamɨš;
Kirgh. qamɨš; Kaz. qamɨs; KBalk. qamiš; KKalp. qamɨs; Kum. qamuš;
Nogh. qamɨs; Khak. xamɨs; Oyr. qamɨš; Chuv. xъₙmъₙl ‘stalk of cereals’;
Yak. xamɨs, xomus.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 249-250, TMN 3, 517.
PJpn. *kámá reed (тростник): OJpn. kama; MJpn. kámá; Tok. kama.
◊ JLTT 431, 435 (there is also a variant *kámpá, probably secondary).
‖ Cf. *komga, *gaŋu, *kemV.
*k῾èmá - *k῾ḗmŋV
775
-k῾èmá sharp, sharp tool: Tung. *xemer; Jpn. *kàmá.
PTung. *xemer 1 sharp 2 easy going (1 острый 2 легкий, легко
идущий): Evk. emer; Evn. emъr; Neg. emejigdi; Ul. xomburu(n) 2; Ork.
xemberu 1,2; Nan. xemberũ 2; Orch. xemberu 2; Ud. emei 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 453.
PJpn. *kàmá sickle (серп): OJpn. kama; MJpn. kàmá; Tok. káma; Kyo.
kàmá; Kag. kamá.
◊ JLTT 435.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-k῾èmì intestines; liver: Tung. *xemu-gde; Mong. *kim; Jpn. *kìmuà.
PTung. *xemu-gde 1 belly 2 intestines (1 живот 2 внутренности):
Evk. emugde 2; Evn. emdъ 2; Neg. emugde 1; Ul. xemde 1; Ork. xemugde 2;
Nan. xemde 1; Ud. emugde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 451.
PMong. *kim sausage, offal (колбаса, требуха): WMong. kima
(МXTTT); Kh. xim; Bur. xemneg ‘womb’.
PJpn. *kìmuà liver (печень): OJpn. kjimwo; MJpn. kìmò; Tok. kimó;
Kyo. kímò; Kag. kímò.
◊ JLTT 450. The Kagoshima tone is irregular.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 111, 276.
-k῾ḗmŋV wide: Tung. *xemŋe; Mong. *kem; Turk. *gēŋ.
PTung. *xemŋe wide (широкий): Evk. emŋe; Evn. emŋъ; Neg. emŋe;
Ul. xem, xum ‘all’; Ork. xemge; Orch. emme; Ud. eŋme; Sol. emme.
◊ ТМС 2, 450-1.
PMong. *kem limits, measure (мера, пределы): MMong. kem (SH);
WMong. kem (L 450); Kh. xem; Bur. xem; Kalm. kem; Ord. kem; Dag. kem
(Тод. Даг. 149), hemeǯē (MD 160).
◊ KW 224. Mong. > Oyr., Yak., Dolg. kem etc. (VEWT 250, Kał. VI 42, Stachowski 144),
Man. kemu(n) etc. (Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 137).
PTurk. *gēŋ wide (широкий): OTurk. kiŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. keŋ
(MK); Tur. gen; Az. gen; Turkm. gīŋ; Khal. kīeŋg; MTurk. kẹŋ (Sangl.,
Abush., Бор. Бад.), gẹŋ (Sangl.); Uzb. keŋ; Uygh. käŋ; Krm. keŋ, ken; Tat.
kiŋ; Bashk. kiŋ; Kirgh. keŋ; Kaz. keŋ; KBalk. keŋ; KKalp. keŋ; Kum. geŋ;
Nogh. keŋ; SUygh. keŋ; Shr. keŋ; Oyr. keŋ; Yak. kieŋ; Dolg. kieŋ.
◊ EDT 724-725, VEWT 253, EDT 724-725, ЭСТЯ 3, 46-47, Stachowski 147.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 125-126, Дыбо 12. A Western isogloss. In PT *kwould be expected; initial voicing is probably due to the influence of
another Altaic root, *kŋi ‘empty’ (PT *geŋiŕ ‘nasal cavity’), cf. its reflexes in Mong. (keŋkeji- ‘be wide and empty’; Щербак 1997, 127 actually regards the latter as borrowed from Turkic - which is quite dubious; see TMN 3, 612-613).
776
*k῾ḗnVt῾a - *k῾ńó
-k῾ḗnVt῾a wall, wall mat: Tung. *xondari; Mong. *kana(n); Turk.
*K(i)ā(j)nat.
PTung. *xondari wall mat (циновка для стены): Neg. xondoj ( <
South.), , onara-wu ‘полка вдоль нар’; Ul. χondorị; Ork. χondorị; Nan.
χondorị.
◊ ТМС 1, 470, 2, 18.
PMong. *kana(n) section of yurt lattice wall, wall (секция решетчатой стены юрты, стена): WMong. qana(n) (L 927); Kh. xana(n); Bur.
xana; Kalm. xanə; Ord. xana.
◊ KW 165. Mong. > Evk. kana etc., see Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki 101; > Khak. xana etc.,
see TMN 1, 416.
PTurk. *K(i)ā(j)nat flap (of door), wall (of yurt) (створка (двери),
стена (юрты)): Tur. kanat; Az. Ganat; Turkm. Gānat (dial.); MTurk.
qanat (Pav. C.); Uzb. qɛnɔt; Kirgh. qanat; Kaz. qanat; KKalp. qanat; Khak.
xanat; Oyr. qanat; Chuv. śonat ‘карниз, застреха’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 252-253, Лексика 504, Ашм. XII, 246. The root should be kept distinct
from *Kājnat ‘wing’.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic the root has merged with *Kājnat
‘wing’ (see under *kēńa); this homonymy may have influenced Mong.,
where the stem qana(n) occasionally means ‘wing, маховые перья’; but
Mong. hardly < Turk., despite TMN 1, 416. In Mong. one has to suppose a reanalysis of *-t as a plural suffix.
-k῾eńo edge: Mong. *kajaɣa; Turk. *Kạń; Kor. *kń.
PMong. *kajaɣa edge (край): WMong. qajaɣa (L 915); Kh. xajā; Bur.
xajā; Kalm. xajā; Ord. xajā ‘lower part’.
◊ KW 161, TMN 1, 446.
PTurk. *Kạń edge, hem (край, кайма): OTurk. qaj (OUygh.)
‘cross-road’; Karakh. qajɨɣ (MK) ‘a place at an angle from the main
road’; Bashk. qajma; Khak. xaj; Oyr. qajɨr ‘steep, precipitous’; Tv. xaj
‘located sideways’; Chuv. xъju; Yak. kɨɨa (Пек.) ‘road on the edge of a
precipice’.
◊ VEWT 221, Федотов 2, 338. Doubts about the OT word see in EDT 674, 676, Clark
1977, 146.
PKor. *kń edge (край): MKor. kń; Mod. kā.
◊ Nam 28, KED 1.
‖ A derivative of the same root may be Mong. kiŋgan ‘mountain
ridge’.
-k῾ńó light, thin: Tung. *xeńü-; Mong. *köŋgen; Turk. *Keŋe-; Jpn.
*kmá-; Kor. *kắnắr-.
PTung. *xeńü- light (not heavy) (легкий (о весе)): Evk. eńī-mkūn,
eńum; Evn. ejim; Neg. eńimkun; Man. eni-xun; Ul. xeńu; Ork. xeńu-mi;
Nan. xeńu; Orch. xeńimi; Ud. enimese῾ (Корм. 314); Sol. enikk.
*k῾éńo - *k῾eŋa
777
◊ ТМС 2, 455-456.
PMong. *köŋgen light (not heavy) (легкий (о весе)): MMong.
küaŋgan (HY 52), koŋgen (HYT), konkɛn (IM), kunkän (MA), koŋgele- ‘to
lighten’ (SH); WMong. köŋgen (L 489); Kh. xöŋgen; Bur. xüngen; Kalm.
küŋgn, göŋgn; Ord. köŋgön; Dag. xungen (Тод. Даг. 179), hungen (MD
166), xungēn; Dong. kongen, gongen; Bao. kuŋkaŋ; S.-Yugh. köŋgön;
Mongr. koŋgwən (SM 214), kuŋgon.
◊ KW 138, 246, MGCD 375.
PTurk. *Keŋe- easy, convenient; shallow (легкий, удобный; мелкий (о воде)): Karakh. keŋes (MK); MTurk. keŋes, keŋez (῾Ali), keŋez
(Houts.); Chuv. kanas ‘спокойный, бесхлопотный’; Yak. kenen ‘простой, доверчивый, наивный’.
◊ EDT 734.
PJpn. *kmá- small, thin (мелкий, тонкий): MJpn. kòmáka-; Tok.
komaká-i; Kyo. kómákà-; Kag. komaká-.
◊ JLTT 455.
PKor. *kắnắr- thin, fine (тонкий, изящный): MKor. kắnắr-; Mod.
kanɨl-.
◊ Nam 9, KED 5.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 350, Цинциус 1984, 103. Mong. has secondary labialization (*köŋgen < *keńö-gen); depalatalization in Kor. is not quite clear.
Otherwise correspondences are regular.
-k῾éńo a k. of blade: Tung. *xeńe; Mong. *kaji-; Jpn. *káná-i; Kor. *kằńắi.
PTung. *xeńe dull side of blade (тупая сторона лезвия): Ul. xeńe.
◊ ТМС 1, 481.
PMong. *kaji- 1 to cut, hack 2 a k. of arrow 3 adze (1 резать, тесать
2 вид длинной стрелы 3 кайло): WMong. qaji- 1 (L 911), qaji-mur 2 (L
913); Bur. xaj- 1, xajlā 3.
PJpn. *káná-i metal (металл): OJpn. kane; MJpn. káné; Tok. kàne;
Kyo. káné; Kag. káne.
◊ JLTT 437. Final -a- can be seen in compounds like OJ kana-jumji, kana-ja etc.
PKor. *kằńắi scissors (ножницы): MKor. kằńắi; Mod. kawi.
◊ Nam 14, KED 23.
‖ One should also note Mong. qajiči ‘scissors’ - possibly a contamination of this root with *kap῾e q.v.
-k῾eŋa spacious, free: Tung. *xeŋ-; Mong. *kaŋka-.
PTung. *xeŋ- 1 free 2 to walk out into open space (1 свободный 2
выходить на открытое пространство): Evk. eŋī- 2; Ul. xeŋgel(i) 1; Nan.
xeŋgel 1; Ud. eŋeǯi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 457, 458.
778
*k῾eŋV - *k῾épà
PMong. *kaŋka- spacious, empty (обширный, пустой): WMong.
qaŋqai (L 930); Kh. xanxaj; Bur. xanxaj- ‘зиять’; Kalm. xaŋɣā ‘big, giant’
(КРС); Ord. xaŋxä- ‘to be tall, big’.
◊ Mong. > Man. xaŋga etc., see Doerfer MT 144)
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, perhaps an expressive variant of *kŋi
q. v.
-k῾eŋV to be burnt: Tung. *xeŋ(-gu-); Mong. *keŋsi-.
PTung. *xeŋ(-gu-) to be burnt (подгореть, подгорелый): Evk.
eŋgurē-; Nan. xēŋgi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 457.
PMong. *keŋsi- 1 to have a burnt taste or smell 2 smell of burning (1
иметь запах, вкус подгорелого 2 запах подгорелого): WMong. keŋsi1, keŋsigün 2; Kh. xenši- 1, xenšǖ 2; Bur. xünšǖ 2; Kalm. küŋšǖn 2; Dag.
kunšun 2 (Тод. Даг. 151).
◊ KW 246. Mong. > Man. kuŋšun.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 110-111, АПиПЯЯ 11, 286. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾èpà husk, shell: Mong. *kebe; Turk. *kebü-; Jpn. *kàpì.
PMong. *kebe husks, chaff (шелуха, мякина): WMong. kebe; Bur.
xebe; Kalm. kewə; S.-Yugh. kəwə ‘bran’.
◊ KW 229.
PTurk. *kebü- 1 straw 2 brushwood 3 rot, dandruff 4 to hull (1 солома 2 хворост 3 гниль, перхоть 4 шелушить): OTurk. kevük, kövük 1;
Karakh. küviǯ ‘rotten heartwood’ (MK); Tur. kevik 1 (dial.) 1; Turkm.
kövze- 4; MTurk. kevük (AH) 1; Uzb. kȫzɛ- (dial.) 4; Tat. küzɛ- (dial.) 4;
Bashk. kewek 3, kü(j)δɛ- 4; Chuv. kъₙvajt 2.
◊ EDT 688 (but not < Sogd.), 689. Cf. also *köbŕe- (*kebŕe-?) ‘to hull, pound in a mortar’
(ЭСТЯ 5, 81, 82).
PJpn. *kàpì 1 egg 2 shell (1 яйцо 2 скорлупа): OJpn. kapjigwo 1,
kapji 1, 2; MJpn. kàfìgò 1, kàfì 1, 2; Tok. kái 2; Kyo. káì 2; Kag. kaí 2.
◊ JLTT 433. The Tokyo accent points to a variant *kàpí.
‖ Turk. > WMong. kebeg, whence Mongor kawaG (TMN 3, 580, Щербак 1997, 127). One of several similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a, *k῾bu, *kèp῾i,
*gébo).
-k῾épà ( ~ -b-) side: Tung. *xebu-, *xebte; Mong. *kabta-su; Turk.
*Kaptal; Jpn. *kápá.
PTung. *xebu- 1 side 2 across, traverse, to the side (1 сторона 2 поперек, набок): Evk. ewunkī 2; Evn. ewunki 2, ewutle 1; Neg. ewunki 2;
Jurch. xe-bew 2 (603); Ul. xeundi 2; Ork. xeundei 2; Nan. xeunǯi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 435, 436.
PMong. *kabta-su side boards on saddle ( > folder) (боковые доски
на седле; папка): MMong. qabtasu ‘k. of board’ (MA 218, 295); WMong.
*k῾èpù - *k῾p῾è
779
qabtasu (L 899); Kh. xavtas; Bur. xabtahan, xabtagaj; Kalm. xaptəsn; Ord.
Gabtasu; Dag. xartas, kartas (Тод. Даг. 174) karetese (MD 181).
◊ KW 167. Mong. > Orch. kaptasi, Man. χabta etc. (see Rozycki 96).
PTurk. *Kaptal side (бок): Turkm. Gapdal; MTurk. qaptal (R - ShS,
Vam.); Uzb. qɔptɔl; Uygh. qaptal; Bashk. qaptal; Kirgh. qaptal; Kaz. qaptal;
KKalp. qaptal; Oyr. qaptal; Yak. xaptal.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 267-268.
PJpn. *kápá side (сторона): Tok. kàwa; Kyo. káwá; Kag. káwa.
◊ JLTT 445.
‖ KW 167. In Mong., due to secondary contaminations, the root is
somewhat hard to distinguish from *k῾ap῾V ῾press, grasp’ q.v.
-k῾èpù to change, price: Mong. *kubil-; Turk. *Kẹbi-ĺč-; Jpn. *kupua-;
Kor. *káps.
PMong. *kubil- to change (изменяться): WMong. qubil- (L 977); Kh.
xuvila-; Bur. xubil-; Kalm. xüwl- (КРС); Ord. xuwil-; Dag. xobili- (Тод.
Даг. 176), hobili- (MD 162).
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qubul- etc. (see ЭСТЯ 6, 96-98); Yak., Dolg. kubuluj- (Kał. MEJ 104,
Stachowski 159); > Manchu kūbuli- id. (see Rozycki 148).
PTurk. *Kẹbi-ĺč- 1 a gift of food to someone who comes to stack the
crop after the fields are clear 2 harvest tax in favour of the poor or the
clergy 3 debt (1 пищевой подарок тому, кто приходит складывать
хлеб в скирды после того, как поля убраны 2 отчисление с урожая
в пользу бедных или духовенства 3 долг): Karakh. kevšeŋ (MK;
spelled kfsŋ) 1; Uzb. kapsan 2; Uygh. käpsän 2; Kirgh. kepsen, kesmen 1;
Kaz. kewsen 1; Chuv. kivźen 3;
◊ Мудрак Дисс.. 89, EDT 585, 691, Федотов 1, 290-291. Turk. > Pers. kafsan ‘harvest
tax for the clergy and administration’; most modern forms may in fact have been borrowed back < Pers., but the Chuv. form can hardly be separated from the one attested in
MK. The theory of its being borrowed from Mong. kölüsün (see Rona-Tas 1988) can be
hardly justified. However, Hung. kölczön, indeed, has most probably a Mong. source and
is not related to the words above.
PJpn. *kupua- profit (выгода, прибыль): OJpn. kup(w)o-sa.
PKor. *káps price (цена): MKor. káps; Mod. kap [kaps].
◊ Nam 24, KED 57.
‖ Cf. *k῾ápa (with a possibility of mergers).
-k῾p῾è to dry out, become fragile; to break: Tung. *xep-; Mong. *kewü-;
Turk. *kep(i)-; Jpn. *kp-.
PTung. *xepe/u- to break, destroy (ломать, разбивать): Evk. ew-;
Man. efule-, efele-; SMan. efelə (1660); Nan. xepu-li-.
◊ ТМС 2, 434.
PMong. *kewü- to break, be fragile (ломаться, разрываться, быть
хрупким): WMong. keüre- (L 462), keül-; Kh. xǖre-; Bur. xǖrxej ‘хрупкий, ломкий’; Kalm. kǖl-; Ord. kǖregši- ‘to become fragile’.
780
*k῾p῾ó - *k῾ep῾orV
◊ KW 249.
PTurk. *kep(i)- 1 to dry out 2 to extinguish, disappear (1 высыхать 2
исчезать, пропадать): Karakh. kepi- ( ~ kebi-) (MK) 1; Turkm. kep- 1;
Uzb. kɛp- 1, kɛbi- (dial.) 2; Tat. kip- 1; Bashk. kip- 1; Kirgh. kep- 1; Kaz.
kep- 1; KKalp. kep- 1; Kum. kep- 1, kebi- 2; Nogh. kep- 1; Tv. kep- 1; Yak.
kep- ‘to pound, demolish’; Dolg. kep- ‘to push’.
◊ EDT 687, ЭСТЯ 5, 45-46, Stachowski 145 (but the Yak. and Dolg. forms hardly to
*gēb- ‘chew’).
PJpn. *kp- to break (ломать(ся)): OJpn. k(w)op(w)or-, k(w)op(w)ot-;
MJpn. kòfòr-, kòfòt-; Tok. kobot-, kowaré-, kowás-; Kyo. kówáré-, kówás-;
Kag. kòwàrè-, kòwàs-.
◊ JLTT 710, 714.
‖ Cf. *kăpi (with possible contaminations).
-k῾p῾ó to become wet, sprinkle, overflow: Tung. *xep-; Mong. *kajila-;
Jpn. *kmpra-.
PTung. *xep- 1 to sprinkle 2 to get wet (1 брызгать 2 намокать):
Evk. epe-, epti- 1; Evn. eb- 1,2, ēpte- 1; Neg. epti- 1; Man. ebe- 2; Ork.
xepičči- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 459-460.
PMong. *kajila- to melt (таять; плавиться): WMong. kajil-; Kh. xajl-;
Bur. xajla-; Kalm. xǟl-; Ord. xǟl-; Dag. hajle- MD 155.
◊ KW 179.
PJpn. *kmpra- to overflow (проливаться, расплескиваться):
MJpn. kòbòra-; Tok. koboréru; Kyo. kóbóré-; Kag. kòbòrè-.
◊ JLTT 711.
‖ In Mong. secondary contaminations with *kajira- ‘burn, roast’
were possible.
-k῾ep῾orV curved bone: Tung. *xebti-; Mong. *kabir-; Turk. *KApur-;
Jpn. *km(p)ùrá (~-ua-); Kor. *kùprŋ.
PTung. *xebti- rib (ребро): Evk. ewtilē; Evn. ewutle; Neg. ewtile;
Man. ebči; SMan. efəči (84); Ul. xeuntile, xeuptile; Ork. xewčile; Nan. xeučile; Orch. eutile, eutule; Ud. euntile; Sol. ȫtelē.
◊ ТМС 2, 435. Should be distinguished from *xebte ‘lung’.
PMong. *kabir- rib (ребро): MMong. qabusun ‘chest’ (HY 47), gerün
xabusun ‘veranda, porch’ (HY 16), qabirxa (HY 47), qabirqa (SH), qabirɣă
(MA); WMong. qabirɣa(n), qabisu(n) (L 898); Kh. xavirga, xavis; Bur.
xabirga, xabha(n); Kalm. xäwrɣə, xawsn; Ord. xawirGa ‘edge, bank, flank’;
Mog. qoburɣa; ZM qaborɣa (3-2b) ‘side, flank’; Dag. xabirga (Тод. Даг.
172), haberihe (MD 154), xabirəg; Dong. qaruGa (MGCD qaruɣa); Bao.
χalGə; S.-Yugh. χarʁuo; Mongr. xawuʒə (SM 166), (MGCD xairʒə).
◊ MGCD 313, KW 178-179, TMN 1, 392.
*k῾er[o] - *k῾ēro
781
PTurk. *KApur- rib (ребро): OTurk. qabar (Et-Tuhf); Tur. kabur
(dial.) ‘a piece of tin or leather for fixing cracks’; Turkm. GapɨrGa; Uzb.
qɛbɨz (dial.) ‘armpit’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 275-276. Щербак (1997, 207) regards the word as a Mong. loanword,
which is hardly the case (although numerous forms like Chag. qaburɣa etc. may indeed
have a Mong. origin, see TMN 1, 392).
PJpn. *km(p)ùrá (~-ua-) calf (of leg) (икра (ноги)): MJpn. kòmùrá,
kobura; Tok. kòmura, kómura; Kyo. kómùrà; Kag. komúra.
◊ JLTT 456. Tonal correspondences are not quite clear.
PKor. *kùprŋ elbow (локоть): MKor. phằr-kùprŋ; Mod. phal-k:up.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1736.
‖ Turk. forms may be < Mong. Note that the TM forms have nothing
to do with Mong. ebčeɣün ‘breast bone’, despite Doerfer MT 20, Rozycki
65. The word probably had the original meaning ‘rib’, preserved in
Western languages; the Korean and Japanese forms cannot be kept
apart, but they deserve special comment: in both languages the root
was naturally influenced by the reflexes of *kŏp῾é ‘bend’ (q.v.); the Japanese form is also aberrant accentologically, shows rather *-m- than *-p- and may in fact be a merger of the present root with PA *k῾ome ‘marrow’.
-k῾er[o] frog, toad: Tung. *xerekī; Turk. *Kɨr-bāka / *Kur-; Kor.
*kòr’oàŋ’í.
PTung. *xerekī frog (лягушка): Evk. erekī; Evn. eriki; Neg. ejexī;
Man. erxe; Ul. xere, xereke; Ork. xere; Nan. xere; Orch. ēki; Ud. ēxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 466-467.
PTurk. *Kɨr-bāka / *Kur- 1 toad 2 frog (1 жаба 2 лягушка): Karakh.
qur-baqa (MK) 1; Turkm. Gur-bāGa 2; MTurk. qur-baɣa 1; Tat. qɨr-baqa 1;
Kirgh. qur-baqa 1; Kaz. qur-baqa 2.
◊ Лексика 180.
PKor. *kòr’oàŋ’í snail (улитка): MKor. kòr’oàŋ’í.
◊ Nam 51.
‖ An expressive root with not quite regular correspondences.
-k῾ēro to shout, speak: Tung. *xērī-; Mong. *kara/ija-; Turk. *Kạrga-; Jpn.
*kátár-.
PTung. *xērī- to shout, call (кричать, звать): Evk. ērī-; Evn. ēri-;
Neg. ējī-; Jurch. xeRse-be ‘language’ (762); Ul. xēr-si-; Nan. xēr-si-; Sol.
ērī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 464.
PMong. *kara/ija- to curse (ругать): WMong. qarija- (L 938), qaraɣa-;
Kh. xarā-; Bur. xarā-; Kalm. xarā- (КРС); Ord. xarā-; Dag. xarā-, karā(Тод. Даг. 174); harā- (MD 156); Dong. qara-; Bao. χəra-; Mongr. xarā(SM 159).
782
*k῾erV - *k῾éŕà
◊ MGCD 330.
PTurk. *Kạrga- to swear, curse (ругать, проклинать): OTurk.
qarɣan- (recipr.) (OUygh.); Karakh. qarɣa-, qɨrɣa- (MK, KB); Turkm.
GarGa-; MTurk. qarɣa- (Qutb, Abush.); Uzb. qɛrɣɛ-; Uygh. qa(r)ɣa-; Tat.
qarɣa-; Bashk. qarɣa-; Kirgh. qarɣa-; Kaz. qarɣa-; KKalp. qarɣa-; Kum.
qarɣa-; Nogh. qarɣa-; Khak. xarɣa-; Oyr. qarɣa-; Tv. qarɣa-; Tof. qarɣa-;
Chuv. xъrrъn (Adv.) ‘angrily’; Yak. kɨrā-; Dolg. kɨrā-.
◊ EDT 655, VEWT 237, ЭСТЯ 5, 304-305, Stachowski 169.
PJpn. *kátár- to speak, tell (говорить, рассказывать): OJpn. katar-;
MJpn. kátár-; Tok. kàtar-; Kyo. kátár-; Kag. katár-.
◊ JLTT 705.
‖ Владимирцов 201. Despite Щербак 1997, 134, the Mong. form is
hardly borrowed from Turkic. Jpn. has an irregular high tone. On a
possible Korean parallel see under *k῾ăli.
-k῾erV ( ~ -ŕ-) to go round, walk round: Tung. *xerē-; Mong. *kere-,
*kerü-.
PTung. *xerē- 1 around 2 to walk around, turn around (1 вокруг 2
ходить вокруг, поворачиваться): Evk. erēlī 1; Evn. erъl- 2; Neg. ejēl- 2;
Ul. xereli- 2; Ork. xereli- 2, xere-li 1; Nan. xeri- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 467.
PMong. *kere-, *kerü- to roam, wander (бродить): WMong. kere-,
kerü- (L 458); Kh. xere-; Ord. kere-, kerü-.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 127-128. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾éŕà bark: Tung. *xerekte; Mong. *kajir(a)-; Turk. *Kaŕ, *Kaŕ-dɨŕ; Jpn.
*kárà.
PTung. *xerekte skin (кожа): Evk. erekte ‘skin, bark’; Evn. ertъ; Neg.
ejekte; Ul. xerekte; Ork. xerekte; Nan. xerekte; Orch. ēkte.
◊ Formally - a derivative from PTM *xere- ‘to skin’ (reflected in Ul. xere-); see ТМС 2,
467.
PMong. *kajir(a)- scales, hard bark (чешуя, твердая кора):
MMong. kairsun (HY 15); WMong. qajir(a)-su(n) (L 914); Kh. xajrs; Kalm.
xǟrsn; Ord. xǟrsu, xǟrsa.
◊ KW 180.
PTurk. *Kaŕ, *Kaŕ-dɨŕ 1 bark 2 scales 3 dandruff 4 to peel bark 5 to
husk nuts (1 кора 2 чешуя 3 перхоть 4 сдирать кору 5 лущить орехи): OTurk. qadɨz 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qaz, qaδɨz 1 (MK); Uzb. qazɣɔq 3;
Tat. qajrɨ 1, dial. qajɨz 1; qajɨzla- 4; Bashk. qajrɨ, dial. qajɨδ; Kaz. qajɨzɣaq 3;
KKalp. qajɨzɣaq 3; Nogh. qajɨzɣaq 3; SUygh. qazdɨq 1; Khak. xastɨrɨx 1; Tv.
qazɨrɨq 2, qazɨ- 4; Tof. qa’s- 5; Chuv. xujъr 1; Yak. qatɨrɨk 1; xastā- ‘to skin’;
Dolg. kastā- ‘to skin’.
◊ VEWT 218, 243, EDT 608, 665, ЭСТЯ 5, 211-212, 328, Федотов 2, 352, Лексика 107.
The original form here is *Kaŕ; a suffixed form was *Kaŕdɨ(ŕ), later simplified to *Kadɨŕ.
*k῾ŕo - *k῾ĕsa
783
This can be clearly seen from forms like SUygh. and Khak. Another possible explanation
could be an early dissimilation (*Kaŕ-ɨŕ > *Kadɨŕ = *Kaδɨŕ, or already after the zetacism,
*Kazɨz > *Kaδɨz). There is some confusion between *Kaŕ and *Kas, *Kasuk in Old Turkic,
but MK definitely spells the word as qaz.
PJpn. *kárà shell (скорлупа): MJpn. kárà; Tok. kará; Kyo. kàrá; Kag.
kára.
◊ JLTT 438. The Kyoto accent is aberrant (*kárà would be expected).
‖ Miller 1975, 157-72, 1985, 151, АПиПЯЯ 38, 80, 285, Лексика 107.
The Mong. word belongs here with high probability, although medial
-j- is not quite clear: the form is perhaps a dissimilation < *kari-ra- (a
similar process *-lVl- > -jVl- is widely spread).
-k῾ŕo to remunerate, repay: Tung. *xeri-; Mong. *kerig; Turk. *Kaŕgan-;
Jpn. *kt-pk-.
PTung. *xeri- 1 price 2 wake, ritual celebration (after death) 3 payment to a judge (1 цена, стоимость 2 период выполнения церемониального обряда (после смерти) 3 плата судье): Evn. ēri 1; Nan. xergẽ
2, xerū (On.) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 482, 2, 464.
PMong. *kerig miserly (скупой): WMong. kerig, kireg, kirig (L 471);
Kh. xereg.
PTurk. *Kaŕgan- to earn wages by labour, to gain profits by trade,
to strive for success (приобретать, хранить, выигрывать): OTurk.
qazɣan- (Orkh., Yeniss., OUygh.); Karakh. qazɣan- (MK, KB); Tur. kazan-;
Gag. qazan-; Az. Gazan-; Turkm. Gazan-; MTurk. qazan- (Sangl., Houts.,
Ettuhf., IM, Pav. C., MA), Kypch. qazan- (CCum.); Uygh. qazan-; Tat.
qazan-; Bashk. qazan-; Kum. qazan-; Nogh. qazan-; Chuv. xъrɣъn ‘скупец,
скряга, скаред’; Yak. xahān-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 188-189.
PJpn. *kt-pk- to celebrate (поздравлять, праздновать): OJpn.
kotop(w)ok-; MJpn. kotofog-; Tok. kotohóg-, kotobuk-; Kyo. kótóhóg-; Kag.
kòtòhòg-.
◊ JLTT 713.
‖ Note a rare case of Jpn. -t- < *-ŕ- before -ə-; this should be probably
explained by an early vowel assimilation: *ktpk- < *ktùpk- (cf. also
another attested variant, *ktpùk-).
-k῾ĕsa ( ~ -o) spool, spool string: Tung. *xesi-; Turk. *K(i)as-; Jpn. *kasai.
PTung. *xesi-n string in net edge (веревка, стягивающая сеть):
Man. xešen ‘edge (of net etc.)’; SMan. xešən, xesən ‘brim; strap’ (2606);
Ul. xesi(n); Nan. xesĩ; Orch. xesi(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 483.
PTurk. *K(i)as- 1 to constrict, tighten 2 brace joining the wheel hoop
and its wooden part 3 block, tambour 4 iron hoop on a cask (1 затяги-
784
*k῾ta - *k῾ta
вать, стягивать 2 скоба, соединяющая обод колеса и его деревянную часть 3 шкив, пяльцы 4 железный обод на бочке): Tur. kas- 1;
Az. GasnaG, GasaG 3; Turkm. Gas- 1, Gasŋaq 2; Uzb. qasnɔɣ (dial.) 2;
Uygh. qasa- 1, qasqan ‘hoop of a tambourine’; Kirgh. qasas- 1, qasqan 4;
KKalp. qasnaq 2; Nogh. qasnaq 2; Khak. xas- (Sag., Koib.) ‘to place the
halter on the saddle bow’; Oyr. qasta- 1; Tv. qa῾sta- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 329-330.
PJpn. *kasai spool, tool for spinning, spool string (катушка, инструмент для наматывания, нить из катушки): OJpn. kase, kasep(j)i;
MJpn. kase; Tok. kase.
◊ JLTT 441.
‖ Martin (JLTT 441) unites Jpn. kase ‘spool’ and kase ‘fetters, shackles’; the two words, however, are clearly opposed in OJ and seem to
have quite different Altaic origin (on *kàsi ‘fetters’ see under PA *k῾ìĺa).
PJ *kasai ‘spool’ surely cannot be separated from PT *K(i)as- ‘hoop,
hoop brace’; the attribution of PTM *xesi- is less secure: it can belong
here if we suppose a semantic development ‘spool’ > ‘spool string’ >
‘string in net’.
-k῾ta to overcome, contend: Tung. *xete-; Mong. *kadagala-; Turk.
*Katar-; Jpn. *kàt-.
PTung. *xete- 1 to overcome, win 2 to be stubborn, contend 3 to fulfil, accomplish (1 преодолевать, побеждать 2 быть упрямым, состязаться 3 выполнять, совершать): Evk. ete- 3; Evn. et- 1; Neg. etiče- 2,
ete- 3; Man. ete- 1; SMan. etə- ‘to win’ (803); Jurch. hete-xe (794) 1; Ul.
xete- 1; Ork. xete- 1; Nan. xete- 1; Orch. ete- 1; Ud. ete- 1; Sol. ete- 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 470. TM > Dag. ete- (Тод. Даг. 141).
PMong. *kadagala- to preserve, keep in confinement (хранить, сохранять, держать в заключении): WMong. qadaɣala- (L 902); Kh.
xadgala-; Bur. xadagal-; Kalm. xadəɣl-; Ord. xadaGala-; Dag. xadaglā-;
S.-Yugh. GadaGla-.
◊ KW 158, MGCD 315.
PTurk. *Katar- 1 to turn (a horse) back, preventing it from going; to
turn (the enemy) back 2 to drive, pursue 3 to pasture 4 to keep watch 5
to wait (1 поворачивать (лошадь) вспять; обращать врага в бегство 2
гнать, преследовать 3 пасти 4 наблюдать 5 ждать): Karakh. qatar(MK) 1; Tur. katarla-, katala- (dial.) 2; Khak. xadar- 3,4,5; Shr. qadar- 3,4,5;
Oyr. qadar- 3,4,5; Tv. qadar- 3,4,5.
◊ EDT 604, ЭСТЯ 5, 337.
PJpn. *kàt- to win, overcome (побеждать): OJpn. kat-; MJpn. kàt-;
Tok. kát-; Kyo. kàt-; Kag. kàt-.
◊ JLTT 706.
‖ Martin 1996, 75 (Jpn.-TM).
*k῾et[o] - *k῾ét῾ò
785
-k῾et[o] to tear apart, rip: Tung. *xetü-; Mong. *kadu-; Turk. *Kotar-.
PTung. *xetü- to tear apart (разрывать): Evk. eti-; Evn. eted-; Ul.
xetu-li-; Ork. xetū-; Nan. xetu-li-.
◊ ТМС 2, 469.
PMong. *kadu- 1 to sever ribs from the spine 2 to mow 3 to rip with
fangs (of a wild swine) 4 sickle, scythe 5 to cut (1 отделять ребра от
позвоночника 2 косить 3 раздирать клыками (о кабане) 4 серп, коса
5 отсекать, рубить): MMong. qatu’ur (HY 19) 4, qataxasam (~ mixan)
(HY 24) ‘the meat of the best taste’; WMong. qadu- (L 903), qada- 2,
qadura- (L 903) 3; Kh. xada- 1,2, xadra- 3, xadūr 4; Bur. xada- 2, xadar- 3,
xadūr 4; Kalm. xad- 2, xadūr 4 (КРС); Ord. xadu- 2, xadūr 4; Dag. xadə- 2
(Тод. Даг. 172 xada-), xadūr 4 (Тод. Даг. 172), hade- 2, hadure 4 (MD 154);
Dong. Gadu- 2, Gadu 4; Bao. Gadə- 2, Gadər 4; S.-Yugh. Gadə- 2, Gadūr 4;
Mongr. Gadi- (SM 116), Gadə- 2, Gadir (SM 116), Gadər 4, (?) xadiri‘trancher, couper la gorge’ (SM 147) ( = qadura-).
◊ MGCD 315. Mong. > Evk. kadu- etc., see ТМС 1, 360-361, Poppe 1966, 193, 194, Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 97.
PTurk. *Kotar- 1 to tear out, uproot 2 to break 3 to move (1 выдирать (с корнем) 2 ломать 3 сдвигать, перемещать): Tat. qutar- (dial.)
3; Bashk. qutar- 2; Kirgh. qotor- 3; Khak. xodɨr- 1, 2; Oyr. qodor- 1.
◊ VEWT 284, ЭСТЯ 6, 85-86.
‖ An expressive Western isogloss; cf. *k῾ad[u], with a possibility of
contaminations.
-k῾ét῾ò hard: Tung. *(x)etu-; Mong. *kata-; Turk. *Kạt; Jpn. *kátá-; Kor.
*kùt-.
PTung. *(x)etu- strong, hard (сильный, тугой): Man. etu-xun; SMan.
etəxun (2501).
◊ ТМС 2, 470 (the Manchu word is to be separated from *xete- ‘to win, overcome’).
Attested only in Manchu, but having reliable external parallels. Man. > Dag. etgun, etxun
(Тод. Даг. 140).
PMong. *kata- 1 hard 2 to become hard, dry up (1 твердый 2 черстветь, высыхать): MMong. qatau’u (HY 54), qataŋgin (SH), qata’u (MA) 1,
qətəmər ‘dried (meat)’ (IM); WMong. qata- (L 943) 2, qataɣu 1; Kh. xat- 2,
xatū 1; Bur. xatū 1; Kalm. xatū 1, xatə- 2 (КРС); Ord. Gatū 1; Mog. xata 1
(Weiers); Dag. katən (Тод. Даг. 148: katō, katū, 174: xata-); katen, katū
(MD 182) 1; Dong. qɨdun, qɨtun 1; Bao. χotoŋ 1; S.-Yugh. Gadū 1; Mongr.
xadoŋ (SM 147) 1, xadā- (SM 146) 2.
◊ TMN 1, 410, MGCD 336.
PTurk. *Kạt hard (твердый): OTurk. qatɨɣ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qatɨɣ (MK, KB, IM); Tur. kat (dial.); Az. Gatɨ; Turkm. Gat, Gatɨ; MTurk.
qatɨɣ (MA); Uzb. qɔtiq; Uygh. qetiq; Tat. qatɨ; Bashk. qatɨ; Kirgh. qatū;
*k῾ĕǯa - *k῾íbà
786
Kaz. qattɨ; KKalp. qattɨ; Kum. qatɨ; Nogh. qat; Khak. xatɨɣ; Shr. qadɨɣ;
Oyr. qatū; Tv. qa’dɨɣ; Chuv. xɨdъ; Yak. kɨtānax; Dolg. kɨtānak.
◊ EDT 597-598, VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 334-335, Stachowski 170. Yak. xat-, Dolg. kat- ‘to
dry up’ (Stachowski 140) < Mong. qata- id. Khak. xatɨɣ also probably has -t- under Mong.
influence.
PJpn. *kátá- hard (твердый): OJpn. kata-; MJpn. kátá-; Tok. kàta-;
Kyo. kátà-; Kag. káta-.
◊ JLTT 831.
PKor. *kùt- hard (твердый): MKor. kùt-; Mod. kut-.
◊ Liu 88, KED 216.
‖ KW 172, Владимирцов 195, 318, SKE 132-133, Martin 233, TMN 1,
410, Lee 1958, 114, АПиПЯЯ 70. Mong. is hardly < Turk. (despite Щербак 1997, 137); Mong. > Man. qata- etc., see Doerfer MT 19, Rozycki 103.
-k῾ĕǯa ( ~ -o) to rip, tear apart: Tung. *xeǯe-; Mong. *kaǯa-; Turk.
*Kajɨra-.
PTung. *xeǯe- to rip, unrip (пороть, распарывать): Evk. eǯe-; Evn.
eǯ-; Neg. eǯe-; Ul. xeǯe-li-, xeǯe-če-; Ork. xede-či-; Nan. xeǯē- (intr.) (On.)
Orch. eǯe-ti-; Ud. eǯe-si-.
◊ ТМС 2, 439.
PMong. *kaǯa- to bite (кусать): MMong. qaǯa- (SH); WMong. qaǯa(L 947); Kh. xaʒa-; Bur. xaza-; Kalm. xaz- (КРС); Ord. xaǯa-; Dag. xaǯi-;
Dong. qaǯa- (MGCD Gaǯa-); S.-Yugh. Gaǯa-; Mongr. Gaa- (SM 117).
◊ MGCD 316, 350. Mong. > Kirgh. qaǯa- etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 183); > Manchu qaǯa- ‘to break
with the teeth’ (Rozycki 130). Mong. qaǯaɣur ‘tongs’ > Man. xaǯun ‘weapon’, see Doerfer
MT 144.
PTurk. *Kajɨra- 1 to whet, sharpen 2 to rub teeth (1 точить, заострять 2 тереть зубами): Tur. kajra- (dial.); Turkm. Gajra- 1; Uzb. qajra- 2;
Uygh. qɛjrɛ- 2; Tat. qajra- 2; Bashk. qajra- 2; Kirgh. qajra- 2; Kaz. qajra- 2;
KKalp. qajra- 2; Nogh. qajra- 2; Khak. xajɨra- 1; Oyr. qaira- 2; Chuv. xъjra2 (Anatri).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 205. The Turk. derivative *kajɨrak ‘whetstone’ > Mong. qajiraɣ, see TMN 3,
568-569. Cf. also Kaz., Tat. qajau ‘notch’, Tur. qajaɣan ‘whetstone’ (R 2, 90) and Yak. xajgɨa,
xojguo ‘notch’; Yak. xaja, Dolg. kaja ‘(to tear) apart’, Yak. xajɨt- ‘to break, tear apart’, Dolg.
kajɨt- id., kajɨn- (itr.) (see Stachowski 133, 134, 135).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾íbà ash tree: Tung. *xiba-gda; Mong. *küjir-; Turk. *Kebrüč; Jpn.
*kápiàru(n)tai.
PTung. *xiba-gda ash tree (ясень): Neg. ịwagda; Man. ibadan; Ul.
sịwaGda; Nan. sịwaGda; Orch. iwagda; Ud. joɣda.
◊ ТМС 1, 295.
PMong. *küjir- ash-tree (ясень): Kh. xüjrs (РМС).
PTurk. *Kebrüč ash tree (ясень): Karakh. kevrik ‘hornbeam’ (Vitex
agnus castus) (MK); Tur. kürüč, küvrüč (dial.); Az. göjrüš; Tat. qorɨč-aɣač;
*k῾ibù - *k῾ič῾V
787
Bashk. qoros-aɣas; KBalk. kürüč, Balk. küjrüč; Kum. güjrüč; Nogh. küjriš;
Chuv. kavъrъś, kavrъś > Hung. kōris.
◊ EDT 690, VEWT 245, ЭСТЯ 5, 152, Лексика 136, Bläsing 2001. Volga-Turkic languages have a secondary vowel assimilation due to the compound with aɣač. Cf. also
Osset. kärz(ä) < Turk., see Abayev 1, 587-588; on Hung. kőris < Turk. see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kápiàru(n)tai a k. of maple tree (вид клена): OJpn. kapjerude;
MJpn. káfèdé; Tok. kàede; Kyo. kàèdé; Kag. kaéde.
◊ JLTT 432. Etymologized as ‘frog hand’, which is most probably a folk-etymology.
‖ Дыбо 11. Vowels in Mong. and Turk. are not quite clear: probably
Mong. *küjir- < *kijür- and Turk. *Kebrüč < *Kibrüč (?).
-k῾ibù handle: Tung. *xīb-; Mong. *kiɣi-; Turk. *Kiben-te; Jpn. *kúpá.
PTung. *xīb- handle (of axe), shaft (of arrow) (рукоятка (топора,
лопаты), древко (стрелы, копья)): Evn. iw-den; Ul. sī; Ork. sī; Nan. sī;
Orch. ī; Ud. ī (i) (Корм. 236).
◊ ТМС 1, 295.
PMong. *kiɣi- 1 handle of a bucket 2 violin (1 ручка ведра 2 скрипка): WMong. kikili ( = kigili) 2 (L 465); Kh. xijl 2; Bur. xiila 1.
PTurk. *Kiben-te shoulder yoke (коромысло): Tat. köjɛntɛ; Bashk.
köjɛntɛ; Kaz. küjeŋte; Nogh. küjen; Chuv. kəₙvende.
◊ VEWT 306 (the word should be distinguished from *Küb- ‘to pound’ q. v. sub
*gube).
PJpn. *kúpá hoe, mattock (мотыга): MJpn. kúfá; Tok. kùwa; Kyo.
kùwá; Kag. kúwa.
◊ JLTT 468. Most dialects reflect *kúpá, but Kyoto points to a variant *kùpá.
‖ Standard Jpn. accent does not correspond to PTM length; however, length here may be compensatory (cf. loss of *-b in most TM languages).
-k῾ič῾V ( ~ -č-) small; young of animals: Mong. *kičig; Turk. *kičük /-g.
PMong. *kičig puppy, young of dog (щенок): MMong. güčük (HY);
WMong. kičig; Kalm. kičəg; Dong. kiǯəu; S.-Yugh. gəčig.
◊ KW 233, MGCD 300. Evn. köčükēn, kučukēn ‘sm, little child’ (ТМС 1, 421) should be
regarded as a loan < Mong.
PTurk. *kičük /-g small, little (маленький): OTurk. kičig (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kičüg (MK); Tur. küčük, kiči (dial.); Gag. küčük, küǯük;
Az. kičik; Turkm. kiči; Sal. kiǯi; MTurk. kičik (IM, AH, Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. kičik; Uygh. kičik; Krm. kičkenä; Tat. keče; Bashk. kese; Kirgh. kičǖ;
Kaz. kəši; KBalk. gičče; KKalp. kəši; Nogh. kiškej; SUygh. kɨčiɣ; Khak.
kəčəg; Oyr. kičü; Chuv. kəźən; Yak. kuččuguj; Dolg. kuččuguj, küččügüj.
◊ VEWT 269, EDT 696, ЭСТЯ 5, 75-77, Stachowski 159, 163. On Turk. > Hung. kis
‘small’ see Gombocz 1912.
‖ KW 233, VEWT 269, АПиПЯЯ 284. A Turkic-Mongolian isogloss;
loan is not excluded (see Clark 1980, 43, Щербак 1997, 164), thus the
PA antiquity is dubious (cf. also TMN 3, 628-631). The Turkic form may
788
*k῾jĺu - *k῾íla
actually be the same root as the somewhat later attested *güčük ‘puppy’
(see ЭСТЯ 3, 92-93) - which may also be the source of MMong. güčüg;
in this case one should rather consider a possibility of comparing
Mong. gičige, Khalkha gičij ‘bitch’ and Evk. guske ‘wolf’, gusketkēn
‘wolf’s cub’ (ТМС 1, 175).
-k῾jĺu to deviate, slant: Tung. *xī(l)-; Mong. *kelbe-, *kilu-; Turk. *Kɨjĺ-;
Jpn. *kùsù-.
PTung. *xī(l)- to pass (миновать, проходить мимо): Evk. ilte(n)-;
Evn. ie-, iel-; Neg. ilten-; Ul. sī-; Ork. sī-; Nan. sī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 310-311; 2, 73.
PMong. *kelbe-, *kilu- 1 to deviate 2 to be oblique, slanting (1 отклоняться 2 скашиваться, быть косым): MMong. kelberi- 2 (SH), kelberin ‘slanting’ (HYt), qilǯir ‘squint’ (MA); WMong. kelbere- (L 446: kelberi-) 1, kelbiji- (L 446: kelbeji-), kiluji- 2 (L 467: kiluji-, kilaji- ‘to look ascance’); Kh. xelbere- 1, xelbij- 2, alaj- ‘to look ascance’; Bur. xelbɨ- 1 xilar
‘кривой’; Kalm. kelwr- 2, kulī- 2; Ord. kelbeger ‘inclined’; Dag. kelbei- 2
(Тод. Даг. 149).
◊ KW 224, 244, TMN 1, 472. Mong. > Man. kelfi- etc., see Doerfer MT 123, Rozycki
136-137. Mong. has also other derived forms-: kelteger, keltegei ‘crooked’, kelteji- ‘to bow,
bend’ ( > Evk. kelteke, kelter etc., see Doerfer ibid.; > Yak., Dolg. keltegej, see Kał. MEJ 77,
Stachowski 144); kilar, kilaɣar ‘squint-eyed’ (> Evk. kilar, see Doerfer ibid. 127).
PTurk. *Kɨjĺ- to bow, bend (гнуться, кривиться): Karakh. qɨš- (MK)
‘to deviate’; Tur. kɨš-; Turkm. Gšar-; Uygh. qijšaj-; Bashk. qɨjšanda-;
Kirgh. qɨjšaj-; Kaz. qɨjsaqta-; KBalk. qɨjsaj- < Nogh.; Nogh. qɨjsaj-.
◊ EDT 670, VEWT 268, TMN 3, 571-573.
PJpn. *kùsù- strange ( < ‘deviating’?) (странный ( <
‘отклоняющийся’?)): OJpn. kusu-, kusi; MJpn. kùsù-.
◊ JLTT 833.
‖ KW 244, EAS 108, TMN 1, 472. The Jpn. form is phonetically a
good match; as for the meaning, one has to suppose a development
‘slanting, deviating’ > ‘strange’.
-k῾íla hair: Tung. *xiń-ŋa- ( < *xil-ŋa-); Mong. *kilga-su; Turk. *Kɨl(k);
Jpn. *kái; Kor. *kār(h)-.
PTung. *xiń-ŋa- hair, fur (волос, пух, шерсть): Evk. inŋakta; Evn.
ịnŋt; Neg. ênńakta; Man. iŋGaχa; Ul. sịńakta; Ork. sịnaqta; Nan. sịŋaqta;
Orch. iŋaqta; Ud. iŋakta; Sol. iŋakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 317.
PMong. *kilga-su horse’s hair, tail hair (лошадиный волос, волос
хвоста): MMong. qilɣasu (MA), kilqasun (SH); WMong. kilɣasu(n) (L
466); Kh. algas; Bur. xilgāha(n); Kalm. kilɣəsn, kiləɣsn; Ord. kilGasu(n);
Mog. qilɣasun; Dag. kilgās, kirgās (Тод. Даг. 150); Mongr. ćirGāʒə.
◊ KW 231, MGCD 352. Mong. > Evk. kilgāsun, see Doerfer MT 126.
*k῾ile - *k῾ílo
789
PTurk. *Kɨl(k) hair (волос): OTurk. qɨl (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨl (MK,
KB); Tur. kɨl; Gag. qɨl; Az. Gɨl; Turkm. Gɨl; Khal. qɨl; MTurk. qɨl (IM);
Uzb. qil; Uygh. qil; Krm. qɨl; Tat. qɨl; Bashk. qɨl; Kirgh. qɨl; Kaz. qɨl;
KBalk. qɨl; KKalp. qɨl; Kum. qɨl; Nogh. qɨl; SUygh. qɨl; Khak. xɨl; Shr. qɨl
(R.); Oyr. qɨl; Tv. xɨl; Tof. xɨl; Chuv. xələx; Yak. kɨl; Dolg. kɨl ‘sealine’.
◊ VEWT 262, TMN 3, 574-5, EDT 614, Лексика 196, ЭСТЯ 6, 204-205, Stachowski 168.
PJpn. *kái hair (волос): OJpn. ke; MJpn. ké; Tok. kè; Kyo. k; Kag. ké.
◊ JLTT 447.
PKor. *kār(h)- 1 hair 2 horse’s mane (1 волос 2 лошадиная грива):
MKor. kārki 2; Mod. məri-kharak, məri-khal 1, kālgi 2.
◊ Liu 28, HMCH 308, KED 43, 608.
‖ KW 231, Владимирцов 172, Poppe 19, ОСНЯ 1, 352, JOAL 71, 72,
Street 1985, 640, АПиПЯЯ 29, 75, 87, 276, Дыбо 4, Мудрак Дисс. 69,
Лексика 197. Borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite improbable, despite
Щербак 1997, 137. Doerfer (TMN 3, 575) expresses doubts (“...wohl
nicht angeht”). Jpn. *ká- reflects *k῾il(a)-gV (cf. the Turkic and Mong.
forms).
-k῾ile a k. of fish or lizard: Tung. *xilkun; Mong. *kilim; Turk. *keler /
*keleŕ / *kelte.
PTung. *xilkun summer salmon (кета (летняя)): Evk. ilkun; Neg.
ịlkụn; Ul. sịlčịn; Nan. sịlkị.
◊ ТМС 1, 309.
PMong. *kilim 1 sturgeon 2 salmon (1 осетр 2 лосось): WMong.
kilim (L 466: kilime); Kh. xilem; Bur. xilme.
PTurk. *keler / *keleŕ / *kelte lizard (ящерица): Karakh. keler (MK);
Tur. keler (dial.), kelez (dial.), kelte-keler (dial.); Az. kelez, käläz; MTurk.
keles (MA); Uzb. kälti-kälas, kälɔs (dial.), kältä (dial.); Uygh. kilɛr (dial.);
SUygh. kesilkə; Khak. kileskə; Shr. kelesken; Oyr. keleski; Tv. xeleske; Chuv.
kalda.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 30-32, 34, Лексика 180-181; *keleŕ > Mong. keles, see Щербак 1997, 126. Despite ЭСТЯ the Chuv. form cannot be borrowed from Tat; rather, vice versa, some
Volga-Qypchaq languages have borrowed the Bulg. word.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic we are dealing perhaps with a
merger of this root with a different one, reflected in Mong. gölbürge
‘lizard’ (KW 138), Khalkha gürbel (whence Yak. külgeri, kürgeli). Cf. also
*kalu, *k῾ula.
-k῾ílo stalk, stem: Tung. *xila-; Mong. *kil-gana; Turk. *Kɨl-ga-; Kor.
*krh.
PTung. *xila- to blossom, flower (цвести, цветок): Evk. ila-, ilaɣa;
Neg. ịlaɣa-, ịlaɣa; Man. ila-, ilχa; SMan. iləhā (2139); Jurch. hil-ɣa (118);
Ul. sịla-, sịla; Ork. sịla-, sịlla; Nan. sịla-, sịlaqta; Orch. ilakta; Ud. ila-.
*k῾ìĺa - *k῾ìĺa
790
◊ ТМС 1, 304. TM > Dag. ilgā (Тод. Даг. 146). Cf. also *xila-, *xilē- ‘bast, to peel off
bast’.
PMong. *kil-gana meadowgrass (Stipa consanguinea) (ковыль, луговая трава): WMong. kilɣana, kilaɣana (L 465); Kh. algana; Bur. xilgana;
Kalm. kilɣənə; Ord. kilaGana.
◊ KW 231. Mong. > Manchu kilhana ‘bramble-bush (Bidens bipinnata)’ (see Rozycki
139).
PTurk. *Kɨl-ga- beard (of grain), awn (ость (колоса)): Az. Gɨlɣa
(dial.) ‘third harvest on virgin soil’; Bashk. qɨlɣan (dial.); Kirgh. qɨlqan;
Kaz. qɨlqan; KKalp. qɨlqan; Khak. xɨlɣa; Oyr. qɨlɣan, qɨlɣa; Tof. xɨlɣan;
Chuv. xɨĺъx; Yak. kɨlān.
◊ VEWT 263, Лексика 127, ЭСТЯ 6, 208-209. The Kypchak names of “meadowgrass”
(Kirgh. qɨlqan etc., see Лексика ibid., ЭСТЯ 6, 208) are most probably borrowed from
Mongolian.
PKor. *krh stubble; stump (стерня; пень): MKor. kr (krh); Mod.
kɨru.
◊ Nam 67, KED 235.
‖ Дыбо 10. Cf. PJ *ki, OJ ki ‘tree’ (if not < Austronesian), compared
with Kor. by Whitman 1985, 138-139, 226.
-k῾ìĺa fetters: Tung. *xil-; Mong. *kelbeɣür; Turk. *kiĺe-; Jpn. *kàsi; Kor.
*kár.
PTung. *xil- 1 loop for a billet on deer’s neck (to keep him from
straying) 2 fur collar 3 halter, headstall (1 петля (для подвешивания
на шею оленя плашки) 2 оплечье, ошейник (обшитый соболями);
меховой воротник 3 недоуздок): Evk. inman, inmar 3, iltē 1; Evn. ịnmr
3; Man. ilten 2; Ul. sini 2; Ork. sinni 2, sịlma 3; Orch. sili 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 310, 316, 2, 84.
PMong. *kelbeɣür chock, boot-tree (колодка): WMong. kelbegür
(МХТТ); Kh. xelbǖr; Bur. xelberi; Dag. kelbej-.
◊ Mong. > Orok qalụmụri ‘board’. The word is formally derived from kelbe- ‘to shape’,
whence also kelberi (L 446) ‘shape’: external evidence, however, strongly suggests that
‘boot-tree’ must have been the original meaning, and ‘shape’ is a secondary developed
abstract meaning.
PTurk. *kiĺe- 1 to hobble, bound 2 fetters (1 стреножить 2 путы):
OTurk. kiše- (OUygh.) 1, kišen (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. kiše- (MK, KB) 1,
kišen (MK) 2; Tur. kešan ‘headstall, fetters’; Turkm. kīšen ‘chains’;
MTurk. kišen ‘chain’ (Sangl., Houts.), Kypch. kišen (CCum.) 2; Uygh.
kišɛn 2; Tat. kištɛ 3; Kirgh. kišen 2; KBalk. kišen 2.
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 753. Some forms point to *kēĺ-, possibly under the influence of
*keĺč ‘belt’ (v. sub *k῾éĺe).
PJpn. *kàsi fetters, shackles (оковы, кандалы): OJpn. kasi; MJpn.
kasi, kase; Tok. káse; Kyo. kásé; Kag. kasé.
◊ JLTT 441. Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *kàs(a)í or *kàs(a)î, but Kyoto points to
*kás(a)í (the word is not attested in RJ).
*k῾régV - *k῾ìri
791
PKor. *kár fetters, cangue (оковы, колодки): MKor. kár, kār; Mod.
khal.
◊ Nam 19, HMCH 249, KED 1669. Modern initial kh- is not quite clear.
‖ Cf. *koli, *gldi, *k῾uli ; on the Jpn. form see also under *k῾ĕsa. The
Turkic vocalism is completely irregular: perhaps due to a cluster simplification or assimilation? In Mong. cf. also kelke- ‘to bead, string, join’
( > Yak., Dolg. kelgij-, see Kał. MEJ 51, Stachowski 143).
-k῾régV cutting tool: Tung. *xirege; Mong. *kiröɣe; Turk. *kerki; Jpn.
*kìrí.
PTung. *xirege file (напильник): Evk. ireɣē; Evn. irge; Neg. īɣē ~
ijeɣē; Ul. siru; Ork. sīro; Nan. siru; Orch. jo; Ud. jue.
◊ ТМС 1, 328-329.
PMong. *kiröɣe 1 file, saw 2 awl (1 напильник, пила 2 шило):
MMong. kirū 1, kirä 2 (IM), kiru (MA) 1, kire 2, kiru’e (SH); WMong.
kirüge 1 (L 473); Kh. xörȫ 1; Bur. ürȫ 1; Kalm. kör 1; Ord. körȫ 1; Dag.
kirē 1 (Тод. Даг. 150, MD 183); Dong. čireu 1; S.-Yugh. kürē 1; Mongr.
ćirū (SM 458) 1.
◊ KW 240, MGCD 376. Mong. > Oyr. kärä etc. (VEWT 255).
PTurk. *kerki 1 adze, mattock 2 razor (1 кирка, мотыга 2 бритва):
Karakh. kerki (MK) 1, kerej (MK) 2; Tur. kerki 1; Az. kärki, kerki (dial.) 1;
Turkm. kerki 1; MTurk. kerki (IM, AH) 1; Uygh. kɛkɛ, kɛrke (dial.) 1;
Kirgh. kerki 1; Oyr. kerki 1; Tv. keržek ‘adze’; Chuv. karъ ‘chisel’.
◊ EDT 741, ЭСТЯ 5, 51-52 ( > Russ. кирка).
PJpn. *kìrí drill, awl (сверло, шило): OJpn. kjiri; MJpn. kìrì; Tok.
kíri; Kyo. kìrí; Kag. kíri.
◊ JLTT 451. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 92, Ozawa 80-81. The stem may be connected to
PT *kert- (ЭСТЯ 5, 54, Stachowski 145), Mong. *kerči- ‘to cut’ ( > Evk.
kerči- etc., ТМС 1, 453, see Doerfer MT 110; the two words were compared in KW 228, Poppe 19, 51, 83, Menges 1982, and despite Щербак
1997, 127, Mong. kerči- is hardly borrowed < Turk.): we may be dealing
with two derivatives (*k῾ire-gV vs. *k῾ire-t῾V). However, direct derivation
PT *kerki < *kert-ki is hardly plausible, despite Menges 1944; it rather
goes back to *kirge-ki.
-k῾ìri dirt, dirty: Tung. *(x)ir-; Mong. *kir; Turk. *kir; Jpn. *kìtà-nà-.
PTung. *(x)ir- dandruff (перхоть): Evn. irit.
◊ ТМС 1, 327. Attested only in Evn., but with possible external parallels.
PMong. *kir dirt (грязь): MMong. kīr (IM), kir (MA); WMong. kir (L
385), kkir (DO 415); Kh. xir; Bur. xir(e); Kalm. kir; Dag. hire (MD 162).
◊ KW 232. Mong. > Evk. kiri etc., see Doerfer MT 73.
PTurk. *kir dirt (грязь): OTurk. kir (OUygh.); Karakh. kir (MK, KB);
Tur. kir; Gag. kir; Az. kir; Turkm. kir; MTurk. kir (Houts., Pav. C, AH);
792
*k῾rka - *k῾rka
Uzb. kir; Uygh. kir; Krm. kir; Tat. ker; Bashk. ker; Kirgh. kir; Kaz. kir;
KKalp. kir; Kum. kir; Nogh. kir; Khak. kər; Oyr. kir; Tv. xir; Chuv. kirək
‘dirt on body, dandruff’; Yak. kir; Dolg. kir.
◊ EDT 735, VEWT 271, ЭСТЯ 5, 69-70, Stachowski 148.
PJpn. *kìtà-nà- dirty (грязный): OJpn. kjita-na-; MJpn. kita-na-; Tok.
kitaná-; Kyo. kítánà-; Kag. kitaná-.
◊ JLTT 832.
‖ KW 232, АПиПЯЯ 73, Martin 230. Mong. may be < Turk. (cf.
Щербак 1997, 127). Cf. also Turk. *Keŕ ‘bottom thief’ (ЭСТЯ 5, 20),
which Tekin (1979, 126) links with Mong. kerčire ‘mud, silt’: both may
actually belong to the same Altaic root.
-k῾rka to scrape, file: Tung. *xigdi-; Mong. *kirga-; Turk. *Kɨrk-; Jpn.
*kàk-; Kor. *kɨrk- / *kắrk-.
PTung. *xigdi- to comb (чесать, причесывать): Evk. igdi-; Evn. ịd-;
Neg. ịgdị-; Man. iǯi-; Jurch. hir-di-xun ‘comb’ (549); Ul. sigdu-; Ork.
sigdi-; Nan. sigǯi-; Orch. igdi-; Sol. idda-.
◊ ТМС 1, 296-297.
PMong. *kirga- to shear, shave (стричь, брить): MMong. kirqa(SH), korɣa- (IM), qirɣa- (MA); WMong. kirɣa- (L 471); Kh. arga-; Bur.
xirga-; Kalm. kirɣə-; Ord. kirGa-; Mog. qirɣa- ‘shave, scrape’; KT qərɣa(23-5b); Dong. Gəɣa-; S.-Yugh. χurGa-; Mongr. ćirGā- (SM 457).
◊ KW 232, MGCD 354. Mong. > Evk. kirga- etc., see Poppe 1972, 103, Doerfer MT 131,
Rozycki 106, 134.
PTurk. *Kɨrk- to shear, scrape (стричь, скрести): OTurk. qɨrq(OUygh.); Karakh. qɨrq- (MK); Tur. kɨrk-; Gag. qɨrq-; Az. Gɨrx-; Turkm.
Gɨrq-; Khal. qɨrq-; MTurk. qɨrq- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. qirq-; Uygh. qi(r)q-;
Krm. qɨrq-; Tat. qɨrq-; Bashk. qɨrq-; Kirgh. qɨrq-; Kaz. qɨrq-; KKalp. qɨrq-;
Kum. qɨrq-; Nogh. qɨrq-; SUygh. qɨrq-; Khak. xɨrɨx-; Oyr. qɨrq-, qɨrqɨ-; Tv.
qɨrɣɨ-; Yak. kɨrt-.
◊ EDT 651, VEWT 266, ЭСТЯ 6, 236-237.
PJpn. *kàk- to scratch, scrape (скрести, царапать): OJpn. kak-;
MJpn. kàk-; Tok. kák-; Kyo. kàk-; Kag. kàk-.
◊ JLTT 702.
PKor. *kɨrk- / *kắrk- to shear, scrape (стричь, скрести): MKor. kɨrk-,
kắrk-; Mod. kɨk- [kɨlk-], kak- [kalk-].
◊ Nam 22, 74, KED 48, 249.
‖ KW 232, Poppe 20, 115, Martin 240, ОСНЯ 1, 354. Mong. is hardly
borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 139. The root tends to contaminate with *góro q.v. The vowel reflex in Korean is somewhat unclear (*kark- or *kərk- would be expected), otherwise all evidence points
to *k῾irga. The relation of Manchu xergen ‘line, scratch, notch’ is not
quite clear: the word is certainly borrowed (because of -rg-), but the
*k῾ĭrma - *k῾írù
793
source is unknown; equally unclear is the isolated Manchu qarqa‘scratch with chopsticks, scrape on the fiyoo instrument’ (compared
with Kor. by Lee 1958, 113); perhaps in both cases we are dealing with
loanwords Manchu < Kor.(?)
-k῾ĭrma ( ~ -u, -o) snow, hoar-frost: Tung. *xima-ŋsa; Mong. *kirmag;
Turk. *Kɨr-.
PTung. *xima-ŋsa snow (снег): Evk. imana; Evn. ịmnr; Neg. ịmana;
Man. nimaŋgi; SMan. nimaŋə (2025); Jurch. hima-ŋi (17); Ul. sịmana,
sịmata; Ork. sịmana, sịmata; Nan. sịmana, sịmata; Orch. imasa; Ud. imaha;
Sol. imanda.
◊ See ТМС 1, 312-313 (all languages reflect also various verbs derived from the root
*xima-). Cf. also Evn. irpi ( < *xirpi) ‘snow’ (folkl.) (ТМС 1, 328).
PMong. *kirmag first snow (первый снег): WMong. kirmaɣ (L 470:
kirmaɣ, kiramaɣ); Kh. armag; Bur. armag, xirmag; Kalm. kirmъg; Ord.
kirmaG ‘petite neige qui parvient à peine à couvrir le sol’; Dag.
kiarəmsən.
◊ KW 232, MGCD 354. Turk. *kɨrpak is probably a different root, see under *k῾are.
PTurk. *Kɨr- 1 hoar-frost 2 thin snow (1 иней 2 тонкий снег):
OTurk. qɨraɣu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨraɣu 1 (MK); Tur. kɨraɣu 1; Gag. qrā
1; Az. Gɨrow 1; Turkm. Gɨraw 1, Gɨrpaq 2; Khal. qɨraw 1; MTurk. qɨraw
(Бор. Бад., Abush.), qirau, qiraɣu (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. qirɔw 1; Uygh. qija,
qira, qiro 1; Krm. qɨraw, qoruw 1; Tat. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; Bashk. qɨraw 1,
qɨrpaq 2; Kirgh. qɨrō 1; Kaz. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; KBalk. qrau 1, qɨrpaq 2;
KKalp. qɨraw 1; Kum. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; Nogh. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; Khak. xro
1, xɨrbɨx 2; Shr. qɨrā 1; Oyr. quru 1; Tv. xɨrā 1; Chuv. xərbəx 2; Yak. kɨrɨa 1,
krpax, kɨrpaj 2; Dolg. kɨrɨa 1.
◊ VEWT 265-266, 267, EDT 656, ЭСТЯ 6, 230-231, 241, Stachowski 169. Turk. >
MMong. (HY) kira’u, WMong. kiraɣu, Khalkha arū ‘hoar-frost’ etc. (see Doerfer TMN 3,
569, Щербак 1997, 138, Clark 1977, 147, although the latter’s derivation of *kɨragu < *kɨr
‘grey’ is hardly acceptable). Cf. also PT *Kɨr-lač ‘the coldest time of winter’ (see ЭСТЯ 6,
237-238).
‖ A Western isogloss. The etymology belongs to R. A. Miller (Miller
1985b) and O. Mudrak (Мудрак Дисс. 193) and presupposes a cluster
simplification in PTM: *xima- < *xirma( = Mong. kirma-G).
-k῾írù saddle: Mong. *kira; Turk. *kürtün; Jpn. *kúrà; Kor. *kìrmá.
PMong. *kira rim of saddle bow (край седельной луки): WMong.
kira (L 470); Kh. ar.
◊ Cf. IM korǯe (=kürǯe) ῾saddle bow’; the word is also glossed as ‘shovel’ which is a
reflex of the Turkic loanword kürǯe; but the meaning ‘saddle bow’ is quite peculiar and
may represent a different lexeme.
PTurk. *kür-tün pack saddle (вьючное седло): Tur. kürtün; MTurk.
kürtün (AH); Tat. kürčen (dial.).
◊ VEWT 311, Лексика 540.
794
*k῾bu - *k῾áčo
PJpn. *kúrà saddle (седло): OJpn. kura; MJpn. kúrà; Tok. kurá; Kyo.
kúrà; Kag. kurá.
◊ JLTT 464. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *kìrmá saddle (седло): MKor. kìrmá; Mod. kilma.
◊ Nam 78, Liu 113, KED 280.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term. In Turkic one has to
suppose secondary labialization (*kürtün < *kirtün); otherwise correspondences are quite regular.
-k῾bu to peel, skin: Tung. *xū(be); Mong. *kaɣul-; Turk. *K(i)ab; Kor.
*kjə[b]- / *kib-.
PTung. *xū(be) membrane scraper (скребок (для соскабливания
мездры)): Evk. ū; Evn. ; Neg. ū; Ul. xūe; Nan. xue; Ud. ū.
◊ ТМС 2, 242.
PMong. *kaɣul- to peel off, skin (сдирать шкуру, свежевать):
MMong. qa’ul- (SH); WMong. qaɣul- (L 909); Kh. xūla-; Bur. xūla-; Kalm.
xūl- (КРС); Ord. xūl-; Dag. haule- (MD 158); Mongr. xli- ‘peler,
écorcher, écorcer’ (SM 180).
◊ Mong. > Man. qola-, qōla- (Rozycki 142).
PTurk. *K(i)ab 1 peeled skin 2 to peel 3 dandruff (1 содранная кожа 2 сдирать (кожу) 3 перхоть): Tur. kav 1, kovak 1, kavla- 2; Az. GovaG
3; Turkm. Gov 1; MTurk. qav 1 (AH) , qavaq 3 (CCum.); Uygh. qavaq
‘shell’ (dial.); Tat. qawɨq 3; Bashk. qaw 1, qawaq 3; Khak. xāx 3; Oyr. qoq
(Верб.), qāq (dial.) 3.
◊ VEWT 214, EDT 578, ЭСТЯ 5, 160-161, 6, 7-8. This root should be distinguished
from *Kāpuk ‘bark’ (v. sub *k῾p῾à), although they are partially confused in VEWT 234-5.
See also EDT 583.
PKor. *kjə[b]- / *kib- 1 rice husks 2 bran (1 рисовая шелуха 2 отруби): MKor. kj 1, kì’úr 2; Mod. kjə 1, kiul 2.
◊ Liu 53, 114, KED 111, 272.
‖ Владимирцов 209. One of several similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a,
*k῾epa, *kèp῾i, *gébo).
-k῾áčo ends of bow, brace: Tung. *xusu- / *xuse-; Mong. *kičir; Turk.
*KAča-, *KAča-gu (?); Jpn. *kasunkapi; Kor. *kòčái.
PTung. *xusu- / *xuse- 1 cross-bow 2 weapon (for throwing) 3 snare
(1 самострел 2 оружие (для бросания: стрела, снаряд) 3 силки): Evk.
usē 2; Evn. us 2; Neg. use 2; Man. wesen 3; Ul. χosolị 2; Nan. χosolị 1;
Orch. usuli 2; Ud. wuhende- ‘to throw (weapon)’.
◊ ТМС 2, 292.
PMong. *kičir ends of bow (концы лука): WMong. kičir (МXTTT);
Kh. xičir; Ord. gečir.
PTurk. *KAča-, *KAča-gu to chisel, chisel (долото, зубило, работать зубилом): Tat. qaʒau (Sib.); Bashk. qasau; Kaz. qaša-, qašau.
*k῾ằda - *k῾ăk῾e
795
◊ VEWT 217.
PJpn. *kasunkapi brace, latch (скоба): OJpn. kasugapji; MJpn. kasugafi; Tok. kasugai.
◊ JLTT 442.
PKor. *kòčái ends of bow (концы лука): MKor. kòčái; Mod. koǯa.
◊ Nam 48, KED 148.
‖ The Turkic match is dubious (scantily represented and semantically difficult); all other languages match each other rather well.
-k῾ằda itching, pungent: Tung. *xidar; Jpn. *kàjù-; Kor. *kằráb-.
PTung. *xidar bitter, acid, biting (горький, едкий): Evk. idari-pču;
Evn. ịdъrsị; Neg. ịdasi; Man. idarša- ‘to feel chest pain’; Ul. sịdarsị; Ork.
sịdārụlị; Nan. sịdarsị.
◊ ТМС 1, 297.
PJpn. *kàjù- itching (зудеть, зудящий): OJpn. kaju-; MJpn. kàjù-;
Tok. kayú-; Kyo. káyù-; Kag. kayú-.
◊ JLTT 831.
PKor. *kằráb- to itch (зудеть, чесаться): MKor. kằráp-, kărjap-, kărjəp(-w-); Mod. karjəp- (-w-).
◊ Liu 3, 4, KED 11
‖ Martin 234 (Kor.-Jpn.). An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps Khalkha
xad(an) ‘кислица, смородина высочайшая’, ‘цимбария даурская’ (if
not < Turk. *Kat- ‘berry’).
-k῾ăk῾e ( ~ -k-, -a) dry: Tung. *(x)igǯa-; Mong. *kagda-; Turk. *KAk.
PTung. *(x)igǯa- 1 yellow 2 grey (1 желтый 2 серый): Evk. igǯa-ma,
-rin 1; Evn. ịɣǯaqa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 297.
PMong. *kag- 1 to become hard, dry 2 last year’s grass (1 засыхать,
затвердевать 2 прошлогодняя трава): WMong. qaɣda 2 (L 908); Kh.
xagd 2, xagsa- 1; Bur. xagda(n) 2, xagsa 1; Kalm. xaɣsə- 1, xaɣdə 2 (КРС);
Mongr. xadarā- ‘être en lambeaux, être usé’ (SM 147), xaʒā- ‘être ou devenir sec, se dessécher’ (SM 148).
◊ Mong. > Man. xakda, xaksa- etc., see Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 99; > Yak. xagdarɨj-,
Dolg. kagdarɨj- ‘to become yellow (of leaves)’ (Stachowski 132).
PTurk. *KAk dry (сухой): Karakh. qaq (MK); Tur. dial. kak, kah; Az.
Gax; Turkm. qaq; MTurk. qaq (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. qɔq; Uygh. qaq; Tat.
qaq; Bashk. qaq; Kirgh. qaq; Kaz. qaq; KKalp. qaq; Kum. qaq; Nogh. qaq;
Oyr. qaq.
◊ VEWT 223, ЭСТЯ 5, 218-220, EDT 608.
‖ A Western isogloss. See KW 160, 176, Poppe 17, 58; TMN 3, 394
(“weder beweisbar noch widerlegbar”). Mong. is not from Turkic, despite Щербак 1997, 134.
796
*k῾āla - *k῾ăli
-k῾āla ( ~ -ĺ-) hot, ashes: Tung. *xial-; Mong. *kala-.
PTung. *xial- 1 coal 2 black (1 уголь 2 черный): Evk. lla 1; Evn. ǟlrъ
1; Neg. la 1; Man. jačin 2, jaχa 1; SMan. jačiŋ 2 (2427); Jurch. hia-xa (66)
1; Ul. slta 1; Ork. slta 1; Nan. sịalta 1; Orch. (i)jakta 1; Ud. jalaha 1; Sol.
ilgẽ, ilči 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 289-290. Man. > Dag. jāga ‘coal’ (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *kala- to heat (нагревать(ся)): MMong. qala’un ‘hot, warm’
(HY 6, SH), qalaūn id. (IM), qalun (LH); WMong. qala- (L 916); Kh. xala-;
Bur. xalā- 1 (xala- ‘обжигаться’) xalū(n) 2; Kalm. xalə-; Ord. xala-; Mog.
qalɔn ‘warm’ (Weiers); Dag. xale- 1 (MD 155) xolō-; xalla- 1, (Тод. Даг.
173) xala- 1, xalōn 2; Dong. qalun ‘warm’; Bao. χalGə-, χalə-; χoloŋ
‘warm’; S.-Yugh. χalū-dGa-, χalū-ra-; Mongr. xala- (SM 151); xaloŋ (SM
152) ‘warm’, xarmaa- < WMong. qalamača- ‘ressentir une forte chaleur,
avoir la fièvre’ (SM 164).
◊ KW 162, MGCD 237, 318, 319. Mong. > Chag. qala-, Tel. qala- ‘to make fire, kindle’
(VEWT 224, ЭСТЯ 5, 228, Лексика 364); > Man. xala- etc. (Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT
144).
‖ SKE 162, ОСНЯ 1, 333. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ăli tongue: Tung. *xilŋü; Mong. *kele-; Turk. *kele-; Kor. *kằró-.
PTung. *xilŋü tongue (язык): Evk. inńi; Evn. ienŋъ; Neg. ińŋi; Man.
ileŋgu; SMan. ileŋə, ilŋi; Jurch. hileŋ-ŋu (499); Ul. sińu; Ork. sinu; Nan.
śirmu, siŋmu; Orch. iŋi; Ud. iŋi; Sol. iŋi.
◊ ТМС 1, 316-317.
PMong. *kele- 1 to say 2 tongue, language (1 сказать, говорить 2
язык): MMong. kele(n), (SH), kelen (HY 45) 2, kele- 1 (SH, HYt), kele(IM), kl-, kiln 1 (MA); WMong. kele- 1, kele 2 (L 447); Kh. xele- 1, xel 2;
Bur. xele- 1, xele(n) 2; Kalm. kelə- 1, keln 2; Ord. kele- 1, kele 2; Mog. kelä1, (Weiers), kelän 2; ZM kelä (2-4b) 2; Dag. xele- 1, xeli, xeĺ 2 (Тод. Даг.
175), hele- 1, heli 2 (MD 159); Dong. kielie- 1, kielien 2; Bao. kele- 1, kelaŋ
(MGCD kalaŋ) 2; S.-Yugh. kelen 2; Mongr. kile- 1, kile 2 (SM 203).
◊ KW 223, 224, MGCD 340. Mong. > Evk. kele etc., see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 104.
PTurk. *kele- 1 to speak 2 talk, conversation (1 говорить 2 речь,
слово): OTurk. kele-čü 2; Tur. dial. keleǯi 2; MTurk. keleči 2 (Houts.),
keleče 2 (MA); Kirgh. keleč-söz 2; Chuv. kala- 1.
◊ VEWT 248, ЭСТЯ 5, 32-33, EDT 716 (Clauson considers the word to be a foreign
loan which is dubious, see Clark 1977, 136-138). It is also worth mentioning Tur. kelime,
Az. kälmä ‘word’, Turkm. keleme ‘sacred words of Qur’an pronounced for protection’ usually regarded as Arabisms, but with some peculiarities (front vocalism, final -e) that
could actually indicate Turkic origin, with a secondary merger with the Arabic loan.
PKor. *kằró- to say (a defective verb) (говорить (глагол, вводящий
прямую речь)): MKor. kằrótắi; Mod. kalodwe.
◊ Nam 11, KED 12.
*k῾aĺu - *k῾no
797
‖ EAS 47, KW 223, ОСНЯ 1, 346, TMN 1, 471-472 (“altes indoeur.
Lw.” - ?), АПиПЯЯ 57-58, 292. Despite the latter source, Kor. hj
‘tongue’ is to be separated - see a discussion in Miller 1998, who has
(following Shiratori), instead compared Kor. kăro- (but, quite unjustly,
separated PTM *xilŋü). The Korean reflex remains, however, questionable, since the word can also - following Martin 1996, 75 - be compared
with Jpn. *kátár- ‘tell’, and thus derived from *k῾ēro q.v.
-k῾aĺu ( ~ *k῾oĺa) dirt, unpleasant odour: Tung. *xola-; Mong. *kuluŋ-;
Turk. *KAĺan.
PTung. *xola- 1 dirt 2 to sully (1 грязь 2 пачкать): Man. χojla- 2; Ul.
xolo- 2; Ork. χoloqto 1; Nan. χolo- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 470.
PMong. *kuluŋ- unpleasant odour from the armpits (неприятный
запах под мышками): MMong. qulanqsa (MA 301); WMong. quluŋ-su
(L 985); Kh. xulans; Kalm. xoləŋsə; Ord. xuluŋsu, xuluŋsa.
◊ KW 183. Mong. > Oyr. qoloŋzo, Chag. qolansa, Yak. xoloŋso, Man. qolaŋsu (see ibid.
and ТМС 1, 408, ЭСТЯ 6, 49-50, Rozycki 142).
PTurk. *KAĺan 1 urine 2 to urinate (of a horse) (1 моча 2 мочиться
(о лошади)): Karakh. qašan- 2; Tur. kašan 1, kašan- 2; Az. Gašan- 2;
MTurk. qašɨn- (Houts.); Nogh. qasan- 2.
◊ EDT 674, ЭСТЯ 5, 348.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾no blood; blood vessel: Tung. *xuŋī-kta; Turk. *Kiān.
PTung. *xuŋī-kta blood vessel (кровеносный сосуд): Evk. uŋīkta;
Evn. ụŋt; Neg. oŋtā, oŋikta; Ul. χoŋGịqta; Ork. χụmụqta; Nan. χoŋgịqta;
Ud. umakta, umukta.
◊ The original stem is preserved in Evk. dial. uŋi- ‘to bleed, flow (of blood)’. See ТМС
2, 278.
PTurk. *Kiān blood (кровь): OTurk. qan (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qan (MK); Tur. kan; Gag. qan; Az. Gan; Turkm. Gān; Sal. Ga(:)n; Khal.
qān; MTurk. qan (MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. qɔn; Uygh. qan; Krm. qan; Tat. qan;
Bashk. qan; Kirgh. qan; Kaz. qan; KBalk. qan; KKalp. qan; Kum. qan;
Nogh. qan; SUygh. qan; Khak. xan; Shr. qan; Oyr. qan; Tv. xan; Tof. xan;
Chuv. jon; Yak. xān; Dolg. kān.
◊ VEWT 230, TMN 3, 360-361, EDT 629-630, ЭСТЯ 5, 251, Егоров 349, Федотов 2,
486, Stachowski 142. Turk. > WMong. qana- ‘to let bleed’ (KW 166, TMN 3, 361, Щербак
1997, 133).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. The comparison seems
quite likely, although the nature of the medial nasal is not quite clear
(in TM one has perhaps to suppose a secondary assimilation to two
neighbouring velars, or else an original velar suffix *k῾ōn(i)-gV).
798
*k῾p῾a - *k῾rà
-k῾p῾a a k. of young ungulate: Tung. *xiap-; Mong. *kab- / *kobu-;
Turk. *KĀpan.
PTung. *xiap- 1 deer calf 2 deer herd (1 теленок (олень 1-2 лет) 2
стадо оленей): Evk. vkān 1; Evn. ǟvqan 1, ǟvta 2; Neg. vkān 1; Ork.
spo, spụɣa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 288 (Orok javata < Evn.).
PMong. *kab- / *kobu- 1 wild camel 2 2-year-old boar 3 young animals born after the regular season (1 дикий верблюд 2 двухлетний кабан 3 поздние детеныши животных): WMong. qobu-su(n) 2 (L 950),
qabčig 3 (L 896); Kh. xavtgaj 1, xovs 2, xavčig 3; Bur. xobho(n) dial. ‘young
of wild swine’; Kalm. xawtəxa 1 (КРС).
PTurk. *KĀpan boar (кабан): Tur. dial. kaban; Az. Gaban; Turkm.
Gaban; MTurk. qaban (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. qɔbɔn; Uygh. qavan; Tat.
qaban; Bashk. qaban; Kirgh. qaman; Kaz. qaban; KBalk. qaban; KKalp. qaban; Kum. qaban; Nogh. qaban; Oyr. qaman; Tv. xavan.
◊ VEWT 216, ЭСТЯ 5, 164, Лексика 156.
‖ Лексика 156. A Western isogloss.
-k῾àp῾e a k. of insect, butterfly: Mong. *kibe; Turk. *kepelek; Jpn.
*kprnkí ( ~-ua-).
PMong. *kibe moth (моль): Kh. xiv; Bur. kiben.
PTurk. *kepelek butterfly (бабочка): Karakh. kepeli (MK), kebelek
(Tefs.), kelebek (IM); Tur. kelebek; köpelek, kepenek (dial.); Gag. kelebek; Az.
käpänäk; Turkm. kebelek, kepelek (dial.); MTurk. köpelek (Abush.); Uzb.
kapalak; Uygh. kepilɛk; Krm. ḱeelak; Tat. kübɛlɛk; Bashk. kübäläk; Kirgh.
köpölök; KBalk. göbelekke; KKalp. göbelek; Kum. gümelek; Nogh. küpelek;
Khak. xobanax, xubanax; Shr. xopax; Oyr. köbölök; Tv. xovaɣan.
◊ VEWT 291, EDT 689, ЭСТЯ 5, 13-15, Лексика 187.
PJpn.
*kprnkí
(
~-ua-)
cricket
(сверчок):
OJpn.
k(w)op(w)or(w)og(j)i; MJpn. kòfòrógí; Tok. kṓrogi; Kyo. kōrògì; Kag. kōrogí.
◊ JLTT 457.
‖ Лексика 187. Cf. also names of ‘bat’: OJ kapapori, Evn. kêwêč (ТМС
1, 386). An expressive and not quite regular root.
-k῾rà elbow, shoulder bone, cubit: Tung. *(x)iarū-n; Mong. *kari; Turk.
*K(i)arɨĺ; Jpn. *kárà.
PTung. *(x)iarū-n 1 shoulder bone 2 cubit, measure of length 3 ridge
of deer’s shoulder bone (1 кость предплечья 2 локоть, мера длины 3
гребень лопатки оленя): Evk. rūn 1, 2; Evn. ärn 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 291.
PMong. *kari 1 shoulder or hip bone 2 arm 3 cubit (1 плечевая или
бедренная кость 2 рука 3 локоть (мера длины)): MMong. qari (IM) 2,
(Lig. VMI) 3; WMong. qaritu 1 (МXTTT); Kh. xaŕt 1; Bur. xari, xarti, xaŕta
1; Mog. qar, ZM qri 2.
*k῾ra - *k῾re
799
◊ The word is usually considered to be borrowed < Turk. *Karɨ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 5, 283,
Дыбо 164), and the form attested in IM may probably be so; but the other forms may well
be genuine. Cf. also MMong. (MA) qars delet- ‘to clap hands’ ( > Chag. qars).
PTurk. *K(i)arɨĺ span (пядь): Karakh. qarɨš (MK); Tur. karɨš; Gag.
qarɨš; Az. Garɨš; Turkm. Garɨš; MTurk. qarɨš (Pav. C., Houts., AH, IM),
Uzb. qɛriš; Uygh. ɣerič, dial. ɣeriš; Tat. qarɨš; Bashk. qarɨš; Kirgh. qarɨš;
Kaz. qarɨs; KBalk. qarɨš; KKalp. qarɨs; Kum. qarɨš; Nogh. qarɨs; Khak.
xarɨs; Oyr. qarɨš; Tv. qarɨš; Tof. xarɨš; Yak. xarɨs.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 324-326, EDT 663. External evidence suggests that the original meaning
was ‘elbow, cubit’ [in fact attested for qarɨš in Chag. (Abushka), but some argue that this
is just a script error], with the opposition *K(i)arɨ ‘large measure (cubit) : *K(i)arɨĺ ‘small
measure (span)’. But the former completely merged later with the reflexes of *Karɨ ‘arm’
(v. sub *gàrá).
PJpn. *kárà handle, counter for handles and long thin objects (рукоять, счетное слово для рукояток и длинных тонких предметов):
OJpn. kara; MJpn. kárà.
◊ JLTT 438.
‖ In Turkic the root is rather hard to distinguish from *Karɨ < *gara
‘arm’, but the distinction still seems to be necessary. In *K(i)arɨĺ the expected long vowel (reconstructed because of *-ia- in TM after a fricative
and high tone in Jpn.) was shortened probably under the influence of
*Karɨ.
-k῾ra ( ~ -ō-) thin snow, hoar-frost: Mong. *karig; Turk. *Kiār-.
PMong. *karig strong cold (сильный мороз): WMong. qariɣ; Kalm.
xäŕəg.
◊ KW 177. Cf. perhaps also WMong. qaraǯa, qaraǯi, Khalkha xarʒ ‘полынья, unfrozen
patch of water in a frozen river’ ( > Khak. xaralǯi etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 298).
PTurk. *Kiār snow (снег): OTurk. qar (Orkh., Yenis., OUygh.);
Karakh. qar (MK, KB); Tur. kar; Gag. qār; Az. Gar; Turkm. Gār; MTurk.
qar (Sangl., Qutb., Houts.); Uzb. qɔr; Uygh. qar, qaa; Tat. qar; Bashk. qar;
Kirgh. qar; Kaz. qar; KBalk. qar; KKalp. qar; Kum. qar; Nogh. qar; Khak.
xar; Shr. qar; Oyr. qar; Tv. xar; Tof. xar; Chuv. jor; Yak. xār; Dolg. kār.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 284-285, EDT 641, VEWT 235, Егоров 350, Федотов 2, 490, Лексика 27,
Stachowski 142.
‖ The root is not widely represented (a Turk.-Mong. isogloss), but it
seems reasonable to distinguish it from *k῾ĭrma q.v.
-k῾re a k. of insect: Tung. *xīrükte; Mong. *kürid; Turk. *K(i)arɨnč-ɣa;
Jpn. *kìrì(n)kíri-su; Kor. *kằr-kmi.
PTung. *xīrü-kte ant (муравей): Evk. īrikte; Evn. hīrit; Neg. īkte;
Man. jerxuwe; SMan. jurə imahə (2268); Ul. sinono; Ork. sirukte; Nan.
silukte (contaminated with *silV- ‘ant’); Orch. īkte; Ud. ikte.
◊ ТМС 1, 327. Evk. > Dolg. hirikte (see Stachowski 105).
800
*k῾ắŕme - *k῾ắŕme
PMong. *kürid moth larva (личинка моли): WMong. kürid (L 505);
Kh. xürd; Ord. kürit; S.-Yugh. kureg.
◊ MGCD 302.
PTurk. *K(i)arɨnč-ɣa 1 ant 2 tick (1 муравей 2 клещ): Karakh.
qarɨnčaq (MK: Oghuz) 1; Tur. karɨnǯa 1; Gag. qarɨmǯɛ 1; Az. Garɨšɣa 1;
Turkm. Garɨnǯa 2; MTurk. qarɨnčɣa (Sangl., Qutb.), qarɨnča (Houts.) 1;
Khak. xarčɨx 2.
◊ EDT 662, VEWT 238, ЭСТЯ 5, 323, Лексика 184. Turk. > Kalm. xačig (KW 173)
‘irgendeine Made in der Nase des Kamels’ (or is it rather < Turk. qatqɨč?).
PJpn. *kìrì(n)kíri-su grasshopper (кузнечик): MJpn. kirigirisu; Tok.
kirigírisu; Kyo. kìrìgírìsu; Kag. kirigirisú.
◊ JLTT 451.
PKor. *kằr-kmi a k. of spider (вид паука): MKor. kằr-kmi; Mod.
kalgəmi.
◊ Nam 20, KED 43.
‖ An expressive root, often reduplicated and with not quite regular
correspondences, esp. in the Kor.-Jpn. area. Cf. also *k῾ṓro (with possible contaminations).
-k῾ắŕme fat: Tung. *ximū-ŋkse; Mong. *karbin; Turk. *Kiaŕɨ; Jpn.
*kuama; Kor. *kìrm.
PTung. *ximū-ŋkse fat (жир, сало, масло): Evk. imūkse; Evn. imrъn,
imdъn; Neg. imukse; Man. imeŋgi; Jurch. ji-miuŋ-ŋu (526); Ul. simse; Ork.
simure; Nan. śimukse; Orch. imukse; Ud. imoho; Sol. imukče, imučče.
◊ ТМС 1, 313-314. Formally - derived from PTM *ximū- ‘to smear (with fat); to melt’.
PMong. *karbin 1 inner fat 2 placenta (1 брюшной жир 2 плацента): MMong. qarbi-su 2 (SH); WMong. qarbin 1; qarbi-su(n) 2 (L 935); Kh.
xarvin 1; Bur. dial. arъŋ 1; Kalm. xärwn, ärwn. 1; Ord. xarwiŋ ‘inner fat;
groin’.
◊ KW 178. Mong. > Yak. xarbɨhɨn, Dolg. karbuhun, see Kał. MEJ 82, Stachowski 139.
Bur. > Russ. Siber. arbin (Аникин 94).
PTurk. *Kiaŕɨ inner fat (брюшной жир): Karakh. qazɨ (MK); Uzb.
qɛzi; Uygh. qezi; Tat. dial. qazɨ; Bashk. qaδɨ; Kirgh. qazɨ; Kaz. qazɨ; KKalp.
qazɨ; Nogh. qazɨ; Khak. xazɨ; Oyr. qazɨ; Tv. qazɨ; Tof. qazɨ; Chuv. jor-var
‘скоромная пища’; Yak. qaha.
◊ VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 189-190, Мудрак Дисс. 193-194, TMN 3, 359, EDT 681, Федотов 2, 491.
PJpn. *kuama fat, greasy (жирный): OJpn. kwoma.
PKor. *kìrm fat (жир): MKor. kìrm; Mod. kirɨm.
◊ Nam 78, KED 265.
‖ KW 178, Poppe 17, 96 (Turk.-Mong.; but it should be noted that
the TM forms (Evk. kalbiŋ etc., see ТМС 1, 365) < Mong. (cf. Doerfer MT
100), while the Kor. kalbi ‘rib’ does not belong here at all (see under
*kera), АПиПЯЯ 296, Дыбо 6, Мудрак Дисс. 193. In OJ koma ( < *kəma)
*k῾ŏba(kV) - *k῾óbarV
801
would be expected; the diphthong (OJ kwoma) is perhaps due to the
influence of the medial cluster.
-k῾ŏba(kV) (~*k῾ăbu(kV)) bladder, scrotum: Tung. *xubgu; Mong.
*kuwkan; Turk. *KAbuk.
PTung. *xubgu vein, artery (кровеносный сосуд, артерия): Evk.
uɣ; Evn. uɣ; Neg. ubgu; Ork. χobGolị; Sol. ōg ‘heart’.
◊ ТМС 2, 243. The same word may be reflected in Ul. χoal(ị), Nan. χoal ‘bobber’ =
Orok χobGolị (see ТМС 1, 442); semantically the word was probably influenced by a
merger with *kiaba- (v. sub *kopu).
PMong. *kuwka scrotum (мошонка): WMong. quwqa, -naɣ, qaɣunaɣ
(L 910); Kh. xūx, xūxnag; Bur. xūxanag; Kalm. ? xūx ‘thick skin’ (КРС).
PTurk. *KAbuk bladder (мочевой пузырь): OTurk. qavuq
(OUygh.); Karakh. qavuq (MK); Tur. kavuk; Gag. qawuq; Az. GovuG;
Turkm. Govuq; MTurk. qavuq (AH, MA); Tat. quwɨq; Bashk. qɨwɨq; Kaz.
quwɨq; KBalk. quwuq; Nogh. quwɨq; Khak. xōx; Shr. qōq; Oyr. kūk; Yak.
xabax.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 174, EDT 583.
‖ Poppe 1974, 132 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss.
-k῾óbarV ( ~ -u-) dry: Tung. *(x)ur-; Mong. *kawra-; Turk. *Kūrɨ-k,-gak;
Jpn. *káwá(ra)-k-; Kor. *kobār-.
PTung. *(x)ur- to dry (meat) (вялить (мясо)): Evk. urgan- 1; Man.
uča-laχa jali ‘dried meat’.
◊ ТМС 2, 283. Man. uča- < *xurga- (but may also reflect another root: cf. Nan. učikte
‘dried meat’?).
PMong. *kawra- dry (сухой): WMong. qaɣurai, quɣurai (L 910),
qawraj (MXTTT); Kh. xūraj; Bur. xūraj; Kalm. xǖrǟ; Ord. xūrǟ; Dag. xuārī
(MGCD xuare); S.-Yugh. xūrā- (MGCD χūʁa-); Mongr. xō- ‘devenir sec,
tarir’ (SM 168).
◊ Cf. also *ku(w)ar- > *ku(w)a- in MMong. qoṣon ‘dryness’ (ИМ); qusun, quasun (MA);
Dag. xua-, S.-Yugh. χū-, Dong. Go-, qosu-, Bao. χo-. KW 204, 317, MGCD 335. Mong. > Tat.
qawrai etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 171-172).
PTurk. *Kūrɨ-k,-gak 1 dry 2 dry (crumbs, bread) (1 сухой 2 черствый): OTurk. qurɨ- ‘to dry’ (OUygh.); Karakh. quruɣ, qur 1 (MK); Tur.
kuru 1; Gag. quru 1; Az. Guru 1; Turkm. Gūrɨ 1; Sal. Guru, Gurɨ 1; Khal.
qurru- ‘to dry’; MTurk. qurɨ- ‘to dry’ (MA); Uzb. quruq 1; Uygh. quruq,
qurɣaq 1; Krm. quru 1; Tat. qorɨ 1; Bashk. qoro 1; Kirgh. qurɣaq 1; Kaz.
qurɣaq 1; KBalk. quru 1; KKalp. qurɣaq 1; Kum. quru- ‘to dry’; Nogh.
qurɨ, qurlaj 1; SUygh. quruɣ, quruq 2; Khak. xuruɣ 1; Shr. quru- ‘to dry’
(R.); Oyr. quru- ‘to dry’; Tv. qurɣaɣ 1; Tof. qurɣaɣ 1; Chuv. xъₙrъₙk 2;
Yak. kurānaq 1; Dolg. kurānak 1.
◊ Derived from PT *Kūr(ɨ)- ‘to dry up’. See VEWT 302, 303; EDT 652-3, 646, 658,
ЭСТЯ 6, 154-155, Stachowski 162, 163. Turk. qūrut ‘dry cheese’ > Mong. qurud > Manchu
kuru etc., see Doerfer MT 131; Turk. > Hung. kóró ‘dry stalk’, see Gombocz 1912.
802
*k῾ŏbe - *k῾oge
PJpn. *kàwà(ra)-k- dry, to dry up (сохнуть): OJpn. kawak-; MJpn.
kawak- (RJ kàfàk-); Tok. kawák-; Kyo. káwák-; Kag. kòrak-.
◊ JLTT 706.
PKor. *kobār- be high, strong (of fire) (быть сильным, горячим (об
огне)): Mod. kwāl-.
◊ KED 183.
‖ Ozawa 197, KW 204; АПиПЯЯ 19, 50-51, 70, 102, 274; SKE 133,
Цинциус 1984. Here, as in some other cases, Turkic length apparently
goes back to a contraction.
-k῾ŏbe touchwood, tree fungus: Tung. *xub(u)te; Mong. *köbdü; Turk.
*Kiab; Jpn. *kua.
PTung. *xub(u)te 1 touchwood 2 rotten, to rot (1 гнилушка, труха 2
гнить, гнилой): Evk. upte 2; Evn. ut- 2; Neg. ukte 1, ukte-; Man. ibte, ibete
1; Ul. xute 1; Ork. xūte 1; Nan. xūte 1; Orch. ūte 1; Ud. ute 1; Sol. ūtelde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 281.
PMong. *köb- moss (мох): WMong. köbdü; (L 476) köbke; Kh. xövd;
Bur. xübxe(n).
◊ Mong. > Yak. köppöx, Dolg. köppök ‘moss’ (Stachowski 156).
PTurk. *Kiab tree fungus; dry grass (древесный гриб; сухая трава):
OTurk. qavaɣu (OUygh.); Karakh. qav (MK); Tur. kav; Az. Gow; Turkm.
Gov; MTurk. qov (Ettuhf.), qav (AH, Houts.); Uzb. qɔw; Tat. qaw, dial. qu;
Bashk. qɨw; Kirgh. qū; Kaz. quw; Kum. quw; Nogh. quw; Khak. xabo; Shr.
qabā; Oyr. qū; Tv. xaɣ; Chuv. Cf. jülege ‘ряска’, jüźə ‘болото (т.е. нечто с
ряской’)’; Yak. kɨa.
◊ EDT 579, 584, TMN 3, 532-533, ЭСТЯ 5, 169-170, 6, 8-9.
PJpn. *kua mushroom (гриб): Tok. kino-ko.
◊ JLTT 450. The word is usually analysed as “tree child”; this is obviously a folk
etymology, in view of the external evidence.
‖ PTM and PM reflect a common derivative *k῾ŏbe-tV.
-k῾oča ( ~ *k῾ačo) milt, roe: Tung. *xusakta; Jpn. *ka(n)su; Kor. *koči.
PTung. *xusa-kta milt, roe (молоки): Evk. uhakta (dial.); Neg. ōsakta;
Man. usata; Ul. χosaqta; Nan. χosaqta; Ud. wahakta (Корм. 218), wajakta.
◊ ТМС 2, 295.
PJpn. *ka(n)su dried herring roe (сушеные молоки сельди): Tok.
kazu-no-ko.
PKor. *koči milt, roe (молоки минтая): Mod. koǯi.
‖ An Eastern isogloss (with a somewhat unexpected voicing in Jpn.
kazu-).
-k῾oge poles in a frame: Tung. *xuge; Mong. *keɣe-sün; Turk. *kegej.
PTung. *xuge 1 frame, poles round the hearth 2 board on edge of
bed 3 first lower log in house, threshold (1 жерди, рама очага 2 доска
на краю нар 3 бревно (в срубе, первое снизу), порог): Evk. uɣe 3;
*k῾ójŋo - *k῾ṑk῾ò
803
Evn. ū 1; Neg. uɣe 2; Ul. xue 2; Ork. xue, xuwe 1; Nan. xue 2; Ud. wē, ue
(Корм. 219), we, ue 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 247.
PMong. *keɣe-sün wheel spoke (спица колеса): MMong. kekesun
(SH, HY 18); WMong. kegesü(n) (L 443); Kh. xēs, xegēs, xigēs; Bur. xīgaha(n), xīgadaha(n); Kalm. kīɣəs (КРС); Dag. hejgese (MD 159).
◊ Mong. > Uygh. kügüsün, gögüsün.
PTurk. *kegej spoke (спица колеса): Turkm. kegej, keje, kije (dial.);
MTurk. kegäj (Vam.); Uzb. kegäj; Uygh. gügä; Tat. kigi; Kirgh. kegej
(dial.); Kaz. kegej; KBalk. kegej; KKalp. kegej; Kum. gegej; Nogh. kegej.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 17.
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite Clauson 1965, 165, the Turkic word is
not easily explained as a borrowing < Mong.
-k῾ójŋo cold: Tung. *xiŋǖ-; Mong. *köji-ten; Turk. *Kujaŋ; Jpn. *kəju-;
Kor. *kjńr.
PTung. *xiŋǖ- 1 cold 2 to freeze (1 холодный 2 замерзать): Evk.
iŋinipču 1; Evn. iŋъńsi 1; Neg. iŋinigdi 1; Ul. siŋgun- 2; Ork. siŋgū- 2;
Nan. sīŋgu- 2; Orch. iŋeńi 1; Ud. iŋinihi 1; Sol. inigigdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 321.
PMong. *köji-ten cold (холодный): MMong. kojiten (HY 5), kojiten
(SH), kuitän (MA); WMong. köiten (L 498: küiten, küitün); Kh. xüjten;
Bur. xüjten; Kalm. kītn; Ord. kǖ, kǖtö, kǖton, küjten; Dag. kuiten (Тод.
Даг.151, MD 185), xuiten (Тод. Даг. 151), kuitun; Dong. kuičien; Bao.
kitaŋ; S.-Yugh. kǖten; Mongr. kwīden (SM 210), kuiden.
◊ KW 234, MGCD 397.
PTurk. *Kujaŋ rheumatism (ревматизм): MTurk. qujaŋ (Babur);
Uzb. qujọnčiq ‘epilepsy’; Uygh. qujaŋ (R); Kirgh. qujaŋ ‘sciatica’; KKalp.
qujaŋ; Khak. xujaŋ ‘scary (of a horse)’; Tv. qujaŋ.
◊ TMN 3, 562. Turk. > Mong. qujaŋ, Khalkha xujaŋ, Kalm. xujn, Bur. xujaŋ ‘rheumatism’ > Man. xujan (ТМС 1, 475).
PJpn. *kəju- to freeze (замерзать): OJpn. k(w)oju-.
◊ JLTT 711.
PKor. *kjńr winter (зима): MKor. kjńr, kjńắr, kjə’ər; Mod. kjəul.
◊ Nam 42, KED 112.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 53-54, 290; Ozawa 82-84. The cluster *-jŋ- explains the
somewhat irregular behaviour of -ŋ-. The meaning ‘rheumatism’ in
Turkic is a usual development < *’cold’.
-k῾ṑk῾ò spine, skeleton: Tung. *xīKeri; Mong. *kokima-; Jpn. *kakurai.
PTung. *xīKeri 1 spine, spine marrow 2 bone (1 позвоночник,
спинной мозг 2 кость): Evk. īkēri 1; Evn. ikъri 2; Neg. īxej 2; Man. ikursun 1; Ul. sieri 1; Ork. sēri 1; Orch. ikei 1; Ud. ixe ‘кожа, пленка (темно-
804
*k῾ome - *k῾ṓme
го цвета вдоль хребта рыбы); боковина рыбьей тушки с хребтом и
хвостом’ (Корм. 240).
◊ ТМС 1, 302.
PMong. *kokima- 1 skeleton 2 skull (1 скелет 2 череп): MMong.
qokimai ‘an epithet to teri’un ‘head’’ (SH); WMong. qokima- (L 956: qokimai ‘masks and costumes representing skeletons used in the cam
dance’); Kh. xoximoj tolgoj 2, xoximoj jas 1; Bur. xoximoj 2 (Khorin), 1
(Tunk.); Kalm. xoḱəman 2; Ord. Goχimȫ 2.
◊ KW 182.
PJpn. *kakurai coccyx, buttocks (копчик, зад): OJpn. kakure.
‖ Cf. also Tuva xokpa ‘coccyx’.
-k῾ome marrow: Tung. *xumā-n,-kin, *xum-nu; Mong. *kemi; Turk.
*kEmük.
PTung. *xumā-n,-kin, *xum-nu 1 marrow 2 metatarsus (1 костный
мозг 2 стопа, плюсна): Evk. umān, umākin 1; Evn. ụmn 1, nm 2;
Neg. oman 1, onmụ 2; Man. umGan, umχan 1, umuxun 2; SMan. uməhaŋ
(332) 1; Ul. xoma(n) / xụma(n) 1; Ork. xụma(n) 1, xūmnū 2; Nan. xomã 1;
Orch. uma(n) 1, umnu 2; Ud. uma(n) 1; Sol. m 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 266-7, 274.
PMong. *kemi marrow, bone with marrow (костный мозг, мозговая кость): WMong. kemi (L 451); Kh. xim; Kalm. kemə; Ord. keme.
◊ KW 224. Cf. also WMong. kemtege ‘bones near the hoofs of a horse’ (L 452).
PTurk. *kEmük 1 bone 2 spongy bone 3 cartilage (1 кость 2 губчатая кость 3 хрящ): Tur. kemik 1; Gag. kemik 1; MTurk. kemük (MA) 3,
kömük (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. kɔmik, gɛmik (dial.) 2; Krm. kemɨk 1; Tat. kimek 2;
Bashk. kimek 2; Kirgh. kemik 2; Kaz. kemik 2; KBalk. gemik 2; KKalp. kemik 2; Kum. gemik 3; Nogh. kemik 2; Oyr. kēmik 3.
◊ VEWT 251, EDT 722, ЭСТЯ 5, 36-38, Лексика 261-262. Turk. > Mong. kemik ‘cartilage’ (see Щербак 1997, 126; but the derivation of the Turk. form from *gemür- ‘to gnaw’
(v. sub *kma) is a folk etymology, although some contaminations were possible: Yak.
kömürüö ‘spongy bone’ semantically continues *kemük, but formally is derived from
*gemür-. MK has kemdi- ‘to cut meat from the bones’ and kemdük ‘bone with meat cut off’ forms that may be related both to *kemük and *gemür-.
‖ The Turk.-Mong. comparison see in VEWT 251 (but Manchu kemin
is undoubtedly < Mong., see Rozycki 137). АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 315,
262, Лексика 262. On a possible Jpn. reflex see under *k῾èp῾oŕV.
-k῾ṓme to throw (upside down): Tung. *xumu-; Mong. *kömeri-; Turk.
*Kām-.
PTung. *xumu- upside down (ничком, вверх дном): Evk. umuskī;
Evn. umuskī; Neg. umne-pkī; Man. umusixun; Ul. xumesi; Ork. xumusei;
Nan. xumesi; Orch. umse-.
◊ ТМС 2, 272. Tungus forms with *k- (see ТМС 1, 431) may be borrowed from Mongolian (cf. Kalm. kömtr-) or influenced by Mongolian forms, see Doerfer MT 74.
*k῾omo(lV) - *k῾nt῾[a]
805
PMong. *kömeri- to fall, turn upside down (переворачивать(ся)
вверх дном): WMong. kömeri-, kömüri- (L 487); Kh. xömrö-; Bur. xümeri-;
Kalm. kömr- (КРС); Ord. kömör-; Dag. kumrē-bəi-, (Тод. Даг. 151) kumuri-; Dong. komoru-; S.-Yugh. kömör-; Mongr. komori- (SM 213),
kumorə-.
◊ MGCD 373. Mong. > Kirgh. kömör- etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 101-102).
PTurk. *Kām- 1 to throw, strike down 2 to move, walk (1 кидать 2
двигаться, ходить): OTurk. qam- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qam- ‘to lower’
(MK); MTurk. qam- ‘to lower’ (MN); Chuv. xъₙm- ‘махать,
замахиваться’; Yak. xāmp- 2; Dolg. kām- 2.
◊ VEWT 228, EDT 625; Stachowski 142. The connection of OT qam- and Yak. qāmp- is
rather problematic, but possible (we are not aware of other etymologies). For the Yak.
word cf. perhaps Bur. xambɨ ‘packtrain, caravan’.
‖ KW 239, Poppe 19, 68; Цинциус 1984, 109. A Western isogloss.
-k῾omo(lV) a k. of fragrant and edible plant: Tung. *ximŋe-kte; Mong.
*kömeli; Turk. *Kumlak; Jpn. *kamira.
PTung. *ximŋe-kte bird-cherry (черемуха): Evk. inŋēkte; Neg.
imŋemkēn; Man. jeŋge; Ul. sińekte; Ork. siŋekte; Nan. siŋēkte; Orch. imepe;
Ud. iŋofo; Sol. iŋekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 318.
PMong. *kömeli a k. of wild onion or garlic (вид дикого лука или
чеснока): WMong. kömeli (L 487); Kh. xömöl.
PTurk. *Kumlak hop (хмель): Karakh. qumlaq (MK); Krm. qumlaq,
qumlax; Tat. qolmaq, dial. qomlaq, qomalaq; Kirgh. qulmaq; Kaz. qulmaq;
Nogh. qɨlmaq; Khak. xumnax; Shr. qɨmnaq; Oyr. qumdaq, qumanaq; Chuv.
xъₙmla.
◊ VEWT 299, EDT 628, ЭСТЯ 6, 138-139. Turk. > Hung. komló, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kamira a k. of garlic (вид чеснока): OJpn. kamjira.
‖ The Turkic word is frequently regarded as a borrowing, either
from a Germanic source (EDT 628), or from an Iranian (Ossetic) source
(Аб., ЭСТЯ). The Iranian derivation of Osset. xumälläg ‘hop’, however,
raises some phonetic and morphological problems; on the other hand,
there are no doubts that the Turkic (Bulgarian) word was borrowed
into Mari umla, Hung. komló and Slav. xъmelь (see Егоров 192, ЭСТЯ
ibid.). The ultimate Turkic source of other late European names of ‘hop’
is therefore also not excluded.
-k῾nt῾[a] hemp: Tung. *xonta-kta; Turk. *kendir (*kentir); Jpn. *kántí.
PTung. *xonta-kta hemp (конопля): Evk. onokto; Man. χunta; Ul.
χụntaχa; Nan. χontaxa; Orch. onokto.
◊ ТМС 1, 471, 2, 19. A culture term with many interdialectal loans: Ul. onoqto, Nan.
onoqto ( < Evk.); Neg. xontaxa, perhaps also Man. χunta < South.-Tung.
806
*k῾ŏŋa - *k῾ŏŋa
PTurk. *kendir (kentir) hemp (конопля): OTurk. kendir (OUygh.);
Tur. kendir; Az. kändir; Turkm. kendir; MTurk. kendir; Uzb. kendir; Uygh.
kändi(r); Tat. kinder; Bashk. kinder; Kirgh. kendir; Kaz. kendir; KBalk.
kendir; KKalp. kendir; Kum. kendir; Nogh. kendir; SUygh. kenǯir, kemǯer;
Khak. kindər; Shr. kändir; Oyr. kendir; Tv. xendir; Chuv. kandъr.
◊ EDT 729, VEWT 252, ЭСТЯ 5, 39-40, Лексика 127-128. Turk. > WMong. kendir
(TMN 3, 608, Щербак 1997, 127), WMong. kenčir, Kalm. kenčr (KW 226); > Hung. kender
(Gombocz 1912); > Russ. kendýr’ (Аникин 282).
PJpn. *kántí paper tree, Broussonetia papyrifera (бумажное дерево): OJpn. kadi; MJpn. kádí; Tok. kaji no ki.
◊ JLTT 447.
‖ Дыбо 11. A cultural term; the vocalism is not quite certain.
-k῾ŏŋa nose: Tung. *xoŋa-; Mong. *ka[m]ar; Turk. *K(i)aŋ-(ɨr)-; Jpn.
*kan-k-; Kor. *kóh.
PTung. *xoŋa- 1 nose 2 front part (of boat) 3 nose bridge (1 нос 2
нос (лодки) 3 переносица): Evk. oŋokto 1; Evn. oŋt 1; Neg. oŋokto 1;
Man. χoŋqo 2; SMan. xoŋqə 2 (1272); Ul. χoŋqo 2; Nan. qoŋtoro 1, χondaχa
3, χōŋqo 2; Orch. xoŋko 2 (possibly < Manchu); Sol. onokto 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 413, 470; 2, 22. There is some variation of *x- and *k- (cf. the Nanai and
Manchu reflexes; cf. also Neg. koŋtopkī. “nose (of a deer, elk, bear)”; but it is hardly possible to separate these variants.
PMong. *ka[m]ar nose (нос): MMong. qabar (HY 45, SH), qabar
(MA), qabar (LH); WMong. qabar, qamar (L 895); Kh. xamar; Bur. xamar;
Kalm. xamr; Ord. xamar; Mog. qabar; ZM qabar (2-3b); Dag. xamar (Тод.
Даг. 173), hamere, hamare (MD 156); Dong. qava; Bao. xor; S.-Yugh.
xawar; Mongr. xawar (SM 165), xavar.
◊ KW 164, MGCD 322. Mong. > Oyr. qamur. There are numerous indications that the
root was *kaŋ- (*kaŋ-bar > qabar / qamar). Cf. *koŋ-si- / *kaŋ-si (WMong. qaŋsiɣar, qoŋsijar
‘beak, nose’ (KW 167, 186, MGCD 365, Mongr. xaŋšar (157); > Uzb. qanšar etc., see ЭСТЯ
5, 256-258); > Man. qaŋsari / qaŋsiri, haŋšara (see Rozycki 102, 132) ); WMong. qaŋqul- /
qaŋɣul- ‘to smell’; MMong. (SH) qoŋši’ut ‘reek’, WMong. quŋsi- ‘to reek, smell’ ( > Oyr.
quŋsu- etc., see KW 197, VEWT 280); WMong. qaurɣasun, Kalm. xūrɣəsn, xuɣərsn ‘nose
gristle’ (KW 195, 201). .
PTurk. *K(i)aŋ-(ɨr)- 1 nose 2 to snuffle 3 beak, snout 4 parched nose
(phras.) 5 nose bridge (1 нос 2 гнусавить 3 клюв, морда 4 пересохший
(о носе) 5 переносица): Karakh. qaŋraq ῾palate’ (MK - ДТС); Turkm.
Gaŋšɨravuq ‘nasal cavity’, Goŋursa- ‘to reek’; Bashk. qaŋɣɨrɨq (dial.) ‘hard
palate’; Kirgh. qaŋɨrɨq 4, qoŋursu- ‘to reek’; SUygh. qaŋrɨq, qãrq 1; Oyr.
qaŋɨrɨq (Tel.) (R II, 82); qoŋɨr 5 (R II 521), Tel. (Верб.); Tv. xāj 3, xš ‘nasal’, qoŋzaŋ ‘crook-nosed’; Tof. xāj 1, 3; Yak. xaŋɨnaj- 2; xoŋurū, xaŋɨr 5
(Пек.).
◊ The root is no doubt archaic, although not widely attested. On its modern reflexes
see VEWT 232, Лексика 215-216 (some of the listed forms are < Mong., but certainly not
all.), ЭСТЯ 6, 66.
*k῾óŋi - *k῾ṓro
807
PJpn. *kan-k- to smell (нюхать, обонять): OJpn. kag-; MJpn. kág-;
Tok. kàg-; Kyo. kàg-; Kag. kág-.
◊ JLTT 701. Kyoto points to *kàNk-, but other dialects and RJ - to *káNk-.
PKor. *kóh nose (нос): MKor. kó (kóh-); Mod. kho.
◊ Nam 45, KED 1673.
‖ KW 186, 190, Владимирцов 251, Martin 242, Poppe 1974, 132,
АПиПЯЯ 43-44, 80, 286, Ozawa 191, Цинциус 1984, 84, Дыбо 4, Лексика 216.
-k῾óŋi head of clan: Tung. *(x)uŋ-; Turk. *K(i)aŋ; Jpn. *kímí; Kor. *kù’i.
PTung. *(x)uŋ- head (of kin, clan), chief (глава (рода, клана), начальник): Man. uŋgu, uŋGa; SMan. uŋan (1012).
◊ ТМС 2, 278. Attested only in Manchu, but having rather interesting external parallels.
PTurk. *K(i)aŋ father (отец): OTurk. qaŋ (Orkh., Yeniss., OUygh.);
Karakh. qaŋdaš ‘half-brother, son of the same father and a different
mother’ (MK), qaŋsɨq ata ‘step-father’ (MK).
◊ VEWT 232, EDT 630, 635, 640, ЭСТЯ 5, 258.
PJpn. *kímí lord (господин, начальник): OJpn. kjimji; MJpn. kímí;
Tok. kìmi; Kyo. kímí; Kag. kími.
◊ JLTT 450.
PKor. *kù’i office, officer (чиновник, должностное лицо): MKor.
kù’i.
◊ Nam 60.
‖ An important common Altaic social term.
-k῾óp῾é soot, to catch fire: Tung. *xupu-ŋksa; Turk. *Kạp-; Jpn.
*kúmpá-.
PTung. *xupu-ŋksa soot (сажа): Evk. uwuksa; Ork. xumesike; Nan.
xufekse.
◊ ТМС 1, 477, 2, 243.
PTurk. *Kạp- to catch fire (загораться): Uzb. qɔpin-; Tat. qap-, qabɨn-;
Bashk. qabɨn-; Kaz. qabɨn-; Kum. qabun-; Nogh. qabɨn-, dial. qamɨl-; Khak.
xabɨl-; Shr. qamɨn-; Oyr. qamɨn-; Tv. qɨ’p-; Tof. qɨ’p-; Chuv. xɨp-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 262.
PJpn. *kúmpá- to burn, set on fire, feed wood into fire (жечь, поджигать, класть дрова в огонь): MJpn. kuba-; Tok. kùbe-; Kyo. kúbé-;
Kag. kubé-.
◊ JLTT 714.
-k῾ṓro worm; gad-fly: Tung. *xirga-; Mong. *koro-kai; Turk. *Kūrt.
PTung. *xirga- gad-fly (овод): Evk. irgakta; Evn. ịrgt; Neg. ịjgakta;
Man. iǯa; SMan. iǯā (2262); Ul. sịǯaqta; Ork. sịǯịqta; Nan. sịGaqta; Ud. iga.
◊ ТМС 1, 324-325. Evk. > Dolg. ɨrgakta (Stachowski 261).
808
*k῾óŕa - *k῾ŏŕo
PMong. *koro-kai worm, insect (червь, насекомое): MMong.
qoroxai (HY 12), qorɣi (IM), qoraɣaj (MA); WMong. qoroqai (L 970: qoruqai); Kh. xorxoj; Bur. xorxoj; Kalm. xorxǟ; Ord. xoroxȫ; Dag. xorgō (Тод.
Даг. 177), xorog, xorugu, horehe (MD 164); Dong. Guɣi ; Bao. GorGei,
GorGi; S.-Yugh. xoroxGui; Mongr. xorGwī (SM 173), xorGui, xurGoi.
◊ KW 188, MGCD 302, 367. Cf. also Kalm. xor ‘die Maden der Viehbremse (im Vieh)’
(KW 187).
PTurk. *Kūrt worm (червь): OTurk. qurt (OUygh.); Karakh. qurt
(MK, KB); Tur. kurt; Gag. qurt; Az. Gurd; Turkm. Gūrt; MTurk. qurt
(Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qurt; Uygh. qurut; Krm. qurt; Tat. qort; Kirgh. qurt;
Kaz. qurt; KBalk. qurt; KKalp. qurt; Khak. xurt; Tv. qu’rt; Tof. qu’rt;
Chuv. xort; Yak. kurǯaɣa ‘small parasites’; Dolg. kurǯaga.
◊ See VEWT 303-4 (although we prefer to separate *Kūrt ‘worm’ and *Kūrt ‘wolf’),
EDT 648, Лексика 181, ЭСТЯ 6, 167-168, Федотов 2, 367-368, Stachowski 162.
‖ KW 188, АПиПЯЯ 54, 285, Дыбо 8, Лексика 182. A Western isogloss; but cf. also *k῾re.
-k῾óŕa a k. of tree with red berries or red bark: Tung. *(x)or-; Mong.
*karg-; Turk. *Kaŕɨlgan / *Karlɨgan; Jpn. *kátúrá.
PTung. *(x)or- 1 red bilberry 2 black currant (1 брусника 2 черная
смородина): Evk. orāŋĺā 1; Evn. ōrbāt 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 23.
PMong. *karg- 1 tree with dark reddish bark 2 a k. of shrub, viburnum 3 pine (1 дерево с темно-красной корой 2 вид кустарника, калина 3 сосна): WMong. qargil 1 (L 936); Bur. xargāhan 2; Kalm. xarɣā 3;
Ord. xargil ‘Rhamnus erythroxylon’.
PTurk. *Kaŕɨlgan / *Karlɨgan currant (смородина): Tat. qarlɨɣan;
Bashk. qarlɨɣan (dial.); Nogh. qarlɨɣan; Shr. qazɨrɣan, qazɨr qat (Верб.);
Oyr. qazɨlɣan; Tv. qazɨlɣan; Tof. qazɨlɣan; Chuv. xorlъɣan.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 309-310, Федотов 2, 367.
PJpn. *kátúrá Cereidiphyllum japonicum (багряник японский):
OJpn. katura; MJpn. kátúrá; Tok. kàtsura; Kyo. kátsúrá; Kag. katsúra.
◊ JLTT 445.
‖ Absence of diphthong in Turkic is strange.
-k῾ŏŕo ( ~ -u) lamb, deer: Tung. *xir-; Mong. *kurigan; Turk. *Koŕɨ.
PTung. *xir- 1 wild deer 2 to rub horns 3 *’newborn animal’ > ‘new’
(1 дикий олень 2 тереться рогами 3 *’новорожденное животное’ >
‘новый’): Evk. irki, irē 1, irkekīn (dial.) 3; Evn. irče-, irkъ- 2; Neg. ijun 1,
iskekin 3; Man. iren 1, iče 3; SMan. ičē ‘new’ (2544); Jurch. hi()če (85) 3;
Ul. suru(n) 1, sičeu(n) 3; Ork. sitče- 2, sitče- 3; Nan. sirũ 1, śiku(n) 3; Orch.
iju 1, ikken 3.
*k῾sú - *k῾òše
809
◊ ТМС 1, 327, 328. Evk. sirū and Neg. xịra (ТМС 2, 96) must be loanwords from
Southern TM, where *x- > x- and s-; in any case, these forms have nothing to do with
Turk. *sɨgɨr ‘cow’ (see s.v. *sŭku), despite Sinor 1962, 320.
PMong. *kurigan lamb (ягненок): MMong. quriqa(n) (SH), qurixan
(HY 11), qəriɣan (LH); WMong. quriɣan (L 987: quraɣa(n), qurɣa(n)); Kh.
xurgan; Bur. xuŕga(n); Kalm. xurɣn; Ord. xurGa; Mog. qɔrɣan (Weiers);
Dong. quɣan (Тод. Дн.); Guɣan; Bao. GorGaŋ; S.-Yugh. χurGan; Mongr.
xorGa (SM 172), xuroG.
◊ KW 198, MGCD 391. Mong. > Oyr. quraɣan etc. (TMN 1, 435), Evk. kurikan etc., see
ibid., Doerfer MT 131.
PTurk. *Koŕɨ lamb (ягненок): OTurk. qozɨ (quzɨ) (OUygh.); Karakh.
qozɨ (quzɨ) (MK); Tur. kuzu; Gag. quzu; Az. Guzu; Turkm. Guzɨ; Sal. qōza;
Khal. quzɨ; MTurk. qozɨ (R.), qozu (Houts.); Uzb. qụzi; Uygh. qoza; Krm.
qozu; Tat. quzɨ (dial.); Kirgh. qozu; Kaz. qozɨ; KBalk. qozu; KKalp. qozɨ;
Kum. qozu (dial.); Nogh. qozɨ; SUygh. quzɨ, qozɨ, qoza.
◊ VEWT 285, EDT 681, Лексика 433, ЭСТЯ 6, 108-109.
‖ EAS 46, 113, KW 198, Владимирцов 361, ОСНЯ 1, 302, Новикова
1972, 118, Лексика 433. A Western isogloss. Despite TMN 1, 435, 3, 546,
Щербак 1997, 142, Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turkic.
-k῾sú a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *xisi-; Mong. *kusu-; Jpn. *kùsú.
PTung. *xisi- 1 larch 2 cypress (1 лиственница 2 кипарис): Evk. ismama 1; Evn. ịsɣ ‘forest’; Neg. ịs, ịsma 1; Man. isi 1; Jurch. hisi (105) 2;
Ul. sisi 1; Ork. sịsị 1; Nan. sịsị 1; Orch. isi 1; Ud. ihi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 331.
PMong. *kusu- birch tree (береза): WMong. qusu(n) (L 991); Kh.
xusan; Bur. xuha(n); Kalm. xusm; S.-Yugh. χus.
◊ KW 199, MGCD 392.
PJpn. *kùsú Cinnamonum camphora Sieb. (камфорное дерево):
OJpn. kusu; MJpn. kùsú(nò ki); Tok. kusú(no ki); Kyo. kùsú(nò kì); Kag.
kùsù(nò kí).
◊ JLTT 466.
‖ Phonetically the Mong., TM and Jpn. form are well compatible;
but it is always difficult to deal with Japanese botanical names because
of a drastic difference in nature environment between Japan and the
continent.
-k῾òše to scrape, shave: Tung. *xuši / *kuši; Mong. *kisu-; Turk. *Kas;
Jpn. *kùsà / *ksà-i.
PTung. *xuši / *kuši knife (нож): Evk. uči; Man. kuši; Ul. kuče(n);
Ork. kuče(n); Ud. kusige; Sol. usxẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 441, 2, 296.
810
*k῾ōt῾e - *k῾ṑt῾ekV
PMong. *kisu- to scrape, shave (скрести, брить): WMong. kisu-,
qusu- (L 992); Kh. xusa-; Bur. uha-; Kalm. xusə- (КРС); Mog. kišla(Ramstedt 1906); Bao. χasə-; S.-Yugh. qəsə-; Mongr. kiʒə- (SM 202), kəsə-.
◊ MGCD 393. Mong. > Evk. kisū- etc., see Doerfer MT 135.
PTurk. *Kas skin, shell, peel, bark (кожа, скорлупа, кора): OTurk.
qasuq (OUygh.); Karakh. qas, qasuq (MK); Khal. qās.
◊ EDT 665, 666, ЭСТЯ 5 328. The root should be distinguished from *Kaŕ (v. sub
*k῾éŕà). Note that in Siberian languages the reflexes of *ŕ and *s coincide, so all the forms
attributed to *Kaŕ can also reflect PT *Kas.
PJpn. *kùsà / *ksà-i eczema (экзема): MJpn. kùsà, kòsè.
◊ JLTT 458, 465.
‖ Cf. *k῾uču. For the Turkic word Helimski 1995 proposed a Sam.
etymology ( < PS *käsa ‘bark’), which cannot be excluded; in that case
the Turkic form should be removed from the comparison.
*k῾ōt῾e a k. of knife or arrow: Tung. *(x)utu, -ke; Mong. *kituga; Turk.
*kēt-men.
PTung. *(x)utu, -ke 1 knife on a shaft 2 a k. of arrow (1 тесак (на коротком древке) 2 стрела-однозубец): Evk. utu, utut 2, utkēn 1; Evn.
ötken 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 294.
PMong. *kituga knife (нож): MMong. kituqai (SH), k[i]tɣa (IM),
kīdūɣa (Lig.VMI), kituɣa (MA); WMong. kituɣa, qutaɣa, qutuɣa (L 474);
Kh. xutga; Bur. xutaga, (зап.) xotigo; Mog. qitqɛi (Ramstedt 1906); Dong.
qudoɣo; S.-Yugh. χudaʁa; Mongr. ćidoGo (SM 445).
◊ MGCD 393. Mong. > Man. kitukan ‘scissors’ (see Rozycki 140).
PTurk. *kēt-men hoe, mattock (мотыга): OTurk. ketmen (OUigh.);
Karakh. ketmen (MK); Tur. gedmen; Az. kätmän; Turkm. kǟtmen; MTurk.
ketmen (Sangl.); Uzb. ketmɔn; Uygh. kätmän; Bashk. kätmän; Kirgh. ketmen-; Chuv. katmak.
◊ VEWT 259, ЭСТЯ 3, 30-31, 5, 65-66, EDT 704. Usually derived from *gēt- ‘to notch’ but the semantic shift is not quite satisfactory, and the Oghuz languages (except Turkish
with a secondary analogy) systematically distinguish *g- in ‘notch’ and *k- in ‘hoe’.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic one would expect a closed *, but in
fact Chuv. katmak points to an open vowel. This may be due to a natural contamination of this root with the reflex of PA *ktu ‘sharp tool,
notch’ q.v.
-k῾ṑt῾ekV a k. of stinging insect: Tung. *xūkte; Mong. *kedgene; Turk.
*Kạtku-č; Kor. *kúitkí.
PTung. *xūkte nit (гнида): Evk. ūkte; Evn. ȫt; Neg. ūkte; Ul. xuktu;
Ork. xuktu; Nan. xuktu; Ud. ukte.
◊ See ТМС 2, 254.
*k῾ǯa - *k῾ǯa
811
PMong. *kedgene bumble-bee (шмель): WMong. kedgene (L 441:
kedegene); Kh. xedgen; Bur. xedegenē ‘gad-fly’; Kalm. kedgənə; Ord.
getegene.
◊ KW 222.
PTurk. *Kạtku-č a stinging insect (кусающее насекомое): Karakh.
qatquč (MK - Argu) ‘a thing which stings like a scorpion’; Chuv.
xɨt-kajъk ‘жужелица’.
◊ EDT 599, ДТС. Cf. also (MK) qoδɣu ‘fly’. The Chuvash word is analysed as
‘hard-bird’ or ‘hard-animal’, which is probably a folk-etymological reanalysis of *kạtku-.
PKor. *kúitkí maggot, worm, grub (личинка, червяк): MKor.
kúitkí; Mod. kudəgi, kudegi.
◊ Nam 65, KED 197.
‖ Cf. also Kor. kaktagwi ‘mosquito’.
-k῾ǯa side, direction: Tung. *xoǯa-n; Mong. *kaǯiwu; Turk. *KAj-; Jpn.
*kajə-r-; Kor. *kằč-.
PTung. *xoǯa- 1 edge, end 2 slanting, slant (1 конец, край 2 косой,
наклонный): Evk. oǯo 2; Evn. oǯan- 2; Neg. oǯo- 2; Man. uǯan 1; SMan.
uǯan 1 (2605); Ork. χodo- 2; Nan. χoǯịa- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 7, 250.
PMong. *kaǯiwu side, edge (сторона, край): WMong. qaǯiɣu,
qaǯaɣu, qaǯau (L 948); Kh. xaǯū; Bur. xažū; Kalm. xaǯū; Ord. xaǯū ‘slope’;
Dag. xaǯū (Тод. Даг. 172).
◊ KW 159. Cf. also *kaǯi- ‘to slant etc.’ (with a variant *gaǯi-) (ibid.).
PTurk. *KAj- 1 to turn back 2 to show respect 3 to squint; to move
to smb.’s side 4 to run towards 5 to go past, around (1 оборачиваться 2
выказывать уважение 3 косить глазами; переходить на чью-л. сторону 4 бежать к 5 обойти, пройти мимо): OTurk. qaj- (OUygh.) 2;
Karakh. qaj- (MK) 1, 2; Tur. kaj- 3; S.-Uygh. qajla- 4; Khak. xaj- 2; Oyr.
qaj- (R) 2; Tv. xaj- 5.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5 208-209, EDT 674. Stachowski 137 adds Yak. xaɨs-, Dolg. kańɨs- ‘(to turn
and) look around’, which would change the reconstruction to *KAń-; however, there are
no other traces of a nasal in the root, and the comparison looks somewhat dubious.
PJpn. *kajə-r- to approach (приближаться): OJpn. kajor-; MJpn. kajor-.
◊ JLTT 706.
PKor. *kằč- 1 near 2 end, limit (1 близкий 2 конец, край, предел):
MKor. kàskàp- (-w-) 1, kằčái 2; Mod. kak:ap- (-w-) 1, kaǯaŋ 2.
◊ Nam 16, 24, KED 3, 24.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 96. Cf. *kèč῾a.
812
*k῾ube - *k῾ubu
-k῾ube voice, sound: Tung. *xǖ- (*xüb-); Mong. *küw-; Turk. *kü(b);
Jpn. *kwâi; Kor. *kubɨi-.
PTung. *xǖ- (*xüb-) to sound (звучать): Evk. ī-; Evn. ī-; Neg. ī-; Ul.
ujsi-; Ork. uji-; Nan. xuj-si-.
◊ ТМС 1, 293-294.
PMong. *küw- 1 to talk, converse 2 conversation (1 разговаривать 2
разговор): WMong. küü-ne- 1, küür 2 (L 509); Kh. xǖne- 1, xǖr 2; Kalm.
kȫr- 1.
◊ KW 243.
PTurk. *kü(b) 1 fame 2 wisdom 3 famous (1 слава 2 мудрость):
OTurk. kü (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. kü (MK, KB); Az. küj ‘roar’;
Turkm. küj 2; Kirgh. kü ‘sound, roar’, külük 3; Kaz. külük 3; Khak. kü-lük
2; Shr. küg (Radl.); Oyr. kü ‘roar’, külük 3.
◊ VEWT 306, ЭСТЯ 5, 128-129, 140-141, TMN 3, 653.
PJpn. *kwâ-i voice (голос): OJpn. kowe; MJpn. kòwè, kòwé; Tok. kóe;
Kyo. kòê; Kag. koé.
◊ JLTT 453. In compounds - kowa- (e.g. kowa-daka etc.).
PKor. *kubɨi-hă- to celebrate, glorify (прославлять, праздновать):
MKor. ku’ɨi-hă-.
◊ Liu 85.
‖ The Mong. form may belong here if it is different from *köɣer ‘joy’
< PA *kúbe (q.v.); there probably occurred a secondary merger in some
Mong. dialects.
-k῾ubu box, coffin: Tung. *xobu-r / *xebu-r; Mong. *kob-du, *kob-tu;
Jpn. *k(u)i; Kor. *kobVr.
PTung. *xobu-r / *xebu-r coffin (гроб): Man. χobo; SMan. hovə (752);
Ul. xeuli; Nan. xeur, xewur; Ud. xau.
◊ ТМС 1, 464, 467. Preservation of *x- in Ud. may be explained as a loan from some
South.-Tung. source.
PMong. *kob-du, *kob-tu long and narrow box, quiver (длинный и
узкий ящик, колчан): MMong. qubdu (MA 299); WMong. qobdu (L
949), qobtu; Kh. xowd; Bur. xobto ‘ящик, сундук’; Kalm. xowdə (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. kobdu etc., see Doerfer MT 111, Rozycki 141; Nogh. qobda etc., see
ЭСТЯ 6, 6, Yak. xoppo, Dolg. kopko (Kał. MEJ 58, Stachowski 153).
PJpn. *k(u)i coffin (гроб): OJpn. k(j)i; MJpn. ki.
◊ JLTT 449.
PKor. *kobVr coffin, box (гроб, ящик): MKor. kōr.
◊ Nam 51.
‖ Lee 1958, 112 (TM - Kor.). A Turkic root *K(i)abur ‘coffin’ may
have existed, too: cf. Küär. qaɣur, qoɣur ‘coffin’ (VEWT 274), as well as
the Russian loan from an Old Bulgarian source: ковчег (presupposing
*Kabu(r)-čak). But then in most languages it has merged either with
*Kapɨrčak ( < PA *k῾àp῾a ‘vessel’ q.v.), or with a recent Arabic loanword
*k῾ča - *k῾ùčù
813
(qabr ‘grave’, see VEWT 216 > Turk. qabr, Kum. qabɨr etc.), or with a
later Mong. loanword qobuɣur ‘tube’ (about which see TMN 1, 628,
ЭСТЯ 6, 71-72) .
-k῾ča ( ~ -u) animal’s paw, skin from animal’s paw: Tung. *xōsa; Turk.
*Kɨč.
PTung. *xōsa 1 skin from deer’s feet 2 animal’s paw (1 шкура с ног
оленя 2 лапа животного): Evk. ōsa 1; Evn. ōsl 1; Neg. ōsa 1; Man. ošoxo
2; SMan. vašəqə, vasəqə, vašəqu, vasəqu 2 (2287); Ul. χosolị 1; Ork. χoso 2;
Nan. χōsō 2, χōsol 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 26.
PTurk. *Kɨč foot, shin (нога, голень): Tur. kɨč ‘foot, shin; coccyx, behind’; Gag. qɨč; Az. Gɨč; Turkm. Gɨč (dial.); MTurk. qɨč (AH); Shr. qɨs
‘камус’; Chuv. xɨś ‘back, behind’; Yak. ks berbēkej ‘щиколотка,
лодыжка’ (?).
◊ Лексика 281, ЭСТЯ 6, 252-253.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss, but cf. the discussion under *k῾Ỽsá; cf.
perhaps also Bur. xašāhan ‘front and back parts of footwear’; Dag. gočōr,
kočoro, kučur ‘boots’ (Тод. Даг. 132) (?).
-k῾ùčù to scrape; claw, sharp stick: Tung. *xosī-kta; Mong. *kučil-; Turk.
*Kɨč-; Jpn. *kùsì; Kor. *koč.
PTung. *xosī-kta 1 to scrape 2 claw, finger-nail (1 царапать, скрести 2 ноготь, коготь): Evk. osī- 1, osīkta 2; Evn. osị- 1, ost 2; Neg. os- 1,
ōtta 2; Man. wasixa 2; SMan. wasəqələm, wasəqulu- ‘to scratch, to claw’
(1574); Ul. χosị- 1, χosta 2; Ork. χosị- 1, χosịqta 2; Nan. χosaqala- 1,
χosaqta 2; Orch. xosi- 1; Ud. wahi- (Корм. 218) 1, wai-li- 1, waikta, wahikta
2; Sol. oī- 1, ụīkta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 26-27.
PMong. *kučil- to scrape with fingers (царапать пальцами):
WMong. qučil-; Kalm. xučl-.
◊ KW 200.
PTurk. *Kɨč- to scratch, scrape; to itch (скрести, царапать; чесаться): MTurk. qɨč-; Uzb. qiči-; Uygh. qiči-; Tat. qɨčɨ-; Bashk. qɨsɨ-; Kirgh.
qɨčɨš-; Kaz. qɨšɨ-; KKalp. qɨšɨ-; Nogh. qɨšɨ-; Khak. xɨčɨ-; Oyr. qɨčɨ-; Tv. kiǯi-;
Chuv. kəźə ‘чесотка’; Yak. kɨhɨj-; kɨhɨax ‘scraper’; Dolg. kɨhɨak ‘scraper’.
◊ VEWT 260, ЭСТЯ 6, 186-187, Stachowski 167.
PJpn. *kùsì spit, skewer; comb (вертел): OJpn. kusi; MJpn. kùsì; Tok.
kushí; Kyo. kúshì; Kag. kushí.
◊ JLTT 466.
PKor. *koč 1 spit, skewer; awl, gimlet 2 to stick in (1 вертел; шило 2
втыкать): MKor. koč 1, kòč- 2; Mod. kot [kos], k:oǯi 1, k:ot- [k:oč-] 2.
◊ Nam 54, KED 164, 174. The accent of the noun is unknown; the verbal stem has a
usual low tone.
814
*k῾č῾i - *k῾údo(rgV)
‖ Цинциус 1984, 99, Martin 241, Whit 1985, 135, 165, 223, АПиПЯЯ
16, 77, 290.
-k῾č῾i ( ~ -č-) a k. of cereal: Mong. *küč-; Turk. *kȫče; Kor. *kìčàŋ.
PMong. *küč- a leguminous plant (бобовое растение): WMong.
küčiŋgi (МXTTT); Kh. xüčiŋgi; Bur. xüsɨ ‘вид лапчатки’, xüsǖg ‘мышиный горошек’.
◊ Cf. also Bur. xüsergenej ‘моховка (ягода)’.
PTurk. *kȫče gruel (крупа, каша): Tur. göǯe, güǯe; Turkm. kȫǯe; Sal.
koǯa ССЯ; MTurk. küǯe (Pav. C.), OKypch. (Ettuhf.); Uzb. gọǯa; Uygh.
koča; küčɛ (dial.); Krm. goǯa; Tat. küzä; Kirgh. köǯö, köčö; KKalp. göže;
Khak. köče; Oyr. köčö; Tv. köže.
◊ VEWT 286, ЭСТЯ 5, 84-85. Cf. also Shor köǯerget ‘костяника’, Khak. Sag. küzerget
id.
PKor. *kìčàŋ millet (просо обыкновенное): MKor. kìčàŋ; Mod.
kiǯaŋ.
◊ Liu 115, KED 274.
‖ Cf. also various plant names in Turkic: Oyr. köǯüne ‘дягиль’,
Turkm. göǯele ‘ирис’, Kirgh. (South.) göǯümöl ‘травянистое растение с
широкими листьями’; Kirgh. köčet, Uygh. köčɛt ‘seedling’; WMong.
güǯegeleǯegene, Khalkha güʒēlʒgene, Bur. gulzȫrgene ‘земляника’
(whence Evk. gučalǯigina etc., see ТМС 1, 176).
-k῾údo(rgV) tail: Tung. *xürgü; Mong. *kudurga; Turk. *Kudruk; Kor.
*s-kòrí.
PTung. *xürgü tail (хвост): Evk. irgi; Evn. irgъ; Neg. īɣi / idgi; Man.
unčexen; SMan. unčixən, unuun, iunuun (2291, 2607); Ul. xuǯu; Ork.
xudu; Nan. xuigu; Orch. iggi; Ud. igi; Sol. iggi, irgi.
◊ ТМС 1, 325.
PMong. *kudurga tail strap (подхвостник): MMong. qudurqa (SH),
qudorɣa (IM), qodorɣa (LH); WMong. qudurɣa(n) (L 980); Kh. xudraga;
Bur. xudarga; Kalm. xudrɣə; Ord. xudurGa; Dag. xodurugu (Тод. Даг. 179:
xudurga); S.-Yugh. GudurGa; Mongr. GudarGa.
◊ KW 195, MGCD 385. Mong. > Evk. kudurga, Man. qudarGan, see Doerfer MT 100,
Rozycki 148; > MKor. kotărkái (Lee 1964, 191).
PTurk. *Kudruk tail (хвост): OTurk. qudruq (OUygh.); Karakh.
quδruq (MK); Tur. kujruk; Gag. qujruq; Az. GujruG; Turkm. Gujruq; Sal.
Guruχ; Khal. qurduq; MTurk. qujruq, qujruɣ (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qujruq;
Uygh. qujruq; Krm. qurjux; Tat. qojrɨq; Bashk. qojroq; Kirgh. qujruq; Kaz.
qujrɨq; KBalk. qujruq; KKalp. qujrɨq; Kum. qujruq; Nogh. qujrɨq; SUygh.
Guzuruq; Khak. xuzurux; Shr. quzuruq; Oyr. qujruq; Tv. quduruq; Tof.
quduruq; Chuv. xüre; Yak. kuturuk; Dolg. kuturuk.
◊ VEWT 296b, EDT 604, Лексика 145, ЭСТЯ 6, 114-117, Stachowski 163. Cf. also MK
quδurɣun ‘tail strap’ (Лексика 553).
*k῾ge - *k῾ujk῾è
815
PKor. *s-kòrí tail (хвост): MKor. skòrí; Mod. k:ori.
◊ Nam 50, KED 140.
‖ Владимирцов 322, Poppe 18, 52, Цинциус 1984а, 113, ОСНЯ 1,
327-328, АПиПЯЯ 53, 284, Дыбо 9, Лексика 145. Mong. is hardly <
Turk. (although it is possible, see Щербак 1997, 142). In Korean we
have a case of *s-prefixation in body parts (see also under *op῾erV,
*p῾ejńe); note that MKor. kòtằrkái ‘tail strap’ < Mong. Cf. also Turk.
*Kuduskan ‘tail strap’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 182-183) = WMong. qudusqa (VEWT 297,
KW 195, Лексика 554); *Kudu-muč / -mčak ‘tail bone’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 215-216).
-k῾ge palate, jaw: Tung. *xǖkte; Mong. *köɣemej; Turk. *Kögme; Jpn.
*k(ù)i; Kor. *khúm.
PTung. *xǖkte tooth (зуб): Evk. īkte; Evn. īt; Neg. īkte; Man. weixe;
SMan. vīxə (32); Jurch. juj-xe (495); Nan. xukte(le); Ud. ikte; Oroch. ikte;
Sol. ītte.
◊ ТМС 1, 300. Cf. also Evk. īken ‘jaw, chin’ (ТМС 1, 302). North. > Ul., Orok ikte.
PMong. *köɣemej 1 throat, pharynx 2 chest part of animal skin (1
глотка, фаринкс 2 грудная часть шкуры животного): WMong.
kögeme (L 479: kögemei, kömei) 1; Kh. xȫmij 1; Bur. xȫmej 2; Kalm. kȫmǟ 1
(КРС); Ord. kȫmī 2.
◊ Cf. also Khalkha xöjȫ ‘crop, craw’. Mong. > Kaz. kömekej etc.), see ЭСТЯ 5, 99-100.
PTurk. *Kögme gum (of tooth) (десна): Khak. köŋme; Shr. kögbe
(Mat.), köge (Kond.).
◊ VEWT 290.
PJpn. *k(ù)i fang (клык): OJpn. k(j)i; MJpn. kì; Tok. kí-ba; Kyo. kí-bà;
Kag. kí-ba.
◊ JLTT 449. The accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is irregular; Tokyo and RJ point unambiguously to original low tone.
PKor. *khúm jaw (челюсть): MKor. khúm.
◊ Nam 36.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290 (with a somewhat different grouping of etyma).
Korean has an irregular low tone.
-k῾ujk῾è root, stem: Tung. *xüj(k)e; Turk. *kök; Jpn. *kùkùi; Kor.
*kòkrí, kòkòrí.
PTung. *xüj(k)e horn (рог): Evk. ije; Evn. īj; Neg. īje; Man. weixe /
uixe; SMan. vīxə (32, 2279); Jurch. huje-xe (602); Ul. xuje; Ork. xuje; Nan.
xuje; Orch. ije; Ud. jē; Sol. īje.
◊ ТМС 1, 298-299.
PTurk. *kök root (корень): Karakh. kök (MK, KB); Tur. kök; Gag. kök;
Az. kök; Turkm. kök; MTurk. kök (AH, Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Krm. kök; Kaz.
kök; KKalp. kök; Tv. kö’k; Chuv. kъₙk (Anatri).
◊ VEWT 287, EDT 708, TMN 3, 598, ЭСТЯ 5, 91-92, Лексика 109.
816
*k῾jŕo - *k῾le
PJpn. *kùkù-i stem, stalk (ствол, стебель): OJpn. kuki; MJpn. kuki;
Tok. kukí; Kyo. kúkì; Kag. kukí.
◊ JLTT 462. The stem kuku- is found in some OJ compounds.
PKor. *kòkrí, kòkòrí stalk (стебель): MKor. kòkrí, kòkòrí; Mod.
k:okči.
◊ Nam 45, KED 154.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 284, Лексика 109, Whitman 1985, 132, 222. Tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. The TM word belongs
here if one reconstructs the rare cluster *-jk- (reflected as -x- in Manchu
but as -0- in other languages).
-k῾jŕo cold wind, fog, North: Mong. *koji-; Turk. *Kuŕ; Jpn. *kúi-rí.
PMong. *koji- North(wards), back(wards) (север, зад, задняя сторона): MMong. qojina (SH, HY 50), qūjna ‘following’ (IM); WMong.
qoji-na, qoji-si (L 954); Kh. xojno, xojš; Bur. xojno, xojšo; Kalm. xȫnə (КРС)
‘after’; Ord. xoöno ‘back, West’; Mog. qoina (Weiers); Dag. xuai-nə (Тод.
Даг. 178 xuaina), huajne (MD 165); Dong. qui-na; Bao. χui-nə; S.-Yugh.
χöi-ne; Mongr. xwno (SM 177), xwdi ‘qui est derrière’ (SM 176), xui-no.
◊ MGCD 359.
PTurk. *Kuŕ Northern slope (северный склон): OTurk. quz (Yen.);
qurɨ ‘West’ (Orkh.),; Karakh. quz (MK); Tur. koz, guz (dial.), kuzej; Az.
Guzej; Turkm. Guzaj; MTurk. quz (AH, Pav. C.), quzaj (Pav.C.); Uygh.
quz; SUygh. qozan ‘sunset’ (Mal.); Khak. xosxar ‘Polar star’; Oyr. qusqaj
(Tuba ).
◊ VEWT 305, EDT 680, ЭСТЯ 6, 106-107.
PJpn. *kúi-rí ( ~ -əi-) fog (туман): OJpn. kiri; MJpn. kírí; Tok. kìri;
Kyo. kírí; Kag. kíri.
◊ JLTT 451.
‖ Дыбо 45. The root contains a rare cluster *-jŕ-. The Jpn. form can
belong here if *-ri is originally suffixed (which is in fact quite probable,
given the exceptional structure of the word with medial -ui- ~ -əi-).
-k῾le to exchange, trade, hire: Tung. *xül-; Mong. *kölü-sü; Turk.
*kȫle.
PTung. *xül- 1 to lend 2 to change, exchange 3 to barter 4 to supply
5 to borrow (1 одалживать 2 меняться, обменивать 3 торговать 4
снабжать 5 брать взаймы): Evk. ildu- 1; Neg. ịldụ- 1; Man. χulaša- 3;
SMan. hulašə- 2 (1425); Jurch. xu-la-gi (833) 2; Nan. χolasị- 2, (Bik. χolsị-);
Orch. igdu-mači- 4; Ud. idu- 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 308, 469.
PMong. *kölü-sü wages for hired work (плата за наемный труд):
MMong. kulesu, kulesun (MA 222); WMong. kölüsü(n) (L 486); Kh. xöls;
Bur. xülhe(n); Kalm. kölsn (КРС); Ord. kölösü(n).
*k῾ŭli - *k῾ĺa
817
PTurk. *kȫle 1 slave, servant 2 bastard 3 co-ruler, minister (1 слуга,
раб 2 незаконнорожденный 3 соправитель): OTurk. köl (~ kül) an Old
Turkic title (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. köl ( ~ kül) 3 (MK); Tur. köle 1; Az.
köle 1; Turkm. kȫle 2; MTurk. köl 3; Khak. kölmök ‘people’; Tv. xöl ‘guests
that have arrived’.
◊ VEWT 288.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾ŭli to wind, plait: Tung. *xil(i)-; Mong. *küli-; Turk. *kül-, *kült-.
PTung. *xil(i)- to plait, braid (плести, заплетать): Evk. ilča-; Evn.
ịlčā-; Neg. ịlča-; Ul. sịlụ-; Ork. sịlị-; Nan. sịlị-; Orch. iliča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 311.
PMong. *küli- to bind (связывать): MMong. kuli- (IM); WMong.
küli- (L 499); Kh. xüle-; Bur. xüli-; Kalm. küĺə-; Ord. küli-; Mog. küli(Ramstedt 1906); S.-Yugh. kulə-; Mongr. koli- (SM 212).
◊ KW 245, MGCD 404.
PTurk. *kül- spool, skein, sheaf (катушка, моток, вязанка): Tur.
küleš, dial. kültem; Turkm. kültem; MTurk. külte (AH, At-Tuhf., KW);
Krm. külte; Tat. költe; Bashk. költe; Kaz. külte; KKalp. külte; Kum. külte;
Nogh. külte; Chuv. kəlde (possibly < Tat.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 139, Федотов 1, 272-273. Turk. > Kalm. kültə- ‘to bind, fasten’ (KW 245).
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *koli, *gldi, *k῾iĺa.
-k῾ĺa sable, squirrel: Tung. *xulu-kī; Mong. *kulgana; Turk. *kīĺ.
PTung. *xulu-kī squirrel (белка): Evk. ulukī; Evn. öliki; Neg. ọlọxī;
Man. ulxu; Ul. xolo; Ork. xolo / xulu; Nan. xulu; Orch. oloki; Ud. oloxi; Sol.
uluxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 263-4.
PMong. *kulgana mouse (мышь): MMong. quluqana (SH) xuluqana
(HY 11), qəlɣəna (IM); WMong. qulɣana (L 984: quluɣana); Kh. xulgana;
Bur. xulgana, xulganān; Kalm. xulɣən (КРС); Ord. xuluGuna; S.-Yugh.
χunaGlaG; Mongr. xanaGla (SM 155), xulGanaG.
◊ MGCD 388; TMN 1, 440 (Mong. > Evk. kulugu, kuluguna).
PTurk. *kīĺ sable (соболь): OTurk. kiš (Orkh.); Karakh. kiš (MK, KB);
MTurk. kiš (MA, Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. kiš; Tat. keš; Bashk. keš; Kirgh. kiš;
Kaz. kis; Kum. kiš; Nogh. kis, kiš; Oyr. kiš; Tv. kiš; Chuv. kъₙš; Yak. kīs;
Dolg. kīs.
◊ VEWT 272, TMN 3, 664-665, EDT 752, Щербак 1961, 143, ЭСТЯ 5, 77-78, Лексика
162-163, Stachowski 149 (one of the Turk.-Samoyed. contact words; because of the Tungus parallel, probably Turk. > Samoyed., despite Helimski 1995). The Chuvash form reveals irregular vocalism and may in fact reflect a merger with PT *Küĺül ‘rat, mole’ (v. sub
*k῾ĺú). Turk. > Mong. er-kis ‘male sable’, ebsi-gis ‘female sable’ (see Clark 1980, 43).
818
*k῾uĺe - *k῾ĺnu
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 163. A Western isogloss (cf. perhaps OJ kase
‘sea-urchin’?). In Turkic one has to suppose a secondary fronting *kīĺ <
*kĺ (a rather frequent phenomenon).
-k῾uĺe person: Tung. *(x)ile ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *kulunča; Turk. *kiĺi.
PTung. *(x)ile ( ~ -ü-) person (человек): Evk. ile.
◊ ТМС 1, 311.
PMong. *kulunča ancestor (предок): WMong. qulunča (L 985); Kh.
xulanc; Bur. xulinsag, gulinsag - ‘потомки в пятом колене’; Kalm.
xuləncəg (КРС); Ord. xulumči, xuluŋči ‘trisaïeul paternel’.
PTurk. *kiĺi person, people (человек, люди): OTurk. kiši (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kiši (MK, KB); Tur. kiši; Gag. kiši; Az. kiši; Turkm. kiši;
Sal. kiši; MTurk. kiši (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. kiši; Uygh. kiši; Krm. kiši; Tat.
keše; Bashk. keše; Kirgh. kiši; Kaz. kisi; KBalk. kiši; KKalp. kisi; Kum. kiši;
Nogh. kisi; SUygh. kisi; Khak. kəzə; Shr. kiži; Oyr. kiži; Tv. kiži; Tof. kiši;
Yak. kihi; Dolg. kihi.
◊ VEWT 272, EDT 752-753, ЭСТЯ 5, 78-79, Лексика 325, Stachowski 147.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283. A Western isogloss. The comparison is quite acceptable, but its reliability is weakened by the isolated nature of the
Evenki form within TM. Cf., however, the ethnonym *kile ‘Evenki’
(ТМС 1, 393) (possibly borrowed in Evk. from a form like *xile or *xüle)
and Evn. kịlča ‘Yakut’.
-k῾ĺnu navel: Tung. *xulŋu-; Mong. *köjil-sü; Turk. *kīn, *kīn-dük.
PTung. *xulŋu- navel (пупок): Evk. uŋurē; Evn. inŋö, iŋŋö; Neg.
uŋńo-n; Man. uleŋgu; SMan. uluŋu (94); Ul. xujmu; Ork. xūnu; Nan. xujmu.
◊ ТМС 2, 266, 280. In Man. cf. also xum-sun ‘navel’ (ТМС 1, 447).
PMong. *köjil-sü navel (пупок): MMong. kojisun (HY 47, 15),
kuj-sun (MA); WMong. köi(l)sü (L 498: küisü(n), küilsü(n)); Kh. xüjs; Bur.
xüjhe(n); Kalm. kīsn; Ord. kǖs, kīs, küjs, kȫs, kǖsü; Mog. ZM kosun (3-3b);
Dag. kuise (Тод. Даг. 151, MD 184); Dong. kuisun; Bao. kisoŋ; S.-Yugh.
kǖsən; Mongr. kwʒə; kwgi- 1 ‘nombril, centre; couper le cordon ombicical à l’enfant 1’ (SM 208).
◊ KW 239, MGCD 397.
PTurk. *kīn, *kīn-dük 1 navel, navelstring, centre 2 navel of a
musk-deer, musk (1 пупок, пуповина, центр 2 мускусная железа,
мускус): OTurk. kin ‘утроба, vagina; мускус’, kindik 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. kin (KB), kün (MK) 2; Tur. kindik, künük (dial.) 1; Turkm. kindik
(dial.) 1; Sal. kinǯix, kintix 1; Khal. kindik 1; MTurk. kindik (MA, Pav. C.)
1; Uzb. kindik, kindak 1; Uygh. kindik 1; Krm. kindik 1, ‘belly’; Tat. kendek
1; Bashk. kendek 1; Kirgh. kindik 1; Kaz. kindik 1; KBalk. kindik 1; KKalp.
kindik 1; Kum. gindik 1; Nogh. kindik 1; SUygh. kendek 1 (ЯЖУ); Khak.
*k῾uml[e] - *k῾nč῾o
819
kən 1, kəndək 1; Oyr. kindik 1, kin 2; Tv. xin 1, 2, xindik 1, 2; Tof. xin 1, 2;
Chuv. kəndək (dial.); Yak. kīn 1.
◊ VEWT 271, EDT 725, 729, ЭСТЯ 5, 68-69, Лексика 279-280. Turk. > Mong. kindik
(Щербак 1997, 127).
‖ KW 234, Дыбо 6, Лексика 280. A Western isogloss, with a rather
complicated phonology. In Mong. *köjil-sü ( < *kölil- < *kölin-) should be
distinguished from *köji < *kōp῾e, although the reflexes have been significantly confused; PTM *xulŋu- either < *xulnu- through assimilation,
or else < *xulnu-gV- or *xulnu-ŋV- (with a fused velar suffix). Finally, in
Turkic one has to suppose a (rather frequent) fronting *kīn < *kn.
-k῾uml[e] nail, needle: Tung. *xülme; Mong. *kimul-su; Kor. *kom(h).
PTung. *xülme needle (игла): Evk. inme; Evn. inmъ; Neg. inme; Man.
ulme; SMan. unū (266); Jurch. hiul-me (249); Ul. xulme(n); Ork. xulme;
Nan. xurme; Orch. imme; Ud. iŋme; Sol. imme.
◊ ТМС 1, 316.
PMong. *kimul-su claw, finger-nail (ноготь, коготь): MMong. kimusun (HY 46, SH), kimul (SH), qəmərṣən (IM), qimusun (MA); WMong.
kimusu(n), qumusu(n) (L 469); Kh. xums(an); Bur. umha(n); Kalm.
xumsn; Ord. xumusu; Mog. qimsun; ZM qemsun (2-9a); Dag. kimči (Тод.
Даг. 150), kimeči (MD 183); Dong. Gəmusun (MGCD Gɨmusun); Bao.
Gomsoŋ; S.-Yugh. xəməsən; Mongr. ćimuʒə (SM 450), (MGCD ćimusə).
◊ KW 197, MGCD 389.
PKor. *kom(h) finger-nail (ноготь): Mod. son-khom (SKE 134).
◊ A dialectal form.
‖ In Mong. one has to suppose *kimul- < *kumil- (the form qumu(l)- is
actually attested in many dialects, and may be archaic).
-k῾nč῾o sleeve, elbow; top of boot: Tung. *xǖnčē-n; Mong. *kanču-;
Turk. *Konč.
PTung. *xǖnčē-n elbow (локоть): Evk. īčēn; Evn. iečen; Neg. īčēn; Ul.
unče(n); Ork. ūite; Nan. xujčẽ; Orch. īčo(n); Sol. īnč.
◊ ТМС 1, 336. TM > Dag. inčēn, jinčēn, īčēn (Тод. Даг. 146). Loss of *x- in Ul. and Orok
is not quite clear: perhaps borrowing from some archaic South. Tung. dialect (before the
change *ǖ > ī).
PMong. *kanču- sleeve (рукав): MMong. kančun (HY 22), qanču(n)
(SH), qanču (IM), qančīn (Lig.VMI); WMong. qanču-n (L 927: qančui,
qanču, qamčui); Kh. xancuj; Bur. xamsɨ; Kalm. xancə; Ord. xanču; Mog.
qamči, qamču (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. kanči (Тод. Даг. 148, MD 181), xanči
(Тод. Даг. 148); Dong. Ganǯun; Bao. Ganǯoŋ; S.-Yugh. χanǯūn; Mongr.
xani, xanći (SM 156), xamǯi.
◊ KW 175, MGCD 327.
PTurk. *Konč top(s) of boots (голенище): Tur. konč; Gag. qonč; Az.
Gunǯ; Turkm. Gonč; MTurk. qonč (AH); Uzb. qụnǯ; Uygh. qonǯa; Krm.
820
*k῾une - *k῾ŭnu
qonč; Tat. qunɨč; Kirgh. qonč; Kaz. qonɨš; KKalp. qonɨš; Kum. xonč; Nogh.
qonɨš; SUygh. qaŋč; Shr. qoš; Oyr. qonč, qonɨč; Tv. xonču; Chuv. konǯa.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 58-59, Федотов 1, 308.
‖ A Western isogloss. Except for Mong. -a- the correspondences are
regular; Mong. *kanču- probably < *kunča- (with vowel metathesis).
-k῾une heavy, load: Tung. *(x)ünī-; Mong. *kündü.
PTung. *(x)ünī- to carry on the back (нести на спине): Evk. inī-;
Evn. inu-; Neg. inīw- ‘навьючить’; Man. unu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 315-316.
PMong. *kün- 1 heavy, difficult 2 respect, authority (1 тяжелый 2
уважение, почтительность): MMong. kundu (HY 52, SH), kundule- ‘to
respect’ (HYt), kondu (IM), kŭndu 1; WMong. kündü 1,2 (L 501, 502); Kh.
xünd 1,2; Bur. xünde 1; Kalm. kündə 1,2; Ord. kündü 1,2; Mog. kündü 1;
ZM kondu (18-3b); Dag. xundu, kundu (Тод. Даг. 151), hunde 1, hundule‘to respect’ (MD 166); Dong. gundu; Bao. kuntɛ, kuntə; S.-Yugh. kundə;
Mongr. kundun (SM 212).
◊ KW 246, MGCD 398. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. kündü (Stachowski 164); > Manchu kundu
‘respect, honor’, Evk. kundu (Rozycki 146).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-k῾ŭnu to long for, covet (sexually): Tung. *(x)on-; Mong. *kina-; Turk.
*Kɨn-; Jpn. *kunank-.
PTung. *(x)on- 1 to search (for lost deer) 2 to wait 3 domestic reindeer trained for searching wild deer (1 искать (потерявшихся оленей)
2 ждать 3 олень-манщик): Evk. onī- 1, ondōgdo 3; Evn. ōnmt- 2, ondā1, ondad 3; Neg. ondogdo 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 19. Cf. perhaps also Manchu ondo- ‘to caper; to rape’ ( > Dag. ondō-, see Тод.
Даг. 159); Nan. χonolị- ‘to mock’ (ТМС 1, 470) - which would confirm the reconstruction
of *x- and fit the original meaning ‘to covet (sexually)’. Evk. ondogdo > Dolg. ondōdo (see
Stachowski 193).
PMong. *kina- to investigate, observe, trace (исследовать, наблюдать, следить): WMong. kina- (L 469); Kh. ana-; Bur. xina-; Ord. kina-;
Dag. kinima ‘careful, cautious’.
◊ MGCD 353.
PTurk. *Kɨn- 1 to long for, covet, to be obsessed with 2 to long
(sexually) 3 coire (1 желать, стремиться 2 желать (сексуально) 3
coire): OTurk. qɨn- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨn- 1 (MK); Tur. kɨn- 1, 2;
Kirgh. qɨnɨq- 1; Khak. xɨn-, xɨnɨx- 1, 2; Shr. qɨn- 1; Oyr. qɨn-, qɨnɨq- 1;
Chuv. xъnъx- 1; Yak. kɨn- 3.
◊ VEWT 264, EDT 632, ЭСТЯ 6, 632.
PJpn. *kunank- coire, have sexual intercourse (coire, иметь половые сношения): OJpn. kunagap(j)i (n.); MJpn. kunag-.
‖ KW 231 (Turk.-Mong.). See also notes to *gno.
*k῾ńa - *k῾ùńí
821
-k῾ńa punishment: Tung. *xuńi-; Mong. *könüɣe-; Turk. *Kjn; Jpn.
*káná-.
PTung. *xuńi- to envy, become sick of envy (завидовать, обижаться, заболевать от зависти): Evk. uni-; Evn. öń-; Neg. uńi-; Ul. xuńi-;
Nan. xuńi-; Ud. uńi- ‘to become sick’.
◊ ТМС 2, 273-274.
PMong. *könüɣe- to harm, torture (вредить, мучить): WMong.
könüge- (L 490); Kh. xönȫ-; Bur. xünegȫl ‘harm, damage’.
PTurk. *Kjn 1 punishment, fine, guilt 2 to punish 3 cruelty, tyranny
4 to condemn 5 hard, difficult 6 to torture 7 insult, offence 8 to offend 9
harm, torture 10 sin 11 to annoy, anger 12 to beat (1 наказание, штраф,
вина 2 наказывать 3 жестокость, тирания 4 осуждать, порицать 5
трудный, тяжелый 6 мучить 7 обида 8 обижать 9 беда, мучение 10
грех 11 сердить, раздражать 12 бить): OTurk. qɨjnɨɣ (acc.) (Orkh.), qɨjn,
qɨn (OUygh.) 1, qɨna- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨn, qɨjɨn (KB) 1, qɨna- 2 (MK,
KB); Tur. kɨjɨn, kɨjɨnč 3, kɨna- 4; Az. Gɨna- 4; Turkm. qn 5, qna- ‘to make
difficult, torture’; MTurk. qɨjɨn (Abush., Бор. Бад., MA), qɨn (Pav. C.),
qɨna- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. qijin 5, qijna- 6; Uygh. qijin 5, qijna- 6; Krm. qɨjɨn,
qejin 1, qɨjna- 6; Tat. qɨjɨn 5, qɨjɨna- ‘to make difficult, hard’; Bashk. qɨjɨn
1, qɨjna- 12; Kirgh. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjɨt- ‘to make difficult, troublesome’, qɨjna- 6;
Kaz. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6, qɨnž-ɨl- ‘to be distressed’; KBalk. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 12;
KKalp. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6; Kum. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6; Nogh. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6;
SUygh. qɨn 1; Khak. xɨjɨx 7, xɨjal 9; Shr. qɨjal 9, 10, qɨjɨq-ta- 8, qɨjnaɣ 9
(*qɨń-laɣ); Oyr. qɨjɨn, qɨjna- 6, qɨjal 10, dial. (Tuba) qɨj- 6; Tv. xɨjna- 6;
Chuv. xən 1; Yak. knńā-, kɨjaxā- 11, kɨj- ‘to pain, ache’; Dolg. kɨjŋa- 11,
kɨj- ‘to kill’.
◊ VEWT 264. EDT 631, ЭСТЯ 6, 218-219, Stachowski 168. Turk. *Kjna- > MMong.
qina- ‘to torture’ (Щербак 1997, 165). Nasalless forms (like Yak. kɨjaxā- etc.) may result
from a reanalysis of the form *Kjn as *Kɨjɨn, interpreted as a deverbative noun. Turk. >
Hung. kín ‘torture, suffering’ (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *káná- sad, sorrowful (печальный, грустный): OJpn. kana-si;
MJpn. káná-si; Tok. kànashi-; Kyo. kánáshì-; Kag. kanáshi-.
◊ JLTT 830.
‖ Cf. *guna. and notes to *gno. Mong. *könüɣe- has a usual regressive labialization ( < *kenüɣe- or *kinüɣe-).
-k῾ùńí thread, cloth: Mong. *kejeŋ; Turk. *köjŋe-lek; Jpn. *kìnú; Kor.
*kính.
PMong. *kejeŋ edge of cloth (on both sides), selvage (кайма, край
одежды (по обеим сторонам)): WMong. kejeŋ (L 445); Kh. xejen.
PTurk. *köjŋe-lek shirt (рубашка): Karakh. köŋlek (MK); Tur.
köjnäk, dial. göŋlek; Gag. gölmäk; Az. köjnek; Turkm. köjnek, dial. gömlek;
MTurk. köŋlek (Sangl., MA, Pav. C., Бор. Бад.), köjnek (Pav. C.); Uzb.
822
*k῾ńu - *k῾úŋu
kọjnak, kọjlak; Uygh. köŋläk, köŋnek; Krm. kölmek; Tat. külmäk; Bashk.
küldäk; Kirgh. köjnek; KBalk. kölek; KKalp. köjlek; Kum. gölek; Nogh.
köjlek; Khak. kögenek; Shr. künek; Oyr. künek; Tv. xöjleŋ; Yak. könjügäs
‘старинное название дохи’.
◊ VEWT 290-291, EDT 732, ЭСТЯ 5, 89-90, Лексика 384, 476-477. Turk. > WMong.
küjileg, Kalm. kīləg (KW 234), MMong. köŋlek (TMN 3, 615, Щербак 1997, 128).
PJpn. *kìnú silk; cloth, robe (шелк; одежда, платье): OJpn. kjinu;
MJpn. kìnú; Tok. kínu; Kyo. kìnú; Kag. kinú.
◊ JLTT 451.
PKor. *kính string, tassel (веревка, кисточка, лента): MKor. kín
(kính-); Mod. k:ɨn.
◊ Nam 80, KED 243.
‖ In Mong. one would rather expect -ö-; -e- is perhaps a result of assimilation. In Turko-Mongolian -ŋ- is possibly an original suffix (Turk.
*köjŋe- < *köń-ŋe-); but a reconstruction like *k῾ùńŋí can also not be excluded.
-k῾ńu ( ~ -a) sheath, scabbard: Tung. *xunǯi-; Mong. *kuj; Turk. *Kn.
PTung. *xunǯi- 1 wooden quiver 2 a vessel made of birch bark (1
деревянный колчан 2 сосуд из бересты): Evk. unǯikān 2; Nan. xonǯi
(Он.) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 273.
PMong. *kuj sheath, scabbard (ножны, чехол): MMong. quji (IM),
qūj (LH), quj (MA); WMong. qui (L 982); Kh. xuj; Bur. xuj; Kalm. xǖ;
Ord. xuj; S.-Yugh. χui; Mongr. xw (SM 176), xui (Huzu), (MGCD xui).
◊ MGCD 386, KW 204.
PTurk. *Kn sheath, scabbard (ножны, чехол): Karakh. qɨn (MK,
KB); Tur. kɨn; Gag. qɨn; Az. Gɨn; Turkm. Gn; MTurk. qɨn (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qin, (Khorazm dial.) qɨjn; Uygh. qin; Krm. qɨn; Tat. qɨn; Bashk. qɨn;
Kirgh. qɨn; Kaz. qɨn; KBalk. qɨn; KKalp. qɨn; Kum. qɨn; Nogh. qɨn; SUygh.
qɨn (ЯЖУ); Khak. xɨn; Shr. qɨn; Oyr. qɨn; Tv. xɨn; Chuv. jənə, dial. ənə;
Yak. kn.
◊ VEWT 264, EDT 630-631, Егоров 79, Лексика 571, ЭСТЯ 6, 217-218.
‖ Владимирцов 174. A Western isogloss. See TMN 3, 577 (“die
Aehnlichkeit der beiden Wörter dürfte Zufall sein”).
-k῾úŋu to bend, bow: Tung. *xuŋke- / *kuŋke-; Mong. *kiji- / *keje-;
Turk. *Kɨŋ-; Jpn. *kúnkúm-.
PTung. *xuŋke- / *kuŋke- to bow (кланяться, наклоняться): Evk.
uŋkē-; Neg. keŋket-; Man. xeŋgile-; SMan. xeŋkilə-, xiŋkili- ‘to kowtow’
(1446); Jurch. keŋ-ke-le-mij (751); Ul. keŋkele-; Nan. keŋkele-; Ud. xeŋki-.
◊ ТМС 2, 278-279.
PMong. *kiji- / *keje- oblique, slanting (косой, наклонный):
WMong. keje-ge (L 445), kiji-ǯaŋ; Kh. xejeg; xejede-, xejele- (v.); Kalm. kīzŋ.
*k῾uŋu - *k῾up῾e
823
◊ KW 235. There also exists a synonymous WMong. variant geji-, geje- (Kh. geje-de-,
geje-le-, Kalm. gī). Voiced *g- here is probably due to the influence of another synonymous root, *gek- (v. sub *gḗk῾á).
PTurk. *Kɨŋ- bent, oblique (согнутый, косой): OTurk. qɨŋɨr
(OUygh.); Karakh. qɨŋɨr (MK); Turkm. Gɨŋɨr; MTurk. qɨŋɨr (Ettuhf.);
Uzb. qiŋɣir; Uygh. qiŋi(r); Krm. qɨŋɣɨr; Tat. qɨŋɣɨr; Bashk. qɨŋɨr (dial.);
Kirgh. qɨŋɨr; Kaz. qɨŋɨr; KBalk. qɨŋɨr; KKalp. qɨŋɨr; Kum. qɨŋɨr; Yak. kɨŋnar
‘криво, косо’.
◊ VEWT 264-265, EDT 639, ЭСТЯ 6, 220-221. OT qɨŋraq ‘curved dagger’ > WMong.
kiɣira, kiŋgara (Kalm. kīrə, Khalkha aŋgar).
PJpn. *kúnkúm- be curved, bent (быть кривым, изогнутым):
MJpn. kugum-, kúgúmar-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ TM and Jpn. forms reflect a velar suffix (or partial reduplication).
One of several similar roots which are sometimes difficult to distinguish: cf. *gék῾á, *gk῾a, *k῾ōki.
-k῾uŋu worm, grub: Tung. *xuŋVl-; Mong. *kiɣur-; Jpn. *kuà.
PTung. *xuŋVl- 1 worm 2 grub (1 червь 2 личинка): Evk. uŋul 1;
Evn. uŋъl 1, 2; Neg. uŋil 2; Man. uḿaxa / iḿaxa 1; SMan. imahə, nimahə 1
(2173); Jurch. wu-mia-xa (166) 1; Ork. xuŋguli 2; Nan. xuŋguli 2; Orch.
umuli 2; Ud. uŋulu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 280. Cf. also PTM *(x)uńa ‘grub, larva’ (ТМС 2, 276).
PMong. *kiɣur- nit (гнида): WMong. kiɣursu, quur(a)su (L 464:
kiɣurasu(n), kiɣurusu(n)); Kh. xūrs; Bur. ūrha(n); Kalm. gǖr(ə), xūrsn,
ɣūrsn; Ord. Gūrsu; Dag. ḱaur (Тод. Даг. 148); S.-Yugh. χairsən; Mongr.
ćirʒə (SM 456), (MGCD ćīrsə).
◊ KW 140, 202, MGCD 381. Mong. > Khak. kör etc. (VEWT 292).
PJpn. *kuà silkworm (шелковичный червь): OJpn. kwo; MJpn.
kàfí-kò; Tok. kái-ko; Kyo. kàí-kò; Kag. kai-kó.
◊ JLTT 433.
‖ The Jpn. form goes back to *k῾uŋ(u)-gV.
-k῾up῾e to sew: Mong. *köbe-; Turk. *köpi-.
PMong. *köbe- to oversew, tack, baste (сметывать, сшивать через
край): WMong. köbe- (L 476), köberi-de-; Kh. xövördö-; Kalm. köw-,
köwrd-.
◊ KW 242. Mong. > Man. kubu-, see Rozycki 144.
PTurk. *köpi- to oversew, quilt (сшивать через край, простегивать): Karakh. kübi- (MK); Tur. göbü-, göbü ‘толстый шов’, köpü- (dial.);
Turkm. köpe-; MTurk. (Kypch.) kübV- (AH); Tat. kübe- (Sib.); Bashk.
kübe-; Oyr. kübür- (Tel.).
◊ VEWT 306, ЭСТЯ 5, 111, EDT 687.
824
*k῾ura - *k῾ure
‖ A Turko-Mong. isogloss. Not quite reliable, because Mong. may
be < Turkic (or else connected etymologically with köbe-ge ‘edge’).
-k῾ura ( ~ -u) twenty: Tung. *xorin; Mong. *kori; Turk. *Kɨrk.
PTung. *xorin twenty (двадцать): Evk. orin; Neg. ojịn; Man. orin;
SMan. orin (2754); Jurch. horin (655); Ul. χorị(n); Ork. χorị(n); Nan. χorị;
Orch. oi; Ud. waji; Sol. orĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 24.
PMong. *kori twenty (двадцать): MMong. qorin (SH, HY 43), qurin
(IM), qūrin (LH); WMong. qori(n) (L 966); Kh. xorin; Bur. xori(n); Kalm.
xörn; Ord. xori; Dag. xoŕ, Тод. Даг. 178 xori(n); hori (MD 164); Dong.
qorun; Bao. χoroŋ; S.-Yugh. χorən; Mongr. xorin, xorim (SM 173), xurən.
◊ KW 193, MGCD 366.
PTurk. *Kɨrk forty (сорок): OTurk. qɨrq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qɨrq (MK); Tur. kɨrk; Gag. qɨrq; Az. Gɨrx; Turkm. qɨrq; Sal. qɨrx, qɨrɨx;
Khal. qɨrq; MTurk. qɨrq (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. qirq; Uygh. qi(r)q; Tat. qɨrɨq;
Bashk. qɨrq; Kirgh. qɨrq; Kaz. qɨrɨq; KBalk. qɨrq; KKalp. qɨrq; Kum. qɨrq;
Nogh. qɨrq; Khak. xɨrɨx; Shr. qɨrɨq; Oyr. qɨrq, qɨrɨq; Chuv. xərəx.
◊ EDT 651, VEWT 266, Лексика 573, ЭСТЯ 6, 235-236.
‖ Because of the *x- reflex, hardly borrowed in TM from Mong. (despite Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 169). A Western isogloss: cf. OJ patati ‘20’
< *katati under the influence of *puta- ‘2’ (??).
-k῾ure guest, neighbour: Tung. *(x)üremē- ( ~ -i-); Mong. *kür-; Turk.
*Kir-deĺ.
PTung. *(x)üremē- ( ~ -i-) to visit, come as a guest (приходить в гости, гостить): Evk. iremē-; Neg. ijemē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PMong. *kür- 1 son-in-law, bridegroom 2 brother-in-law (1 зять
2 шурин): MMong. guregən (HY 29), gurigen, guregen (SH) 1, keurgen
(IM); WMong. kürgen 1, küri degü 2 (L 505); Kh. xürge 1, xür degǖ 2; Bur.
xüŕge(n) 1, xür dǖ ‘younger brother-in-law’; Kalm. kür ‘brother-in-law’;
kürgn 1; Ord. kürgen 1 küri dǖ ‘frère poîné de la femme’; Dag. xurgun 1
(Тод. Даг. 180: xurgen, kurgen), huregen 1 (MD 167); Dong. kuɣan 1;
Bao. kurkaŋ 1; S.-Yugh. kurɣen 1, kure dǖn 2; Mongr. kurgēn (SM 216) 1,
kurgēn diu 2.
◊ KW 246, 247, MGCD 399, 401. Despite Щербак 1997, 128 Mong. kürgen cannot be <
Turk. *güdegü (v. sub *kude). Mong. > Evk. kurekēn, kuriɣen see TMN 1, 477, Doerfer MT
127.
PTurk. *Kir-deĺ a neighbour who lives in the same house (сосед,
живущий в том же доме): Karakh. kirdeš (MK).
◊ EDT 739. The word is attested only in OT, but modern forms like Oyr. körüš, Tat.
kürši ‘neighbour’ etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 118-119; > Mong. körši, see Clark 1980, 41) may actually
belong here, being transformed under the influence of körüš- ‘to see each other’. Difficult
*k῾re - *k῾úrge
825
is Yak. küre, kürüö ‘wife’s younger sister’: Poppe 1961, 138 regards it as genetically related
to the Mongolian forms, but one cannot exclude a secondary loan < Evk. kuriɣen.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾re to reach, treat: Tung. *xür-; Mong. *kür-; Turk. *gīr-; Jpn. *kúrá-;
Kor. *kūr-.
PTung. *xür- to ripen (созревать): Evk. ir-; Evn. ir-; Neg. ij-; Man.
ure-; SMan. urə-, uru- (391); Ul. xuru-; Ork. xuri-; Nan. xuru-.
◊ ТМС 1, 323.
PMong. *kür- 1 to reach 2 receive a gift or favour, be reached (1 достигать 2 получать подарок, заслужить милость, достичь): MMong.
gur- 1 (SH, HYt), kor- 1 (IM); WMong. kür- 1 (L 503), kürte- 2 (L 506); Kh.
xüre-, xürte-; Bur. xüre- 1, xürte- 2; Kalm. kürtə-; Ord. kür-; Mog. kur- 1
(Weiers); Dag. kuru-, (Тод. Даг. 151) kure-, kur- 1; kurte- 2 (Тод. Даг.
151), kure-, hure- 1 (MD 167, 185); Dong. kuru-; Bao. kur-; S.-Yugh. kur-;
Mongr. kuru- (SM 216), kurə-.
◊ KW 248, MGCD 401.
PTurk. *gīr- to enter (входить): OTurk. kir- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. kir- (MK, KB); Tur. gir-; Gag. gir-; Az. gir-; Turkm. gīr-; Sal. kir(ССЯ); MTurk. kir- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. kir-; Uygh. kir-; Krm. kir-; Tat.
ker-; Bashk. ker-; Kirgh. kir-; Kaz. kir-; KBalk. kir-; KKalp. kir-; Kum. gir-;
Nogh. kir-; SUygh. ker-; Khak. kər-; Shr. kir-; Oyr. kir-; Tv. kir-; Tof. kir-;
Chuv. kər-; Yak. kīr-; Dolg. kīr-.
◊ VEWT 271, EDT 735-736, ЭСТЯ 3, 47-48, Stachowski 149.
PJpn. *kúrá- to give (to the 1st p.) (давать (1му л.)): MJpn. kúrá-;
Tok. kùre-; Kyo. kúré-; Kag. kuré-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kūr- to treat, concern (обращаться, обходиться): Mod. kūl-.
◊ KED 217.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 275, Цинциус 1984, 122-123. An alternative (but more
dubious) etymology of the Kor. word see in PKE 95. Turkic demonstrates here the same irregular voicing as in *dīŕ < *t῾ūŕe.
-k῾úrge ( ~ -o) to feed, eat: Tung. *xürgi-; Mong. *korgan; Turk.
*KUr(g)-; Jpn. *kúrá-p-.
PTung. *xürgi- 1 to raise, feed 2 food, food supply (1 растить, кормить 2 пища, продовольствие): Evk. irgī- 1, irgise 2; Evn. irgъ- 1, issъ
2; Neg. iggi- 1, isse 2; Man. uǯi- 1; SMan. uǯi- 1 (2338); Ul. xujse 2; Ork.
xujse 2; Nan. xujgie- 1, xujgese 2; Orch. iggi- 1, iggixe 2; Ud. igisi- 1; Sol.
iggi-, irgi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 325-326.
PMong. *korgan melted fat, oil (топленый жир, масло): Bur. xorgotoj (adj.); Kalm. xorɣn (КРС).
PTurk. *KUr(g)- food (пища, еда): Chuv. xorъś.
826
*k῾ŭrpe - *k῾ùru
◊ Ашм. XVI, 226-227. Isolated in Chuvash, but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *kúrá-p- to consume, eat (есть, пожирать): OJpn. kura-p-;
MJpn. kúráf-; Tok. kùra-; Kyo. kúrá-; Kag. kurá-.
◊ JLTT 716.
‖ The TM and Japanese evidence is rather in favour of the original
verbal nature of the root, with the meaning ‘fat food, fat’ secondarily
developed in Mong. (as well as in TM).
-k῾ŭrpe young (animal, fish): Tung. *xürbe; Mong. *körbe; Turk.
*körpe.
PTung. *xürbe spawn, to spawn (нерест, метать икру): Evk. irbe;
Ul. xulbi-; Nan. xurbe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 324. Evk. > Dolg. ɨrba (Stachowski 261).
PMong. *körbe new-born lamb (новорожденный ягненок): Bur.
xürbe; Ord. körwö ‘young child or animal’; Dag. kurub (Тод. Даг. 151).
◊ MGCD 391.
PTurk. *körpe 1 new-born 2 new-born lamb (1 новорожденный 2
новорожденный ягненок): Karakh. körpe (MK) 1; Tur. körpe 1, 2; Gag.
körpɛ 1; Az. körpä 1; Turkm. körpe 1; Khal. kurpe, kirpɛ; Uzb. kụrpɛ 1;
Uygh. kö(r)pɛ 1, 2; Bashk. kürpɛ 1; Kirgh. körpö 1, 2; KBalk. körpe 2;
KKalp. körpe 1; Kum. körpe 1; Nogh. körpe 2.
◊ VEWT 293, TMN 3, 637, ЭСТЯ 5, 116-118, Лексика 391.
‖ A Western isogloss (but Mong. may be < Turkic).
-k῾ùru heavy; hard, difficult: Tung. *xur-ge; Turk. *Kɨr-; Jpn. *kùrù-sì-;
Kor. *korắ- / *koro-.
PTung. *xurge heavy (тяжелый): Evk. urge; Evn. urgъ; Neg. ujgegdi;
Man. uǯen; SMan. uǯin (2848); Jurch. hu()ǯe (395); Ul. xuǯeuli; Ork. xudē;
Nan. xuige; Orch. ugge; Ud. ugehi; Sol. uggerdi.
◊ ТМС 2, 283-284.
PTurk. *Kɨr- 1 pest, epidemic 2 mischief 3 archenemy (1 чума, эпидемия 2 несчастье 3 заклятый враг): Karakh. qɨr (jaɣɨ) 3; Tur. kɨran 1;
Turkm. Gɨr (dušman) 3; MTurk. qiran 2; Yak. kɨr (östȫx) 3.
◊ VEWT 265, ЭСТЯ 6, 224. Cf. also PT *Kurul- ‘to have cramps’ (VEWT 304).
PJpn. *kùrù-sì- hard, difficult, agonizing (трудный, тяжелый, мучительный): OJpn. kuru-si-; MJpn. kùrù-si-; Tok. kurushí-; Kyo. kúrúshì-;
Kag. kurushí-.
◊ JLTT 833.
PKor. *korắ- / *koro- 1 suffering 2 to suffer, be troublesome, hard,
painful (1 мука, мучение 2 мучиться, быть трудным, тяжелым):
MKor. koro-’om 1, koră’oi- 2; Mod. kwerop- (kwerow-) 2, kwero-um 1.
◊ Nam 46, KED 189.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 80, 292.
*k῾rú - *k῾ru(mV)
827
-k῾rú bark, shell: Tung. *xura-kta; Mong. *körü-sü; Turk. *Kɨrtɨĺ; Jpn.
*kùrí; Kor. *kúr.
PTung. *xura-kta 1 bark 2 outer skin (1 кора 2 оболочка, кожица):
Evn. ụrt 1; Man. uriχa 2; Ul. xụraqta 1; Ork. χụraqta 1; Nan. χoraqta 1;
Ud. wakta 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 282. Cf. also Evn. ụra- ‘to cover with bark’, Orok χụrala- ‘to peel bark’.
PMong. *körü-sü bark, upper stratum (кора, верхний слой):
MMong. korisu (SH); WMong. körüsü(n), körüdesü(n) (L 491); Kh. xörs;
Bur. xüŕhe(n); Kalm. körsn; Ord. körösü (körös); Dag. kurbus ‘fur, leather’
(Тод. Даг. 151).
◊ KW 240.
PTurk. *Kɨrtɨĺ 1 surface 2 bark, upper layer (1 поверхность 2 кора,
верхний слой): OTurk. qɨrtɨš 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨrtɨš 1 (MK); Tur.
kɨrtɨš (dial.) 2; MTurk. qɨrtɨš (Houts.) 2; Tat. qɨrtɨš 2; Bashk. qɨrtɨš 2;
Kirgh. qɨrtɨš 2; Kaz. qɨrtɨs 2; KKalp. qɨrtɨs 2; Kum. qɨrtɨš 2; Nogh. qɨrtɨs 2;
Oyr. qɨrtɨš 1; Tv. qɨrtɨš 2.
◊ VEWT 267, EDT 649, Лексика 391-392, ЭСТЯ 6, 241-242. Cf. also forms reflecting
*Kɨrɨĺ: Yak. kɨrɨs ‘thin layer under skin’, Tur. kɨrɨš ‘wrinkled’, Az. Gɨrɨš ‘wrinkle’ (see
ЭСТЯ 6, 242), as well as *Kɨrča(ŋ) ‘scab’ (see ibid., 244-245).
PJpn. *kùrí a k. of mollusc (and its shell) (вид моллюска (и его раковина)): MJpn. fàmà-gùrí; Tok. hamá-guri; Kyo. hámà-gùrì; Kag.
hama-gurí.
◊ JLTT 397. A compound with *pama ‘beach’.
PKor. *kúr shell, oyster (устрица): MKor. kúr; Mod. kul.
◊ Nam 62, KED 216.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 38, 293.
-k῾ru(mV) ashes, soot: Tung. *xurum-sa; Mong. *kirbu-su; Turk.
*Kurum ( < *Kɨrum); Kor. *kur.
PTung. *xurum-sa 1 earwax 2 tobacco ashes (1 ушная сера 2 табачный пепел): Evk. urumŋā 1; Evn. ụrụmr 1; Neg. ojomŋa 1; Ul. χoromsa
1; Ork. χoropsa 1; Nan. χoromsa 1, 2; Ud. uŋä 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 288.
PMong. *kirbu-su burned smell (запах паленого): WMong.
kirbu-su(n) (L 471); Kh. arvas; Bur. orboho(n); Ord. xurwus, xurwusu.
PTurk. *Kurum soot (сажа, копоть): Karakh. qurun (MK); Tur. kurum; Gag. qurum; Az. Gurum; Turkm. Gurum; Khal. Gurun; MTurk. qurum (AH); Uzb. qurum; Uygh. qurum (dial.); Krm. qurum; Tat. qorɨm;
Bashk. qorom; Kirgh. qurum; Kaz. qurɨm; KBalk. qurum; KKalp. qurɨm;
Kum. qurum; Nogh. qurɨm; SUygh. qorɨm, qurɨn; Khak. xurun; Oyr. qurun; Chuv. xъrъm (Anatri); Yak. kurunńuk.
◊ Лексика 206, 371-372, EDT 661, ЭСТЯ 6, 169-170. Turk. > Hung. korom ‘soot’, see
Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *kur soot (сажа, копоть): Mod. kul.
828
*k῾uŕa - *k῾ŕu
◊ KED 216.
‖ Note a common derivative *k῾uru-mV(-sV) in several languages.
-k῾uŕa ( ~ -u) to covet: Tung. *xur-; Mong. *kuriča-; Turk. *Kɨŕ.
PTung. *xur- 1 to copulate (of deer) 2 to be jealous (1 спариваться
(об оленях) 2 ревновать): Evk. orgolī- 2; urī-n ‘rival (in love)’; Evn. ụrlị2; Neg. ojalị- 2; Ul. χoralsị- 2; Ork. χụralị- 2, χorị- 1; Nan. χoralsị- 2; Orch.
xorä ‘one of two wives’.
◊ ТМС 1, 471; 2, 285.
PMong. *kuriča- to covet (жаждать, вожделеть): WMong. quriča(L 989); Kh. xuŕca-; Bur. xurisal ‘lust’; Kalm. xöŕcə-; Ord. xuračilči‘coïter’.
◊ KW 193.
PTurk. *Kɨŕ 1 expensive, miserly 2 to wish, envy, be miserly (1 дорогой, скупой 2 желать, завидовать, скупиться): Karakh. qɨz 1 (MK);
MTurk. qɨz 1 (Ettuhf., AH); Uzb. qizɣan- 2; Uygh. qizɣan- 2; Krm. qɨzɣan2; Tat. qɨzɣan- 2; Bashk. qɨzɣan- 2; Kirgh. qɨzɣan- 2; Kaz. qɨzɣan- 2; KKalp.
qɨzɣan- 2; Kum. qɨzɣan- 2; Nogh. qɨzɣan- 2; Oyr. qɨsqan- 2; Chuv. xərɣen2; Yak. kɨsan- ‘нуждаться, иметь надобность’.
◊ VEWT 269, EDT 680, Лексика 339, ЭСТЯ 6, 248-249. The root is also attested as kɨrs
in Tur. dialects, and as qɨrzan- in Tuva The verbal form *Kɨŕ-gan- is sometimes attested as
qɨsɣan- due to a contamination with *Kɨs-ga- ‘short, narrow’ (v. sub *kíso).
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 131-134 (Mong.-Tung.). A Western isogloss.
-k῾ŕu red, reddish; brown, dark: Tung. *xuri-; Mong. *küre- (*küri-);
Turk. *Kŕ-; Jpn. *kúrá-; Kor. *kùrí.
PTung. *xuri- grey (серый): Evk. uri-m; Neg. ōjịn; Ul. χoj-pụ(n);
Nan. χō-gǯõ, (On.) xōrbor.
◊ ТМС 2, 285 (this root should be kept distinct from the form kuri, attested in some
languages and borrowed from Mong.).
PMong. *küre- (*küri) (dark) brown (коричневый, бурый):
WMong. küreŋ, kürin, küren (L 505); Kh. xüren; Bur. xüri(n); Kalm. kürŋ;
Ord. küriŋ, küreŋ; Dag. kurel (Тод. Даг. 151), (MGCD) xūrin; S.-Yugh.
kureŋ; Mongr. kurē ‘tacheté à peau rayée’ (SM 216).
◊ KW 248, MGCD 401, TMN 1, 463. Mong. > Evk. kurin, Man. kuri etc. (see Doerfer
MT 80, Rozycki 147) > Kor. kurəŋ (mal), see Lee 1958, 119; > Oyr. küreŋ etc. (VEWT 310,
ЭСТЯ 5, 146-147).
PTurk. *Kŕ- red (красный): OTurk. qɨzɨl (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qɨzɨl (MK, KB); Tur. kɨzɨl; Gag. qɨzɨl; Az. Gɨzɨl; Turkm. Gɨzɨl; Sal. Gɨzil;
Khal. qɨzɨl; MTurk. qɨzɨl (MA); Uzb. qizil; Uygh. qizil; Krm. qɨzɨl; Tat.
qɨzɨl; Bashk. qɨδɨl; Kirgh. qɨzɨl; Kaz. qɨzɨl; KBalk. qɨzɨl; KKalp. qɨzɨl; Kum.
qɨzɨl; Nogh. qɨzɨl; SUygh. qizil; Khak. xɨzɨl; Shr. qɨzɨl; Oyr. qɨzɨl; Tv. qɨzɨl;
Tof. qɨzɨl; Chuv. xərlə; Yak. kɨhɨl; Dolg. kɨhɨl.
◊ PT *Kɨŕ-ɨl ‘red’ is derived from *Kŕ- ‘to redden; glow’ (Turkm. Gɨz-, Tur. kɨz- etc.),
where length is witnessed by Yak. ks-. One has to assume shortening in polysyllabic
*k῾úsè - *k῾se
829
derivatives (besides *Kɨŕɨl also *Kɨŕ-ɨk-, *Kɨŕl-ar-), with secondary analogical shortening in
Turkm. Gɨz-; see VEWT 269, EDT 681, 683-4, TMN 3, 469, Лексика 602-603, ЭСТЯ 6,
187-189, 194-196, Stachowski 167. Cf. also *Kr ‘grey’ (VEWT 265, TMN 3, 567, ЭСТЯ 6,
229-230).
PJpn. *kúrá- dark (темный): OJpn. kura-; MJpn. kúrá-; Tok. kùra-;
Kyo. kúrà-; Kag. kúra-.
◊ JLTT 833.
PKor. *kùrí copper (медь): MKor. kùrí; Mod. kuri.
◊ Liu 83, KED 200.
‖ See a detailed account in Miller-Street 1975, 116ff (with literature),
АПиПЯЯ 283, Дыбо 12. Unlike Miller-Street, we leave aside the name
of the “ferret” (linking instead Turk. *kɨŕ-ɨl ‘red’ and TM *xuri-), as well
as PJ *kùruá ‘black’ (having a different accent). It is interesting to note
metal names derived from this root: Turk. *Kɨŕɨl ‘gold’ (see Лексика
403-404) = Mong. kürel ‘bronze’ = Kor. kùrí ‘copper’. PT *Kr ‘grey’ could
be perhaps compared separately with PM *kiraɣa ‘dusk before dawn’,
cf. Владимирцов 338.
-k῾úsè bad behaviour: Mong. *kosiŋ; Turk. *küs-; Jpn. *kúsài.
PMong. *kosiŋ mockery, joke (насмешка, шутка): WMong. qosiŋ,
qošuŋ (L 971, 972); Kh. xošin; Bur. xošon; Ord. Gošoŋ.
PTurk. *küs- to be angry, offended (сердиться, обижаться):
Karakh. küs- (MK); Tur. küs-; Gag. küs-; Az. küs-; MTurk. küs- (IM, AH,
Pav. C.); Kum. küs-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 152-153.
PJpn. *kúsài bad habit (дурная привычка): MJpn. kuse; Tok. kusé;
Kyo. kúsè; Kag. kúse.
◊ JLTT 466.
‖ A nice Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. semantic and phonetic match.
-k῾se to wish: Tung. *xüse; Mong. *küse-; Turk. *kǖse-; Jpn. *kəs-.
PTung. *xüse 1 hunter 2 man 3 male 4 to be anxious, worry about
smth. (1 охотник 2 человек, мужчина 3 самец 4 волноваться, беспокоиться): Evk. isegdin 1, išiganil- (V-L) 4; Evn. iseɣde 2; Neg. isegdin 1;
Ul. xuse(gdi) 2; Ork. xusenne 2; Nan. xuse 3; Sol. iigē- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 332, 336.
PMong. *küse- to wish (желать): MMong. guse- (SH), kuse- (MA);
WMong. küse- (L 508); Kh. xüs-; Bur. xühe-; Kalm. küs-; Ord. güse-; Dag.
kuse-, kese- (Тод. Даг. 151); Bao. kuse-.
◊ KW 248.
PTurk. *kǖse- to wish, want, will (желать, хотеть): Karakh. küse(MK, KB); Turkm. kǖse-; MTurk. küse- (AH, Qutb.); Uygh. kusɛ-; Tat.
kösɛ-; Bashk. kühɛ-; Kirgh. küsö-; KKalp. küse-; Nogh. küse-; Tv. kü’ze-.
◊ VEWT 311-312, ЭСТЯ 5, 135. Tuva forms reflect a short *--.
830
*k῾ŭso - *k῾òbàni
PJpn. *kəs- to wish (volitive verb form) (желать (глагольная волитивная форма)): OJpn. -kos-.
‖ Владимирцов 362 (Turk.-Mong.); Ozawa 207-208 (Mong.-Jpn.).
Mong. may be < Turkic.
-k῾ŭso to vomit: Tung. *xüse-; Turk. *Kus-.
PTung. *xüse- to vomit (тошнить, рвать): Evk. ise-; Evn. is-; Neg.
ise-; Ul. xuse-; Ork. xuse-; Nan. xuse-; Orch. ise-; Sol. iirī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 332.
PTurk. *Kus- to vomit (тошнить, рвать): OTurk. qus- (OUygh.);
Karakh. qus- (MK); Tur. kus-; Gag. qus-; Az. Gus-; Turkm. Gus-; Khal.
qus-; MTurk. qus- (Pav. C.); Uzb. qus-; Uygh. qus-; Krm. qus-; Tat. qos-;
Bashk. qoϑ-; Kirgh. qus-; Kaz. qus-; KKalp. qus-; Kum. qus-; Nogh. qus-;
SUygh. qus-; Khak. xus-; Oyr. qus-; Tv. qus-; Chuv. xъs-; Yak. xotuo (n.).
◊ VEWT 304, EDT 666, ЭСТЯ 6, 174-175.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 124. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Turk. > Kalm. xus- ‘to
belch, retch’ (KW 199).
-k῾òbàni armpit: Tung. *xobanī; Mong. *koŋ-; Turk. *Kōjn; Jpn. *kàpìná.
PTung. *xobanī armpit (подмышка): Evk. oɣonī, owońī; Evn. oɣnị,
ownị; Neg. oɣonị; Man. obia jali ‘meat from the region of shoulderblades’; Ul. χawa(n); Ork. χawanị; Nan. χawanị; Sol. owonī.
◊ ТМС 2, 4, 6.
PMong. *koŋ- hollow, cavity (полость, яма): WMong. qoŋɣur, qoŋɣil
(L 962), qoŋgil; Kh. xonxor, xongil; Bur. xonǵō ‘дупло’; Kalm. xöŋgl
(КРС); Ord. xoŋxor; Mongr. GoŋGuloG ‘petit vase rond, gobelet’ (SM
122).
PTurk. *Kōjn armpit, bosom (подмышка, пазуха): OTurk. qojɨn
(Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qoj (MK); Tur. kojɨn; Gag. qojnu; Az. Gojun;
Turkm. Gojun; Khal. qōn; MTurk. qojɨn (AH); Uzb. qọjɨn; Uygh. qojɨn;
Krm. qojun, qojɨn; Tat. qujɨn; Bashk. qujɨn; Kirgh. qojɨn; Kaz. qojɨn; KBalk.
qojɨn; KKalp. qojɨn; Kum. qojɨn; Nogh. qojɨn; SUygh. qoin; Khak. xojɨn;
Shr. qojɨn; Oyr. qojɨn; Tv. xoj; Chuv. xəₙv, xü, dial. xüm; Yak. xōj (xońń-);
Dolg. konnok.
◊ VEWT 280, EDT 631, Лексика 243-244, ЭСТЯ 6, 26-27, Stachowski 152.
PJpn. *kàpìná arm (рука (верхняя часть)): OJpn. kapjina; MJpn.
kàfìná; Tok. káina, kàina; Kyo. káiná; Kag. kainá.
◊ JLTT 433. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 345, Дыбо 316, Лексика 244. Mong. < *kowŋ- <
*koban-gV; a secondary contamination with *köŋ- (s.v. *kŋi).
*k῾ŏda - *k῾ŏjli
831
-k῾ŏda ( ~ -u) to finish, abandon: Tung. *xod-; Turk. *Kod-.
PTung. *xod- to end, finish (кончать): Evk. od-; Evn. od-; Man. waǯi-;
SMan. vaǯə-, vaǯi- (1759); Ul. χodị-; Ork. χoǯị-; Nan. χoǯi-; Orch. odi-; Ud.
wadi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 6.
PTurk. *Kod- to put, leave, abandon (класть, оставлять, покидать):
OTurk. qod- (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qoδ- (MK); Tur. koj-; Gag. qoj-; Az.
Goj-; Turkm. Goj-; MTurk. qoj- (AH, Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. qọj-; Uygh.
qoj-; Krm. qoj-; Tat. quj-; Bashk. quj-; Kirgh. qoj-; Kaz. qoj-; KBalk. qoj-;
KKalp. qoj-; Kum. qoj-; Nogh. qoj-; SUygh. quz-; Oyr. qoj-; Chuv. xor-.
◊ VEWT 274, EDT 595-596, ЭСТЯ 6, 27-28, Федотов 2, 361. The original meaning (observable in most ancient occurrences, see EDT 595) must have been ‘to put aside, leave,
abandon’; the meaning ‘put’ appears somewhat later and is probably due to a merger
with *Ko- ‘to put’ (v. sub *ga), not attested before the XIVth century.
‖ ТМС 2, 6. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ŏjli limb, extremity: Tung. *xolda-n; Mong. *köl; Turk. *Kol; Jpn.
*kuru-(n)-pusi; Kor. *kūi-mrí.
PTung. *xolda-n 1 side 2 thigh (1 бок, сторона 2 бедро): Evk. oldōn
1, 2; Evn. oldān 1; Neg. oldon 1; Ul. χoldo(n) 1; Ork. χoldo(n) 1; Nan. χoldõ
1; Orch. ogdo(n) 1; Ud. ogdo(n) 1; Sol. oldõ 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 13. TM > Dag. oldōn (Тод. Даг. 159).
PMong. *köl foot (нога): MMong. kol (HY 47, SH, IM, LH), kul
(MA); WMong. köl (L 483-484); Kh. xöl; Bur. xül; Kalm. köl; Ord. köl;
Mog. köl; ZM kol (4-3a); Dag. kuli (Тод. Даг. 150, MD 185); Dong. kuan
(MGCD kon); Bao. kul (MGCD kuol); S.-Yugh. köl; Mongr. kor (SM 214),
(MGCD kol).
◊ KW 237, MGCD 372.
PTurk. *Kol 1 arm 2 hand (1 рука (от локтя до плеча) 2 рука
(кисть)): OTurk. qol 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qol 1 (MK, KB); Tur. kol 1; Gag.
qol 1; Az. Gol 1; Turkm. Gol 1; Sal. qol 1; Khal. qol 1; MTurk. qol 1, 2
(Abush., Sangl., MA, Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qụl 1, 2; Uygh. qol 1, 2; Krm. qol 1,
2; Tat. qul 1, 2; Bashk. qul 1, 2; Kirgh. qol 1, 2; Kaz. qol 1; KBalk. qol 1, 2;
KKalp. qol 1, 2; Kum. qol 1, 2; Nogh. qol 1, 2; SUygh. qol 1; Khak. xol 1, 2;
Shr. qol 1, 2; Oyr. qol 1, 2; Tv. xol 1, 2; Tof. qol 1; Chuv. xol ‘shoulder’;
Yak. xol 1; Dolg. kol ‘shoulder’.
◊ VEWT 276, EDT 614-5, TMN 3, 556, Дыбо 146-153, Федотов 2, 353, Лексика
244-245, ЭСТЯ 6, 37-43, Stachowski 150.
PJpn. *kuru-(n)-pusi ankle (лодыжка): Tok. kurúbushi; Kyo.
kúrúbúshí; Kag. kurubushí.
◊ JLTT 465. The PJ accent is not clear.
PKor. *kūi-mrí ankle (*leg-head) (лодыжка): MKor. kūi-mrí.
◊ Nam 65.
832
*k῾òké - *k῾òké
‖ See АПиПЯЯ 286, Цинциус 1984, 96-97, Дыбо 316, Лексика 243,
245. The comparison is quite reliable phonetically; *-jl- has to be assumed to account for the development in Kor. ( > -i-). The semantic side
(’arm’/’leg’/’thigh’) can be explained if we suppose that the word originally designated a part of the animal body (front or hind leg together
with the thigh). Cf. also ТМ *xūl-kse ‘sleeve’ (probably an original derivation, although the length is not clear), *xul-ŋsi ‘shank, shin’, PT
*Koltuk ‘armpit’ (Лексика 243, TMN 3, 557-558, ЭСТЯ 6, 52-54). It is
interesting to speculate on the subject of the identity Kor. *kūi-mrí =
Jpn. kuru-(n)pusi. In Kor. -mrí is certainly to be analysed as “head”
(*’leg-head’); the Jpn. form in this case may reflect a dissimilation <
*kuru-n-musi, where *musi could be the remnant of PA *mĺǯu ‘head’
(q.v.). The same element in fact may be also present in Jpn.
*tu(m)pu-(n)pusi ‘ankle, knee’ and *kəmpusi (if, with haplology <
*kəmpu-(n)pusi) ‘fist’. One has, of course, to reckon with the possibility
of having here rather PJ *pusi ‘joint’ ( < PA *bĺi q.v.), which would explain the constant emergence of a stop in Jpn.; but the Jpn.-Kor. match
(*kūi-mrí = kuru(n)pusi) seems to be not accidental.
-k῾òké plenty: Tung. *xugdi; Mong. *kog-si-; Turk. *kök; Jpn. *kk-ta-;
Kor. *kɨh-.
PTung. *xugdi 1 wide 2 capacious (1 широкий 2 емкий, вместительный): Ul. xugdi 1; Ork. xugǯi 1; Nan. xugǯi 1,2.
◊ ТМС 1, 474-475.
PMong. *kog-si- to become rich, wealthy (богатеть): WMong. qoɣsi(L 952); Kh. xogši-; Bur. xogšol ‘property’, xogšol- ‘to become rich’; Ord.
xoGši-, GoGši-.
PTurk. *kök healthy, big, thick (здоровый, большой, толстый):
Tur. kök (dial.); Az. kök; Khal. kök; MTurk. kök.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 93. Turkic > Khalkha xöx ‘massive (of muscles, flesh etc.)’
PJpn. *kk-ta- plenty, much (много, множество): OJpn. kokoda;
MJpn. kòkóta.
PKor. *kɨh- big (большой): MKor. kh-; Mod. khɨ-.
◊ Nam 455, KED 1679. The Kirim transcription 黑根 MC [xʌk-kʌn] may represent either *hɨkɨ- (as believed by Lee 1991, Ramsey 1993 and Vovin 2000) or *hkɨ- = *khɨ- < *kɨh-,
keeping in mind the general uncertainty of Kirim transcriptions.
‖ The meaning ‘big’ in Korean certainly derives from *’plentiful’.
The match between Kor. khɨ- and Jpn. *kk- appears quite satisfactory,
despite the attempt of Vovin (2000) to link Kor. *hɨkɨ- with PJ *sùkùnà‘few’: it is hardly possible to analyse the Jpn. word as
*’big’-does-not-exist, since all the existing compounds of this type are
“noun+-na”, not “adjective+-na”, and anyway it is hardly possible to
*k῾ókì - *k῾ōkí
833
separate PJ *sùkùnà- ‘few’ (adj.) and *sùkùa-(si) ‘few’ (noun, adverb),
see *sk῾ù.
-k῾ókì to bind, wrap: Tung. *xuku-; Mong. *kugu-s-; Turk. *kök; Jpn.
*kúkúr-.
PTung. *xuku- to wrap (заворачивать): Evk. ukulī-; Evn. uk-; Neg.
uxil-; Man. uxu-; Jurch. hu-xun-mij am-si-da-lar ‘to contain’ (764); Ul.
xuku-; Ork. xukulitči-; Nan. xuku-; Sol. uxulī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 256.
PMong. *kugu-s- to fold (складывать): WMong. quɣuski-, quɣusla(L 982); Kh. xugasla-; Kalm. xuɣəsl- (КРС); Ord. xuGusla-.
PTurk. *kök 1 seam 2 thin straps for sewing 3 to sew, lace 4 to tack 5
tack, basting 6 needlework 7 to fasten (1 шов 2 тонкие ремешки для
шитья 3 прошивать, стегать, подшивать 4 обметывать, приметать 5
наметка 6 шитье 7 присоединять, привязывать): OTurk. kök
(OUygh.) 1; Tur. kökle- 3; Az. kök 1; Turkm. kök 5, 2; MTurk. kök (Sangl.,
Abush.) 1; Uzb. kụk 5; Uygh. kök 5, köklɛ- 4; Tat. küklɛ- 4; Kirgh. kök 2,
köktö- 3; KBalk. kökle- 4; KKalp. kök 2, kökle- 4; Kum. kökle- 4; Nogh. kökle4; Khak. kökte- 4; Oyr. kök 6, köktö- 4; Tv. kö’k (Todzh.) 1, kökte- 3; Chuv.
kъgъr- 7.
◊ VEWT 287, EDT 708, ЭСТЯ 91. Following EDT (and despite VEWT and ЭСТЯ) we
prefer to separate this root from *kök ‘hinge, peg, tether’ (v. sub *k῾ōkí).
PJpn. *kúkúr- to bind, tie (привязывать, связывать): OJpn. kukur-;
MJpn. kúkúr-; Tok. kùkur-; Kyo. kúkúr-; Kag. kukúr-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ The original meaning should be reconstructed as ‘bind’, ‘wrap’ or
‘fasten’, with the meaning ‘lace, sew’ secondarily developed within
Turkic. Note the morphological match between PTM *xuku-lī- and PJ
*kúkú-r- < *k῾ókì-lV.
-k῾ōkí hinge, hook: Tung. *kūkta; Mong. *kögene; Turk. *kök, *köken;
Jpn. *kunki.
PTung. *kūkta rowlock (уключина): Evk. kūkta; Evn. kukte.
◊ ТМС 1, 426.
PMong. *kögene a string with a loop for binding animals (веревка с
петлей для привязывания животных): WMong. kögene, kögüne (L
479); Kh. xögnö; Ord. kögönö.
PTurk. *kök, *köken 1 hinge, nail, peg, clasp 2 tether (1 застежка,
петля, запор 2 привязь для животных): Karakh. kök ‘belt for fixing
the saddle’, kögen ‘rope for tethering calves, foals during milking’ (MK);
Tur. kök ‘peg of a musical instrument’, (dial.) köken 2; Turkm. köken 2;
MTurk. kök ‘nail’ (R, Bud. - Babur.); Uzb. kukan 2; Tat. kügɛn 1; Bashk.
kügɛn 1; Kirgh. kögön 2; Kaz. kögen 2; KKalp. güwen 2; SUygh. küken 2
834
*k῾óla - *k῾ṓli
(ЯЖУ); Chuv. kъₙgan ‘loop’, (alъk) kъkə ‘prop of the door hinge’; Yak.
kögön 2 (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 287, EDT 712, ЭСТЯ 5, 91, 93-94.
PJpn. *kunki nail, peg, hook (гвоздь, колышек, крюк): OJpn.
kug(j)i; MJpn. kùgì, kúgí; Tok. kùgi; Kyo. kúgí; Kag. kúgi.
◊ JLTT 462. Accent not quite clear: RJ lists both variants with high and low tone.
‖ Initial *k- in PTM is probably due to assimilation (*kūkta < *k῾ūkta).
Mong. may be < Kypch. One of several similar roots: cf. *gk῾a, *k῾úŋu,
*gék῾a.
-k῾óla ( ~ -u-, -o-) to dry, get stale: Tung. *xolga; Jpn. *kárá-; Kor. *korh-.
PTung. *xolga 1 to dry 2 dry (1 сохнуть 2 сухой): Evk. olgo- 1, olgokin 2; Evn. olg- 1, olgqn 2; Neg. olgo- 1, olgokin 2; Man. olGo- 1,
olχon 2; SMan. oləhə-, oləhu-1 (1814), oləhə 2 (1815); Ul. xolǯo(n) 2; Ork.
xoldoxo 2; Nan. χolGo- 1, χolGoqto /ụ 2; Orch. oggipta 1; Ud. ogo- 1, ogo῾u
2 (Корм. 274); Sol. olgo- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 12-13.
PJpn. *kárá- to dry out; to become ripe (высыхать; созревать):
OJpn. kara-; MJpn. kárá-; Tok. kàre-; Kyo. káré-; Kag. karé-.
◊ JLTT 704.
PKor. *korh- to get stale, rot (черстветь, сгнивать, протухать):
Mod. kol- [kolh-].
◊ KED 160.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290, SKE 121-122. An Eastern isogloss.
-k῾ṓli lake, basin: Tung. *xule-; Mong. *küjil-sü; Turk. *[k]ȫl; Kor.
*kằrắm.
PTung. *xule- 1 canal, ditch, duct 2 whirlpool 3 pool (1 канал, канава, протока 2 водоворот): Evn. ūl, ulgin 3; Man. ule-n 1; Ork. xulu-pti 2;
Nan. xuler ‘pit in river bottom’ (On.); Orch. ūle 1; Ud. ūle 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 477; 2, 257, 264.
PMong. *küjil-sü island in a river, shallow place in a river (островок в реке, отмель в реке): WMong. küjil-sü (L 498: not distinguished
from küji(l)-sü ‘navel’); Kh. xüjls.
PTurk. *[k]ȫl lake (озеро): OTurk. köl (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. köl
(MK, KB); Tur. göl; Gag. göl; Az. köl; Turkm. kȫl; MTurk. köl (IM, Pav.
C.); Uzb. kụl; Uygh. köl; Tat. kül; Bashk. kül; Kirgh. köl; Kaz. köl; KBalk.
köl; KKalp. köl; Kum. köl; Nogh. köl; Khak. köl; Oyr. köl; Tv. xöl; Chuv.
kölə (NW), külə; Yak. küöl; Dolg. küöl.
◊ See VEWT 288, ЭСТЯ 3, 69, 5, 95-96, Лексика 91, Stachowski 165.
PKor. *kằrắm lake, big river (озеро, большая река): MKor. kằrắm.
◊ Nam 11.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 306. The Turk. root may also be of a Persian origin (see
TMN 3, 645-646). Mong. *küjil- < *küli-l- (with regular dissimilation).
*k῾òlke - *k῾òlmV
835
Kor. *kằrắm < *kòrắm (with vowel assimilation); cf. also Old Koguryo
*kŭăl ‘river’ (see Miller 1979, 8).
-k῾òlke to row, boat: Tung. *xulki-; Mong. *kölge; Jpn. *knk-.
PTung. *xulki- 1 to mix, stir 2 support for feet in a boat (1 размешивать 2 упор (для ног гребца в лодке)): Evk. ulkī- 1, ulki 2; Evn.
ụlqụ- 1; Neg. ulki 2; Man. urki 2; Ork. xulči 2; Orch. ukki 2; Ud. uki 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 261. The original meaning is easily reconstructable as ‘to row ( > to stir);
rowing device’.
PMong. *kölge- ship, means of transportation (корабль, экипаж):
MMong. kolge ‘vehicle’ (SH), kolgen (HYt); WMong. kölge(n) (L 485); Kh.
xölög; Bur. xülgen ongoso ‘ferry-boat’; xüleg ‘courser, trotter, horse’;
Kalm. kölgn (КРС); Ord. kölgö(n).
◊ Mong. > Man. kuluk ‘enduring horse’ (see Rozycki 145).
PJpn. *knk- to row (грести): OJpn. kog-; MJpn. kòg-; Tok. kóg-; Kyo.
kòg-; Kag. kòg-.
◊ JLTT 711.
‖ The root is possibly derived: without the suffix cf. Mong. qoli- ‘to
stir’. It is interesting to note Nivkh halq ‘boat’ (possibly borrowed in TM
as *xaliku, see ТМС 1, 460, 461).
-k῾òlmV shadow, cloud: Tung. *KVlm-; Turk. *köl-; Jpn. *kùmua-N;
Kor. *kúrùm.
PTung. *KVlm- shadow (тень): Man. xelme; SMan. xeləmən (2047).
◊ ТМС 1, 481. Attested only in Manchu (thus the reconstruction is not quite secure),
but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *köl- 1 shadow 2 to shadow (1 тень 2 давать тень, затенять): OTurk. kölü- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. kölik (MK) 1; Tur. gölge, kölge
(dial.); Gag. gölge 1; Az. kölgä 1; Turkm. kölge 1; MTurk. kölege (Abush.);
Uzb. kụlkɛ, kụlɛkɛ 1; Uygh. kölɛŋgɛ, köligɛ 1; Tat. külɛgɛ 1; Bashk. külɛgɛ
1; Kirgh. kölökö 1; KKalp. köleŋke 1; Nogh. köletke 1; Khak. köle- 2, kölek 1;
Oyr. kölö- 2, kölöŋö 2; Tv. xölege 1; Tof. xölege 1; Yak. külük 1; Dolg. külük
1.
◊ VEWT 288-289, 294, EDT 716-718, ЭСТЯ 5, 96-97, 128, Stachowski 164. Should be
distinguished from *Köĺ- ‘to screen’ (v. sub *gḕĺa).
PJpn. *kùmua cloud (облако): OJpn. kumwo; MJpn. kùmò; Tok.
kúmo; Kyo. kúmò; Kag. kumó.
◊ JLTT 463. Tokyo points to a variant *kùmuá-N, Kyoto and RJ - to *kùmuà-N.
PKor. *kúrùm cloud (облако): MKor. kúrùm; Mod. kurɨm.
◊ Nam 59, KED 199.
‖ Martin 228, АПиПЯЯ 98, 274. One should also note MKor. km‘to become dim, hide (of moon etc.)’, possibly < *kúrm- = OJ kumor- id.
Cf. also notes to *gḕĺa.
836
*k῾olV - *k῾ĺba
-k῾olV (~ -u-, -ĺ-) oak-tree: Tung. *xola-; Kor. *kur.
PTung. *xola- oak (дуб): Nan. xoroŋkola; Orch. oloŋkī; Ud. oloŋkö.
◊ ТМС. 2, 16.
PKor. *kur oak-tree, acorn (дуб, желудь): MKor. kur-pam ‘acorn’;
Mod. kul (kul-pām ‘acorn’).
◊ Liu 89, KED 216.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Cf. *kúĺap῾V.
-k῾ĺba couple, to couple, combine: Tung. *xulbü-; Mong. *kolbu-; Turk.
*Koĺ; Jpn. *kásá; Kor. *krb-.
PTung. *xulbü- to bind, to arrange (связывать, нанизывать, двигаться друг за другом): Evk. ulbu-; Evn. ulbъ-; Neg. ulbul- ‘to move in a
tandem’; Ork. ulbumǯi ‘in a tandem’; Nan. xuelbi-; Orch. ubbuna-.
◊ ТМС 2, 258.
PMong. *kolbu- to couple, bind together (объединять, сочетать):
MMong. qulba- (MA), qolba’ara- (SH); WMong. qolbu- (L 957); Kh. xolbo-;
Bur. xolbo-; Kalm. xolwə-; Ord. xolbo-; Dag. xolbo- (Тод. Даг. 177), xolbu-;
holebe- (MD 163); S.-Yugh. xolbo-; Mongr. xulō- (SM 181).
◊ KW 184, MGCD 361. Mong. > Evk. kolbo- etc., see Doerfer MT 61, Rozycki 107; >
Yak. xolbō-, Dolg. kolbō- (Kał. MEJ 17, Stachowski 150).
PTurk. *Koĺ 1 pair, couple, one of a couple 2 to join, unite (1 пара,
один из пары 2 соединять(ся)): OTurk. qoš- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. qoš 1,
qoš- 2 (MK); Tur. koš- 2; Gag. qoš- 2; Az. Goš- 2; Turkm. Goš ‘a couple of
oxen’, Goš- ‘to add’; Sal. qoš 1, qoš- 2; MTurk. qoš 1, qoš- 2 (AH, Pav. C.);
Uzb. qọš 1, qọš- 2; Uygh. qoš 1, qoš- 2; Krm. qoš 1, qoš- 2; Tat. quš 1, quš- 2;
Bashk. qɨwɨš 1, quš- 2; Kirgh. qoš 1, qoš- 2; Kaz. qos 1, qos- 2; KBalk. qoš- 2;
KKalp. qos 1, qos- 2; Kum. qoš- 2; Nogh. qos 1, qos- 2; SUygh. qos 1; Khak.
xos 1, xos- 2; Oyr. qoš- 2; Tv. qoš- 2; Tof. qo’š- 2; Chuv. xoš- 2; Yak. xos
‘double; again’, xohuj- 2, xohōn ‘poem’; Dolg. kohōn ‘poem’.
◊ VEWT 283; EDT 670, Лексика 611, ЭСТЯ 6, 90-94, Федотов 2, 375, Stachowski 150.
Turk. > MMong. (HY) qoši, WMong. qos, Kalm. xoš ‘pair’ (KW 189, TMN 3, 364, Clark
1980, 41, 42, Щербак 1997, 142).
PJpn. *kásá 1 size, layer 2 to heap up, pile up (1 размер, слой 2 накладывать, наслаивать): OJpn. kasana- 2; MJpn. kásá 1, kásána- 2; Tok.
kàsane- 2; Kyo. kásáné- 2; Kag. kasané- 2.
◊ JLTT 441, 704.
PKor. *krb- 1 twins 2 to compete, match, compare, line together 3
to form a couple (1 близнецы 2 соревноваться, сравнивать, выстраивать вместе 3 образовывать пару): MKor. kằr’ó-kí 1, kằr’ó- 3, krp[krw-] 2; Mod. karogi (arch.) 1, kap- [kalp-] (arch.), karu- 2.
◊ Nam 21, 23, KED 12, 48.
‖ EAS 109, KW 184, Street 1980, 287. Mong. is not < Turk., despite
Щербак 1997, 142, but the Turk. and Mong. forms are certainly related,
despite TMN 3, 364.
*k῾mi - *k῾ómp῾[e]
837
-k῾mi to dig: Tung. *xumu-; Turk. *göm-.
PTung. *xumu- to dig, bury (копать, хоронить): Neg. umu-; Man.
umbu-; SMan. umu- ‘to burry, to fill’ (1747); Ul. xumu-; Ork. xumu-; Nan.
xumu-; Orch. umu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 268-269.
PTurk. *göm- to bury (закапывать, хоронить): OTurk. köm(OUygh.); Karakh. köm- (MK, KB); Tur. göm-; Gag. göm-; Turkm. göm-;
Sal. köm- (ССЯ); MTurk. köm- (MA), göm- (Sangl.); Uzb. kọm-; Uygh.
köm-; Krm. köm-; Tat. küm-; Bashk. küm-; Kirgh. köm-; Kaz. köm-; KBalk.
köm-; KKalp. köm-; Kum. göm-; Nogh. köm-; SUygh. köm-; Khak. köm-;
Shr. köm-; Oyr. köm-; Tv. xöm-; Tof. xöm-; Yak. köm-; Dolg. köm-.
◊ VEWT 289, EDT 721, ЭСТЯ 3, 70-71, Stachowski 155.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 108-109. A Turko-TM isogloss. The TM form
points quite explicitly to *k῾-; reasons for voicing in PT are not clear:
perhaps a merger with PA *gèmo ‘to fill in’ (q.v.), which otherwise has
no Turkic reflex.
-k῾[ō]mo to soak: Tung. *xum-; Turk. *Kōm; Jpn. *kuam-; Kor. *km- /
*kắm-.
PTung. *xum- 1 to soak 2 to besmear (face) (1 мочить 2 пачкать
(лицо)): Evk. umī- 1; Evn. umi- 1; Man. χumara- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 267.
PTurk. *Kōm wave (волна): Karakh. qom (MK); Turkm. Gōm;
MTurk. qum (Houts., AH); Oyr. qom; Chuv. xom.
◊ EDT 625, ЭСТЯ 6, 54, Федотов 2, 356-357.
PJpn. *kuam- to soak (промокать, быть залитым): OJpn. kwom-.
◊ JLTT 712.
PKor. *km- / *kắm- to bathe, wash (купать, мыть): MKor. kắm-;
Mod. kām-.
◊ Nam 23, KED 50.
‖ The root seems reliable, despite some irregularities in vocalism.
-k῾ómp῾[e] fungus: Tung. *xum(p)-; Turk. *kömbe, *kömbe-lek; Jpn.
*kámp(u)í; Kor. *kōmphúi-.
PTung. *xum(p)- 1 to soften 2 smth. rotten 3 softened birch bark 4
rotten birch (1 размягчать (кожу, кору) 2 гнилой, гниль 3 береста
(размягченная) 4 береза (гнилая)): Evk. umdu- 1, ubgučē 4; Neg. umdus-umdus 2; Nan. χomdo (Naikh.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 267.
PTurk. *kömbe, -lek mushroom (гриб): Tur. gömelek (dial.); Az.
göbäläk; Turkm. kömelek; Tat. gömbɛ; Bashk. gömbɛ; Chuv. kъₙmba.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 101 (Chuv. is hardly < Old Russian, which already had guba, not goba).
PJpn. *kámp(u)í mould (плесень): Tok. kàbi; Kyo. kábí; Kag. kábi.
◊ JLTT 431.
838
*k῾ṑmu - *k῾ōńi
PKor. *kōmph- 1 mould 2 to become mouldy (1 плесень 2 плесневеть): MKor. kōmphúi- 2; Mod. kōm, kōmphaŋ 1.
◊ Nam 52, KED 161, 162.
‖ Martin 236, Дыбо 11. Vocalism is not quite certain.
-k῾ṑmu offering, respect: Turk. *Kom-; Jpn. *kuma; Kor. *kōmá.
PTurk. *Kom- 1 to long for 2 inheritance, legacy (1 жаждать, стремиться к 2 наследство): OTurk. qumaru (OUygh.); Karakh. qomɨ- 1
(MK), xumaru 2 (MK), qumaru 2 (KB); Khal. qumarqɨ 2; MTurk. qumar 2
(AH); Bashk. qomartqɨ 2; Kum. qumartqɨ 2; Khak. xumartxa 2; Shr.
qumarqɨ 2; Oyr. qumartqa 2.
◊ EDT 626, 628, Лексика 347, Clark 1977, 149.
PJpn. *kuma offering to gods (жертвоприношение богам): OJpn.
kuma.
PKor. *kōmá 1 respect 2 to respect, pay respect (1 почести, почитание 2 почитать): MKor. kōmá 1, kōmáp- (-w-) 2; Mod. komap- (-w-) 2.
◊ Liu 64, KED 141.
‖ Whitman 1985, 191, 223.
-k῾òmu ( ~ -o, -a) drought, hunger: Tung. *xomī-; Mong. *komu-kai;
Turk. *Komɨĺ-; Kor. *kắmắr.
PTung. *xomī- 1 hunger, hungry 2 drought 3 to be hungry (1 голод,
голодный 2 засуха, неурожай 3 голодать): Evk. omī-kin 1; Evn. omt3; Neg. omịxn 1; Man. omi-n 1, 2; Ul. χomčị- 3; Nan. χomị 1, 2; Ud. omisi3.
◊ ТМС 2, 17.
PMong. *komu-kai gluttonous, greedy, hungry (жадный, голодный): MMong. qomuɣai qurun ‘index finger’ (MA); WMong. qomuqai (L
961); Kh. xomxoj; Bur. xomoxoj; Kalm. xomxǟ, xumxǟ ‘eklig, vermodert,
verfault’ (KW 184, 197).
◊ Mong. > Tat., Bashk. qomaɣaj id. Cf. also qomsa ‘insufficient’ > Man. qomso (see
Rozycki 142). For the meaning in MMong. see Dybo 1995.
PTurk. *Komɨĺ- 1 become drowsy, dry 2 become lean 3 greedy (1 вянуть, засыхать, становиться вялым 2 худеть, осунуться 3 жадный):
Tat. qomsɨz, dial. qomsɨq 3; Bashk. qomxoδ 3; Chuv. xъₙmšъₙl- 1; Yak.
xomńuj- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 147-148.
PKor. *kắmắr drought (засуха): MKor. kắmắr; Mod. kamul.
◊ Nam 13, KED 17.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 97; ЭСТЯ 6, 147-148.
-k῾ōńi ladle: Tung. *xuńa-; Mong. *kunija; Turk. *kȫjnek; Jpn. *kúm-;
Kor. *kùńí.
PTung. *xuńa- 1 ladle 2 thimble 3 finger 4 wooden bucket (1 ложка
2 наперсток 3 палец 4 деревянное ведро): Evk. uńaptun 2, uńakāptun
*k῾oŋi - *k῾p῾e
839
3; Evn. ụńan 2, ụńiqъn 3; Neg. onkān 1, ońaxān 3; Man. xuńo 4; SMan.
xuni ‘wooden pail’ (580); Ul. χońa(n) 1; Ork. χụńa 1; Nan. χońã 1; Orch.
uńa 1, uńaka(n) 3; Ud. uńa῾ 3, uńa῾ptin 2 (Корм. 302); Sol. ụnax 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 478, 2, 276-277.
PMong. *kunija dish made of birch (берестяная посуда): WMong.
qunija(n) (L 986); Kh. xuńā.
PTurk. *kȫjnek bucket, vessel (ведро, сосуд): Karakh. könek (MK,
KB); Tur. könek, Osm. köjnük; Turkm. kȫnek; Uygh. kụnɛk; Tat. künɛk
(dial.); Bashk. künɛk; Kirgh. könök; Kaz. könek; Nogh. könek; Khak. könek;
Shr. könek; Oyr. könök; Tv. xönek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 104-105, VEWT 290 ( > Mong. könüg, further > TM: Sol. xonǵē, Evk. kōŋī,
see ТМС 1, 412, 478). Turk. > Russ. Siber. kunúk, see Аникин 324
PJpn. *kúm- to scoop (черпать): OJpn. kum-; MJpn. kúm-; Tok. kùm-;
Kyo. kúm-; Kag. kúm-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kùńí manger, trough (корыто): MKor. kùńí, kùńjú; Mod.
kuju.
◊ Nam 60, KED 206.
‖ Vovin 1993, 257, Robbeets 2000, 109-110, 122. Cf. also Mong. konak
‘gutter’, Kor. konägi ‘tall jar’.
-k῾oŋi ( ~ -e) dirt: Tung. *xońi-; Turk. *köŋ.
PTung. *xońi- sand, dirt (песок, грязь): Evn. ońịŋ; Ork. xoŋoqto;
Orch. ońokto; Ud. ońokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 20.
PTurk. *köŋ 1 excrements, faeces 2 hard soil, swamp (1 навоз, помет 2 твердая почва, болото): Karakh. köŋüz (MK) 1; Tur. kön, kün
(dial.) 1; Uzb. gụŋ 1; Bashk. küŋ 1; Kirgh. köŋ 1; Kaz. köŋ 1; KKalp. köŋ 1;
Oyr. köŋ 2.
◊ EDT 735, ЭСТЯ 5, 103.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. TM *xońi- perhaps with secondary palatalization < *xoŋi- (cf. the Orok form xoŋo-kto). Cf. perhaps Jpn. kunuga
‘land’ (?if different from *kuni ‘country’).
-k῾p῾e ( ~ -i) film, covering: Tung. *xup-; Mong. *köɣe; Turk. *köpe;
Kor. *kóp.
PTung. *xup- film on fish eggs (пленка на рыбьей икре): Nan. xuperemse.
◊ ТМС 1, 478. Attested only in Nan., but having rather probable external parallels.
PMong. *köɣe coat of mail, armour (кольчуга, панцирь): MMong.
köhe (MA); WMong. köɣe (L 478); Kh. xȫ; Kalm. kȫ.
◊ KW 243. Despite TMN 1, 483-484, Mong. is hardly borrowed < Turk.
PTurk. *köpe 1 coat of mail 2 ring of mail 3 earring 4 overcoat 5 saddle-pad for a camel 6 film of egg, exuviae 7 a k. of cloth or carpet (1
840
*k῾óp῾ì - *k῾óp῾ì
кольчуга 2 кольцо кольчуги 3 серьга 4 плащ, пальто 5 верблюжье
седло 6 пленка яйца, сброшенная кожа 7 вид ткани или ковра):
Karakh. küpe 1, 2, 3, küpik (MK) 4, köpčük (MK) 5, köpsün ‘mattress’
(MK); Tur. küpe 3, kepeneg, köpenek 4, köpen 7; MTurk. köpen (küpen) 5;
Tat. küpmɛ ‘mattress’; Bashk. küpmɛ ‘mattress’; Kirgh. küpü ‘шуба из
меха медвежонка’; Kaz. köpšik ‘pillow’; Khak. köbön ‘mattress’; Chuv.
kəₙbe 6.
◊ EDT 687, 688, 689, ЭСТЯ 5, 48-49, 108 (Tur. köpen being attributed here to a quite
different root, see under *köp- ‘to swell, foam’), 114-115, 129-130, TMN 3, 581-583. The
above forms are hard to separate, and Doerfer’s point of view that köpenek is secondarily
< kepenek is probably faulty (even though köpenek is attested later: köpen is certainly attested earlier, and an assimilative delabialization *köpenek > kepenek seems quite plausible). The Chuvash form shows that the original meaning of the root must have been
‘transparent covering, film’, whence ‘coat of mail’ etc. Turk. > Mong. kebeneg ‘saddle-cloth, shirt’, Hung. köpönyeg ‘raincoat’ (Gombocz 1912).
PKor. *kóp fat, slime (жир, слизь): MKor. kóp; Mod. kop ‘a mucous
discharge’.
◊ Liu 72, KED 162.
‖ Владимирцов 212.
-k῾óp῾ì be complete, all: Tung. *xup-; Mong. *köb-čin; Turk. *köp; Jpn.
*kúpá-pa-; Kor. *kòp-.
PTung. *xup- 1 all 2 to gather (1 весь, все 2 собирать(ся)): Evk. upkat 1, upūrē- 2; Neg. opkal 1; Ul. χụpala- 2; Ork. χupala- 2; Nan. χopala- 2;
Orch. χupala- 2; Ud. ufal, ufalahi 1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 281; 1, 478. Cf. also Nan. χopã, Ul. χopa(n), Orok χụpa(n) ‘group, company’ - which may be a merger of the original root with a Manchu loan (cf. Manchu χufan
‘company, companionship’ < Chin. huobàn).
PMong. *köb-čin whole, all (целый, все, весь): MMong. gubčin
(SH); WMong. köbči(n) (L 475); Kh. xövčin; Ord. gübčin.
PTurk. *köp many (много): OTurk. köp (OUygh.); Karakh. köp (MK,
KB); Tur. köp; Turkm. köp; Sal. köp; MTurk. köp (Pav. C., MA, Abush.);
Uzb. kụp; Uygh. köp; Tat. küp; Bashk. küp; Kirgh. köp; Kaz. köp; KBalk.
köp; KKalp. köp; Kum. köp; Nogh. köp; Khak. köp; Shr. köp; Oyr. köp; Tv.
kö’p, xöj ( < *köpej); Tof. kö’p.
◊ VEWT 291, EDT 686-687, ЭСТЯ 5, 107-108.
PJpn. *kúpá-pa- add (добавлять): OJpn. kupapa-; MJpn. kùfàfá-; Tok.
kùwae-, kuwaé-; Kyo. kúwáé-; Kag. kuwaé-.
◊ JLTT 718. Tone reconstruction is controversial: RJ and the Tokyo variant kuwae-rú
point to *kùpà-, but all other evidence is in favour of *kúpá-.
PKor. *kòp- to double, increase twofold (удваивать, увеличивать(ся) вдвое): MKor. kòp-; Mod. kop-ha-.
◊ Nam 52, KED 164.
‖ Владимирцов 323, АПиПЯЯ 285, Whitman 223. Cf. *kop῾V: the
Kor.-Jpn. reflexes may in fact reflect both roots.
*k῾óp῾i - *k῾óp῾ìra
841
-k῾óp῾i ( ~ -e) foam: Tung. *xapu- ~ *xopu-; Mong. *köɣe-; Turk. *köp-;
Kor. *kphúm.
PTung. *xapu- ~ *xopu- foam (пена): Man. χofon ~ χafun; Ud. afuti.
◊ ТМС 1, 59.
PMong. *köɣe- to foam, swell up (пениться, вздуваться): MMong.
kɛhɛ- (IM), ku- (MA); WMong. kögege-, köge-, kögere- (L 478); Kh. xȫ-;
Bur. xȫ-; Kalm. kȫ-; Ord. kȫ- ‘to swell (for example about horse῾s nostrils)’; Dag. xuē- (Тод. Даг. 179), xuēre-; xuēs ‘foam’ (Тод. Даг. 179: xuēs,
kuēs), huē- (MD 166); Dong. kue- (MGCD ko-); S.-Yugh. χorʁə-, kǖre-;
köwög ‘foam’; Mongr. kō- (SM 204); kōrʒə (SM 205), kōrsə ‘foam’.
◊ KW 243, MGCD 369, 370. Cf. also WMong. köbkeji-, Kalm. köpk- ‘to swell’ (KW
240). Mong. > Man. ku- ‘to swell’ (ТМС 1, 422, Rozycki 145), Evk. kōsun ‘foam’ (ТМС 1,
417, Doerfer MT 94).
PTurk. *köp- 1 to swell 2 foam (1 набухать 2 пена): OTurk. köpik,
köpük (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. köpür- (MK) 1, köpük (MK) 2; Tur. köpük 2;
Az. köp- 1; Turkm. köpik 2; MTurk. köp- (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. kụp- (dial.) 1;
Uygh. köp- 1; Tat. küp- 1; Bashk. küp- 1; Kirgh. köp- 1; Kaz. köbək 2;
KBalk. köp- 1; Kum. göp- 1; Nogh. köp- 1; Khak. köp- 1; Oyr. köp- 1; Tv.
kö’vük 2; Tof. kö’pük 2; Chuv. kъₙbъₙk 2; Yak. köp- 1; Dolg. köbüj- ‘pop
up, float on the surface’.
◊ EDT 689, 691, VEWT 291, ЭСТЯ 5, 108-111, Stachowski 154.
PKor. *kphúm foam (пена): MKor. kphúm; Mod. kəphum.
◊ Liu 45, HMCH 161, KED 90.
‖ EAS 90, Владимирцов 213, AKE 10, KW 243, Poppe 19, 47, Lee
1958, 112, ОСНЯ 1, 364, Ozawa 199-200. Mong. cannot be explained as
borrowed < Turk., despite TMN 3, 617, Щербак 1997, 128. The root
tends to contaminate with *kup῾e ‘light’ q.v.
-k῾óp῾ìra rift (in a river), bridge: Tung. *xupuru; Mong. *köɣürge; Turk.
*köpür, -üg; Jpn. *kápárá.
PTung. *xupuru 1 rift (in river) 2 bridge (1 порог (на реке) 2 мост):
Evk. ōran 1; Jurch. hufuru 2 (Doerfer MT 136); Nan. xurfu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 479, 2, 23.
PMong. *köɣürge bridge (мост): MMong. ke’urge (HY 17), keūlge,
keurge (IM); WMong. kögürge, kegürge, kögürge (L 480); Kh. xȫrög; Bur.
xǖrge; Ord. kȫrgö; Dag. huruhe (MD 167); Mongr. kōrgo (SM 205).
◊ Cf. also a suffixless form, but with irregular (assimilatory?) initial voicing: WMong.
güwr ( < *köɣür?), Khalkha gǖr ‘bridge’. Mong. > Sol. xȫrgö (see Doerfer MT 136).
PTurk. *köpür, -üg bridge (мост): OTurk. köprüg; Karakh. köprüg
(MK); Tur. körpü, köprü; Gag. köprü; Az. körpü; Turkm. köpri; MTurk.
köpri (IM, AH), köprük (Abush., MA); Uzb. kụprik; Uygh. köprük, kövrük;
Tat. küper, küpre; Kirgh. köpürö; Kaz. köpür, köpre (dial.); Tv. kö’vürüg;
Tof. kö’prig; Yak. kürbe, kürge.
◊ VEWT 292, ЭСТЯ 5, 112-114.
842
*k῾ṓra - *k῾ṓra
PJpn. *kápárá shallow, sandy place in a river or on its bank (отмель, песчаное место на реке или на берегу): OJpn. kapara; MJpn.
kafara; Tok. kàwara; Kyo. káwárá; Kag. kawára.
◊ JLTT 446. The word is usually treated as *kápà ‘river’ + *pàrà ‘plain’, but the elision
is strange and the accent does not fit. This is most probably a folk-etymology due to secondary phonetic coincidence.
‖ Владимирцов 213, Poppe 127. Despite TMN 3, 586, Щербак 1997,
128, Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turk. Also, despite MT 136,
Jurch. hufuru cannot be a Mong. loanword. In Jpn. we would rather
expect *kupara; the -a- vocalism is either a result of later assimilation (in
a long word), or an influence of *kápá ‘river’ (different etymologically,
see *k῾éba).
-k῾ṓra ( ~ -o, -u) to protect, guard: Tung. *xurā-; Mong. *kori-; Turk.
*Kōrɨ-; Kor. *kằrí-.
PTung. *xurā- to save, be saved, recover (спасать(ся), выздоравливать): Evk. urā-; Evn. ụr-; Neg. ojajị-; Ul. χora-; Ork. χụra-; Nan. χora-;
Orch. uwa-, uja-; Ud. wajagi- (Корм. 217), uja-; Sol. ụrgī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 282.
PMong. *kori- 1 to forbid 2 to fence, shield 3 block, fort, shelf 4 enclosure, fence, yard (1 запрещать 2 загораживать 3 укрепление, преграда 4 огороженное место, забор, двор): MMong. quri- (MA) 2, qorijan (HY 17) ‘bailey, court’, qorqa, qorija’an, quru’a (SH) 3, qorɣān (IM),
qŭrɣan (MA); WMong. qori- 1 (L 966), qorija, qoruɣa, qoriɣa 3, 4 (L 967);
Kh. xori- 1, xorō 3; Bur. xori- 1, xoŕō(n) 3; Kalm. xöŕ- 1, xorā 4; Ord. xori- 2,
xorō, xorGo 4; Dag. xori- 1,2, xoŕē 4 (Тод. Даг. 177), hoŕē 4, hori- 2 (MD
164); Dong. qoroŋ 4 (MGCD Goruan); S.-Yugh. χorɣūl- 1, 2; Mongr. xori(SM 183) 1.
◊ KW 187, 193, MGCD 366. Mong. > Chag. qorija etc. (see Лексика 525, ЭСТЯ 6, 75); >
Man. xori- (see Rozycki 109).
PTurk. *Kōrɨ- to fence, protect (защищать, загораживать): OTurk.
qorɨ- (Yen.); Karakh. qorɨ- (MK); Tur. koru-; Gag. qoru-; Az. Goru-;
Turkm. Gōrɨ-, Gōra-; MTurk. qoru- (Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qụri-; Uygh.
qoru-; Krm. qoru-, qorɨ-; Kirgh. qoru-; KBalk. qoru-; KKalp. qorɨ-; Kum.
qoru-; Nogh. qorɨ-; Tv. xoru-.
◊ VEWT 282, EDT 645-646, Лексика 486-487, 575, ЭСТЯ 6, 76-78. Cf. also the derivative *Kōrɨ-kan, sometimes confused with *Kur-gan (see under *Kur-). One should also note
PT *Kurtgar- ‘to rescue’, *Kurtul- ‘be rescued’ (see EDT 649, 650, ЭСТЯ 6, 177-179), which
may be a contraction < *Kōru-t-gar-, *Kōru-t-ul-.
PKor. *kằrí- to cover, to shield (покрывать, загораживать): MKor.
kằrí-; Mod. kari-.
◊ Nam 12, KED 13.
*k῾ori - *k῾oru
843
‖ EAS 47, 107, 141, KW 193, SKE 98, Лексика 575. Doerfer (TMN 3,
450) and Щербак (1997, 141) consider Mong. to be borrowed from
Turkic, which cannot be excluded.
-k῾ori hill; embankment, boundary: Tung. *xurē; Mong. *küri; Turk.
*Korum; Jpn. *kùrùa (~ -ruâ); Kor. *kòráŋ.
PTung. *xurē mountain (гора): Evk. ure; Evn. urekčen; Neg. ujē;
Man. wexe ‘stone’; SMan. vexē ‘stone, rock’(2110); Jurch. h(i)ur-xe (52)
‘stone’; Ul. xure(n); Ork. xure; Nan. xure(n); Orch. uwe, ue; Ud. wē
(Корм. 219), we, ue; Sol. ure.
◊ ТМС 2, 289.
PMong. *küri 1 precipice 2 rock, stone (1 обрыв 2 камень): MMong.
kuri (IM, MA, Lig. VMI) 2; WMong. küri 1 (MXTTT); Kh. xür 1; Mog.
ZM, KT kuri 2.
PTurk. *Korum rock, cliff, heap of stones (скала, куча камней):
Karakh. qorum (MK, KB); Uygh. qoram; Kirgh. qorum; Khak. xorɨm; Shr.
qorum; Oyr. qorum; Tv. xorum.
◊ EDT 660, VEWT 283, Лексика 99.
PJpn. *kùrùa (~ -ruâ) dike, boundary (насыпь, межа): OJpn. kur(w)o
(in kur(w)o-tuka “embankment on boundary”); MJpn. kùró; Tok. kúro;
Kyo. kúró.
◊ The Kyoto accent is irregular: all other evidence points either to *kùrúa or to *kùruâ.
PKor. *kòráŋ embankment, boundary, furrow (насыпь, межа, борозда): MKor. kòráŋ; Mod. kōl, koraŋ.
◊ Liu 63, HMCH 163, KED 138, 156.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 291. The comparison seems satisfactory (the Jpn.-Kor.
link see in Kanezawa 47); an alternative Austronesian etymology of the
Jpn. word, however, can be found in Kawamoto 1977, 33. Cf. also
Mong. kürmen ‘basalt’.
-k῾oru short; diminish, grow less: Tung. *xurumü-; Mong. *koru-; Turk.
*Kor(a)-; Kor. *korh-.
PTung. *xurumü- short (короткий): Evk. urumkūn; Evn. urumkun;
Neg. ujumkūn; Ul. xurmi; Ork. xurdumi; Nan. xurm’ị; Orch. ūmi; Ud.
umasa῾ (Корм. 302); Sol. urūŋkũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 287-288.
PMong. *koru- to diminish (уменьшаться, убавлять): MMong.
qoro-, qoru’a- (SH); WMong. qoru- (L 968); Kh. xoro-; Bur. xoro-; Kalm.
xor-; Ord. xoro-.
◊ KW 188.
PTurk. *Kor(a)- 1 to diminish , decrease 2 harm, loss (1 уменьшаться, убывать 2 вред, убыток): OTurk. qora- 1, qor 2 (OUygh.); Karakh.
qora- 1, qor 2 (MK); Kirgh. qoro- 1; KBalk. qora- 1; Khak. xora- 1; Oyr. qor
2, qoro- 1; Tv. xor 2; Chuv. xor ‘insult, offence, grief’; Yak. qor 2, qoron- 1.
844
*k῾ṑrV - *k῾ŏši
◊ EDT 641-642, 645-646, ЭСТЯ 6, 73-74, Федотов 2, 369. On a possible Mong. loanword (qowr ‘loss, damage’) see under *kàbro; modern Siberian nouns may be actually
backloans from Mong.
PKor. *korh- to suffer loss (потерпеть утрату): Mod. kol- [kolh-].
◊ KED 160. The root should be probably distinguished from kol(h)- ‘to get stale, rot’
(although they tend to contaminate).
‖ SKE 122, KW 188, ОСНЯ 1, 367, АПиПЯЯ 292, Дыбо 13; further
Nostratic parallels see in ОСНЯ 1, 367-368. The Korean reflex is somewhat dubious here, because the root may be the same as korh- < *gōŕa
q.v. (possibly a secondary merger). Cf. also Kalm. xor- ‘to be afraid,
shy’, PT *Kor-(u)k- ‘to be afraid’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 79-80), possibly derived from
*k῾oru ‘grow less, be damaged’ - but also possibly a different root.
-k῾ṑrV ( ~ -ŕ-) dung, excrements: Tung. *xōri-kta; Mong. *korgul; Kor.
*kərɨm.
PTung. *xōri-kta excrements (of deer) (помет (оленей)): Evk. ōrikta;
Evn. ōrịt; Ork. xorịqta.
◊ ТМС 2, 23-24.
PMong. *korgul excrements (of sheep, camels) (помет (овец, верблюдов)): MMong. qorgosun (SH); WMong. qorɣul, qorɣal, qorɣusun (L
965); Kh. xorgol; Bur. xorgōl, xorgōho(n), xorgōdoho(n); Kalm. xorɣəsn
(КРС); Ord. xorGol; Bao. gugušɨ; S.-Yugh. χorgol; Mongr. xorGōʒə (SM
172), xurGōsə.
◊ MGCD 365.
PKor. *kərɨm dung (навоз, удобрения): Mod. kərɨm.
◊ KED 82 (derivation from kl- ‘fertile’ is irregular and probably folk-etymological).
‖ ТМС 2, 24.
-k῾ŏši ( ~ -e) to entangle, fetter: Tung. *xušī- ( ~ -č-); Mong. *kösi-; Turk.
*kös-.
PTung. *xušī- ( ~ -č-) to twist, roll, entangle (мотать, запутывать):
Evk. učī-; Evn. ụč-; Neg. oč-; Ul. χočịa-; Ork. χụtčị-; Nan. χočị-; Ud. usi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 296.
PMong. *kösi- to overcast (in sewing) (шить на живую нитку, наметывать): MMong. kušige ‘curtain’ (Lig.VMI), kūšege ‘фата’ (MA);
WMong. kösi- (L 492); Kh. xöši-; Bur. xüši-; Kalm. köš- (КРС); Ord. göšö-;
Dag. kušulue-.
◊ MGCD 377.
PTurk. *kös- 1 to hobble, fetter 2 fetters (1 треножить, путать 2 путы): Karakh. kösür- 1, kösrük 2 (MK); Tur. köste- (dial.) 1, köstek 2; Gag.
köstek 2; Turkm. kössek 2; Tv. köste- 1, kösteg 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 121-122.
‖ A Western isogloss.
*k῾ubà - *k῾čV
845
-k῾ubà ( ~ -p-) joy, joke: Tung. *xebī- / *kupī- / *xupī-; Turk. *Kɨb (*Kub);
Jpn. *kapaju-.
PTung. *xebī- / *kupī- / *xupī- 1 to play 2 jolly, merry 3 to pity 4 to
humiliate (1 играть 2 игривый, веселый 3 жалеть 4 унижать): Evk.
ewī- 1, ewlēn- 3; Evn. ewi- 1, ewe 2; Neg. ewī- 1; Man. efi-, ee- 1; SMan. ifi1 (1357); Ul. xupi- / kupi- 1; Ork. xupi- 1; Nan. xupi- / kupi- 1, xeulēn- 4;
Orch. ewī-; Sol. ugī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 483, 2, 434-435, 436. Cf. also Evn. ịbgo ‘good, nice’ (ТМС 1, 294).
PTurk. *Kɨb 1 luck, happiness 2 to be happy, enjoy (1 счастье 2
быть счастливым, радоваться, предаваться удовольствиям): OTurk.
qɨv 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨv 1 (MK); Tur. kɨwan- 2, kɨv 1 (dial.); Turkm.
Guwan- 2; MTurk. quvan- 2 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. quvɔn- 2; Krm. quvan- 2;
Tat. quan- 2; Bashk. qɨwan- 2; Kirgh. quban- 2; Kaz. quvan- 2; KBalk. quvan- 2; KKalp. quvan- 2; Kum. quvan- 2; Nogh. quvan- 2; SUygh. qo 1;
Chuv. xъₙvan- (dial.).
◊ VEWT 268, EDT 579, ЭСТЯ 6, 99-101, Clark 1977, 146.
PJpn. *kapaju- lovely (милый): MJpn. kafaju-; Tok. kawaí-; Kyo.
káwáì-; Kag. kawái-.
◊ JLTT 831. Original accent unclear.
‖ The TM form has a rather peculiar variation of laryngeal features
here; the original form must have been *xubī-.
-k῾ube ( ~ -p-) a k. of fish: Tung. *xuja ( < *xubi-ja?); Mong. *kobku; Jpn.
*kuàp(u)î.
PTung. *xuja a k. of fish (вид рыбы): Ork. χojodo ‘кунджа’, χojo
‘таймень’; Nan. χojǯa ‘sheat-fish’; Orch. ojo ‘кунджа’; Ud. ojo ‘кунджа’.
◊ ТМС 1, 445, 2, 251 (here also confused with PTM *uja ‘carp’; the Manchu form in
fact can reflect both *xoja and *uja). TM > Nivkh xoj, whence possibly Russ. Siber. goj ‘сахалинский таймень’, see Аникин 167.
PMong. *kobku loach (fish) (голец, вьюн): WMong. qobqu (L 950);
Kh. xovx.
PJpn. *kuàp(u)î black carp (черный карп): OJpn. kwop(j)i; MJpn.
kòfí; Tok. kói; Kyo. kòî; Kag. koí.
◊ JLTT 454.
‖ One of many common Altaic fish names; the precise sort of the
fish denoted by the root is not quite clear.
-k῾čV a k. of star: Tung. *xōsi-kta; Turk. *Kučɨk.
PTung. *xōsi-kta star (звезда): Evk. ōsīkta; Evn. ōsịqat; Neg. ōsikta;
Man. usixa; SMan. ušihā (2037); Jurch. hosi-xa (12); Ul. xosta; Ork.
wasịqta; Nan. xosaqta (диал.); Orch. xosakta; Ud. waikta, wahikta; Sol.
ōikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 27.
846
*k῾ude - *k῾ùdì
PTurk. *Kučɨk constellation of Cancer (созвездие Рака): Karakh.
qučɨq (KB).
◊ EDT 591.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. For Nostratic parallels (Ural. *kVnśV, PIE
*g’hweisdh- ‘star’) see Sinor 1973, 392-393 (but Mong. hodun should of
course be kept apart), Долгопольский 1965, 263.
-k῾ude affair, trade: Tung. *xuda; Mong. *kuda-ldu-; Turk. *küdü-.
PTung. *xuda 1 to buy, hire 2 to lend 3 trade 4 to trade, barter (1 покупать, нанимать 2 одалживать 3 торговля 4 торговать): Evk. udi- 2;
Man. uda- 1; SMan. uda- (1409); Jurch. xu-da-sia-maj (418) 4; Ul. χụda 3;
Nan. χuda 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 248, 1, 467-468 (with many interdialectal borrowings). Man. > Dag. xudā,
xuda- (Тод. Даг. 179).
PMong. *kuda-ldu- to barter, trade (торговать): MMong. xudalidu
(HY 40), xudulči ‘merchant’ (HY 30), qəṭəl- (IM), qədəldə- (LH); WMong.
qudaldu- (L 980); Kh. xudalda-; Bur. xudalda-; Kalm. xuldə-; Ord. xudaldu-;
Dong. Gudandu-; Bao. dandə-; S.-Yugh. Gudāldə-; Mongr. dārdi- (SM 44),
dāldə-.
◊ KW 196, MGCD 385.
PTurk. *küdü- affair (дело): OTurk. iš küdük (OUygh.); Karakh. iš
küδük (KB); Chuv. kərəš- ‘to hire, be hired’.
◊ EDT 702.
‖ A Western isogloss; the Turkic reflex is very scantily attested.
-k῾ùdì a k. of skin working instrument; worked skin: Tung. *xudekī;
Mong. *ködü-sü; Turk. *kidiŕ; Jpn. *kùtùpìkì.
PTung. *xude-kī board for cutting skins; a stick for sewing (доска
для резки шкур; палочка для придерживания шитья): Evk. udekī;
Evn. udeki; Neg. udexi; Ul. xude; Ork. xude(n); Nan. xudẽ; Orch. udeki;
Ud. udexi (Корм. 300).
◊ ТМС 2, 249.
PMong. *ködü-sü worked sheep skin (обработанная овчина):
WMong. ködüsü(n) (L 478); Kh. xödös; Bur. xüdehe(n) ‘sheepskin, unworked leather’; Ord. ködösü.
PTurk. *kidiŕ felt (войлок): OTurk. kidiz (OUygh.); Karakh. kiδiz
(MK, KB); Tur. kijiz, kejiz (dial.); Turkm. kīz; MTurk. kijiz (IM, Abush.,
Qutb., Houts.); Uzb. kigiz; Uygh. kigiz; Tat. kijez; Bashk. kejeδ; Kirgh.
kijiz; Kaz. kijiz; KBalk. kijiz; KKalp. kijiz, kijgiz (dial.); Kum. kijiz; Nogh.
kijiz; Khak. kīs; Oyr. kijis; Tv. kidis.
◊ VEWT 270, TMN 3, 661-662, ЭСТЯ 5, 66-67, Лексика 392. Turk. > MMong. kijiz
(Щербак 1997, 127).
PJpn. *kùtùpìkì a k. of loom (вид ткацкого станка): OJpn. kutupjikji; MJpn. kùtùfìkì.
*k῾jlu - *k῾ùkè
847
◊ JLTT 468 (but the connection with kutu ‘shoe’ is probably folk-etymological).
‖ In Turkic *kidiŕ < *küdiŕ (with secondary vowel assimilation); otherwise correspondences are regular.
-k῾jlu ( ~ -o) ear; to hear: Tung. *xūl-; Mong. *kul-ki; Turk. *Kul-kak;
Jpn. *kí-k-; Kor. *kúi.
PTung. *xūl- to sound, resound (раздаваться (о звуке, эхо)): Evk.
ūl-ta-; Evn. l-d-; Neg. ol-bụn-; Ul. xol-dị-; Ork. xụl-bụn-; Nan. xōl-ǯị-.
◊ ТМС 2,263.
PMong. *kulki ear-wax; middle ear (ушная сера; среднее ухо):
WMong. qulki (L 984), quluɣu; Kh. xulxi, xulga; Bur. xulxa, xolxi; Kalm.
xulxə, xuĺxə; Ord. xuluGu(n); Dag. xoĺgi (Тод. Даг. 177; MGCD kolig);
Mongr. xoŋGo (SM 171).
◊ KW 196, MGCD 389.
PTurk. *Kul-kak ear (ухо): OTurk. qulqaq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qulaq, qulqaq, qulxaq (MK), qulaq, qulɣaq (KB); Tur. kulak; Gag. qulaq; Az.
GulaG; Turkm. Gulaq; Sal. Gulaχ; Khal. qulaq; MTurk. qulaq (MA), qulaɣ
(Sangl.); Uzb. qulɔq; Uygh. qulaq; Krm. qulax; Tat. qolaq; Bashk. qolaq;
Kirgh. qulaq; Kaz. qulaq; KBalk. qulaq; KKalp. qulaq; Kum. qulaq; Nogh.
qulaq; SUygh. qulaq; Khak. xulax; Shr. qulaq; Oyr. qulaq; Tv. qulaq; Tof.
qulaq; Chuv. xъₙlɣa; Yak. kulgāk; Dolg. kulgāk.
◊ VEWT 298, EDT 620, Лексика 204-205, ЭСТЯ 6, 124-127, Stachowski 160.
PJpn. *kí-k- hear (слышать): OJpn. kjik-; MJpn. kík-; Tok. kìk-; Kyo.
kík-; Kag. kík-.
◊ JLTT 708.
PKor. *kúi ear (ухо): MKor. kúi; Mod. kwi.
◊ Nam 64, KED 226.
‖ AKE 11, EAS 142, KW 196, Poppe 18, 75, АПиПЯЯ 52-53, 276, Дыбо 14, Лексика 205. The Mong. form can hardly be explained as a Turk.
loanword (despite Щербак 1997, 143; Doerfer in TMN 4, 296 writes:
“...unsicher”). Cf. Ordos xulugu ‘the ear of animal’, Khalkha xulgavč
‘eared cap’. The Jpn. form has an irregular high tone (Turk., Tung. and
Kor. pointing unanimously to * ); this, as well as the vowel -i- is probably due to a contraction. Medial *-jl- has to be reconstructed to account
for -i- in Korean.
-k῾ùkè to peel: Tung. *xuK-; Turk. *Koguĺ (?-k-); Jpn. *kuàk-.
PTung. *xuK- 1 to peel (bark, rind) 2 peels, rind (1 сдирать (кору) 2
корка, кожура): Evk. uk- 1; Evn. ụq- 1; Neg. oklī- 1; Ul. χoGdịqta 2;
Orch. uki- 1; Ud. ukki- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 253.
PTurk. *Koguĺ leather, hide (кожа, шкура): OTurk. qoɣuš; Karakh.
qoɣuš (MK).
◊ EDT 613.
848
*k῾ùla - *k῾ul(g)o
PJpn. *kuàk- to flail, flay (сдирать кору, обмолачивать): OJpn.
kwok-; MJpn. kòk-; Tok. kók-, kóg-; Kyo. kòk-, kòg-; Kag. kòk-, kòg-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ The Tung.-Jpn. match seems to be satisfactory, but the Turkic parallel is not quite certain: in PT one would rather expect *Kokuĺ with
voiceless -k-, but available attestations seem to point rather to *-g-.
-k῾ùla a k. of big fish: Tung. *xol-sa; Mong. *kalimu; Jpn. *kàra-.
PTung. *xol-sa 1 fish 2 boiled fish (1 рыба 2 вареная рыба): Evk.
ollo 1; Evn. olr 1; Neg. olo 1; Ul. xolto(n) 2; Ork. xolto 2; Nan. xolto 2;
Orch. okto 2; Ud. oloho 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 14.
PMong. *kalimu whale (кит): WMong. qalimu (L 920); Kh. xalim;
Bur. xalim; Kalm. xalim (СЯОС).
PJpn. *kàra- plaice (камбала): MJpn. kàrèfí; Tok. kárei; Kyo. kárèì;
Kag. kareí.
◊ JLTT 440. The PJ accent is not quite clear (but the first syllable should undoubtedly
be reconstructed with low tone).
‖ Doerfer MT 91 and Rozycki 130 consider Mong. to be borrowed <
TM (Evk. kalim etc., see ТМС 1, 366-367); however, the direction of borrowing was probably reverse. This is one of several similar fish names,
sometimes difficult to distinguish - see *kalu, *k῾ile.
-k῾ul(g)o reed, rush: Tung. *xulgu-; Mong. *kulu-su; Turk. *Kulga; Kor.
*kōr.
PTung. *xulgu- reed (тростник): Evk. ulgukta; Neg. ojgokto; Man.
ulχu; SMan. oləhə (2157); Ul. χolGaqta; Ork. xụldụqta; Nan. χolGoqta;
Orch. ugukta.
◊ ТМС 2, 258-259.
PMong. *kulu-su reed, rush (тростник, камыш): MMong. gulusun
(HY 6), qalsun (IM), qulusun (MA); WMong. qulusu(n) (L 985); Kh. xuls;
Bur. xulha(n); Kalm. xulsn; Ord. xulus, xulusu(n); Dag. kolso, xolso (Тод.
Даг. 177), kolese (MD 183); Dong. Gulusun; Bao. Golsoŋ; S.-Yugh.
χulusən; Mongr. xuluʒə (SM 182), (MGCD xuləsə).
◊ KW 196, MGCD 388. Mong. > Oyr. quluzun.
PTurk. *Kulga 1 sprout 2 long branch, shoot (1 росток 2 длинная
ветка, побег): Tat. qolɣa 2; Khak. xulɣa 1; Oyr. qulɣa 1; Chuv. xolъ 2.
◊ VEWT 298, Ашм. XVI, 149.
PKor. *kōr reed, rush (тростник, камыш): MKor. kōr; Mod. kol-phul.
◊ Nam 51, KED 160.
‖ KW 196, SKE 121, Цинциус 1984, 114-115, Дыбо 10, Rozycki 217.
Cf. also Old Silla *koš ‘reed’, see Miller 1979, 23.
*k῾ŭli - *k῾úli
849
-k῾ŭli yellow, brown, grey: Mong. *küjilen; Turk. *Kula.
PMong. *küjilen grey, bluish (серый, голубоватый): WMong.
küilen (L 498); Bur. xüjlen.
◊ Cf. also Khalkha xülegčin ‘white horse with black spots’.
PTurk. *Kula light yellow, brown (желтый, саврасый): OTurk. qula
(OUygh.); Karakh. qula (MK); Tur. kula; Gag. qula; Turkm. qula; MTurk.
qula (AH, Houts.); Uzb. qula; Uygh. qula; Tat. qola; Bashk. qola; Kirgh.
qula; Kaz. qula; KKalp. qula; Kum. qula; Nogh. qula; SUygh. qula; Khak.
xula; Oyr. qula; Tv. qula; Chuv. xъₙla.
◊ EDT 617, VEWT 298, ЭСТЯ 6, 121-122.
‖ A Turko-Mong. isogloss. Mong. *küjile- regularly < *küli-le- with
l-dissimilation. Turk. > Mong. qula (see TMN 3, 507, KW 195); Mong. >
Evk. kula, Man. qulan, see Doerfer MT 100 > Kor. kora (mal) (see Lee
1958, 119).
-k῾uli ( ~ -e) to heat, burn: Tung. *xuldü; Mong. *kölči-; Turk. *kül-.
PTung. *xuldü 1 warm 2 to heat 3 flame (1 теплый 2 нагревать 3
пламя): Evk. uldi 3; Man. wenǯe- 2; SMan. venǯexun, venǯəxun ‘agreeably warm’ (2058); Ul. xuldu 1, xuldū- 2; Ork. xuldu 1; Nan. xul’d’i 1; Ud.
ugdi- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 260; 1, 132 (where the Manchu word is erroneously regarded as < Chin.).
PMong. *kölči- to heat, warm (греть, нагревать): MMong. kulči(MA 222); WMong. kölči-, kölčü- (L 484); Kh. xölč-; Bur. xülše-; Kalm.
kölčə- (КРС); Ord. gölčö-; Dag. kulčē- (Тод. Даг. 151); Mongr. kurgu- ‘rôtir, griller, étuver’ (SM 216).
◊ Cf. also Bur. xülere ‘place of fire’; WMong. kölü-re- ‘to sweat’, kölü(r)-sü(n), Mongr.
konorʒə ‘sweat, perspiration’ ( > Dolg. kölöhün, see Stachowski 155).
PTurk. *kül ashes (пепел, зола): OTurk. kül (OUygh.); Karakh. kül
(MK); Tur. kül; Gag. kül; Az. kül; Turkm. kül; Sal. kül; Khal. kīl; MTurk.
kül; Uzb. kul; Uygh. kül; Krm. kul; Tat. köl; Bashk. köl; Kirgh. kül; Kaz.
kül; KBalk. kül; KKalp. kül; Kum. kül; Nogh. kül; SUygh. kül; Khak. kül;
Shr. kül; Oyr. kül; Tv. xül; Tof. xül; Chuv. kəₙl; Yak. kül; Dolg. kül.
◊ VEWT 307, EDT 715, ЭСТЯ 5, 137-138, Лексика 367-368, Stachowski 164.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281. A Western isogloss: we prefer now to separate
MKor. krm = TM *xurum- etc., see *k῾ōŕe.
-k῾úli ( ~ -o-, -ĺ-) to dig, cave: Tung. *xulē-; Mong. *küle-mǯi; Kor.
*kùrhŋ.
PTung. *xulē- to dig (копать): Evk. ulē-; Evn. ul-; Neg. ulē-; Man.
uldefun ‘wooden shovel’; Ul. xule-; Ork. xule-; Nan. xule-; Ud. ule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 265.
PMong. *küle-mǯi cave, basement (погреб, подземное помещение): WMong. külemǯi (L 499); Kh. xülemǯ.
850
*k῾úlo - *k῾úlo
PKor. *kùrhŋ tunnel, cave, hole (туннель, пещера, дыра): MKor.
kùrhŋ; Mod. kurəŋ.
◊ Nam 63, KED 199.
‖ On a possible Jpn. reflex see under *k῾[ù]ri.
-k῾úlo to roll, turn: Tung. *xol- / *xul-; Mong. *kol-ki-; Turk. *Kul-; Jpn.
*kr-mp-; Kor. *kùbr-.
PTung. *xol- / *xul- 1 dance, move in dancing 2 climb down, out
(from a vehicle, boat) 3 bend (of a river) 4 to walk around, turn round
(1 танцевать, двигаться в пляске 2 высаживаться (из лодки), слезать
(с телеги) 3 излучина (реки) 4 обходить, объезжать): Evk. olo-nmū- 1,
uli-sin 3; Evn. ụlịna 3; Neg. olị-sịn- 4; Ul. χolon- 2, χōlị- 4; Ork. χụlon- 2,
χōlị- 4; Nan. xulun- 2, xōlị- 4; Orch. xolon-o- 2 ( < Orok.), uli- 4; Ud. xoli- 4
( < Nan.).
◊ ТМС 1, 470; 2, 16, 261.
PMong. *kol-ki- to be restless, go round and round (вертеться, не
сидеть на месте): WMong. qolkida- (L 959); Kh. xolxi-; Bur. xolxi ‘shaky,
wobbly’; Kalm. xoĺgədə-; Ord. Golχido-.
◊ KW 182.
PTurk. *Kul- 1 to roll (down), fall 2 round (1 скатываться, падать 2
круглый): Sal. gulɨlüx 2; MTurk. qula- 1 (Буд.); Uzb. qulä- 1; Uygh. qula-,
ɣula- 1; Bashk. qola- 1; Kirgh. qula- 1; Kaz. qula- 1; KKalp. qula- 1; SUygh.
qula-, Gol- 1; Oyr. qula- 1.
◊ VEWT 298, ЭСТЯ 6, 122.
PJpn. *kr-mp- roll (катиться): MJpn. korob-; Tok. kòrob-; Kyo.
kórób-; Kag. korób-.
◊ JLTT 713.
PKor. *kubɨr- roll (катиться): MKor. kù’r-, kù’ur-; Mod. kūl-, kurɨ-.
◊ Nam 60, KED 199, 217.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288, ОСНЯ 1, 327 (with literature; Illich-Svitych also
compares Mong. qoli- ‘to mix’, but does not list the Turkic and Japanese
forms). Cf. also Mong. kölbe- ‘to lie on one side’ (KW 238), qolbir- ῾to slip
sidewards’. The attribution of some forms is problematic: Turk. *Kulmay reflect a partial contamination with PA *gŭldo ‘to stretch’ (q.v.).;
the Jpn. and Kor. forms, due to the merger of *r and *l, can actually also
reflect PA *kṓr[i] q.v.; in Jpn. cf. also koro ‘round log’, korog- ‘to roll,
rotate’. Note that the MKor. form with -w-, -’- makes the affiliation of
the Korean root questionable - unless it is a dissimilative development
< *kurb-ɨr-, in which case it would be a morphological structure
*k῾úlo-bV- = PJ *krmp-, Mong. kölbe-, qolbir-.
*k῾úĺa - *k῾ĺa
851
-k῾úĺa bark, scales; scab: Tung. *xolda-ksa; Mong. *kolta-su, *koli-; Turk.
*Kuĺ; Jpn. *kásá.
PTung. *xolda-ksa 1 bark 2 board 3 coffin (1 кора 2 доска 3 гроб):
Evk. oldaksa, uldaksa 1, 2; Evn. oldụs 3; Neg. oldokso 3; Ul. χoldoqso 2; Ork.
χoldoqso 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 13, 244 (with a confusion of *xolda-ksā ‘bark; board’ and *ugda-’boat’).
PMong. *kolta-su, *koli- 1 tree bark 2 scales (1 древесная кора 2
чешуя): WMong. qoltusu(n), qoltasu(n) 1 (L 960), qolisu(n) 2 (L 959); Kh.
xoltos 1, xolis 2; Bur. xoltohon 1; Kalm. xoltxəsn 1; Dag. koldon ‘cedar’
(Тод. Даг. 150) (?).
◊ KW 182, 183. Cf. also qol-tul- ‘to skin, separate skin, split’ (whence Evk. kolto- etc.,
see Doerfer MT 69), qolu-, qolɣu-, qoluɣa- ‘to erase (skin), make a sore’, qoluɣanaɣ ‘rubbed
off spot on skin’ (KW 182, 183, L 958). The name of ‘cedar’ is borrowed in TM (Man. xoldon etc.).
PTurk. *Kuĺ a hairless spot (on horse’s skin) (проплешина (на
шкуре лошади)): Tur. kuš.
◊ VEWT 305.
PJpn. *kásá scab (струп, язва): OJpn. kasa; MJpn. kásá; Tok. kàsa;
Kyo. kásá; Kag. kása.
◊ JLTT 441.
‖ KW 182, Miller 1970, 129, АПиПЯЯ 293. Illich-Svitych (ОСНЯ
1,301, with Uralic parallels) compares Man. qola-, Evk. kūlū- ‘to skin’,
but these are mongolisms (see ТМС 1,407); ТМ *xolda-ksa is a better
match for the Mong. form.
-k῾ĺa (~-o,-u) a k. of big bird: Tung. *xōlī; Mong. *kuladu; Turk. *Kuĺ.
PTung. *xōlī raven, crow (ворон, ворона): Evk. ōlī; Evn. olịnǯa; Neg.
ōlī.; Nan. χolī.; Orch. oli; Ud. wali; Sol. oĺē, olī.
◊ ТМС 2, 13. TM > Dag. oĺē (Тод. Даг. 159). Shortness in Nan. is irregular (probably
dissimilative, before the next long vowel).
PMong. *kuladu duck-hawk (вид ястреба, лунь): MMong. quladu
(SH); WMong. quladu (L 984: qulatu); Kh. xult; Bur. xulda; Kalm. xuldə;
Ord. xuladu.
◊ KW 195-196. Mong. > Shor quladɨ etc. (see VEWT 298, ЭСТЯ 6, 128-129).
PTurk. *Kuĺ 1 bird 2 duck (1 птица 2 утка): OTurk. quš 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. quš 1 (MK, KB); Tur. kuš 1; Gag. quš 1; Az. Guš 1; Turkm. Guš 1;
Sal. Guš 1; Khal. quš, Guš (< Az.) ‘sparrow’; MTurk. quš 1 (Sangl.);
‘moth’ (Abush.); Uzb. quš 1; Uygh. quš 1; Krm. quš 1; Tat. qoš 1; Bashk.
qoš 1; Kirgh. quš 1; Kaz. qus 1; KBalk. quš 1; KKalp. qus 1; Kum. quš 1;
Nogh. qus 1; SUygh. Gus 1; Khak. xus 1; Shr. quš 1; ‘hen’; Oyr. quš 1; Tv.
qu’š 1; Tof. qu’š 1; Yak. kus 2; Dolg. kus 2.
◊ VEWT 305, TMN 3, 547-548; EDT 670; ЭСТЯ 6, 180-182, Лексика 168, Stachowski
162. Chuv. xъlat ‘hawk’ < Mong.
*k῾ume - *k῾umV
852
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 9, Лексика 168. A Western isogloss. The
Turk. form can also be compared with PTM *kila- “a k. of aquatic bird”
or *kulV- id.
-k῾ume ( ~ -u-) black; coal: Turk. *kömür; Kor. *km-.
PTurk. *kömür coal (уголь): OTurk. kömür (OUygh.); Karakh. kömür
(MK, KB); Tur. kömür; Gag. kömür; Az. kömür; Turkm. kömür; MTurk.
kömür (MA, IM, Pav. C., AH), kimür (Abush.); Uzb. kụmir; Uygh.
kömü(r); Tat. kümer; Bashk. kümer; Kirgh. kömür; Kaz. kömər; KBalk.
kömür; KKalp. kömər; Kum. kömür; Nogh. kömər; Khak. kömər; Oyr.
kömür; Tv. xömür; Chuv. kъₙmrъₙk; Yak. kömör; Dolg. kömör.
◊ VEWT 289 (relating the stem to köm- ‘to bury, dig’ seems rather dubious), ЭСТЯ 5,
102-103, Лексика 365, Stachowski 156.
PKor. *km- black (черный): MKor. km-, km-; Mod. km-, k:m-,
kām-, k:ām-.
◊ Liu 48, HMCH 278, KED 101. Modern length and gemination are obviously late
and expressive.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 295. A Turk.-Kor. isogloss (cf. also Old Koguryo *kămul
‘black’, see Miller 1979, 8; perhaps also Manchu χumara- ‘to sully’, ТМС
1, 477). The comparison seems quite possible, although the scarcity of
reflexes prevents a secure reconstruction of vocalism.
-k῾umi ( ~ -e) tent, temporary dwelling: Tung. *xoma-; Mong. *kömürge;
Turk. *küme.
PTung. *xoma- tent, summer-house (шалаш, летнее жилище):
Neg. omōxān; Ul. χomịra(n); Nan. χomarã.
◊ ТМС 2, 17.
PMong. *kömürge storehouse (хранилище): MMong. kumurki ‘box’
(MA 141); WMong. kömürge (L 487); Kh. xömrög; Kalm. kömrg (КРС);
Mongr. komorgo (SM 213), komurgo.
◊ Should be historically distinguished from gömürge (although the two forms have
almost merged in Mong.).
PTurk. *küme dug-out, hut (землянка, хижина): Tur. kümüldü.
◊ VEWT 308. An exclusively Osman word; Cf. perhaps Karakh. (MK) kümi ‘name of
a town on the Uyghur border’ (?).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾umV ( ~-o-) weak, lean: Tung. *xum-; Mong. *komur, *komsa.
PTung. *xum- lean, weak (тощий, слабый): Evk. umdān; Evn.
ụmnakụ; Ul. χomdo(n), χụmdụ(n); Ork. χụmana; Nan. xumdu; Orch.
umana; Sol. ụminā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 267.
PMong. *komur, *komsa scarce, rare, weak (редкий, слабый):
MMong. qor qomsa (SH); WMong. qomur, qobur, qomsa (L 950, 960); Kh.
xomor, xowor, xoms; Bur. xomor; Ord. xomso, xowor.
*k῾ùńe - *k῾ńi
853
◊ Mong. > Man. komso, see Doerfer MT 118.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ùńe to burn, get burnt: Mong. *köɣe; Turk. *köń-; Jpn. *kuànkàra-;
Kor. *kńr-.
PMong. *köɣe soot (сажа): MMong. küje (MA); WMong. köɣe; Kh.
xȫ; Bur. xȫ; Kalm. kȫ; Ord. kȫ; Dag. xuē (Тод. Даг. 179), huē (MD 165);
Dong. guə-məi; S.-Yugh. kǖ; Mongr. kō (SM 204).
◊ KW 243, MGCD 369. Cf. also WMong. köjüre-, Kalm. köjr- ‘to sweat’. Hardly <
Turkic, despite Щербак 1997, 196. Mong. > Man. ku id. (see Rozycki 144).
PTurk. *köń- 1 to burn (itr.) 2 to burn (tr.) 3 to kindle 4 to get burnt
5 soot 6 strong smell of burnt 7 unpleasant smell (1 гореть 2 жечь 3 зажигать 4 обгорать 5 сажа 6 сильный запах горелого 7 неприятный
запах): OTurk. köj- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. kön- (Argu MK), köj- 1 (MK,
KB); Tur. (dial.) köj-, küj- 1; küje 5; Turkm. köj- 1, küjö (dial.) 5; Khal. kien1; MTurk. köj- 1 (Abush., MA, Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. kuj- 1, kuja 5;
Uygh. köj-, küj- 1, köjdür- 2; Tat. köj- 1; Bashk. küj- 1; Kirgh. küj- 1, kȫ 5;
Kaz. küj- 1, küje 5; KBalk. küj- 1; KKalp. küj- 1, küje 5; Kum. güj- 1; Nogh.
küj- 1, küje 5; Khak. köj- 1, köje 5; Shr. köj- 1; Oyr. küj- 1, kȫ 5; Tv. xȫ 5;
Tof. xȫ 5; Chuv. kü, kəₙv 6 (Ашм.), kəₙśek 7; kъₙvajt 5.
◊ VEWT 309, EDT 726, 730, ЭСТЯ 5, 88-89, 133, Лексика 362, Мудрак Дисс. 75. The
Az. form is somewhat dubious, both semantically (“itch”) and phonetically (irregular
voiced g-). See also *köń- ‘to grieve, suffer’.
PJpn. *kuànkàra- to be burnt (быть опаленным, подгорать, загорать): OJpn. kwogara-; MJpn. kògàra-; Tok. kogaré-; Kyo. kógáré-; Kag.
kogaré-.
◊ JLTT 711. Kagoshima points to high tone, but other dialects rather to a low one.
PKor. *kńr- 1 soot 2 to be covered with soot (1 сажа 2 покрываться сажей): MKor. kńrm 1; Mod. kɨɨrɨm 1, kɨɨl- 2.
◊ Nam 69, KED 240.
‖ The Jpn. form reflects a suffixed *k῾ùńe-KV-.
-k῾ńi ( ~ -e) knot, to tie knots: Tung. *xūńē-; Mong. *küjir.
PTung. *xūńē- 1 to bind (a pack, to a pack) 2 long wool (for binding,
felting) 3 silk string (for binding) 4 knot (on a thread) (1 привязывать
(вьюк, к вьюку) 2 длинная шерсть (для привязывания, изготовления шнурков etc.) 3 шнурок (из сырцового шелка) 4 узел (на нити)):
Evk. ūńē- 1; Evn. ȫńe- 1; Man. uńe-le 2, uńe-ri 3; Ork. xunikte 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 477, 2, 277.
PMong. *küjir knots of a bow-string (узлы на тетиве): MMong. ko
‘bow-string’ (HY 18); WMong. küir (L 498); Kh. xüjde- ‘to release the
bow-string’; Mongr. kwri ‘boutonnière (en cordonnet)’ (SM 208).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. In other languages cf. perhaps: OT
köndegü ‘necklace’ (EDT 730).
854
*k῾uŋgo - *k῾úrgo
-k῾uŋgo (~-o-) to freeze, snow: Tung. *xuŋ-da-; Mong. *kuŋgar- /
*küŋger-; Jpn. *kənkə(r)-.
PTung. *xuŋ-da- ice crust on snow (наст): Evk. uŋnan; Evn. nъ.n;
Neg. ōŋnan; Man. undan; Nan. χoŋdã; Ud. uŋna; oŋo- ‘to freeze’.
◊ ТМС 2, 279. Cf. also Evn. ōńịr ‘снег (плотный), сугроб’.
PMong. *kuŋgar- / *küŋger- snow-drift (сугроб): WMong. quŋɣar
(МXTTT); Kh. xuŋgar; Bur. xüŋgereg.
PJpn. *kənkə(r)- 1 to freeze 2 freezing (1 замерзать 2 замерзающий, холодный): OJpn. kogor- 1; MJpn. kogor- 1, kogo- 2; Tok. kogor-,
kògoe-, kogoé- 1; Kyo. kógóé- 1; Kag. kògòè- 1.
◊ JLTT 711. Tone reconstruction is not quite clear.
‖ The Jpn. form may be alternatively compared with PTM *gekti- ‘to
freeze’ (ТМС 1, 178).
-k῾ùre basket: Tung. *xurid-; Turk. *Küri-; Jpn. *kuà; Kor. *kórí.
PTung. *xurid- a vessel for berries (посудина для ягод): Evk. uridīk;
Nan. χordaχĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 471, 2, 285.
PTurk. *Küri- 1 a measure of capacity 2 a k. of basket for vegetables
(1 мера объема 2 вид корзины для овощей): OTurk. küri 1 (OUygh.)
‘peck (2 and 1/2 bushels)’; Karakh. kürin 2 (MK); Uygh. kürɛ 1; SUygh.
k῾ọr (10,35 l) 1.
◊ EDT 737, 746.
PJpn. *kuà basket (корзина): OJpn. kwo; MJpn. kò.
◊ JLTT 453.
PKor. *kórí basket (корзина): MKor. kórí; Mod. kori.
◊ Liu 64, KED 140.
‖ Whitman 1985, 148. The Jpn. form is derived from a suffixed
*k῾ùr(e)-gV. Cf. *kúra(mV).
-k῾úrgo ( ~ -u) intestine, belly: Tung. *xurke-; Mong. *kurkag; Turk.
*Kurg-sak; Kor. *kùri.
PTung. *xurke- belly (of fish) (брюшко (рыбы)): Evn. ökenre; Neg.
ujkene; Ul. xuče(n); Nan. xujke; Orch. ukkese; Ud. ukihe.
◊ ТМС 2, 29-30.
PMong. *kurkag belly (of cattle) (желудок (скота)): WMong.
qurqaɣ; Kh. xurxag; Kalm. xurxəg, xorxəg.
◊ KW 188, 198.
PTurk. *Kurg-sak belly, stomach (живот, желудок): Karakh.
quruɣsaq (MK); Tur. kursak; Gag. qursaq; Az. GursaG; Turkm. GursaG
‘breast’; Sal. χusaχ; MTurk. qursaq (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qursɔq;
Uygh. qosaq; Krm. qorsaq; Tat. qorsaq; Bashk. qorhaq; Kirgh. qursaq; Kaz.
qursaq; KKalp. qursaq; Kum. qursaq; Nogh. qursaq; SUygh. qursqaq; Khak.
xursax; Shr. qursaq; Oyr. qursaq; Yak. kurtax.
*k῾[ŭ]ri - *k῾[ŭ]ri
855
◊ EDT 657, VEWT 303, Лексика 277, ЭСТЯ 6, 164-166. Cf. also Yak., Dolg. kurgum
‘lower part of belly’ (Stachowski 162 gives a rather improbable etymology).
PKor. *kùri inner part of body, inner part of chest (внутренность,
грудная полость): MKor. kùri.
◊ Nam 58. It is not quite clear whether the word is the same as modern kure, hə-guri
‘waist’ (KED 199) - which seems to have a different origin, see under *kaĺbo.
‖ KW 188, Лексика 278. The medial cluster behaves not quite regularly because of assimilation (in Mong., where *kurkag < *kurgag, and in
TM, where *xurke < *xurge).
-k῾[ŭ]ri to rake up: Tung. *xeri- / *xeru-; Mong. *kura-, *kurija-; Turk.
*küre-; Jpn. *kur-.
PTung. *xeri- / *xeru- 1 to rake up 2 to sweep (1 сгребать 2 подметать): Evk. eru- 1; Evn. er- 1; Neg. ej- 1; Man. eri- 2; Ul. xeru- 1; Ork. xeri1; Nan. xeti- 1 (*xer-či-); Orch. ei- 1; Ud. eju, ejeu ‘shovel’; Sol. er
‘shovel’.
◊ ТМС 2, 462. Despite Doerfer MT 21 the word has nothing to do with Mong. erü- ‘to
dig’ (see under *p῾oŕe).
PMong. *kura-, *kurija- to gather, collect (собирать): MMong. xurija- (HY 40); WMong. qura-, qurija- (L 987, 989); Kh. xura-, xurā-; Bur.
xuŕā-; Kalm. xurə-, xurā- (КРC); Ord. xura-; Dag. xori- (Тод. Даг. 178),
xorē- (Тод. Даг. 177: xoŕē-), hore-, hurā (MD 164, 167); Dong. Gura-; Bao.
Gorudə-; S.-Yugh. χurā-; Mongr. xurā- (SM 183).
◊ KW 197, 198, MGCD 390. Mong. > Kirgh. qura- etc., see ЭСТЯ 6, 157-158.
PTurk. *küre- 1 to rake 2 spade, shovel (1 сгребать 2 лопата):
Karakh. küri- (MK) 1, kürgäk (MK) 2; Tur. kürü- 1, kürek 2; Gag. kürü- 1,
kürek 2; Az. kürü-, kürä- 1, küräk 2; Turkm. kürek 2; Khal. kürgɛk 2;
MTurk. küre- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. kurɛ- 1; Uygh. kürɛ- 1, kurɛk 2; Tat. körɛ1, körɛk 2; Bashk. körɛ- 1, körɛk 2; Kirgh. kürö- 1, kürök 2; Kaz. küre- 1,
kürek 2; KBalk. küre- 1; KKalp. gürek 2; Kum. küre- 1, kürek 2; Nogh. küre1, kürek 2; Khak. küre- 1; Oyr. küre- 1, kürek 2; Tv. xǖrek, kürüjek (Todzh.);
Tof. xürüek; Chuv. kəₙreźe 2; Yak. kürt- 1; Dolg. kürt- 1.
◊ VEWT 310, ЭСТЯ 5, 150-152, Stachowski 166. Turk. *küre-ček > MMong. kürǯek,
WMong. kürǯe, see Щербак 1997, 129 (borrowed back > Yak. kürǯex, Dolg. kürǯek, see
Stachowski ibid.).
PJpn. *kur- to delve (долбить): MJpn. kur-; Tok. kur-.
‖ EAS 97, KW 248, Poppe 79, Цинциус 1984, 121-122. The etymology seems quite probable, although the TM vocalism is not clear (a result of some contamination?). For Jpn., however, cf. alternatively PA
*krV ‘to cut out’ or PA *k῾uli ‘dig’ q.v.
856
*k῾[ú]ŕa - *k῾uŕe
-k῾[ú]ŕa pole; finger, toe: Tung. *xurū; Mong. *kuruɣu, *-gu; Turk.
*K[a]ŕguk; Kor. *kàràk.
PTung. *xurū 1 hoof 2 handful (1 копыто 2 пригоршня, горсть):
Evk. urūn 1, urū 2; Ul. χụrụ 2; Ork. χrụ 1, χụrụ 2; Nan. χōrõ 1, χoro 2;
Orch. ū-ŋki 1; Ud. ū 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 287, 288.
PMong. *kuruɣu, *-gu finger, toe (палец): MMong. quru’un (HY 46,
SH), qorɣan (IM), qurun (MA); WMong. quruɣu(n) (L 991); Kh. xurū; Bur.
xurga(n); Kalm. xurɣn; Ord. xurū; Mog. qurūn; ZM qorun (2-9b); Dag.
xorō (Тод. Даг. 178), horō (MD 164); Dong. Gurun; Bao. xur (MGCD
Gor); S.-Yugh. χurūn; Mongr. xuri (SM 185).
◊ KW 198, MGCD 392.
PTurk. *K[a]ŕguk pole, peg (палка, колышек): OTurk. qazɣuq
(OUygh.); Karakh. qazŋuq (MK); Tur. kazɨk; Gag. qazɨq; Az. gazɨx (dial.);
Turkm. GazɨG; MTurk. qazuq (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. qɔziq; Uygh. qozuq; Krm. qazɨq; Tat. qazɨq; Bashk. qaδa- ‘to stick into’, qaδaq, qaδɨq ‘nail’;
Kaz. qazɨq; KBalk. qazɨq; KKalp. qazɨq; Kum. qazɨq; Nogh. qazɨq; SUygh.
quzuq; Oyr. qazɨq; Chuv. *karuH > Hung. karó (see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 2, 387)..
◊ EDT 682 (derivation from *Kaŕ- ‘dig’ is highly dubious, although the vocalism
could have been influenced by the verbal root), VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 190-191. Because of
its consonant the Bashk. form belongs rather here than to PT *Kāta- (v. sub *kjta).
PKor. *kàràk finger; pole (палец; палка): MKor. sons-kàràk ‘finger’,
kàràk ‘pole’; Mod. son-karak, karak.
◊ Liu 19, KED 10.
‖ EAS 88, 113, Цинциус 1984, 118, Дыбо 316-317. The Turkic vowel
is not quite clear: cf. the variant *Kuŕguk; perhaps the forms reveal a
variation *Kuŕgak / *Kaŕguk in early Turkic.
-k῾uŕe ( ~ -i) a k. of fur animal: Tung. *xur-; Mong. *kürene; Turk.
*Küŕen.
PTung. *xur- 1 bear 2 gopher 3 bear’s flesh (as food) 4 young tarbagan (1 медведь 2 суслик 3 медвежье мясо (как пища) 4 тарбаган (до
5 месяцев)): Evk. urike 2, urka- 3; Evn. ụrka- 3, urgeɣe 4; Neg. ujguli 1; Ul.
xuǯuli 1; Nan. xujguluẽ 1; Orch. ugguli 1, urike ‘fox-seal’.
◊ ТМС 2, 251, 284, 285, 286. For the forms meaning ‘gopher, seal’ cf., however, some
Turkic Siberian forms: Khak. örke, Yak. örgö, Tuva örge (VEWT 374-375) - which may be
borrowed from Tungus, but may also constitute a separate root (note that Turk. > Hung.
ürge ‘gopher’, see Gombocz 1912, Russ. Siber. jerkeška, see Аникин 202).
PMong. *kürene ferret, weasel (хорек, ласка): WMong. kürene (L
504); Kh. xürne; Bur. xüneri (with a metathesis); Kalm. kürn; Ord. kürene
‘Mustela putorius’.
◊ KW 248. Mong. > Man. kurene etc., see Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 147.
*k῾ŕkV - *k῾usa
857
PTurk. *Küŕen ferret, weasel (хорек, ласка): Karakh. küzen (MK) ‘an
animal of the rat family used to hunt sparrows and jerboas’; Turkm.
alaǯgözen, dial. küzen; MTurk. küzen (Qutb), Kypch. küzen (CCum.); Uzb.
kuzɛn; Uygh. küzɛn; Tat. közɛn; Bashk. köδɛn; Kirgh. küzön; Kaz. küzen;
KKalp. güzen; Kum. sasɨq-gözen; Nogh. küzen; Khak. küzen; Oyr. küzen;
Tv. küzen.
◊ VEWT 312, ЭСТЯ 5, 86, Лексика 163, EDT 761. Turk. > Hung. görény, see
MNyTESz 1, 1089.
‖ Лексика 163. A Western isogloss. Note also similar names for
‘squirrel’ in Mong. (keremü; borrowed in Evk. keremun etc., see Doerfer
MT 123) and Siberian Turkic languages (Khak. körək, Yak. kürǯügäs etc.,
borrowed in Kalm. kȫrəg, see KW 243, VEWT 293).
-k῾ŕkV glowing coals: Tung. *xurk-; Turk. *kȫŕ.
PTung. *xurk- 1 soot 2 sulphur (1 сажа 2 сера): Man. xurku 2; Ul.
χorχi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 471, 478.
PTurk. *kȫŕ glowing coals (раскаленные уголья): Karakh. köz
(MK); Tur. köz, küz; Az. köz; Turkm. kȫz; MTurk. köz (AH, Qutb., Pav.
C.); Khak. kös; Tv. kös; Chuv. kъₙvar.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 85-86, Лексика 365-366. There are also variants *Kōŕ / *Kōr (VEWT 285)
and the verb *kȫre- ‘to glow’.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. A Turk.-Mong. derivative of this root may
be the name of ‘lead’, PT *Korguĺ(č)in (see Лексика 407-408, ЭСТЯ 6,
172-174 ), Mong. qorɣalǯi, qorɣolči. If this is the case, there is no need to
assume a borrowing either in Turk. < Mong. (despite Лексика ibid.), or
in Mong. < Turk. (despite TMN 3, 453, Щербак 1997, 141).
-k῾usa a k. of tree (cedar, oak): Tung. *xusikta; Mong. *kusi; Jpn. *kasi.
PTung. *xusi-kta 1 acorn 2 oak-tree 3 big nut (1 желудь 2 дуб 3
большой орех): Evk. usikta 2; Man. usiχa 3; Nan. χosaqta 1; Ud. uhikta
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 291.
PMong. *kusi cedar, thuja (кедр, туя): WMong. qusi (L 991), qosi;
Kh. xuš; Bur. xuša; Kalm. xoš; Ord. Guši.
◊ KW 189.
PJpn. *kasi Quercus acuta Thunb. (вид дуба): OJpn. kasi; MJpn. kàsì;
Tok. káshi; Kyo. kàshî; Kag. kashí.
◊ JLTT 441. The accent is not quite clear: either *kàsì (cf. RJ) or *kàsî (suggested by the
Kyoto form).
‖ Цинциус 1984, 118. Cf. *kušu. Cf. also Kor. kasi ‘acorn’ (if not <
Jpn.).
858
*k῾ut῾V - *k῾Ỽsá
-k῾ut῾V ( ~ -o-, -t-) to itch, scab: Tung. *xutu-; Turk. *Kotur.
PTung. *xutu- to itch (чесаться, зудеть): Evk. utuni-; Evn. ụtụń-;
Neg. otoxon-; Ul. χotụrsị-; Nan. χotorsị-; Orch. xutunsi-; Ud. utunihi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 294-295.
PTurk. *Kotur scab, mange (парша): OTurk. qotur (OUygh.); Tur.
kotur (dial.); Az. Gotur; Turkm. Gotur; MTurk. qotur (Pav. C.); Uzb. qọtir;
Uygh. qotu(r); Krm. qotur, qotɨr; Tat. qutɨr; Bashk. qutɨr; Kirgh. qotur;
Kaz. qotɨr; KKalp. qotɨr; Kum. qotur; Nogh. qotɨr; SUygh. qodur; Khak.
xodɨr; Oyr. qodur; Tv. qodur.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 86-87, EDT 604.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. See Цинциус 1984, 99-100.
-k῾uǯV trace, to follow: Tung. *xuǯa; Mong. *koǯi-.
PTung. *xuǯa 1 trace, track 2 to trace, follow tracks (1 след 2 выслеживать, идти по следу): Evk. uǯa 1, uǯa- 2; Evn. ụǯ 1, ụǯ- 2; Neg. oǯa 1;
Ul. xoǯa- 2; Nan. xoǯa- 2; Orch. uǯa- 2; Ud. uǯa- 2; Sol. ụǯi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 249. TM > Dag. wāǯi (Тод. Даг. 128).
PMong. *koǯi- 1 to stay behind, be late 2 late, afterwards (1 опаздывать, задерживаться 2 позднее, после): MMong. qoǯida- 1, qoǯit 2 (SH);
WMong. qoǯi-, qoǯida- 1, qoǯid, qoǯim 2 (L 975); Kh. xoǯi-, xoǯdo- 1, xoǯid,
xoǯim 2; Bur. xožomdo- 1, xoǯom 2; Kalm. xoǯəm (КРС); Ord. xoǯim, xoǯit
2, xoǯimdo- 1.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾uǯV part of stomach, bladder: Tung. *xuǯük; Mong. *kuǯirkaj.
PTung. *xuǯük 1 urinary bladder 2 anus (1 мочевой пузырь 2
anus): Evk. uǯik 1; Evn. uǯik 1; Neg. uǯix 1; Ul. xuǯu 1; Ork. xudu(ɣū) 1;
Nan. xuǯũ 1; Sol. uǯixi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 250.
PMong. *kuǯirkaj thick part of stomach (утолщенная часть стенки
рубца): WMong. quǯirqai (МXTTT); Kh. xuǯirxaj.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾Ỽsá ( ~ k-, g-, -č-) hat, umbrella: Jpn. *kàsá; Kor. *kás.
PJpn. *kàsá umbrella (зонтик): OJpn. kasa; MJpn. kàsá; Tok. kása;
Kyo. kàsá; Kag. kasá.
◊ JLTT 441.
PKor. *kás hat (шляпа): MKor. kát; Mod. kat [kas].
◊ Nam 18, KED 57.
‖ EAS 155. Cf. also MKor. kòs-kár ‘hat’. Formally this Kor.-Jpn. isogloss may be derived from PA *k῾ča ‘skin from animal’s paw’ (if the
original meaning is postulated as ‘skin covering’?); however, until
some additional information is available, we prefer to keep these two
etyma apart.
L
-la- on this side, near: Tung. *la-kV, *la-ŋ; Mong. *naɣa-; Kor. *njək.
PTung. *la-kV, *la-ŋ near (близко, близкий): Ul. laŋ; Ork. laqqa,
laŋ; Nan. laŋ; Orch. laki, laŋ; Ud. ĺaŋ.
◊ ТМС 1, 488, 492.
PMong. *naɣa- on this side (по эту сторону): MMong. inaqši- (MA);
WMong. naɣa-ɣur, naɣa-si (L 557); Kh. nāš, janāš; Bur. nāša, nāna; Kalm.
nā; Ord. nāsi; Dag. nāši ‘toward here, hither’ (MD 194); S.-Yugh. nāna,
naGšə; Mongr. naGšə (SM 255).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 496.
PKor. *njək side (сторона): MKor. njək; Mod. jək [njəkh].
◊ Nam 108, KED 338.
‖ ТМС 1, 488, АПиПЯЯ 293. Originally a monosyllabic deictic root
with directive affixes.
-lblè moss, lichen: Tung. *lālbi-kta / *lelu-kte; Mong. *lujilV; Jpn.
*nrì.
PTung. *lālbi-kta / *lelu-kte moss, lichen (мох, лишайник): Evk.
lālbikta, lelukte, ńalbakta; Neg. lēlixe; Ul. lelikte; Orch. nāpka, nabuxa.
◊ ТМС 1, 489, 516.
PMong. *lujilV Siberian orach (лебеда сибирская): WMong. lujil
(МХТТТ); Kh. lujl; Ord. lūli ‘Kochia scoparia Schrad’.
PJpn. *nrì sea moss, sea weed (морской мох, морские водоросли): OJpn. nori; MJpn. nori; Tok. norí; Kyo. nórì; Kag. norí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ The vocalism is somewhat shaky, like in many names of plants (in
this case, secondary labialization in Mong. may be due to the medial
cluster).
-làbò more, better: Tung. *lab-du; Mong. *lab / *naj; Turk. *jaba; Jpn.
*nàp; Kor. *năboi.
PTung. *lab-du many, plenty (много, обильно): Man. labdu; SMan.
lavədu, lavədə (2852); Nan. labdo.
◊ ТМС 1, 485.
PMong. *lab / naj very, extreme; better, stronger; exactly (очень,
чрезвычайно; лучше, сильнее; верно, точно): MMong. nai (SH);
*labỼ - *labỼ
860
WMong. lab (L 513); nai; Kh. lav; dial. naj; Bur. lab; Kalm. law (КРС);
Ord. lab; Dag. lab (Тод. Даг. 152); S.-Yugh. lab.
◊ MGCD 470.
PTurk. *jaba very (очень): Khak. jaba; Tv. čā, čab-čā.
PJpn. *nàp better, more (лучше, больше): OJpn. nap(w)o; MJpn.
nàfó; Tok. náo; Kyo. nàó; Kag. náo.
◊ JLTT 493. All evidence points to *nàp, except for Kagoshima (possibly under literary influence).
PKor. *năboi again; better (снова; лучше): MKor. nă’oi.
◊ Nam 93.
‖ SKE 162, Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 68, Doerfer MT 144 (Mo < TM).
-labỼ / *lebỼ rope, long hair, rags: Tung. *lab- / *leb-; Mong. *lab- /
*lob-; Turk. *job-lač (*jabu-lač); Jpn. *nàp-; Kor. *nòh ( < *nVbVh).
PTung. *lab- / *leb- 1 antler 2 rags 3 to wear out, be worn (1 отросток оленьего рога 2 лохмотья 3 изнашиваться): Evk. lawā 1, lewgī- 3;
Evn. nēwun 1, nebdъ- ‘to tear out, wear out’; Ul. lebeke, lebeli ‘old cotton
cloth’; Nan. leber 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 485, 518, 615. TM > Dag. lawā ‘branch’ (Тод. Даг. 152).
PMong. *lab- / *lob- 1 rags 2 be ragged, worn out (1 лохмотья 2
быть поношенным, в лохмотьях): MMong. nabtasu, nabtasun 1 (MA
244, 313); WMong. nabtasu 1 (L 556), labtara- 2, lobsi, nobsi 1 (L 517, 587);
Kh. navtas, novš, lovš 1, navtra-, lavtra- 2; Bur. nobšo 1, nabtar- 2; Kalm.
nowšə 1, lawtrə- ‘изнашиваться, полностью стираться’ (КРС); Ord.
?labši- ‘неумело шить’.
PTurk. *job-lač (*jabu-lač) fine goat’s hair (тонкая козья шерсть):
Karakh. jovlač (MK).
◊ EDT 870.
PJpn. *nàp- 1 to wind (a string) 2 string, rope (1 вить (веревку) 2 веревка): OJpn. napa 2; MJpn. nàf- 1, nàfà 2; Tok. ná- 1, nawá 2; Kyo. nà- 1,
náwà 2; Kag. nà- 1, nawá 2.
◊ JLTT 494, 733.
PKor. *nòh string (тесемка, веревка): MKor. nò (nòh-); Mod. no.
◊ Nam 110, KED 338.
‖ Martin 240 (Jpn.-Kor.). An expressive root with some variation of
reflexes, but no doubt archaic. In Jpn. the root may have merged with
*ĺp῾o q.v.: this could be one of the reasons of the the accent discrepancy
between Kor. and Jpn. (otherwise explainable as a result of contraction
in Korean after the loss of *-b-).
*láčà - *làjp῾V
861
-láčà ( ~ *ĺ-) a k. of plant with drooping branches: Tung. *lasa-; Jpn. *násì;
Kor. *nčhúr.
PTung. *lasa- 1 drooping branches 2 young larch, birch (1 нависшие ветви 2 молодая лиственница, береза): Evk. ńahamna, dial.
ńašamda 2; Man. lasari 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 494, 636.
PJpn. *násì pear (груша): OJpn. nasi; MJpn. násì; Tok. nashí; Kyo.
náshì; Kag. náshi.
◊ JLTT 494.
PKor. *nčhúr drooping branches (свисающие ветви, лоза): MKor.
nčhúr; Mod. nənčhul.
◊ Nam 104, KED 332.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps Chuv. śüźe ‘willow’ (which can go
back to PT *jača-).
-làjp῾V to glue, stick to: Tung. *labgān-, *lipa-; Mong. *niɣa-; Turk.
*jạp-ɨĺč-; Jpn. *nàimpà-r- (~-ia-).
PTung. *labgān-, *lipa- 1 to glue, stick 2 to smear, poach in mud (1
прилипать 2 мазать, вязнуть в грязи): Evk. labgān-, lamba- 1, lipa- 2;
Evn. labgan-, nabgan- 1; Neg. labgān- 1; Man. lifa- 2; Ul. lịpa- 2; Ork.
lamba- 1; Nan. lịpa- 2; Ud. lagbamu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 484-485, 490, 498-499. PTM *labgān- is probably a contraction < *lipagān-.
PMong. *niɣa- to glue, stick to (приклеивать): MMong. ni’a- (SH);
WMong. niɣa-, naɣa- (L 556); Kh. nā-; Bur. ńā-; Kalm. nā- (КРС); Ord.
nā-; Mog. niōldu- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. niā-; Dong. niaɣa-; Mongr. niā(SM 269), nā-.
◊ MGCD 497.
PTurk. *jạp-ɨĺč- to glue, stick to (приклеиваться, прилипать):
OTurk. japɨš- (OUygh.); Karakh. japuš-, japɨš- (MK); Tur. japɨš-; Gag.
japɨš-; Az. japɨš-; Turkm. japɨš-; Khal. japuš-; MTurk. japɨš- (AH, Ettuhf.);
Uzb. jɔpiš-; Uygh. jepiš-, jopuš-; Krm. japɨš-, japuš-, jabuš-; Tat. jabɨš-;
Bashk. jäbeš-; Kirgh. ǯabɨš-; Kaz. žabɨs-; KBalk. žabɨš-; KKalp. žabɨs-; Kum.
jabuš-, jabɨš-; Nogh. jabɨs-; Tv. čɨ’pšɨn-; Chuv. śɨbъś-; Yak. sɨsɨn- šɨbā - ‘to
plaster, smear’.
◊ VEWT 187, ЭСТЯ 4, 132-133, EDT 880-881. The deriving stem *jạp- is probably preserved in Karakh. (MK) jap- ‘stick to’, Az. jap- ‘to model dung for drying’ and *jap-ma
‘modelled dung’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 130, 133); thus the analysis of *jạp-ɨĺč- as reciprocal from
*jap- ‘make, create’ or ‘cover’ (EDT ibid.) is certainly incorrect.
PJpn. *nàimpà-r- (~-ia-) to glue, stick to (приклеиваться, прилипать): MJpn. nemar-; Tok. nebár-; Kyo. nébár-; Kag. nèbàr-.
◊ JLTT 734.
‖ Владимирцов 209, 369, Poppe 39, 47, 74, ОСНЯ 2, 19, Miller 1986,
203, АПиПЯЯ 75, Мудрак Дисс. 91. Cf. also OJpn. nìbè ‘fish glue’;
diphthong in Jpn. and vowel variation in Jpn. and TM probably indi-
862
*lako - *lak῾[a]
cates PA *-j-. Doerfer (TMN 4, 49) denies the Turk.-Mong. parallel - in a
hardly plausible way.
-lako a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *laKa-; Mong. *nüger- ( ~ nigür-); Turk.
*jöke.
PTung. *laKa- 1 elm 2 a k. of oak (1 вяз 2 вид низкорослого дуба):
Evk. lakamawun 1; Man. laχari 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 488.
PMong. *nüger- ( ~ nigür-) a k. of alder (ольха кустарниковая):
WMong. nügürsü (L 597); Kh. nügers; Bur. nǖrgedehe(n), nǖrhe(n);
Mongr. nuguʒə ‘espèce d’herbe caprifoliacée’ (SM 289).
PTurk. *jöke lime-tree (липа): Tur. ǯöge (DS); Az. ǯökä; Uzb. žọkə;
Tat. jükɛ, dial. ǯükɛ; Bashk. jüke; Kaz. žöke; KKalp. žöke; Kum. jöge;
Nogh. jöke; Chuv. śъₙga.
◊ VEWT 207, ЭСТЯ 4, 32, Мудрак 51, Лексика 128-129.
‖ A Western isogloss. Turkic vocalism is not quite clear (*jaka would
be normally expected).
-làku ( ~ -k῾-) dirt, dregs: Tung. *lakti- / *legdi-; Mong. *lag; Jpn.
*núká-r-.
PTung. *lakti- / *legdi- 1 to be burnt (of food) 2 soot (1 пригореть
(о пище) 2 сажа, нагар): Evk. nakti-mu-, negdi- 1; Neg. naktị 2; Ud. lakti1.
◊ ТМС 1, 576.
PMong. *lag 1 mud, dirt, clay, sweepings 2 to become sticky, dirty
(1 грязь, ил, осадок 2 становиться липким, грязным): MMong. nag
menegei ‘turtle’ (HY); WMong. laɣ 1, laɣda- 2 (L 514); Kh. lag 1, lagda-,
lagalda- 2; Bur. lag 1; Ord. laG melekei ‘turtle’ (“dirt frog”); S.-Yugh. lag
širū 1.
◊ MGCD 471. Mong. > Nan. laGǯị-, Oroch lagdi-, Ud. lagǯi- ‘to become sticky’ (ТМС 1,
486).
PJpn. *núká-r- to get muddy (пачкаться, быть топким): Tok.
nùkar-; Kyo. núkár-; Kag. nukár-.
◊ JLTT 738.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Turk. *jak- ‘to smear’ - usually confused with *jāg
‘fat’ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 4, 58), but having a different vowel and consonant.
-lak῾[a] a k. of bird: Tung. *lakun; Mong. *lag; Turk. *jakɨl-; Kor.
*nokočiri.
PTung. *lakun 1 hen 2 wild duck (1 курица 2 чирок (дикая утка)):
Neg. naxụn 1; Man. luxu 2; Ul. nakụ(n) 1; Ork. naqqụ(n) 1; Orch. naku 1;
Ud. na῾u (Корм. 266) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 509, 579.
*lak῾a - *lak῾a
863
PMong. *lag-(turaɣu) hazel-hen, grouse (куропатка, рябчик):
MMong. lax (HY 15); WMong. nuɣturuu (L 594); Kh. nogtrū; Mongr.
loGtor (SM 225).
◊ Modern languages reflect a compound *lag-turaɣu (with *turaɣu ῾raven, crow’).
Mong. > Manchu nuturu ‘sand grouse (Syrrhaptes paradoxus)’ (see Rozycki 165).
PTurk. *jakɨl- a k. of small hawk (вид небольшого ястреба):
MTurk. jaɣlabaj (Ettuhf.); Tat. jaɣɨlbaj; Bashk. jaɣɨlbaj; Kirgh. ǯaɣalmaj;
Kaz. žaɣaltaj; Khak. čaɣɨlbaj; Oyr. jaŋalbaj ‘siskin’.
◊ VEWT 186, ЭСТЯ 4, 10-11.
PKor. *nokočiri field lark (полевой жаворонок): MKor. nokočiri;
Mod. nogoǯiri (arch.).
◊ Nam 110, KED 338.
‖ The root probably denoted a small field bird (grouse or hazel-hen); the meaning ῾hawk’ in the Turkic derivative is obviously <
῾the one hunting grouses’. The reconstruction of Auslaut presents some
problems: the Kor. form presupposes something like *lak῾u, in which
case we would expect *-x- in TM. One wonders if Kor. nokočiri is not in
fact one of Mongolian loanwords (since a hazel-hen, grouse or lark are
good prey for a falcon, it may have been borrowed together with other
falcon-hunt words); a form like *nugtɨrū (cf. WMong. nuɣturuu) could
have been easily borrowed like *nugutiru > nokočiri. If this is the case,
the word will be a Western isogloss, with a most plausible reconstruction *laku.
-lak῾a ( ~ -k-) a k. of big fish: Tung. *laka; Mong. *laka; Jpn. *nakatai.
PTung. *laka name of a fish, goby (назв. рыбы, бычок): Evk. laka;
Neg. laxana; Man. laqačan nisiχa, laqča nimaχa; Ul. laqa; Ork. lāqqa ‘herring’; Nan. lāqa; Orch. laka; Ud. la῾sā (Корм. 256).
◊ ТМС 1, 487, 488.
PMong. *laka sheat-fish (сом): WMong. laqa (L 515); Kh. lax.
PJpn. *nakatai a k. of fish, eel (вид рыбы, угорь): OJpn. nakate.
‖ See Doerfer MT 91 (regarding Mong. as borrowed < Tung.). Cf.
also a variant with *-o-: TM *lokija > Neg. loxon ‘верхогляд’, Ud. ĺöxö
‘терпуг’, Man. ĺoxo ‘a k. of salmon’, Orok loqqo ‘камбала’, see ТМС 1,
501, 502; Mong. lioqo ‘ein weißgestreifter Seefisch’ - see Doerfer MT 144
(suggesting Mong. < TM). It may well be that the original shape should
be reconstructed as *luk(῾)a > Mong. *laka, TM *lok(ij)a, Jpn. *nakatai with TM *laka being secondarily borrowed from Mong. Note that the
Mong. form is also borrowed in Turkic: Turkm. laGGa balɨq, Uzb. laqqa
baliq ῾sheat-fish’.
864
*lk῾a - *làk῾ù
-lk῾a ( ~ *ĺ-) a k. of plant with edible root: Tung. *lāk-; Jpn. *nànkui;
Kor. *nək-.
PTung. *lāk- a k. of plant (with flowers and edible root) (вид растения (с цветами и съедобным корнем)): Ork. lāqa ‘рогоз широколистый’; Nan. lāqa ‘рогоз широколистый’; Orch. nakki ‘назв. растения
(травянистого, с длинными узкими листьями и синими цветами,
со съедобным корнем)’; Ud. nakki ‘назв. растения (прибрежной
морской полосы, со съедобным корнем, напоминающим по вкусу
брюкву)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 487, 579.
PJpn. *nànkui 1 a k. of grass (pickerelweed, water mallow?) 2 a k. of
onion (1 вид травы (водяная мальва?) 2 вид лука): OJpn. nagi 1; MJpn.
nàgì 1; Tok. négi 2; Kyo. nègî 2; Kag. negí 2.
◊ JLTT 491, 495. Modern forms (attested since 18th c.) probably reflect a reinterpretation of the stem as a compound “root + onion” (*kui), which explains also some accent
irregularities.
PKor. *nək- roots and stalks (of water plants) (корни и стебли
(водных растений)): MKor. nəks; Mod. nəgəp.
◊ Nam 104, KED 329.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. perhaps also WMong. naŋgi ‘water caltrop, water chestnut’ (L 564), although the medial cluster is unclear.
-làk῾ù to bend, hang, hanger: Tung. *laxu-; Mong. *naki-; Jpn. *nuki;
Kor. *náks.
PTung. *laxu- 1 to hang 2 hanger, cross-beam (for hanging) 3 harpoon rudder 4 harpoon point (1 вешать, подвешивать 2 вешалка, козлы (для вешания) 3 руль плавающего гарпуна 4 наконечник гарпуна): Evk. laku-ča ‘loop’; Man. laḱa- 1, laḱaqu 2; SMan. ĺaki- ‘to hang, to
dangle’ (1646); Ul. laχụ 3; Ork. lāχụ 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 488, 501-502. The root should be distinguished from *loka- (v. sub *luke).
PMong. *naki- to bend (сгибать, наклонять): WMong. naki- (L 561);
Kh. naxij-; Bur. naxī-; Kalm. nakī-.
◊ KW 270.
PJpn. *nuki cross-beam (балка, поперечная рейка): MJpn. nuki;
Tok. nuki.
◊ Usually analysed as a deverbative from *núk- ‘to pass through’ - but external evidence shows that this is rather a folk etymology.
PKor. *náks hook (крюк): MKor. náks; Mod. nak:si.
◊ Nam 94, KED 298.
‖ The original meaning was probably ‘hook or (bent) stick for hanging smth.’, which can well explain all the available reflexes. It is also
possible to reconstruct a derivative *làk῾ù-čV ‘smth. bent, curved’ reflected in MKor. náks ( < *nák-č) and Evk. laku-ča.
*làlè - *lami
865
-làlè sticky substance: Tung. *lala; Mong. *nila-; Turk. *jilik; Jpn. *nrì.
PTung. *lala 1 gruel 2 (fish) slime (1 каша 2 слизь (на рыбе)): Evk.
nilli, ńalliɣ, ńallikta 2; Neg. lala 1; Man. lala 1; SMan. lala 1 (357); Ul. lala
1; Ork. lala 1; Nan. lala 1; Orch. lala 1; Ud. lala 1.
◊ Cf. also Nan. lala- ‘to be smeared in blood’. ТМС 1, 489, 593.
PMong. *nila- clingy, sticky substance; to smear, glue (липкое,
клейкое вещество; мазать, прилипать): MMong. nila- ‘to plaster’
(MA); WMong. nila-, nilča- (L 583); Kh. ńala-, ńalc-; Bur. nildaj- ‘be
clingy, sticky’; Kalm. nilǟ-.
◊ KW 276.
PTurk. *jilik marrow (костный мозг): OTurk. jilik (OUygh.);
Karakh. jilik (MK); Tur. ilik; Az. ilik; Turkm. jilik; Sal. ileh (ССЯ); MTurk.
jilik (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. ilik; Uygh. jilik; Krm. ilik; Tat. jelek, ǯelek; Bashk.
jelek; Kirgh. ǯilik; KBalk. ǯilik; KKalp. žilik; Kum. jilik; Nogh. jilik; Oyr.
ilik; Tv. čilig; Yak. silī.
◊ EDT 927, 928, VEWT 203, TMN 2, 214, ЭСТЯ 4, 265, Лексика 263. Turkm. and Uzb.
dialectal jülük ‘marrow’ may reflect a contamination with *jülük / *juluk ‘juice’ q.v. sub
*dilu.
PJpn. *nrì rice starch; coagulated blood (рисовый крахмал; свернувшаяся кровь): OJpn. nori; MJpn. nori; Tok. norí; Kyo. nórì; Kag. norí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ Лексика 264. A rather usual fronting in Turk.: *jilik < *jɨlɨk.
-lalV weak, exasperated: Tung. *lali-; Mong. *nal-, *nalk-; Turk. *jalk-.
PTung. *lali- be hungry, weak, exasperated (быть голодным, слабым, изнемочь): Neg. lal-; Man. lala-; Ork. lallụ-; Nan. lalị-; Orch. lali-;
Ud. lali-.
◊ ТМС 1, 489.
PMong. *nal-, *nalk- be faint, drowsy, weak (быть слабым, терять
сознание): WMong. nalqaji-; (L 561:) nalaji- ‘be slow, sluggish’; Kh.
nalxaj-, nalmi-gar; Bur. nalaj- 2.
PTurk. *jal-k- to suffer pain, be nauseated, hate (чувствовать боль,
тошноту, отвращение): Karakh. jalq- (MK); MTurk. jalqɨ- (Pav. C.);
Yak. sal-t-.
◊ EDT 924, VEWT 183, ЭСТЯ 4, 14-15. Note that modern Kypch. and Sib.-Tat. forms
meaning ‘lazy, be lazy’ (jalqɨ-, ǯalqɨ-) do not belong here but are rather borrowed < Mong.
ǯalka- having a quite different origin (see under *ǯeĺo). On the other hand, cf. the common
Turkic derivative *jal-ta-, perhaps reflected in the above Yak. form, as well as in Turkm.
jalta, Shor čaltak, Khak. čaltɨ ‘lazy’, Tur. jaltak ‘bootlicker’ etc. (see ЭСТЯ 4, 101-102).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lami convenient, helpful: Tung. *nam; Mong. *limbaj; Turk. *jAmak.
PTung. *nam convenient, skilled (удобный, удобно): Neg. nam; Ul.
nam; Ork. nam-nam; Nan. nam; Orch. nam.
◊ ТМС 1, 580.
866
*lmo - *lmò
PMong. *limbaj accurate, strict (аккуратный, точный): WMong.
nimbai (L 584); Kh. ńambaj; Mongr. lemben ‘agile, facile à manier’ (SM
223).
PTurk. *jAmak helper (помощник): Tur. jamak; MTurk. jamaɣ (R).
◊ VEWT 184.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lmo a k. of bag: Tung. *lam(b)a; Mong. *nambuga; Turk. *jĀmčɨk; Kor.
*nằmằčh.
PTung. *lam(b)a 1 saddlebag 2 bag 3 to saddle 4 saddle (1 вьюк 2
мешок, куль 3 седлать 4 седло): Evk. lamba 1 (dial. nama), lamba- 3,
nēme, nama 4; Evn. nam- 3; Neg. nama- 3, nāme 4; Ork. nama-, namba- 3,
nēme 4; Ud. lamba 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 490, 580-581. Words meaning ‘saddle’ are somewhat divergent phonetically and may be actually borrowed from Mong. (cf. Mong. nemne- ‘to cover with a
horse-cloth’, see under PA *nema). Evk. nama > Dolg. nama (see Stachowski 184).
PMong. *nambuga a big leather bucket or sack (большой кожаный
бурдюк): MMong. nambuqa (SH); WMong. nambaɣa, nambuqu
(БАМРС); Kh. nambaga, nambux (БАМРС).
PTurk. *jĀmčɨk > *jānčɨk pocket, sash, bag (карман, мешочек,
сумка): Karakh. jančuq (MK); Tur. janǯɨk; Turkm. jānǯɨq; Sal. jenǯux;
MTurk. jančuq (Houts., AH); Uzb. jɔnčiq; Uygh. jančuq; Krm. jančɨq,
jančɨx; Tat. jančɨq; Bashk. jansɨq; Kum. jančiq; Khak. nančɨɣ, nandɨx; Oyr.
jančɨq, ančɨq; Tv. čančɨq.
◊ VEWT 185, EDT 945, ЭСТЯ 4, 118 (related to *jān ‘side’ by folk-etymology). The old
form is preserved in Osm. jamčɨ ‘raincoat’ etc. (VEWT 184, ЭСТЯ 4, 110; Turk. > Mong.
ǯamči, ǯaŋči).
PKor. *nằmằčh small bag, pocket (мешочек, карман): MKor.
nằmằčh, nằmằs.
◊ Nam 92.
‖ A derivative *lmo-č῾V (or even *lmo-č῾V-k῾V) can be reconstructed
on the basis of PT *jĀm-čɨk and PK *nằmằčh. There seems to have existed a similar root with a medial cluster *-mb- and meaning a k. of
vessel, reflected in Evk. lamban ῾scoop, ladle’ and PJ *nampai, OJ nabe
῾vessel, pan’ (probably borrowed into Kor. nampi id.); a merger with
this root may explain occasional -b- in TM and -b- in Mongolian.
-lmò ( ~ -a) sea, wave: Tung. *lāmu; Mong. *namug; Jpn. *nàmì.
PTung. *lāmu 1 sea 2 wave (1 море 2 волна): Evk. lāmu 1; Evn. nām,
lām 1; Neg. lām 1; Man. namu 1; Ul. namụ 1; Ork. namụ 1, lamu 2; Nan.
namụ, lamụ 1; Orch. nāmu 1; Ud. namu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 490-491. Shortening in Nanai is not quite clear (for historical length cf. also
Yak., Dolg. lāmɨ < TM, see Stachowski 173).
*lằŋi - *láp῾ì
867
PMong. *namug marsh, swamp (болото): MMong. namurqan ‘pool’
(SH); WMong. namuɣ, namaɣ (L 563); Kh. namag; Bur. namag, namarga;
Kalm. naməg (KРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. namargan (ТМС 1, 581).
PJpn. *nàmì wave (волна): OJpn. namji; MJpn. nàmì; Tok. namí; Kyo.
námì; Kag. namí.
◊ JLTT 492.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 30, Murayama 1962, 109 (Jpn.-TM). Cf. also Koguryo
*nuami ‘pond, sea’, see Lee 38, Menges 1984, 280-281.
-lằŋi dirt, slime: Tung. *laŋga; Mong. *laj; Jpn. *nìnkr-.
PTung. *laŋga cloggy, slimy substance; clammy (жижа, вязкая
масса; вязкий, клейкий): Evn. naŋga; Neg. laŋgas; Ork. laŋGaq; Nan.
laŋaq; Orch. laŋga-; Ud. laŋga-laŋga.
◊ ТМС 1, 584.
PMong. *laj mud, dirt, silt (in a well or pond) (грязь, ил (в колодце
или пруду)): WMong. lai (L 515); Kh. laj; Bur. laj.
◊ Sukhebaatar suggests borrowing from Chin. lài (meaning probably 瀨 ‘shallow
place’) which seems not quite plausible semantically.
PJpn. *nìnkr- be dreggy, muddy (быть грязным, с осадком):
OJpn. nigor-; MJpn. nìgòr-; Tok. nigór-; Kyo. nígór-; Kag. nìgòr-.
◊ JLTT 735.
‖ PTM and PJ reflect a suffixed form *lằŋi-kV.
-láp῾ì flat, broad: Tung. *lapta-; Mong. *labta-; Turk. *jap-; Jpn. *nípá;
Kor. *nàp- / *np-.
PTung. *lapta- 1 flat, level 2 fish fins (1 плоский, ровный, низкий 2
рыбьи плавники): Evk. napta- / lapta- 1; lāpčā 2; Evn. napča, ńapča 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 494, 584.
PMong. *labta- to be flat, level, down (быть плоским, ровным,
низким): WMong. nabta- (L 555); Kh. navtgar; Bur. nabtar; Dag. lartagar
(Тод. Даг. 152).
PTurk. *jap- 1 to smooth, level 2 flat (1 выравнивать, сглаживать 2
плоский): Karakh. japur- (MK) 1; Az. japɨG 2; MTurk. japalaq 2 (R.);
Uygh. japilaq 2; Krm. japalaq 2; Kirgh. ǯapalaq 2; Kum. japalaq 2; Tv. čɨ῾pɨt
2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 16-17, 130, EDT 879.
PJpn. *nípá yard (двор): OJpn. nipa; MJpn. nífá; Tok. nìwa; Kyo.
níwá; Kag. níwa.
◊ JLTT 498.
PKor. *nàp- / *np- level, wide (ровный, широкий): MKor. nàp- /
np-; Mod. nap-čak.
◊ Nam 99, 105, KED 311.
*lŕgu - *laǯV
868
‖ SKE 160, Poppe 37, Цинциус 1984, 8. Despite Doerfer MT 97,
hardly borrowed in TM < Mong. The root should be distinguished from
*lap῾e ‘leaf’.
-lŕgu sloppy job: Tung. *largī; Mong. *nargi-; Turk. *jŕ-; Jpn. *núká-r-;
Kor. *nòrắs.
PTung. *largī 1 diligent, pleasant 2 disorder, commotion (1 усердный, старательный 2 беспорядок, суматоха): Evk. largī 2; Man. largin
2; SMan. ĺarixin ‘troublesome, complicated’ (2003); Ul. larGị 1, 2; Nan.
largịã 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 494. Man. > Dag. largin ‘disorder’ (Тод. Даг. 152).
PMong. *nargi- to carouse (кутить, веселиться): WMong. nargi- (L
565); Kh. nargi-; Bur. naŕja- ‘rattle, din, make noise’; nerjē(n) ‘noisy discussion, thunder’; Ord. nargil- ‘chirp, chirrup (of birds)’.
PTurk. *jŕ- to miss, sin (промахиваться, грешить): OTurk. jaz(OUygh.); Karakh. jaz- (MK); Tur. jazɨk (n.); Gag. jazɨq (n.); Az. jazɨG
(n.); Turkm. jāz-, jāzɨq (n.); MTurk. jaz- (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. jɔz-; Tat. jaz-;
Bashk. jaδ-; Kirgh. ǯaz-; Kaz. žaz-; KBalk. ǯaz-; KKalp. žaz-; Kum. jazɨq
(n.); Nogh. jazɨq (n.); Khak. čas-; Oyr. jas-, as-; Tv. čas-; Yak. ss-; Dolg.
hs-.
◊ VEWT 193 (should be distinguished from *āŕ-), ЭСТЯ 4, 72-73, TMN 4, 162, EDT
983-984, Stachowski 121.
PJpn. *núká-r- to miss, misbehave, make a faux pas (допускать оплошность, промах): MJpn. núká-r-; Tok. nùkar-; Kyo. núkár-; Kag.
nukár-.
◊ JLTT 738.
PKor. *nòrắs 1 fun 2 work (1 забава 2 работа): MKor. nòrắs 1; Mod.
norɨt [norɨs] 2.
◊ Nam 111, KED 341.
‖ Cf. also Mong. nerme ‘to make worse’. Reason for closed *-- in
Turkic is not quite clear.
-lt῾á ( ~ ĺ-) wave, storm: Tung. *lāta; Jpn. *nàntá.
PTung. *lāta 1 storm 2 wave (1 шторм 2 волна): Ork. lāta 1; Nan.
lāta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 495.
PJpn. *nàntá open sea (открытое море): OJpn. nada; MJpn. nada;
Tok. náda; Kyo. nádà; Kag. náda.
◊ JLTT 490. Accent is not quite clear: most probably *nà(n)tá ( > Tok. náda, with a further accent borrowing in Kyoto and Kagoshima).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-laǯV heavy, clumsy: Tung. *laǯu; Mong. *noǯo-.
PTung. *laǯu heavy, clumsy (тяжелый, неуклюжий): Man. laǯu.
◊ ТМС 1, 486-487.
*lebV - *lèjk῾á
869
PMong. *noǯo- to be heavy, clumsy (быть тяжелым, неуклюжим):
WMong. noǯoɣora- (БАМРС); Kh. noʒō-ro-; Bur. nozog-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Attested only in Manchu, and could be a
loanword from some Mong. dialect preserving *l-, thus rather uncertain.
-lebV ( ~ -p-) to eat greedily: Tung. *lebge-; Mong. *labsi-.
PTung. *lebge- to eat greedily (жадно есть): Neg. lebge-; Ul. legbe-;
Nan. legbeči-; Ud. legbe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 514.
PMong. *labsi- to eat greedily (жадно есть): WMong. labsi- (L 513);
Kh. lawši-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. expressive isogloss. In PTM cf. also *labada- ‘to
grasp with teeth’, *lupku- ‘to suck’.
-lḕja to go out, break forth: Tung. *lēj- (*lī-); Mong. *niɣe-; Jpn. *nà-r- /
*nà-s-; Kor. *ná-.
PTung. *lēj- (*lī-) to open (открывать): Evk. nī-; Neg. nī-; Man. nej-;
SMan. li- (557, 1687); Ul. ńī-; Ork. ńī-; Nan. ńi-xeli-; Orch. ńī-; Ud. ŋīgi-,
n-ntile-.
◊ ТМС 1, 588.
PMong. *niɣe- to open (открывать): MMong. ni’e- (HY 17), ne’e(SH), ni- (MA); WMong. nege-, negege- (L 568); Kh. nē-; Bur. nē-; Kalm.
nē-; Ord. nē-; Dag. nē- (Тод. Даг. 157, MD 196); Dong. nie-; Bao. nē-;
S.-Yugh. nī-; Mongr. nē- (SM 272).
◊ KW 275-276, MGCD 502.
PJpn. *nà-r- / *nà-s- 1 to be born, become 2 to bear, bring forth (1 рождаться, становиться 2 рождать, создавать): OJpn. nar- 1, nas- 2;
MJpn. nàr- 1, nàs- 2; Tok. nár- 1, nás- 2; Kyo. nàr- 1, nàs- 2; Kag. nàr- 1,
nàs- 2.
◊ JLTT 733.
PKor. *ná- to go out, break forth (выходить, вырываться): MKor.
ná-; Mod. na-.
◊ Nam 86, KED 286.
‖ EAS 76, KW 276, Владимирцов 212, Poppe 39, Rozycki 162
(Mong.-Tung.), Martin 225-226. In MKor. cf. also nath- ‘to become, appear’ - a derivative?
-lèjk῾á to intend, demand: Tung. *leKe-; Mong. *neke-; Jpn. *niànkà-p-;
Kor. *njkí- / *nikí-.
PTung. *leKe- 1 to be busy with smth. 2 to intend 3 to demand (1
заниматься чем-л. 2 намереваться 3 требовать): Evk. ńeke- 1, 2; Evn.
ńek- 1, 2; Neg. ńexe- 1, 2; Man. lexe- 3; Nan. leksir- ‘to come true (of a
premonition)’ (?); Orch. ńē- 1; Ud. ńexe- 1, 2.
870
*lélugV - *lélugV
◊ ТМС 1, 515, 651-652. In Manchu cf. also the derivatives: lexe-me xexe ‘prostitute,
whore’, lexe-le (ǯuj) ‘illegitimate, born of a whore’, whence WMong. nekelei, Kh. nexlij,
Kalm. nekəl id. (see Rozycki 150).
PMong. *neke- 1 to pursue, follow 2 to demand (1 преследовать,
гнаться, следовать 2 требовать): MMong. neke- 1 (SH, HYt); WMong.
neke- (L 572); Kh. nexe- 1,2; Bur. nexe- 1,2; Kalm. nekə- 1,2; Ord. neχe- 2;
Dag. neg- (Тод. Даг. 157), nehe 1 (MD 196).
◊ KW 274.
PJpn. *niànkà-p- to wish, demand (желать, требовать): OJpn.
negap-; MJpn. nègàf-, nègáf-; Tok. negá-; Kyo. négá-; Kag. nègà-.
◊ JLTT 734.
PKor. *njkí- / *nikí- to consider, regard (считать, рассматривать,
предполагать): MKor. nkí-, njəki-, nəiki-; Mod. jəgi-.
◊ Nam 103, 106, KED 1161. Cf. also nákí-hă-, mod. nägi-ha- (Nam 86, KED 316) ‘to bet,
gamble’.
‖ KW 274, EAS 76, Poppe 39, 56, АПиПЯЯ 78. Korean has a “verbal” low tone. The medial cluster with *-j- is in this case responsible for
some peculiar reflexes: diphthongs both in Jpn. and Kor. and the palatalized initial reflexes (*ĺ-?) in TM languages. Despite Doerfer MT 51,
TM cannot be borrowed from Mong, and - despite Rozycki 150 - Mong.
cannot be borrowed from TM. Doerfer (TMN 1, 531) argues fervently
against the Mong.-Kor. comparison (“Ramstedt verstößt hier gegen
seine eigenen Prinzipien. Man kann das kor. Wort [nəgi-, njəgi- in
Ramstedt’s transcription] natürlich nicht mit dem mo. vergleichen,
wenn man (cf. RAM 85!) ursprachlich -k- = mo. -k- = kor. -k-,-kh- ansetzt.”), evidently unaware that modern Kor. -g- is a phonetic variant
of -k- in intervocalic position.
-lélugV kerchief, pendant: Tung. *lelu(ke); Mong. *nolga; Turk. *jaglɨk;
Kor. *nòríkái.
PTung. *lelu(ke) 1 apron, corsage 2 gore, gusset (1 нагрудник, передник 2 ширинка (подмышечная часть у панциря)): Evk. nel 1;
Evn. nel 1; Neg. leleke 1; Man. leli 2; Ul. lelue 1; Ork. nolu ~ nelu 1; Nan.
lelū 1; Orch. leli 1; Ud. leli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 619.
PMong. *nolga shaman’s adornment (украшение шамана):
WMong. nolɣa (L 595: nulqa); Kh. nolgo.
PTurk. *jaglɨk kerchief (платок): Tur. jaɣlɨk; Gag. jālɨq; Az. jajlɨG;
Turkm. jaɣlɨq, dial. jālɨq; Uygh. jaɣliq; Krm. jaɣlɨq; Tat. jawlɨq; Bashk.
jawlɨq; Kirgh. ǯōluq; Kaz. žawlɨq; KKalp. žawlɨq; Kum. jawluq; Nogh.
jawlɨq; Chuv. śulъk.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 61 (with Turkm. jāGlɨq), Мудрак 27, Ашм. XII, 224, Федотов 2, 132-133.
Derivation from *jag ‘fat’ (TMN 4, 179) seems quite improbable.
*lēmo - *lemV
871
PKor. *nòríkái smth. worn on the belt (предмет, подвешиваемый
к поясу): MKor. nòríkái; Mod. norigä.
◊ Liu 156, KED 341.
‖ In Kor. the word also means ‘plaything’, and is usually derived <
nōr- ‘to play’; external evidence shows that the derivation is rather opposite (’to play’ < ‘to fondle with a pendant’).
-lēmo fresh, raw; vegetables: Mong. *lamaɣa; Turk. *jmiĺč; Jpn. *nàmâ;
Kor. *nằmằrh.
PMong. *lamaɣa leaf (of some plants) (лист (некоторых растений)): MMong. laba (IM) ‘leaf’; WMong. namaɣa (L 562), namči; Kh.
namā; Bur. namā; Kalm. namčə (КРС); Ord. namā; Mog. nōm (Ramstedt
1906); Dag. lavā ‘petal’.
◊ The root should be distinguished from *labči (v. sub *làp῾[à]). Mong. > Yak. labā
‘branch’ (possibly through Evk. lawā id., see Poppe 1961, 130, ТМС 1, 485), although
Kalm. namčə may be a contamination of two roots.
PTurk. *jmiĺč vegetable, fruit (овощи, фрукты): OTurk. jemiš
(OUygh.); Karakh. jemiš (MK); Tur. jemiš; Az. jemiš; Turkm. ijmiš;
MTurk. jemiš (Sangl.); Uygh. jemiš; Tat. jimeš; Bashk. jemeš; Kirgh. ǯimeš;
Kaz. žemĭs; KBalk. ǯemiš; KKalp. žemis; Khak. nimĭs; Tv. čemiš ‘nut kernel’; Chuv. śiməś.
◊ EDT 938, VEWT 197. Turk. > MMong. (HY) ǯemiši (see Clark 1980, 42), Hung.
gyümölcs (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *nàmâ fresh, raw (свежий, сырой): OJpn. nama; MJpn. nama;
Tok. náma; Kyo. nàmâ; Kag. namá.
◊ JLTT 491.
PKor. *nằmằrh vegetables, greens (овощи, зелень): MKor. nằmằr
(nằmằrh-); Mod. namul.
◊ Nam 92, KED 289.
‖ Martin 232 (Kor.-Jpn.). The Turkic word is traditionally analysed
as ‘food’ ( < *jē- ‘eat’ < PA *ǯē q.v.), but this may well be a reinterpretation.
-lemV meat, fat (of animals): Tung. *lemuk; Mong. *lami-; Turk. *jạm-.
PTung. *lemuk fat (under the skin of animals) (сало (под кожей у
животных)): Evk. lemuk; Evn. nemъk; Neg. lemux; Ul. nemu; Ork. nemu;
Ud. leme ‘in pieces (of fat)’ (Корм. 257).
◊ ТМС 1, 516-517.
PMong. *lami- meat on sheep’s rump (мясо на крестце у барана):
WMong. namilqai (MXTTT); Kh. namilxaj; Mongr. lanin ‘cuisse’ (SM
220).
PTurk. *jạm- 1 groin 2 pubic hair (1 пах 2 волосы в паху): OTurk.
jamɨz (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jamɨz (MK) 1, jamdu (MK) 2 (EDT: jemdü);
*leńa - *lépù(-nV)
872
Tur. jamɨz (dial.) 1; Az. janbɨz ‘side, hip’; Turkm. jamɨz 1; MTurk. jambuz
1 (R.); Tat. jamɨs (dial.) 1; KBalk. ǯamɨz 1; Nogh. jamɨz 1; Yak. sɨmɨs 1.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 935, 940, ЭСТЯ 4, 110-111. Turk. > MMong. (MA) ǯamiz (Щербак
1997, 122).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-leńa to incline, sway, shake: Tung. *leŋgī-; Mong. *naji-(gu)-; Turk.
*jAń-ka-.
PTung. *leŋgī- to bow, incline (наклоняться, склоняться): Evk.
neŋī-, neŋe-; Evn. neŋ-; Neg. neŋiŋ-; Ork. leŋge-; Nan. leŋge- ‘to pray’; Ud.
neŋi ‘a bent tree’.
◊ ТМС 1, 623.
PMong. *naji- to shake, sway, hang over (качаться, раскачиваться,
свешиваться): WMong. najiɣu-, najilǯa- (L 558, 559); Kh. najga-; Bur.
najga-.
◊ Mong. > Man. najχu- id. (see Rozycki 161).
PTurk. *jAńka- to shake, bring into motion (качать(ся), приводить
в движение): OTurk. jajqa-n- (OUygh.); Karakh. jajqa-l- (MK); Tur. jajka-; Turkm. jajqa-; MTurk. jajqa-l- (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uygh. (dial.) jajqa-;
Krm. jajqa-; Kirgh. ǯajqa-; Kaz. žajqal-; Nogh. jajqa-l-; Khak. čajxa-, dial.
najxal-; Oyr. ajqa-, dial. ajɣa-; Tv. ča’jɣa-; Tof. ča’jha- (Рас. ФиЛ 77).
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 58-59, ЭСТЯ 4, 77-78, EDT 981. PT *jańka- is usually treated as derived
from *jāj- ‘to shake, rinse’ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 4, 75-76, EDT ibid.), but the latter does not seem
to show any traces of nasal and may be separately compared with Mong. ǯaji-lu- ‘to
rinse’, ǯaji-mu- ‘to shake, stir’, see KW 471.
‖ EAS 75, Владимирцов 369, ОСНЯ 3, 58-60. A Western isogloss.
Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is quite improbable, despite Щербак
1997, 121.
-lépù(-nV) ( ~ -b-) swamp: Tung. *lebē(n)-; Mong. *labku, *lobku; Jpn.
*númà; Kor. *nɨp(h).
PTung. *lebē(n)- 1 swamp, marsh 2 to poach (in a swamp) (1 болото, топь 2 вязнуть (в болоте)): Evk. lewē 1, lewē- 2; Evn. liwin 1; Neg.
lewē 1, lewē- 2; Man. lebeŋgi 1; Ul. liwe- 2; Ork. lemu(ne) 1, lemu-, liwe- 2;
Nan. liwe- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 514.
PMong. *labku, *lobku marshy ground (влажная, болотистая
почва): WMong. labqu, labqan (L 514), lobqu (L 517); Kh. lavx, lovx; Kalm.
lowxə (КРС).
PJpn. *númà swamp, marsh (болото): OJpn. numa; MJpn. númà;
Tok. numá; Kyo. númà; Kag. núma.
◊ JLTT 502.
PKor. *nɨp(h) swamp, marsh (болото): Mod. nɨp [nɨph].
◊ KED 376.
*lép῾ó - *lája
873
‖ Martin 236, Whitman 1985, 25, ТМС 1, 514. Jpn. *númà < *núbà-n,
with normal regressive dissimilation.
-lép῾ó ( ~ *ĺ-) to rise, high: Tung. *lep- / *lupu-; Jpn. *nmpr-; Kor.
*nòph-.
PTung. *lep- / *lupu- 1 to raise hands 2 to jump out 3 to move out 4
to pull out (1 поднимать руки 2 выскочить, вылететь 3 выходить,
проникать 4 вытащить): Evk. lupū- 3, luptu- 4; Neg. lepujiken- 2; Man.
lebkide- 1; Ul. lupurum 4; Nan. lopto- 4; Ud. lopto- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 511-512, 514.
PJpn. *nmpr- to rise (подниматься): OJpn. nobor-; MJpn. nóbór-;
Tok. nòbor-; Kyo. nóbór-; Kag. nobór-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nòph- to be high, elevated (быть высоким, приподнятым):
MKor. nòph-; Mod. nop- [noph-].
◊ Nam 113, KED 352.
‖ Martin 1996, 98. An Eastern isogloss.
-lgà ( ~ *ĺ-) to weep, cry: Tung. *ligi-; Turk. *jg-(la-); Jpn. *nák-.
PTung. *ligi- to snore (храпеть): Evk. liɣirī-; Evn. nɣrị-; Neg. lịɣī-;
Ork. l-.
◊ ТМС 1, 497.
PTurk. *jg-(la-) to weep, cry (плакать): OTurk. ɨɣ-la- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨɣla-, jɨɣla- (MK), jɨɣla- (KB); Turkm. āɣ-la-; MTurk. jɨɣla(Sangl.); Uygh. aɣla-; Tat. jɨla-; Kaz. žɨla-; KBalk. zɨla-; KKalp. žɨla-; Kum.
jila-; SUygh. jiɣla-; Khak. ; Shr. ɨlɣa-; Oyr. ɨjla-.
◊ VEWT 8, ЭСТЯ 1, 79-81.
PJpn. *nák- to weep, cry (плакать): OJpn. nak-; MJpn. nák-; Tok.
nàk-; Kyo. nák-; Kag. nák-.
◊ JLTT 731.
‖ Cf. Kor. nɨk:i-da ‘to weep’ (with unclear vowel and gemination; see
Martin 242).
-lája sound, to sound: Tung. *leje- / *ńiaja- ( < *liaja-); Mong. *najita-;
Jpn. *nái.
PTung. *leje- / *ńiaja- ( < *liaja-) 1 to shamanize 2 to sing (without
rules and rhythm) (1 шаманить, петь во время камлания 2 шаманская песня 3 петь (без соблюдения правил музыки и меры)): Evk.
jaja- 1; Evn. ńāja- 1; Neg. jaja- 1; Man. leje- 2; Ul. jaja- 1; Ork. jāja- 1; Nan.
jaja- 1; Orch. jaja- 1; Ud. jeä- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 338, 515.
PMong. *najita- to sneeze (чихать): MMong. nəjta- (LH); WMong.
najita- (L 561); Kh. najta-; Bur. najtā-; Kalm. nǟtəx- (КРС); Ord. nǟta-;
Dag. naitə- (Тод. Даг. 156: naitā-); Dong. naita-; Bao. nitə-; S.-Yugh.
naitā-; Mongr. nta- (SM 269), naitā-.
*làmba - *làp῾[à]
874
◊ MGCD 498.
PJpn. *nái sound (звук): OJpn. ne; MJpn. ne; Tok. nè; Kyo. nḕ; Kag.
né.
◊ JLTT 495. OJ na-r- ‘to sound’ is probably derived from this root (and not related to
*nuru, despite Martin 241).
‖ An onomatopoeic root; seems, however, be well enough reconstructable for PA.
-làmba ( ~ *ĺ-, -o) a k. of big fish: Tung. *liamba-; Jpn. *nàmà(n)tù.
PTung. *liamba- 1 salmon 2 fish (1 лосось 2 рыба): Evk. lmba 1;
Man. nimaxa 2; SMan. niməhā 2 (331, 2174); Jurch. limwa-xa (163) 2; Ul.
ńịmụ 1; Ork. loịma ‘trout’; Nan. ịmaχa 2, ńịmo 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 496, 501.
PJpn. *nàmà(n)tù sheat-fish (сом): MJpn. nàmàdù; Tok. nàmazu; Kyo.
námàzù; Kag. namazú.
◊ JLTT 492. The Tokyo accent is aberrant (pointing rather to LHH).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; but cf. perhaps also Khak. nomza ‘dace’ ( <
*jom-); Tat. jumba, ǯumba ‘burbot’ (VEWT 210).
-làp῾[à] leaf: Mong. *labči; Turk. *japur-gak; Jpn. *nàpài; Kor. *níph.
PMong. *labči leaf (лист): MMong. nabučin (HY 7), nabčin (MA),
nabčīn (Lig.VMI); WMong. nabči(n) (L 555); Kh. navč; Bur. nabša; Kalm.
napčə; Ord. nabči; Dag. larči (Тод. Даг. 152), lariči (MD 185) 1; Dong.
lačən; Bao. labčoŋ; S.-Yugh. łabǯəg; Mongr. la(b)śi (SM 218), (MGCD
labǯi).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 497. Mong. > Evk. napči, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *japur-gak leaf (лист): OTurk. japɨrɣaq (OUygh.); Karakh.
japurɣaq (MK); Tur. japrak; Gag. japraq; Az. jarpaG; Turkm. japraq; Sal.
järfɨχ; MTurk. japɨrɣan (Abush.), j[a]praq (MA); Uzb. japrɔq; Uygh.
jopurmaq; Krm. japrax; Tat. jafraq; Bashk. japraq; Kirgh. ǯalbɨraq; Kaz.
žapɨraq; KBalk. čapraq; KKalp. žapɨraq; Kum. japraq; Nogh. japɨraq; Oyr.
albɨraq; Tv. čövüree ‘bark’; Tof. čö’prää ‘bark’; Yak. sebirdex; Dolg. hebirdek.
◊ VEWT 188, EDT 879-80, ЭСТЯ 4, 130-132, Лексика 111-112, Stachowski 100. Clauson derives *japur-gak from *japur- ‘to smoothe, level’, which is an obvious contamination
- just as the contamination with *jalpɨ- ‘flat’ (v. sub *dlp῾à) in some languages.
PJpn. *nàpài sprout (росток): OJpn. nape; MJpn. nàfè; Tok. náe; Kyo.
nàé; Kag. naé.
◊ JLTT 490. Both Tokyo and Kyoto point to a variant *nàpái (Kagoshima is ambiguous).
PKor. *níph leaf (лист): MKor. níp (níph-); Mod. ip [iph].
◊ Nam 126, KED 1370.
‖ EAS 75, KW 272, Владимирцов 369, Poppe 37, 44, АПиПЯЯ 19,
42, 282, Лексика 112. The Kor. vowel is probably secondary (pointing
to a variant *làp῾e).
*lap῾V - *lòmù
875
-lap῾V spleen: Tung. *lipče; Mong. *niɣalta; Turk. *japal.
PTung. *lip-če spleen (селезенка): Ork. lipče.
◊ ТМС 1, 499.
PMong. *niɣalta spleen (of animals) (селезенка (животных)):
WMong. niɣalta (L 557: naɣalta); Kh. nālt; Bur. ńālta; Ord. nālta.
PTurk. *japal spleen (селезенка): Tv. čavana, Todzh. (Рас. ФиЛ, 194)
čɨ’val; Tof. ča’p῾al.
◊ An isolated Sayan root.
‖ A Western isogloss. Very scantily represented in Turkic and TM,
but probably archaic.
-lŏga green, dark: Tung. *ĺog-; Mong. *nogoɣan; Turk. *jạgɨŕ; Jpn. *nà;
Kor. *nò-nắ-.
PTung. *ĺog- 1 green 2 dark (1 зеленый 2 темный): Evk. lugdume 2;
Evn. nuɣde, ńeɣčeńe, ńevčeńe 2; Man. ńowaŋǵan 1; SMan. ńuŋan, niŋəńan 1
(2421); Jurch. nioŋ-gian (616) 1; Ul. ńogǯo(n) 1; Ork. ńōgdo 1; Nan.
noŋǵǟ(n) 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 506, 650, 601-603 (some of the forms there are obviously < Mong., but
the ones listed above are hardly borrowed).
PMong. *nogoɣan green; vegetables (зеленый): MMong. noxo’an
(HY 41), noqo’an (SH), nuɣan (MA); WMong. noguɣan (L 588); Kh. nogōn;
Bur. nogōn; Kalm. noɣān; Ord. noGōn; Dag. nugā (Тод. Даг. 158), nuguo;
nuā(n) (MD 200); Dong. noGon, noɣon; Bao. noGoŋ; S.-Yugh. noɣōn;
Mongr. noGōn (SM 281), nuGōn.
◊ KW 278, MGCD 511.
PTurk. *jạgɨŕ brown (бурый): OTurk. jaɣɨz (OUygh.); Karakh. jaɣɨz
(MK); Tur. jaɣɨz, jaɨz; Gag. jāz; Turkm. jaɣɨz; MTurk. jaɣɨz (AH), jowuz
(Ettuhf.); Kum. jawuz; Chuv. śɨr(ъ).
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 64-65, EDT 909. Despite Poppe 61, Владимирцов 267 and Clauson (EDT
909) Mong. dajir ‘brown’ - with which they would like to compare the Turkic form - does
not exist.
PJpn. *nà greens, vegetables (овощи, зелень): OJpn. na; Tok. ná.
◊ JLTT 490.
PKor. *nò-nắ- light yellow (светло-желтый): MKor. nònắ-.
◊ Nam 110.
‖ KW 278, АПиПЯЯ 293, Poppe 38, Doerfer MT 56-57
(Tung.-Mong.). Kor. reflects a form with an -n-suffix and has a usual
verbal low tone.
-lòmù bow: Tung. *liam-; Mong. *lumu; Turk. *jüm-; Jpn. *dùmì.
PTung. *liam- 1 bow 2 to shoot (1 лук 2 стрелять): Evk. nēmkī 1,
(Sym. arch.) lman ‘loop of a bow string’; Evn. nǟm ‘bow-string’, nemkъn
‘shooting’; Neg. nemku- 1; Ork. lajmatčị ‘strap for tying together parts of
harpoon’.
876
*lòŋè - *lùbu
◊ ТМС 1, 496, 620-621.
PMong. *lumu bow (лук): MMong. numun (HY 18), numu (SH),
nomu (IM), nŭmu (MA); WMong. numu(n) (L 595); Kh. nom, num; Bur.
nomo; Kalm. numn, nomn; Ord. numu; Dag. nem (Тод. Даг. 157);
S.-Yugh. nəmən; Mongr. lumu (SM 227) (MGCD numu).
◊ KW 279, 281, MGCD 518.
PTurk. *jüm- bow, arrow (лук, стрела): Chuv. śəₙmren, śəₙməₙrlen.
◊ Федотов 2, 108-109.
PJpn. *dùmì bow (лук): OJpn. jumji; MJpn. jùmì; Tok. yumí; Kyo.
yúmì; Kag. yùmí.
◊ JLTT 579.
‖ The Jpn. word is hard to separate; initial d- is probably due to influence of *da ‘arrow’. If this is the case, one would be also tempted to
compare PTM *lukī ‘arrow’ and PJ *duki ‘quiver’ - with exactly the same
Anlaut correlation.
-lòŋè a k. of insect: Tung. *loŋ-; Mong. *newne, *neɣüne; Jpn. *nmì ( ~
-ua-, -ui).
PTung. *loŋ- butterfly (бабочка): Ud. loŋto.
◊ ТМС 1, 504. Attested only in Ud., with possible external parallels.
PMong. *newne, *neɣüne lady bug (божья коровка): WMong.
neüne (МXTTT); Kh. nǖne.
PJpn. *nmì ( ~ -ua-, -ui) flea (блоха): Tok. nomí; Kyo. nómì; Kag.
nomí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ The root is not well attested and somewhat insecure, denoting
some small insect (bug or butterfly). But the correspondences are regular and the match seems possible.
-lùbu ( ~ -a-) resin, clay, dirt: Tung. *lū; Mong. *luw-; Jpn. *nì ( ~ *nù-i).
PTung. *lū 1 resin, gum 2 to fill holes, crevices with resin (1 смола,
вар 2 просмаливать): Evk. lū 1, lū- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 506.
PMong. *luw- eye pus (глазной гной): WMong. luuqa (L 518),
nuuqa; Kh. lūx, nūx; Bur. nūtaj- ‘быть заплывшим (о глазах)’; Kalm. lox
(КРС), nūx; Ord. lūxa, nūxa; Dag. laug, (Тод. Даг. 152: lōgo); Mongr.
nauxa, log.
◊ KW 282, MGCD 473.
PJpn. *nì ( ~ *nù-i) earth, dirt; red clay (земля, грязь; красная глина): OJpn. ni; MJpn. nì; Tok. ni.
◊ JLTT 496.
‖ JOAL 102, 1981, 853 (attracting also OJ núr- ‘to paint’, which
seems less plausible because of tone incongruence with *nì; on its etymology see *núŕe).
*lu[k]u - *lmo
877
-lu[k]u thick, dense: Tung. *lōgdi, *luku(tu); Mong. *nigta / *lüg / *lug;
Turk. *jigi / *jɨgɨ.
PTung. *lōgdi, *luku(tu) thick, dense (густой, плотный): Evk. lōgdi,
luku; Evn. nōɣ, nụqtị; Neg. logdị, loxo; Man. loqdi, luqdu, luku; SMan. lukə
(2078); Ul. loGdo, lugdi, loko; Ork. lugǯi, lukku; Nan. loGdị, lugǯi; Orch.
loko, luku; Ud. logbo-logbo, luktu.
◊ ТМС 1, 501, 508, 509, 609.
PMong. *nigta / *lüg / *lug thick, dense (густой, плотный):
WMong. niɣta (L 578), lüg (L 518), luɣ; Kh. ńagt, lüg; Bur. nigta; Kalm.
niktə; Ord. nigta.
◊ KW 276. Mong. > Tat. nɨq, Chuv. nъɣъ (Róna-Tas 1973-1974).
PTurk. *jigi / *jɨgɨ thick, dense (густой, плотный): OTurk. jigi
(OUygh.); Karakh. jigi (MK); Tur. jɨɣɨ; Turkm. jɨɣɨ; Kaz. žiji; KKalp. žiji;
Nogh. jɨjɨ; Oyr. jik; Tv. čɨ’q.
◊ EDT 911, VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 272.
‖ A Western isogloss. An expressive form with somewhat irregular
correspondences; however, despite Doerfer MT 51, TM cannot be explained as borrowed from Mong.
-lk῾a ( ~ -u) seam, to stitch: Tung. *luK-; Mong. *log-si-; Turk. *jīk.
PTung. *luK- 1 to sew in (ornaments) 2 to prick (1 вшивать (полоски меха для украшения) 2 вкалывать, вонзать): Evk. luktu- 1; Man.
nuqa- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 508, 608.
PMong. *log-si- to stitch, sew (стегать, прошивать): WMong. loɣsi(L 517); Kh. logši-; Bur. logši-.
PTurk. *jīk seam (шов): Tat. ǯek, dial. jek; Bashk. jek (dial.); Kirgh.
ǯik; Kaz. žik; KBalk. ǯik; KKalp. žik; Kum. jik; Khak. čək; Oyr. jik, ik; Yak.
sīk.
◊ VEWT 195, 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 197-198, 257-258. The root should be distinguished from
*jib q.v. sub *zupi.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lmo ( ~ ĺ, -e) to swallow, drink: Tung. *lümŋe-; Jpn. *nm-; Kor.
*nəm-ku-.
PTung. *lümŋe- to swallow (глотать): Evk. nimŋe-; Evn. ńimŋъ-;
Neg. nimŋe-; Man. nuŋgi-, nuŋge-; SMan. nuŋəmə, nuŋumə (402); Ul.
luŋbe-; Ork. numGe-; Nan. luŋbe-,lumge-; Orch. ńimme-; Ud. niŋme-,
ńiŋme-; Sol. niŋe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 595.
PJpn. *nm- drink (пить): OJpn. nom-; MJpn. nòm-; Tok. nóm-; Kyo.
nòm-; Kag. nóm-.
◊ JLTT 737.
PKor. *nəm-ku- to swallow (глотать): Mod. nəmgu-.
*lok῾o - *lŭge
878
◊ SKE 164.
‖ SKE 164, Poppe 74, Murayama 1962, 110, АПиПЯЯ 19, 69,
105-106, 274. An Eastern isogloss.
-lok῾o ( ~ -u-) a cutting instrument: Tung. *loxa; Jpn. *nkə.
PTung. *loxa sword, sabre (меч, сабля): Evk. likučiūn, lukučiur; Neg.
loxon; Man. loχo; SMan. lohə (607, 812); Jurch. lo-xo; Ul. loχo(n); Nan.
loχõ; Orch. loxo(n); Ud. lō.
◊ ТМС 1, 509.
PJpn. *nkə saw (пила): OJpn. nop(w)ogjiri; MJpn. nòfògìrì; Tok.
nóko, nokogíri; Kyo. nòkô, nòkògírì; Kag. nokó, nokogirí.
◊ JLTT 500. The OJ form with -p- is quite strange, perhaps a dialectal dissimilation ( <
nokogjiri); all modern forms quite uniformly have -k-.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-lòŋé ( ~ -u-) chisel, drill: Tung. *luŋu; Jpn. *nmuí ( ~ -əi).
PTung. *luŋu drill (сверло): Neg. loŋo; Ul. lūŋu; Nan. luŋu; Orch.
loŋo, luŋu; Ud. loŋo.
◊ ТМС 1, 504.
PJpn. *nmuí ( ~ -əi) chisel, adze (долото): OJpn. nomi; MJpn. nòmí;
Tok. nómi; Kyo. nòmí; Kag. nomí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Mong. *düji-le- ‘to shave’
(WMong. düil-, L 279), which would make us reconstruct *ĺoŋe.
-lop῾V nest (of rodents): Tung. *lopi(gi); Mong. *nowkai.
PTung. *lopi(gi) squirrel nest (беличье гнездо): Evk. lopi (dial. lokī);
Neg. lōbị; Ul. logbụ; Nan. lōbị; Ud. loi.
◊ ТМС 1, 505. Length in Nan. is compensatory.
PMong. *nowkai rodent nest (гнездо грызунов): WMong. nouqai
(МXTTT); Kh. nōxoj; Bur. nōxoj.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-lŭge ( ~ -i) bridle: Tung. *luksi; Turk. *jügen.
PTung. *luksi traces, central belt in a yoke-team (постромка, потяг
(центральный ремень в оленьей упряжке)): Evk. lukšipka; Neg. nusku,
nuksi; Ul. nusku; Ork. nusku; Nan. luksur; Orch. nuksu; Ud. nuki.
◊ ТМС 1, 509.
PTurk. *jügen bridle (уздечка): Karakh. jügön (MK, IM); Tur. ojan;
Az. jüjän; Turkm. üjen, ujan; MTurk. ujan (Pav. C.); Uzb. jugan; Uygh.
jügän; Krm. ijgen, jügen; Tat. jögän; Bashk. jügän; Kirgh. ǯügön; Kaz.
žügen; KBalk. ǯügen; KKalp. žüwen; Kum. jügen; Nogh. jüwen; SUygh.
juɣɨn (ЯЖУ); Khak. čügen; Shr. čügen; Oyr. üjgen; Tv. čüɣen; Chuv.
jəₙven; Yak. ǖn.
◊ VEWT 212, EDT 913, ЭСТЯ 1, 577, Егоров 77, Лексика 556.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
*lúke - *luko
879
-lúke to bow, bend: Tung. *loka-; Mong. *nugu-; Turk. *jükün-; Jpn.
*nkí ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *loka- 1 to hang 2 hanger, cross-beam (for hanging) (1 вешать 2 вешалка, вешала): Evk. loko- 1, loko-ptin 2; lokso, lekse ‘knee’;
Evn. noq- 1, noqm 2; Neg. loxo- 1, loxo-wun 2; Ul. lō-, lōqo- 1, lōpụ 2; Ork.
lō-, loqqo- 1, lōno 2; Nan. lō- 1, lōčaqo 2; Orch. lō- 1, lōkońi, lōńi 2; Ud. lo῾- 1
(Корм. 256); Sol. loko-, loxo- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 501-502, 515.
PMong. *nugu- to bend (гнуться): WMong. nuɣu-ra- (L 595); Kh.
nugara-, nugal-; Bur. nugar-, nugal- (caus.); Kalm. nuɣər-, nuɣəl- ‘to bend,
to separate bones at the joints’ (КРС); Ord. nuGul-; Mongr. nugurā-,
noGlā-.
◊ MGCD 517.
PTurk. *jükün- to bow (кланяться, склоняться): OTurk. jükün(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jükün- (MK); Tur. jüken-, jügün- (dial.);
MTurk. jükün- (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jukun-; Uygh. jükün-; Krm. jügün-,
jugun-; Tat. jögen-, jegen- (dial.); Bashk. jögön-; Kirgh. ǯügün-; Kaz.
žügin-; KKalp. žügin-; Kum. jügün-; Yak. sügün- ‘to go to the bridegroom’s home’.
◊ EDT 913, ЭСТЯ 4, 264.
PJpn. *nkí ( ~ -ua-) hanging edge of roof, eaves (стреха, свисающий край крыши): OJpn. n(w)ok(j)i; MJpn. nókí; Tok. nòki; Kyo. nókí;
Kag. nókì.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 64-65 (Turc-Mong). Cf. *lak῾u.
-luko wild pig: Tung. *luke- / *lukte (*lekte); Mong. *nogtu-; Kor.
*nɨktai (?).
PTung. *luke- / *lukte (*lekte) 1 wild boar 2 1-year-old boar (1 дикий кабан 2 годовалый кабан): Man. nuxen 2; Ul. nekte 1; Ork. ńekte 1;
Nan. nekte (dial. likete) 1; Orch. nekte 1; Ud. nakta, nekte 1, nugese 2; Sol.
nuks 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 609, 617.
PMong. *nogtu- wild male boar (дикий кабан): WMong. noɣtumal
(L 588); Kh. nogtmol; Kalm. noktəmər.
◊ KW 278.
PKor. *nɨktai wild boar, pig (дикий кабан): Mod. nɨktä.
◊ SKE 169.
‖ The Kor. match is glossed as “wild boar” by Ramstedt (in SKE),
but as “jackal” or “Korean wolf” in modern dictionaries - thus it may
be actually the same word as nɨktä < *l[ù]k῾V ‘lynx’; but the Mong.-TM
parallel is still valid.
880
*lùku - *l[ù]k῾Ỽ
-lùku ( ~ *ĺ-, -o-, -k῾-) to take off (clothes): Tung. *luK-; Jpn. *nùk-.
PTung. *luK- to take off (clothes) (снимать (одежду)): Evk. luk-,
lukti-; Evn. nụq-; Neg. lok-; Ud. lukta-; Sol. loko-.
◊ ТМС 1, 507.
PJpn. *nùk- to take off clothes (снимать одежду): OJpn. nuk-, nukjit-; MJpn. nùg-; Tok. núg-; Kyo. nùg-; Kag. nùg-.
◊ JLTT 738.
‖ Miller 1985b, 194. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-lúk῾ì ( ~ -o-) to break through: Tung. *lokta-; Mong. *nüke-; Jpn. *núk-.
PTung. *lokta- to pass through, break through (проходить насквозь, протыкать насквозь): Neg. loktol-; Ul. luktu-lu-; Ork. lokto-;
Nan. luktu-; Orch. lokto(n)-; Ud. lotogo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 502-503.
PMong. *nüke- 1 hole, 2 to make a hole in (1 дыра, 2 проделывать
отверстие): MMong. nukele- 2 (SH), nukän ‘tomb’ (IM), noket ‘holes’
(LH), nūken 1 (Lig.VMI); WMong. nüke(n) 1, nükele- 2 (L 597); Kh.
nüx(en) 1; Bur. nüxe(n) 1; Kalm. nükn; Ord. nüχü(n), nüχe(n) 1; Dag.
nugu 1 (Тод. Даг. 158); Dong. nokien 1; Bao. nəkuŋ 1; S.-Yugh. nögön,
nukö 1; Mongr. nuko 1 (SM 282).
◊ KW 282, MGCD 521, 615.
PJpn. *núk- to break through, pass through (проходить через, насквозь): OJpn. nuk-; MJpn. núk-; Tok. nùk-; Kyo. núk-; Kag. nùk-.
◊ JLTT 738. Kagoshima has an irregular accent.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 28-29, АПиПЯЯ 75.
-l[ù]k῾Ỽ ( ~ -k-) lynx, wild cat: Tung. *luKV; Mong. *nogu-ɣal; Jpn.
*niàkua ( ~ *nàikua); Kor. *nɨk-.
PTung. *luKV 1 lynx 2 blue fox 3 young lynx (1 рысь 2 голубой песец 3 рысенок): Evk. luku 1 (диал.); Man. luka 2; Orch. loke 1.
◊ See ОСНЯ 2,35.
PMong. *nogu-ɣal young of lynx (детеныш рыси): WMong.
noɣuɣal (L 595: nuɣuul); Kh. nogōl; Bur. nogōl; Kalm. noɣālā, noɣālǟ ‘зайчонок весеннего приплода’.
◊ KW 278.
PJpn. *niàkua ( ~ *nàikua) cat (кошка): OJpn. nekwo; Tok. néko; Kyo.
nékò; Kag. nekó.
◊ JLTT 495. Accent is not quite clear: probably a variation of *nàikuà ( > Kyoto nékò)
and *nàikuá (Tokyo néko); Kagoshima supports low tone on the first syllable, but is irrelevant for the second one.
PKor. *nɨk- jackal, (KED) wolf (шакал; волк): Mod. nɨktä.
◊ KED 367.
‖ The Jpn. vocalism is aberrant; the diphthong may require a reconstruction like *lòjk῾V. Cf. also notes to *luko.
*lumV - *lúŋu
881
-lumV a k. of small wild animal: Tung. *nenme- ( ~ *l-); Mong. *lomun;
Turk. *jumra-.
PTung. *nenme- ( ~ l-) tarbagan (тарбаган): Evk. nenmekčin.
◊ ТМС 1, 622.
PMong. *lomun mole (крот): MMong. noman (HY 11); WMong. nomun (L 591); Kh. nomon, nomin; Kalm. soxər numn (КРС); Ord. nomoŋ,
numuŋ, numūn; Dong. manan (Тод. Дн.) ?; Mongr. lumōn ‘taupe’ (SM
227).
PTurk. *jumra- 1 gopher 2 ground-squirrel (1 суслик 2 евражка):
Turkm. jumran 1 (dial.); MTurk. jumran ‘mole’ (AH); Uzb. jumrɔn 1;
Uygh. jumran 1; Tat. jomran 1; Bashk. jomran 1; KBalk. ǯuburan 1; Oyr.
jɨmran, jɨbɨran 2.
◊ VEWT 210, ЭСТЯ 4, 247-248, Лексика 165-166. Turk. > Mong. ǯurum, ǯurama,
Khalkha ʒuram, ʒurma, Dag. ǯombor, (Tod. 145) ǯumbrā (see MGCD 464, KW 481, TMN 4,
220), whence Man. ǯumara etc., see Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 127. Cf. also *jamlan / *jalman
(VEWT 183, ЭСТЯ 4, 97; > Mong. jalman). Turk. > Russ. dial. jevrán and similar forms, see
Аникин 195, 199, 205.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lúŋa a k. of fur animal: Tung. *loŋ-sa; Mong. *nagaj; Jpn. *ná-i; Kor.
*nŋ’úrí.
PTung. *loŋ-sa 1 lynx 2 male sable 3 sable (1 рысь 2 самец соболя 3
соболь): Evk. nonno 1; Evn. nụŋụčan (dimin.) ‘small mouse’; Man.
luŋgu, luŋga 2 (Захаров 858); Orch. noso 3; Ud. nüho 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 510, 605, 612.
PMong. *nagaj female tarbagan (самка тарбагана): WMong. naɣai
(L 557: “female marmot”); Kh. nagaj.
PJpn. *ná-i rat (as a cyclic sign) (крыса (как циклический знак)):
OJpn. ne; MJpn. ne; Tok. nè; Kyo. n; Kag. né.
◊ JLTT 495. Derived is perhaps OJ nezumji ‘rat’ (although folk-etymologically analysed as ‘living in root(s)’.
PKor. *nŋ’úrí otter (выдра): MKor. nŋ’úrí.
◊ Nam 105.
‖ See Лексика 165. Cf. *ĺeŋgV (in Kor. a partial contamination is
possible).
-lúŋu ( ~ *ĺ-, -o-, -i) morning or evening dawn: Tung. *luŋur; Jpn. *núN- /
*núiN- / *núaN-; Kor. *nò’r.
PTung. *luŋur evening, dusk (вечер, сумерки): Evk. luŋur.
◊ ТМС 1, 511. Attested only in Evk., with possible parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *núN- / *núiN- / *núaN- rainbow (радуга): OJpn. nizi, nuzi,
dial. n(w)ozi; MJpn. nízì; Tok. nijí; Kyo. níjì; Kag. níji.
◊ JLTT 498-499. The word raises many problems, due to irregular reshapings. Most
forms reflect *nVn-si, but there are some going back to *nVn-ki, like Akita nogi, Shuri nūǯi
882
*lrkV - *lrkV
etc. (see ibid.), so we conclude that the original stem must have been *nuN-, with varying
suffixation.
PKor. *nò’r morning or evening dawn, red glow in the sky (утренняя или вечерняя заря): MKor. nò’r; Mod. nōl.
◊ Nam 111, KED 347.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-lrkV ( ~ *ĺ-, -u-,-o-,-o-) to burn; warm: Tung. *lurgi-; Jpn. *nùkù-;
Kor. *nòk- / *nuk-.
PTung. *lurgi- to burn (гореть, пылать): Evk. lurgi-; Neg. lujgī-;
Man. lur lur (descr.).
◊ ТМС 1, 512. TM > Dag. lurgi- (MGCD 121).
PJpn. *nùkù- warm (теплый): MJpn. nukuto-, nuku- (Edo); Tok.
nukú-; Kyo. núku-; Kag. nukí.
◊ JLTT 854.
PKor. *nòk- 1 to melt, dissolve 2 to get warm (1 таять, растворяться 2 теплеть): MKor. nòk-; Mod. nok- 1, nuk- 2.
◊ Nam 112, KED 344, 359.
‖ Martin 245, АПиПЯЯ 278. An Eastern isogloss. Korean has a secondary verbal low tone.
Ĺ
-ĺábó a k. of plant: Tung. *labikta / *lebukte; Mong. *debeɣe; Turk.
*jaba; Jpn. *náimpú.
PTung. *labi-kta / *lebu-kte 1 a k. of moss (cudbear) 2 lichen, moss
3 root of edible plant (1 ягель 2 лишайник 3 корень съедобного растения): Evk. lawikta 1, lewukte 2; Evn. nāwt 1; Neg. lawụkta 1; Ul.
lepču(n) 3; Ork. lawịqta 1, lewikte 2; Orch. laukta 1; Ud. labuga 1, leukte 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 485, 514, 518. Evk. > Dolg. labɨkta, labukta (see Stachowski 172).
PMong. *debeɣe meadow, pasture (луг, пастбище): WMong. debege
(L 237); Kh. devē, deveg; Kalm. dew(n).
◊ KW 90. Mong. > Man. debejen ‘sedge’.
PTurk. *jaba 2 wild onion 3 onion-like edible plant (1 вид грибка 2
съедобное растение, похожее на лук): OTurk. java 2(?) (OUygh.);
Karakh. java (MK) ‘al-ṭurtūt’ [Bib.-Kaz.: ‘a reddish edible plant’, Belot:
‘a medicinal grass’, Lane: ‘cynomorium’]; ‘a plant the juice of which is
used to colour noodles’.; Tur. juwa 2; Turkm. juva 2; MTurk. jawa
OKypch (Houts.) 2, ‘leek’; Tat. juwa, Sib. juwa 2; Bashk. jɨwa 2; Kirgh.
ǯua 2; Kaz. žuwa 2; KKalp. žuwa 2; Nogh. juwa 2; Khak. čama ‘mountain
garlic’; Tv. čāt ‘cudbear, lichen’; Tof. čāt ‘horse-tail’.
◊ EDT 871-872, ЭСТЯ 4, 240. The OUygh. word is attested in a Buddhist text describing blossoming spring plants: özlerdeki özeklerdeki java čigidem “the java and the crocuses
in valleys and ravines”; so, despite Clauson 414, this is certainly not a mushroom; probably some onion-like plant (гусиный лук?).
PJpn. *náimpú silken acacia, Albizzia Julibrissin Durazz. (шелковистая акация): OJpn. nebu; MJpn. nébúrí-ki; Tok. nemu-no-ki.
◊ JLTT 495.
‖ Jpn. has one of the rare cases of the Inlaut -ai- (-ia-) diphthong.
Otherwise correspondences are regular, although the precise botanical
nature of the plant is not quite clear.
-ĺk῾è bad, evil: Tung. *lāK-; Mong. *ǯeke-j ( < *ǯike-j); Turk. *jek; Jpn.
*nəkə; Kor. *nək-.
PTung. *lāK- 1 difficulty, distress 2 unsuccessful (in hunting) 3 disorder (1 затруднение 2 неудачливый (на охоте) 3 суета, беспорядок):
Evk. lākeptin 1; Man. laqu, laxu 2, laxin 3.
884
*ĺak῾V - *ĺak῾V
◊ ТМС 1, 488.
PMong. *ǯeke-j mediocre, ordinary, worse (посредственный, хуже): WMong. ǯekei (L 1044); Kh. ʒexij; Kalm. zek.
◊ KW 472.
PTurk. *jek 1 demon, evil spirit 2 bad, evil 3 to hate, despise 4 to
scold (1 демон, злой дух 2 плохой, отвратительный 3 ненавидеть,
презирать 4 бранить): OTurk. jek 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jek 1 (MK);
Turkm. jekir- 3, jek (dial.) 2; MTurk. jek 1 (AH), 2 (Pav. C.), jigir- 3 (R.);
Uzb. ǯekir- 4; Uygh. jäklä- 3, ǯekir- 4; Krm. jek 1, 2; Tat. ǯik 2, ǯiker- 4;
Bashk. jek 2, jeker- 3; Kirgh. ǯek 2, ǯekte- 3, ǯekir- 4; Kaz. žek 2, žekir- 4;
KKalp. žek 2, žekir- 4; Kum. jekir- 3; Nogh. jekir- 3; Shr. ček 1; Oyr. jek, ek
1, 2, jikir- 3.
◊ EDT 910, VEWT 194, ЭСТЯ 4, 170-171, 173-174. Loan from Prakr. yakkha (through
some unattested Sogdian intermediary) cannot be excluded, but also cannot be ascertained. Turk. > MMong. (MA) ǯikir- ‘hate, abhor’.
PJpn. *nəkə brazenly (бесстыдно, без стеснения): Tok. noko-noko.
PKor. *nək- brazen, shameless (бесстыдный): Mod. nək-sal.
◊ KED 332.
‖ Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). Turk. -e- instead of expected -ɨ- is probably
due to contamination with *ĺḕgi q.v.
-ĺak῾V ( ~ -e-) fur clothes: Tung. *leKu (/ *laKu); Mong. *daku; Turk.
*jaku.
PTung. *leKu (/ *laKu) 1 warm cotton trousers 2 deerskin footwear
3 slippers (1 теплые ватные штаны 2 обувь из оленьей шкуры 3 тапочки): Evk. leke-mī, loko-mī 2; Neg. loxom 2; Man. laqu 1; Ul. lēmi 3;
Ork. lemi-le- ‘to wear shoes’; Nan. lēmi 3; Ud. lexeme 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 488, 516.
PMong. *daku coat (меховая накидка, шуба): MMong. daqu (SH);
WMong. daqu; Kh. dax; Bur. daxa; Kalm. daxə; Ord. daxu; Dag. dagu;
Mongr. daxu, dāxu ‘habit court et sans manches porté jadis par les
femmes monguor’ (SM 41).
◊ KW 72, MGCD 205. Mong. > Evk. daku etc., see Poppe 1966, 195, TMN 4, 283-284,
Doerfer MT 37, Rozycki 53, Аникин 179).
PTurk. *jaku coat (плащ, шуба): Karakh. jaqu (MK); Bashk. jaqɨ;
Kirgh. ǯaqɨ (dial.); Kaz. žaqɨ (dial.); Oyr. jaqqɨ, aqqɨ, jaqa, aqa; Tv. čaɣɨ;
Yak. saɣɨnńax.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 60-61, Лексика 476. The form jaɣqu is not really attested: it is a folk etymology related by MK. Turk. > Russ. jegá, see Аникин 195, 721.
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. cannot be < Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 121.
*ĺp῾o - *ĺḕgì
885
-ĺp῾o ( ~ -i) string, strap: Tung. *lāpV-ki; Mong. *deɣe-sü.
PTung. *lāpV-ki tiers, straps (for skis) (крепление, ремень (у
лыж)): Ul. lāxị; Ork. lāpụ; Nan. lāpị; Orch. lappi.
◊ ТМС 1, 494.
PMong. *deɣe-sü rope (веревка): MMong. de’esun ‘thread’ (HY 19),
disun (MA), dēsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. degesü(n) (L 244); Kh. dēs(en);
Bur. dēhe(n); Kalm. dēsn; Ord. dēsü; Mog. deisün; Dag. dēs (Тод. Даг.
136); Dong. ǯiesun; Bao. desoŋ; S.-Yugh. dīsən; Mongr. dēsə (SM 53), dērge
‘grosse corde faite de poils pour lier les animaux’ (SM 52).
◊ KW 92, MGCD 208. Mong. > Evk. desun etc. (see Poppe 1966, 197, ТМС 1, 238).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *labV. Cf. perhaps Karakh. (MK) jabtač ‘cloth, handkerchief’ (merged with *jap- ‘to cover’).
-ĺp῾V bifurcated pole: Tung. *lap-; Mong. *daɣaga(n); Turk. *jāpa(k).
PTung. *lap- 1 to insert, press between branches 2 poles with bifurcation 3 vertical, sticking out 4 branch inserted between two branches
(a road sign) (1 вставлять, впихивать между ветками 2 раздвоенные
жерди 3 вертикальный, торчащий 4 ветка, вставленная между двумя другими (дорожный знак)): Evk. lapki-, lapku- 1, lapki, lapku 4; Evn.
nāpq- 1; Ul. lapam ‘зацепившись’; Ork. lapa(n) 2; Nan. lapa 3; Orch.
lapam 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 493.
PMong. *daɣaga(n) horizontal bar in a yurt (горизонтальная балка
в юрте): WMong. daɣaɣa (L 216); Kh. dāga; Bur. dāgan bū ‘carbine’; Ord.
dāGa.
PTurk. *jāpa(k) 1 wooden fork 2 shovel (1 деревянные вилы 2 лопата): Tur. jaba 1, dial. 2; Gag. jaba 1; Az. jaba 1; Turkm. jābaq, jāba 1; Sal.
jōwa, jowa 1; MTurk. japa (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. jāwa (dial.) 1; Krm. ǯaba 2; Tat.
jaba; Kaz. žaba (dial.) 1; KKalp. žaba 1.
◊ VEWT 187, ЭСТЯ 4, 45. Not quite clear are fronted cognates: Yak. seb, Kumd. jep,
Tat., Bashk. jəp ‘fork, bifurcation’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ĺḕgì to hate, abhor: Tung. *lēgī-; Mong. *ǯig-; Turk. *jigren- ( ~ -e-); Jpn.
*nìkù-.
PTung. *lēgī- 1 to scold 2 to pacify, persuade (1 ругать, бранить 2
унимать, уговаривать): Evk. lēɣī- 1; Evn. nēji- 1; Neg. lēɣī- 1; Nan. lēi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 514-515.
PMong. *ǯig- to hate, abhor, be disgusted (ненавидеть, испытывать отвращение): WMong. ǯigsi-, ǯigegür- (L 1052); Kh. ǯigš-; Bur.
žegše-; Kalm. ǯigšə- (КРС); Ord. ǯigši-.
◊ Mong. > Tat. ǯiksin- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 171).
PTurk. *jigren- ( ~ -e-) to hate, abhor (испытывать отвращение):
Karakh. jigren- (MK); Tur. ijren-; Gag. īren-; Az. ijrän-; Turkm. jigren-;
886
*ĺekleKV - *ĺèmo
MTurk. jigren- (Ettuhf., AH); Uzb. jirgän-, ǯirgen-; Krm. iren-; Tat. ǯirɛn-;
Bashk. jerän-; Kirgh. ǯerin-, ǯiren-, ǯijirken-; Kaz. žijren-; KKalp. žijren-,
žijirken-; Kum. ǯirgen-; Nogh. jijren-; Yak. sirgen-.
◊ EDT 914-915, ЭСТЯ 4, 200-201.
PJpn. *nìkù- hateful, hate (противный, ненавидеть): OJpn. niku-,
niku-m-; MJpn. niku-, nìkù-m-; Tok. nikú-, nikú-m-; Kyo. níkù-, níkú-m-;
Kag. nikú-, nìkùm-.
◊ JLTT 837.
‖ Ozawa 270-272, ЭСТЯ 4, 200-201. Cf. *ĺk῾e.
-ĺekleKV a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *leg(l)ek-; Mong. *deglej; Turk.
*[j]eglek.
PTung. *leg(l)ek- a k. of duck (вид утки (утка-казарка)): Evk.
leɣegdi, liglakī, ilagli; Evn. ịlɣlịqa, dial. niglij ‘goose’.
◊ ТМС 1, 304, 498, 515, 589. Evk. > Dolg. laglɨ, see Stachowski 172.
PMong. *deglej heron (цапля): WMong. deglei (L 213: degelei); Kh.
deglij; Bur. xüxe deglɨ; Kalm. degl; Ord. göχö degelī.
◊ KW 85.
PTurk. *[j]eglek stork (аист): Tur. leglek; Az. läjläk.
◊ VEWT 316 (hardly from Arab.)
‖ A Western isogloss; no doubt, onomatopoeic in origin, but interlanguage loans seem to be excluded in this case.
-ĺḗlV to run, ride, hurry: Tung. *lelu-; Mong. *ǯilu-; Turk. *jēl-.
PTung. *lelu- 1 to jump 2 to ride, trot (1 прыгать 2 скакать): Evk.
lulunče-, lelūn-, nelūn-, nelihu- 1; Evn. melu-met-, meluŋči- 1 (with a peculiar dissimilation); Man. ńolxu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 509, 620, 643.
PMong. *ǯilu- to flee, run away (убегать): WMong. ǯilu- (L 1055);
Kh. ʒulba-, ʒulda-; Kalm. zul- (КРС).
PTurk. *jēl- to ride, trot (бежать (рысью), нестись): OTurk. jel(Orkh.); Karakh. jel- (MK, KB); Tur. jel-; Az. jel-li ῾quickly’; Turkm.
jel-me ῾trot’; MTurk. jel- (Pav. C., MA, Ettuhf.), jil- (AH); Uzb. jel-; Tat.
ǯil-; Bashk. jel-; Kirgh. ǯel-; Kaz. žel-; KKalp. žel-; Nogh. jeli-; Shr. čel-;
Oyr. jäl-, el-; Tv. čel-; Yak. siel-.
◊ EDT 918, VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 176-177.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ĺèmo to be lazy, negligent: Tung. *lemūk-; Mong. *dömü-; Jpn.
*nàmàka-.
PTung. *lemūk- weak-charactered (слабохарактерный, постоянно
недовольный): Evk. lemūk.
◊ ТМС 1, 516. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *dömü- 1 to be barely sufficient, live poorly 2 to be careless,
floppy (1 недоставать, едва сводить концы с концами 2 делать не-
*ĺeŋgV - *ĺep῾a
887
брежно, кое-как): WMong. dömü- (L 267) 1; Kh. dömö- 1, dömnö- 2; Bur.
düme- 1; Kalm. demir- ‘to become worse than smth.’.
◊ KW 87.
PJpn. *nàmàka- to be lazy (лениться): MJpn. namaka-; Tok. namaké-;
Kyo. námáké-; Kag. namaké-.
◊ JLTT 731. Tone correspondence is not quite regular (low tone would be expected in
Kagoshima).
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms point to a common derivative *ĺèmo-kV
(-k῾V).
-ĺeŋgV a k. of predator: Tung. *leŋgur; Mong. *ǯiŋger.
PTung. *leŋgur 1 wolf 2 cat (1 волк 2 кошка): Evk. ńeɣūr 1; Man.
ninuri 2; Ul. jeŋgul 1; Nan. jeŋgur 1; Orch. ńiŋgu 1, liŋgapu ‘wolverine’;
Ud. ńeŋu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 498, 639, 650, 598.
PMong. *ǯiŋger bitch (сука): WMong. ǯiŋger (БАМРС); Kh. ǯiŋger.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. also *lúŋa.
-ĺep῾a ( ~ -o, -u) feather, down, wool: Tung. *lepu-; Mong. *daɣaki; Turk.
*jAp.
PTung. *lepu- 1 feather 2 down 3 bear 4 peltry (1 перо 2 пух 3 медведь 4 пушнина): Evk. lepurē 1; Evn. nebuli ‘fluffy’; Neg. lupulte 2; Man.
lefu 3; SMan. lefə 3 (2203); Jurch. lefu (145) 3; Ul. nepulte 4; Ork. nepulte 4;
Nan. ńepulte 4; Orch. nepukte 4; Ud. lofos῾o 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 518, 625. Cf. also TM *ńepu- ‘warm’ (ТМС 1, 355) ( < ‘soft’?).
PMong. *daɣaki exuviation (of animals), tangled hair (сброшенная
кожа (животных), спутанные волосы): MMong. daqi (MA 139);
WMong. daɣaki (L 217), daki; Kh. dā; Bur. dāxi; Kalm. dākr-, dǟkr- ‘to
become tangled (of wool)’; Ord. dāχi; Mongr. dākir ‘touffe de poils
enchevêtrés’ (SM 41).
◊ KW 81, 83.
PTurk. *jAp- a mass of hair or wool (масса, клубок волос или
шерсти): Karakh. jap, japɣut, japaqu (MK); Tur. japaɨ; Gag. japā; Az. japaq, japaɣɨ (dial.); Turkm. japaGɨ; MTurk. japaq (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ǯabiqa;
Krm. japaɣa; Tat. jabaɣa; Bashk. jabaɣɨ; Kirgh. ǯabaɣa; Kaz. žabaɣɨ; KBalk.
ǯabaɣɨ, zabaɣɨ; KKalp. žabaɣɨ; Kum. jabaɣɨ; Nogh. jabaɣɨ.
◊ EDT 870, 874-875, ЭСТЯ 4, 125-126. Turk. > Hung. gyapjú (< *ǯapaɣu), see Gombocz
1912.
‖ Владимирцов 208. A Western isogloss. Possibly derived is the
Turk.-Mong. name for “foal” ( < “down, hair fading”): Turk. *japak
(ЭСТЯ 4, 159-160), Mong. daɣagan ( > Evk. daɣakan etc., see Doerfer MT
99), see KW 81, Poppe 47.
888
*ĺip῾ú - *ĺmo(ŋa)
-ĺip῾ú dark red, violet: Tung. *lipe-; Mong. *ǯibi; Turk. *(j)ip-; Jpn.
*numpa-.
PTung. *lipe- dark red (темно-красный): Evk. lipereme.
◊ ТМС 1, 500. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯibi rust (ржавчина): WMong. ǯibi, ǯebi, ǯibe (L 1048); Kh.
ʒev, ǯiv; Bur. ževe; Kalm. zewə (КРС); Ord. ǯiwe, ǯiwi; Dag. ǯi (Тод. Даг.
143), ǯibi (MD 178); Mongr. wē (SM 95), ǯē.
◊ MGCD 439.
PTurk. *(j)ip- violet-coloured, purple (фиолетовый, бордовый):
OTurk. jipin, jipgin; Karakh. jipkil (MK); Krm. ipkin; Tv. ökpeŋ; Chuv.
jəₙpkəₙn ‘deep-coloured’.
◊ EDT 877, 874, Федотов 1, 197.
PJpn. *numpa- fruit of the hiōgi plant (Belamcanda chinensis; dark
red, violet / black in colour) (плод дерева Belamcanda chinensis; темно-красного, фиолетового / черного цвета): OJpn. nuba-tama; Tok.
ubatama.
◊ JLTT 501.
‖ An interesting common Altaic colour term.
-ĺki to run away: Tung. *luktu-; Mong. *ǯigutu-; Jpn. *nìnká-.
PTung. *luktin- to run some distance (пробежать (некоторое расстояние)): Evk. luktin-.
◊ ТМС 1, 508.
PMong. *ǯigutu- to run away (убегать): WMong. ǯiɣutu- (L 1077:
ǯuɣtaɣa-, ǯiɣutaɣa-); Kh. ʒugta-; Bur. zugada-.
PJpn. *nìnká- to run away, escape (убегать): OJpn. niga-; MJpn.
nìgá-; Tok. nigé-; Kyo. nigé-; Kag. nìge-.
◊ JLTT 735.
‖ Ozawa 269. The voicing in Jpn. contradicts unaspirated *-k- in PA:
it may be secondary, under the influence of the synonymous
*nuànkà-ra- (see *nk῾e).
-ĺmo(ŋa) name; spell, divination: Tung. *nim-ŋā-; Mong. *dom,
*domag; Turk. *jom, *jom(ŋ)ak; Jpn. *ná(N); Kor. *ni’jaki.
PTung. *nim-ŋā- 1 to shamanize 2 fairy-tale (1 шаманить 2 сказка):
Evk. nimŋān- 1, nimŋākān 2; Evn. ńịmqan 2; Neg. ńamka- 1; Ul. ńịŋman- 1,
ńịŋma(n) 2; Ork. nịŋman- 1, nịŋma 2; Nan. nịŋm 2; Orch. ńima 2; Ud.
nima῾ŋku 2 (Корм. 266).
◊ ТМС 1, 594.
PMong. *dom, *domag 1 magic 2 legend (1 колдовство 2 легенда,
сказка): MMong. domoxči ‘blabber, chatterer’ (SH); WMong. dom 1 (L
260), domaɣ 2 (L 261: domuɣ); Kh. dom, domog; Bur. dom; Kalm. dom; Ord.
dom 1; Dag. dom 1, domege 1 (MD 137); S.-Yugh. dom 1, domog 2.
◊ KW 95, MGCD 224, 225.
*ĺuga(rV) - *ĺuga(rV)
889
PTurk. *jom, *jom(ŋ)ak 1 tale, legend 2 luck, omen 3 word 4 riddle
(1 рассказ, притча 2 счастье, доброе предзнаменование 3 слово 4 загадка): Tur. jom 2 (dial.); Turkm. jomaq ‘joke’; MTurk. jumaq 1 (Ettuhf.),
jom 2 (AH); Uzb. ǯumbɔq 4; Krm. jomaq 1; Tat. ǯomaq 4; Bashk. jomaq 4;
Kirgh. ǯomoq 1; Kaz. žumbaq 4; KBalk. ǯomaq, zomaq 4; KKalp. žŭmbaq 4;
Kum. jomaq 1; Nogh. jumaq 4; SUygh. lomaq 1; Khak. nɨmax 1, čōx 3; Shr.
nɨbaq 1; Yak. nomoq 1 (possibly < Mong.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 220-221, VEWT 206,119 (one root in two different places). Despite late attestation the root is no doubt archaic (it must have originally pertained to a shamanistic
ritual).
PJpn. *ná(N) name (имя): OJpn. na; MJpn. nà; Tok. nà(mae); Kyo. n;
Kag. ná, namáe.
◊ JLTT 490. RJ has nà, but all modern dialects point unanimously to *ná(N). Final -N
is indicated by Hateruma nàN.
PKor. *ni’jaki tale, story (рассказ): MKor. ni’jaki; Mod. ijagi.
◊ Nam 123, KED 1333.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 69, 110, 276, EAS 51. The verbal correlate for *naN
‘name’ in PJ is *nəm- ‘to pray’. The noun goes back to the suffixed form
*ĺm(o)-ŋa (note the recurring *-ŋ-suffix in the reflexes: MKor. nì’jàkì
also goes back to *nìŋa-ki < *nimŋa-ki with early cluster simplification).
Despite Щербак 1997, 124-125, Mong. cannot be < Turk.
-ĺuga(rV) to knead: Tung. *lug-; Mong. *ǯiɣura-; Turk. *jugur- ( ~ -ɨ-);
Jpn. *niàr- ( ~ *nàir-); Kor. *nhr-.
PTung. *lug- 1 to whip up, mix 2 gruel-like, watery (1 взбивать 2
жидкий, кашеобразный): Evk. lugdu- 1; Nan. lujr-lujr bī 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 506, 507.
PMong. *ǯiɣu-ra- to cling to, clutch, squeeze, knead (хватать, сжимать, месить): MMong. ǯura- (MA 234); WMong. ǯiɣura- (L 1051); Kh.
ʒūra-; Bur. zūra-; Kalm. zūr-; Ord. ǯūra-; Dag. ǯuāra-; Dong. ǯuwa-; Bao.
ǯira-; S.-Yugh. ǯǖra-; Mongr. urā- ‘pétrir, mélanger avec de l’eau et
broyer’ (SM 96), ǯurā-.
◊ KW 482, MGCD 459.
PTurk. *jugur- ( ~ -ɨ-) to knead (месить): OTurk. joɣur- (juɣur-)
(OUygh.); Karakh. juɣur- (MK); Tur. jour-; Gag. jur-; Az. joɣur-; Turkm.
juɣr-, juɣur-; Sal. juɣur-; Khal. joɣūr-; MTurk. juɣur- (MA, Houts.),
joɣur- (AH); Uygh. juɣu(r)-, žuɣu(r)-; Kirgh. ǯūr-; SUygh. juɣur-, joɣur-;
Khak. čura-; Shr. čūr-; Oyr. jura-, ura-; Chuv. śəₙr-.
◊ VEWT 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 243-244, TMN 4, 173, EDT 906. Turk. > Hung. gyúr- (Gombocz
1912, MNyTeSz 1, 1138).
PJpn. *niàr- ( ~ *náir-) to tan, knead (дубить, мять): OJpn. ner-;
MJpn. nèr-; Tok. nér-; Kyo. nèr-; Kag. nèr-.
◊ JLTT 734.
*ĺul[o] - *ĺp῾ù
890
PKor. *nhr- to gnaw, crunch (грызть, глодать): MKor. nhr-;
Mod. nl-.
◊ Nam 104, KED 332.
‖ KW 482. Despite Щербак 1997, 196, Mong. is not < Turkic.
-ĺul[o] to ransom, ask: Tung. *l[i]l- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *doli-; Turk. *jul-; Jpn.
*nai ( ~ *nia).
PTung. *l[i]l- to ask (просить): Evk. lelol- (Тит.).
◊ ТМС 1, 516.
PMong. *doli- to barter, ransom, exchange (торговать, выкупать,
обмениваться): WMong. doli- (L 259); Kh. doli-; Bur. doli-; Kalm. doĺ-.
◊ KW 94. Mong. > Oyr. tolɨ-n etc.
PTurk. *jul- 1 to ransom 2 ransom (1 выкупать 2 выкуп): OTurk.
juluɣ 2; Karakh. jul- 1, juluɣ 2; KBalk. ǯuluv 2; Yak. sulū 2.
◊ VEWT 210. Turk. > Mong. ǯoli- ‘to ransom’ (KW 476; Щербак 1997, 164: MMong.
ǯolia, WMong. ǯoliɣ < Turk. juluɣ), whence Man. ǯoliɣan etc. (see ТМС 1, 263).
PJpn. *nai ( ~ *nia) price (цена): Tok. nè; Kyo. n; Kag. né.
◊ JLTT 495. Original tone is not quite clear (a rare case of monosyllabic circumflex in
Kyoto).
‖ KW 94, Poppe 75, Лексика 346 (Turk. *jul- : Mong. *doli-). Despite
TMN 4, 315: “das scheint lautlich nicht aufzugehen”), the Turk.-Mong.
match is quite satisfactory. The TM and Jpn. parallels are, however,
somewhat problematic, because of scarce attestation in TM and phonetic contraction in Japanese (the form may go back to *ĺul(o)-gV, cf.
Turk. *julɨg).
-ĺp῾ù to sew, pierce: Tung. *lup-; Mong. *ǯeɣeg ( < *ǯiɣeg); Turk. *jɨp /
*jip; Jpn. *nùp-; Kor. *nupi-.
PTung. *lup- 1 to prick 2 to pierce, pass through (1 колоть 2 протыкать, проникать, проходить через): Evk. lupa- 1, lupū- 2; Evn. nụbas
an- 1; Neg. lepu- 2; Ul. loqpa- 1; Ork. lụqqa- 1; Nan. lopqa-, loqpa- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 511, 512.
PMong. *ǯeɣeg ( < *ǯiɣeg) thin thread; skirting, border thread (тонкая нить, окаймление): WMong. ǯeɣeg (L 1043); Kh. ʒēg; Kalm. zēg.
◊ KW 474. Mong. > Kaz. žijek etc. (see VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 27).
PTurk. *jɨp / *jip thread (нитка): OTurk. jɨp (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨp
(MK); Tur. ip; Gag. jip; Az. ip; Turkm. jüp; Sal. jip; Khal. jip; MTurk. jip
(AH, Ettuhf.), ip (Pav. C., AH); Uygh. jip; Krm. jip; Tat. ǯep; Bashk. jep;
Kirgh. ǯip; Kaz. žip; KBalk. ǯib, zip; KKalp. žip; Kum. jip; SUygh. jip, jep;
Khak. čəp; Shr. čip; Oyr. jip, ip; Chuv. śip; Yak. sip ‘hook on a fishing
rod’, sippe ‘thread’.
◊ EDT 870, VEWT 204, ЭСТЯ 4, 268-269. Cf. also the derivative *jipek id. (ЭСТЯ 4,
269-270).
*ĺoŋgV - *ĺńi
891
PJpn. *nùp- to sew (шить): OJpn. nup-; MJpn. nùf-; Tok. nú-; Kyo.
nù-; Kag. nù-.
◊ JLTT 739.
PKor. *nupi- to quilt (стегать): MKor. nupi-; Mod. nubi-.
◊ Liu 162, KED 358.
‖ Martin 241 (Kor.-Jpn.), KW 474 (Turk.-Mong.).
-ĺoŋgV to accuse, blame: Tung. *loŋ-si-; Mong. *doŋgud-; Turk. *joŋ.
PTung. *loŋ-si- to chatter, nag (болтать, ворчать, быть сварливым): Man. loŋsi-, loqsi-; Nan. loŋsị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 504.
PMong. *doŋgud- to blame, rebuke (винить, ругать): MMong.
duŋqodun (HY 1) ‘thunder’, dunɣoṭ- ‘to disturb, obstruct’ (IM); WMong.
doŋɣud- (L 261); Kh. doŋgodo-, dongoso-; Bur. dongodo-; Kalm. dongəd-;
Ord. dongod-; Mongr. doŋGordi- (SM 61) 1.
◊ KW 95.
PTurk. *joŋ 1 accusation 2 to accuse (1 обвинение 2 обвинять):
OTurk. joŋa- (OUygh.) 2, joŋšur- (Orkh.) ‘to embroil’; Karakh. joŋa(MK) 2; Turkm. joŋ ‘indisposition’; Khak. čoŋ; Oyr. joŋ 1; Yak. soŋ ‘enforcement’.
◊ EDT 944, VEWT 206, ЭСТЯ 4, 223.
‖ KW 95. A Western isogloss.
-ĺóre (?) a k. of deer: Tung. *lor- (?); Mong. *ǯüre; Jpn. *nərə ~ *nuarua;
Kor. *nòrằ.
PTung. *lor- 1 female musk deer 2 deer (3 y. old) (1 кабарга-самка
2 трехлетний олень): Evk. ńarōs, ńorōs, ńerēs 1; Man. lor-bodo 2 (?).
◊ ТМС 1, 505, 635-636.
PMong. *ǯüre female roe, wild goat (самка косули, дикая коза):
WMong. ǯüre (L 1085: ǯür); Kh. ʒür; Bur. zür; Kalm. zürə (КРС).
◊ TMN 1, 300.
PJpn. *nərə ~ *nuarua Manchu roe, Capreolus bedfordi Thomas.
(маньчжурская косуля): Tok. noro, noro-jika.
PKor. *nòrằ a deer, a river-deer (олень, речной олень): MKor. nòrằ;
Mod. noru.
◊ Nam 111, KED 341.
‖ The root presents several problems: a) Mong. has ǯ- instead of an
expected d-; b) the TM forms are few and rather controversial (it is not
really clear whether the Manchu form is related to Evk.); c) the Jpn.
form is attested late. There may also have been some confusion with
the reflexes of *negre ‘(female) deer’ q.v.
-ĺńi ( ~ -e) snow: Tung. *lūńe; Kor. *nūn.
PTung. *lūńe wet snow (мокрый снег): Evk. lūńe; Neg. luńe.
◊ ТМС 1,510.
892
*ĺńi - *ĺńi
PKor. *nūn snow (снег): MKor. nūn; Mod. nun.
◊ Nam 115, KED 360.
‖ EAS 77, SKE 173, ОСНЯ 3, 34-35, Menges 1984, 281, АПиПЯЯ 19.
A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Depalatalization in Kor. is probably assimilative
(*nūń > *nūn).
M
-ma a negative particle: Tung. *-me; Turk. *-ma-; Jpn. *-ma-; Kor. *mō-t.
PTung. *-me a prohibitive particle (запретительная частица): Man.
ume; SMan. emə ‘don’t’ (3005); Jurch. ume (472); Nan. em; Orch. em.
◊ ТМС 2, 272. Initial u- is probably an original verbal root (possibly PTM *ō- ῾to
make; become’).
PTurk. *-ma- not (не): OTurk. -ma-; Karakh. -ma-; Tur. -ma-; Gag.
-ma-; Az. -ma-; Turkm. -ma-; Sal. -mɨ-; Khal. -ma-; MTurk. -ma-; Uzb.
-ma-; Uygh. -ma-; Krm. -ma-; Tat. -ma-; Bashk. -ma-; Kirgh. -ma-; Kaz.
-ma-; KBalk. -ma-; KKalp. -ma-; Kum. -ma-; Nogh. -ma-; SUygh. -ma-;
Khak. -ma-; Shr. -ma-; Oyr. -ma-; Tv. -ma-; Tof. -ma-; Chuv. -ma-; Yak.
-ma-.
PJpn. *-ma- dubitative suffix (суффикс дубитатива): OJpn. -ma-;
MJpn. -ma-; Tok. -ma-i.
PKor. *mō-t impossible (adv.); bad, wicked (невозможно (нар.);
плохой): MKor. mōt 1, mōtír- 2; Mod. mōt [mōs], mōǯil-.
◊ Nam 215, 217, KED 635, 647.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 57. A monosyllabic root, but, unlike the 1st p. pron. or
the accusative particle, it did not undergo denasalization in PA. This
may be explained by the fact that it was in most cases already incorporated into the verbal form as a suffix. It is interesting to note Mong.
*büi, *bu ‘neg. particle’ - which may be originally the same morpheme,
but functioning as a separate word and thus subject to the rule *mV >
*bV.
-m[a]bči worm, insect: Tung. *ma[b]ši-; Mong. *meče; Jpn. *músí.
PTung. *ma[b]ši- 1 bread worm 2 scorpion 3 leech (1 хлебный
червь 2 скорпион 3 пиявка): Man. mobsexe 1; Nan. mačị 3; Ud. masiŋku
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 532, 533, 541.
PMong. *meče tapeworm (ленточный червь): WMong. meče, mečegei (МХТТТ); Kh. mec, mecgij; Kalm. meckǟ (КРС).
PJpn. *músí worm, insect (червь, насекомое): OJpn. musi; MJpn.
músí; Tok. mùshi; Kyo. múshí; Kag. múshi.
◊ JLTT 489.
894
*máč῾à - *maja
‖ In Turkic cf. *bȫnček ‘insect’ (Az. miček, Turkm. mȫǯek etc.) - if not,
as usually thought, a contraction < *bȫgen-ček (see under *bōgi).
-máč῾à to fast, hunger: Tung. *maču-; Mong. *mačag; Turk. *bAča-; Jpn.
*mátúr-.
PTung. *maču- 1 to lose weight, grow thin 2 fast (1 терять вес, худеть 2 пост): Man. maču- 1, mačixi 2; SMan. mačə- (699, 700).
◊ ТМС 1, 533. Attested only in Manchu, but having rather probable external parallels.
PMong. *mačag fast (пост): WMong. mačaɣ (L 519); Kh. macag; Bur.
masag; Kalm. macəg (КРС); Ord. mačaG.
PTurk. *bAča- 1 to fast 2 fast (1 поститься 2 пост): OTurk. bača- 1,
bačaq 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. bačaq 2 (MK).
◊ EDT 293. Turk. bača-k ‘fast’ > WMong. bačag.
PJpn. *mátúr- to worship (relig.) (поклоняться, обожествлять):
OJpn. matur-; MJpn. mátúr-; Tok. màtsur-; Kyo. mátsúr-; Kag. matsúr-.
◊ JLTT 722.
‖ Mong. mačag cannot be < Turk., despite EDT 293, Clark 1980, 43; it
is also difficult to suppose Man. mačixi (especially the verb maču-) <
Mong. mačag. The root thus seems to be reconstructable for PA, with
the meaning approx. “to fast, hunger with religious purposes”.
-máč῾Ỽ target: Jpn. *mátua; Kor. *màč-.
PJpn. *mátua target (цель, мишень): OJpn. matwo; MJpn. máto; Tok.
màto; Kyo. mátó; Kag. mátò.
◊ JLTT 473.
PKor. *màč- to meet, correspond, hit the target (встречать, соответствовать, попадать в цель): MKor. màč-; Mod. mat- [mač-].
◊ Nam 206, KED 592-593.
‖ Martin 229; it is not quite clear whether PJ *mat- ‘wait’ belongs
here as well (or rather to *mude ‘finally’ q.v.). A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; cf.
perhaps Mong. *möči ‘edge’ (if not = *möči ‘limb’).
-maja to miss, fail, bad luck: Tung. *maja-; Mong. *maɣu; Turk. *bAńɨ-.
PTung. *maja- to fail, be unsuccessful, be spoiled (не иметь удачи,
не удаваться): Evk. maja-; Evn. maj-; Neg. maja-; Man. maja- ‘disappear’;
Ork. maja-; Nan. maj- (Он.), mańa-; Orch. maj-maki- ‘to lack, be absent’;
Ud. maja-, majasi- (Корм. 258).
◊ ТМС 1, 521.
PMong. *maɣu bad (плохой): MMong. mau’un (HY 55), ma’u(n)
(SH), māwu (IM), mu, măwu (MA); WMong. maɣu (L 520); Kh. mū; Bur.
mū; Kalm. mū; Ord. mū; Dag. mō (Тод. Даг. 154); Dong. mau (MGCD
mou); Bao. mu (MGCD moŋ); S.-Yugh. mū; Mongr. m (SM 243), (MGCD
mau).
◊ KW 269, MGCD 493, TMN 1, 495-496.
*maji - *màjŋì
895
PTurk. *bAńɨ- to fade away, disappear, weaken (исчезать, слабеть): Karakh. majɨš- (MK); Tur. bajɨ-l-; Gag. bajɨl-; Az. bajɨl-; Krm. bajɨl-;
Kirgh. bajɨ-; Khak. majɨl-; Tv. bajla-.
◊ ОСНЯ 2, 50, EDT 773, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss. ОСНЯ 3, 50-51; Дыбо 13. PT *bAńɨ- regularly
< *mAjɨ- (with nasalization not lost completely, but shifted to the *-j-).
-maji protecting spirit: Tung. *maji-n; Turk. *baj ( ~ -ń); Jpn. *mi.
PTung. *maji-n protecting spirit (дух-покровитель): Evk. majin;
Evn. majịs; Neg. majịn; Nan. majin.
◊ ТМС 1, 521.
PTurk. *baj (~-ń) 1 holy 2 God 3 true, reliable, honest (1 святой 2
бог): Karakh. bajat 2 (MK - Argu, KB), bajɨq (MK Oghuz, IM) 3; Tur. bajat 2, bajɨq (dial.) 3; MTurk. bajat 2 (Abush., Sangl.); Kirgh. baj terek ‘protection, advocacy’; Oyr. baj-lu 1, maj- ‘first part in a number of
theonyms’, baj terek ‘world tree’; Yak. bajanaj ‘name of a God’.
◊ EDT 385. See VEWT 56-57 (for derivatives), TMN 2, 379. The root should be probably distinguished from *bāj ‘rich’ (v. sub *bēǯu). An unattested Tuva source > Russ. dial.
(Tuva) bajbá ‘spirit of hunting luck’, see Аникин 109. Yak. > Russ. (Yak.) bajanaj, see Аникин 125-126.
PJpn. *mi protecting spirit (дух-покровитель): OJpn. mji.
◊ JLTT 476.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 51. An interesting common Altaic religious term (although within Turkic it is rather hard to distinguish from *bāj ‘rich’ <
*bēǯu q.v.).
-màjŋì temple, forehead, ear: Mong. *maŋlai; Turk. *bejŋi; Jpn. *mìmì.
PMong. *maŋlai forehead (лоб): MMong. maŋlai (HY 45, SH), man;
WMong. maŋlai, maŋnai (L 527); Kh. maŋlai, magnaj; Bur. manlaj, magnaj;
Kalm. maŋnǟ; Ord. mǟŋlǟ, maŋnǟ; Dag. mangil (Тод. Даг. 153); Dong.
manləu; S.-Yugh. maŋlī; Mongr. maŋlī (SM 232), manləi.
◊ KW 257, MGCD 475. Mong. > Chag. maŋlai etc. (VEWT 327, TMN 1, 502, Щербак
1997, 206; Yak., Dolg. maŋnaj, see Kał. MEJ 15, Stachowski 176).
PTurk. *bejŋi brain (мозг; вместилище разума): OTurk. meji, meŋi
(OUygh.); Karakh. meŋi (MK, KB); Tur. bejin; Az. bejin; Turkm. bejni,
mejni; Khal. mein; MTurk. miji (MA), mejn (Sangl.); Uzb. mija; Uygh.
miŋä; Krm. miji; Tat. mi; Bashk. meje; Kirgh. mē; Kaz. mɨj; KBalk. mije;
KKalp. mij; Kum. miji; Nogh. mɨj; Khak. mī; Shr. mī-s; Oyr. mē; Tv. mē;
Tof. mǟ; Chuv. mimə; Yak. mejī; Dolg. meńī ‘head’.
◊ VEWT 70, EDT 348-349, ЭСТЯ 2, 106-107, TMN 4, 35, Лексика 195, Stachowski 178.
Turk. > MMong. mije, miji (Щербак 1997, 105).
PJpn. *mìmì ear (ухо): OJpn. mjimji; MJpn. mìmì; Tok. mimí; Kyo.
mímì; Kag. mimí ( = míŃ).
◊ JLTT 478. Cf. Yon. mìmbùrù ‘head’.
‖ Лексика 195-196.
896
*májŋV - *mak῾é
-májŋV go-between: Tung. *maŋa; Jpn. *mániák-; Kor. *mjnrí.
PTung. *maŋa go-between, matchmaker (посредник, сват): Evk.
maŋa; Evn. maŋnaǯ; Neg. maŋga-n; Ul. maŋGa; Ork. maŋGa; Orch. maŋa;
Ud. maŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 530.
PJpn. *mániak- to call, invite (приглашать): OJpn. manek-; MJpn.
mánèk-, mànèk-; Tok. manék-; Kyo. mánék-; Kag. manék-.
◊ JLTT 720. The accent reveals some variations, but generally points to high tone on
the first syllable.
PKor. *mjnrí daughter-in-law (невестка, сноха): MKor. mjnrí,
mjənări; Mod. mjənɨri.
◊ Nam 213, KED 619.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-majV fat: Tung. *majā; Mong. *majaɣa; Turk. *bań.
PTung. *majā 1 food rests 2 food store (1 остатки пищи 2 запас
продовольствия, припасы): Evk. majā 1; Evn. māja 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 521.
PMong. *majaɣa butter churn (маслобойка): WMong. majaɣa
(MXTTT); Kh. majā.
PTurk. *bań fat (жир): Turkm. maj; MTurk. maj (Pav. C.); Uzb. mɔj;
Uygh. maj; Krm. maj; Tat. maj; Bashk. maj; Kirgh. maj; Kaz. maj; KKalp.
maj; Kum. maj; Nogh. maj; Khak. sar-maj ‘butter’ (Sag.); Oyr. maj; Yak.
as-maax (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 322, Лексика 453-454.
‖ A Western isogloss. Turkic has a normal transfer of nasalization to
*-j-.
-mak῾é to be deceived, perplexed: Tung. *maka-; Mong. *mek(e)-; Jpn.
*mənka-r-; Kor. *mk-.
PTung. *maka- 1 to become dizzy, muzzy 2 to be afraid 3 to hate (1
одуревать, ошалевать 2 бояться 3 противно): Man. maqa- 1; Ork.
maqqa 3; Nan. māqā- ῾to gaze at’ (Он.); Ud. maka 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 522, 565.
PMong. *mek(e)- 1 deceit, trickery 2 to be disturbed, perplexed 3
embarrassed (1 обман, надувательство 2 быть растерянным, озадаченным 3 смущенный): MMong. mekri, mekr 1 (MA 235, 327); WMong.
meke 1, megde- 2, mekei 3 (L 533); Kh. mex 1, megd- 2, mexij 3; Bur. mexe 1,
megde- 2; Kalm. mekə 1; Ord. meχe.
◊ KW 260. Mong. > Evk. meke, see Doerfer MT 127; > Yak., Dolg. meke (Kał. VII 44,
Stachowski 178).
PJpn. *mənka-r- to deceive, lure (обманывать, соблазнять): MJpn.
moga-r-.
*ma[k῾]o - *male
897
PKor. *mk- to be deaf (глохнуть, быть глухим): MKor. mk-; Mod.
mək-.
◊ Liu 313, KED 610.
‖ Cf. *mék῾a.
-ma[k῾]o to wind, twist, bend: Tung. *makti-; Mong. *makiji-; Kor.
*mằi-.
PTung. *makti- 1 to wind (ropes) 2 to wrap up (cloth) 3 to bend,
wrap (1 вить (веревки) 2 закручивать (платье), подбирать края
внутрь 3 сгибать, загибать): Neg. makčị-nda- 1; Man. mači- 2; Ul.
maqtị-la- 1, moqpụlị- 3; Ork. mụqpụri- 3; Nan. maχčị-ra- 1; Orch.
makči-nda- 1; Ud. maktigi ‘a device for winding ropes’.
◊ ТМС 1, 523, 544.
PMong. *makiji- to bend, curve (гнуть, искривлять): WMong.
makiji-; Kh. maxij-; Kalm. mäki-.
◊ KW 258.
PKor. *mằi- to bind, tie up (связывать, завязывать): MKor. mằi-;
Mod. mǟ-.
◊ Nam 206, KED 598.
‖ Cf. *múk῾e. Loss of *-k῾- in Kor. is unclear.
-mála far, rare: Tung. *mali-; Jpn. *márá; Kor. *mr-.
PTung. *mali- 1 to be devoid of smth., to hunt without result 2 only,
exclusively 3 abstemious, sparing (1 лишаться чего-л., ничего не добыть на охоте 2 только, исключительно 3 бережливый, умеренный): Evk. malī- 1; Neg. malịxan 2; Man. malχun 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 524. Evk. > Yak. malɨj-, melij- (hardly vice versa, despite ТМС ibid.).
PJpn. *márá 1 stranger, guest 2 rare (1 чужак, гость 2 редкий):
OJpn. mara-pjito 1, mare 2; MJpn. maraudo, mareudo 1, máré 2; Tok. màre
2; Kyo. máré 2; Kag. máre 2.
◊ JLTT 472.
PKor. *mr- far (далекий): MKor. mr-; Mod. ml-.
◊ Nam 211, KED 613.
‖ Whitman 1985, 128, 192, 238. An Eastern isogloss.
-male honey, plant oil: Tung. *mala; Mong. *milaɣa-; Turk. *bạl.
PTung. *mala sesame oil, plant oil (кунжутное масло, растительное масло): Man. malaŋGu; Ul. mala (simseni); Nan. malengu (imekseni).
◊ ТМС 1, 523-524.
PMong. *milaɣa- to anoint, smear with oil (смазывать маслом):
MMong. malija- ‘to offer’, mali’an ‘service’ (SH); WMong. milaɣa- (L
538); Kh. ḿalā-; Bur. mila ‘satiety’, milāŋ ‘birthday’; Kalm. mel-, malī-,
maĺā- ‘to smear with oil (on occasion of birth etc.)’; Ord. milā-.
◊ KW 255, 260, 262. A secondarily developed meaning is ‘to treat, entertain (on some
occasion)’. Mong. > Oyr. malkɨ-, Yak. malā-sɨn (VEWT 324).
898
*màli - *mli
PTurk. *bạl honey (мед): Karakh. bal (MK Suvar, Kypchak, Oghuz);
Tur. bal; Gag. bal; Az. bal; Turkm. bal; Sal. pal; MTurk. bal (Sangl.); Uzb.
bɔl; Uygh. bal; Krm. bal; Tat. bal; Bashk. bal; Kirgh. bal; Kaz. bal; KBalk.
bal; KKalp. bal, pal; Kum. bal; Nogh. bal; Khak. pal; Shr. pal; Chuv. pɨl.
◊ VEWT 59, EDT 330, ЭСТЯ 2, 47. Turk. > Mong. bal (Щербак 1997, 103).
‖ A Western isogloss; but cf. perhaps moro- in Jpn. moro-mi ‘undistilled sake, soy sauce’, moro-haku ‘distilled sake’.
-màli stick, cudgel: Tung. *mala; Mong. *milaɣa; Turk. *baltu; Kor. *már.
PTung. *mala club, pestle (колотушка, молот, пест): Man. mala;
Ud. muĺeu; Sol. malã.
◊ See ТМС 1, 523.
PMong. *milaɣa whip (кнут): MMong. mina’a (HY 18, SH), mina
(MA); WMong. milaɣa (L 538), minaɣa, malija; Kh. malia, malā; Bur. minā;
Kalm. maĺā; Ord. milā ‘a strip for fixing a whip on its handle’; Dag.
minā, nimā (Тод. Даг. 154), minā (MD 191); Dong. mina; Bao. mela;
S.-Yugh. munā.
◊ KW 254, MGCD 627. Khalkha ḿalga is borrowed from WMong.
PTurk. *baltu axe (топор): OTurk. baltu (OUygh.); Karakh. baldu
(MK, KB); Tur. balta; Az. balta; Turkm. palta; MTurk. baltu (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. bɔlta; Krm. balta; Tat. balta; Bashk. balta; Kirgh. balta; Kaz.
balta; KBalk. balta; KKalp. balta; Kum. balta; Nogh. balta; Khak. paltɨ;
malta (Sag.); Shr. malta; Oyr. malta; Tv. ba’ldɨ (Бичелдей 112); Yak. balta,
baltɨsax ‘arrow with blunt end’.
◊ VEWT 61, EDT 333, Лексика 397, ЭСТЯ 7. Modern forms with -a may in fact be
secondary loans from Mong., see TMN 1, 199-200. Yak. baltɨsax can be probably identified
with Turkm. balǯak, Tur. balčak ‘(sword)-hilt’.
PKor. *már post, pole (шест, жердь): MKor. már; Mod. mal-t:uk.
◊ Nam 200, KED 583.
‖ Cf. also modern Kor. moru ‘anvil’, moru-čhä ‘hammer’ (although
the vocalism is not quite clear < *maru?). Turk. *baltu ‘axe’ > Mong. balta
(whence Evk. balta etc.), see Doerfer 1, 199, Щербак 1997, 104. Both Iranian and Akkadian origins of Turk. *baltu (see Poppe 1953, Menges
1953) seem improbable and its Altaic origin quite possible.
-mli disease, wound: Tung. *māl-; Mong. *milan; Turk. *bAlɨg.
PTung. *māl- 1 to die (of epidemic) 2 to destroy 3 bad omen 4 to
catch an epidemic disease (1 вымирать (от эпидемии) 2 уничтожать
3 плохая примета 4 заразиться (во время эпидемии)): Neg. malga 3;
Man. majla- 4; Ul. mal- 1, 2; Ork. mal- 2; Nan. māl- 1; Ud. magi- 2, maga- 1
(Корм. 258).
◊ ТМС 1, 520, 524.
PMong. *milan plague (чума): WMong. milan (L 539); Kh. ḿalan;
Bur. mila(n).
*màlt῾e - *mált῾u
899
PTurk. *bAlɨg wounded (раненый): OTurk. balɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh.
balɨɣ (MK, KB); Khak. palɨɣ; Shr. palɨɣ; Oyr. balu; Tv. balɨɣ; Tof. balɨɣ.
◊ VEWT 53, EDT 335, ЭСТЯ 2, 88-89. Turk. > Bur. bala ‘bruise, injury’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-màlt῾e to bend, twist: Tung. *maltu-; Mong. *möltür- / *multur-; Jpn.
*mntì-.
PTung. *maltu- to bend (сгибать, складывать): Evk. maltu-; Evn.
malt-; Neg. maltị-; Ork. māltịma ‘folding knife’; Sol. malta-.
◊ ТМС 1, 524-525.
PMong. *möltüre- / *multura- to twist, contort, disentangle (вывихивать, выкручивать): MMong. mulitul (HY 40) ‘to take off, move out’;
WMong. möltüre- / multura- (L 546, 551); Kh. möltr- / multr-; multla- ‘to
take off, move out’; Bur. mülterxej ‘slippy, intangible’; Kalm. möltərə(КРС); Dong. muturə-; Mongr. mutirē- (SM 252), mutərē-; mutili- (SM
252), mutələ-.
◊ MGCD 489, 494.
PJpn. *mntì- to twist, bend (скручивать, сгибать): OJpn. m(w)odip-;
MJpn. mòdìr-; Tok. mojír-; Kyo. mójír-; Kag. mòjìr-.
◊ JLTT 728. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A derivative *màlt῾e-rV is reflected in PM *möltü-r- / *multu-r- and
PJ *mntì-r-.
-mált῾u to dig, bury: Tung. *malta-; Mong. *malta-; Turk. *baĺtar (?); Jpn.
*úntú-m- ( < *múntú-m-); Kor. *mùt-.
PTung. *malta- to dig (soil with a hoof) (рыть (снег, землю копытом)): Evk. malta-; Man. matala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 524. Man. maltaku ‘a tool used for scraping dirt or mud’ may be < Mong.
(see Rozycki 154).
PMong. *malta- to dig (копать): MMong. malta- (SH); WMong.
malta- (L 524); Kh. malta-; Bur. malta-; Kalm. maltə-; Ord. malta-; Dag.
malta- (Тод. Даг. 153); Dong. manta-; Bao. mantal-; S.-Yugh. malta-;
Mongr. manta-, mənta- (SM 231).
◊ KW 255, MGCD 478.
PTurk. *baĺtar sickle (серп): Karakh. baštar (MK).
◊ EDT 378.
PJpn. *úntú-m- ( < *mú-) to dig, bury (копать, хоронить): OJpn.
udu-m-; MJpn. údú-m-; Tok. ùzume-; Kyo. ùzùmè-; Kag. uzumé-.
◊ JLTT 782. Accent in Kyoto is irregular.
PKor. *mùt- to dig, bury (копать, хоронить): MKor. mùt-; Mod.
mut-.
◊ Nam 223, KED 674.
‖ Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 61, Rozycki 155 regard the TM form
as borrowed from Mong., which is not excluded (although dubious).
900
*màlù - *máĺe
The Karakh. word may belong here if its original meaning was ‘digging
instrument’ ( > ‘cutting instrument’ > ‘sickle’), but on the whole it is
rather dubious, because of the unique cluster -št- (violating Helimski’s
rule). The Jpn. form reflects a frequent confusion between *mV- and *Vin front of the following nasal.
-màlù room: Tung. *malu; Jpn. *mùruà; Kor. *maru.
PTung. *malu honourable space within the house (front corner) (почетное место в жилище (передний угол)): Evk. malu; Evn. mal; Neg.
malụ; Ul. malụ; Ork. malụ; Nan. malụ; Ud. mali, malu; Sol. malɣ.
◊ ТМС 1, 525.
PJpn. *mùruà room (комната): OJpn. murwo; MJpn. mùrò; Tok.
muró; Kyo. múró; Kag. muró.
◊ JLTT 488. Accent in Kyoto is irregular.
PKor. *maru floor (пол): MKor. maru, maro; Mod. maru.
◊ Liu 298, KED 561.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. See SKE 139 (Kor.-Tung.), Martin 232
(Jpn.-Kor.).
-máĺe wild cat: Tung. *mala-; Mong. *malur; Turk. *bɨńĺ(ɨk); Jpn.
*músásà(m)pì.
PTung. *mala- wild cat; steppe hare (дикая степная кошка; степной заяц): Man. malaxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 523. Novikova (Новикова 1972, 122) quotes Mong. maluqai (from “Пятиязычный словарь”, Пекин 1957, III, 4919) as the source of the Manchu word.
PMong. *malur wild cat (дикий кот): WMong. malur (L 525); Kh.
malar.
PTurk. *bɨńĺ(ɨk) cat (кошка): Karakh. müš (MK); Tur. pɨšɨk (dial.),
pisi; Az. pišik; Turkm. pišik; Sal. mišix; Khal. pušuq; MTurk. pišik, mušuq
(Pav. C., Abush., MA); Uzb. mušuk; Uygh. möšük; Tat. pesi, dial. mɨšɨq;
Bashk. bisäj; Kirgh. mɨšɨq; Kaz. mɨsɨq; KKalp. pɨšɨq; Kum. mišik, bišew;
Nogh. mɨsɨq; SUygh. miš, mišik; Oyr. mɨžɨq.
◊ VEWT 337, EDT 772, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf., however, OUygh. mɨšqɨč < Sogd. mwškyšč id. Tur.
pisi, Tat. pesi are expressive calling forms, which may explain their irregularity (medial
-s-).
PJpn. *músásà(m)pì flying squirrel (белка-летяга): OJpn. musasabji;
MJpn. músásàbjì; Tok. mùsasabi, musásabi; Kyo. mùsásábì; Kag. musasábi.
◊ JLTT 489.
‖ In Jpn. -u- is irregular (*-ə- would be expected); this is probably a
distortion in a long word. Turkic, as in a number of other cases, preserves here some traces of nasalization.
*mana - *măndo
901
-mana many, big: Tung. *mani; Mong. *mandu- / *mantu-; Turk. *bạnɨ- ~
*bonɨ-; Jpn. *manai-; Kor. *mān(h)-.
PTung. *mani crowd, flock, herd (толпа, стая): Evk. man; Neg. man;
Ul. mandụ; Ork. mandị; Nan. mandụ; Orch. mańi; Ud. mani.
◊ ТМС 1, 526.
PMong. *mandu- / *mantu- big, large (большой): MMong. mandu‘to increase, develop’ (SH, HYt); WMong. mandu- (L 526) / mantu-; Kh.
mandgar, mantaj; Bur. mandagar, mantan, mantagar.
◊ Cf. also MMong. mene ‘very’ ( > Yak. mēne ‘very’, see Kał. VII 44, Stachowski 178).
PTurk. *bạnɨ- ~ *bonɨ- big, large (большой): Chuv. mъₙnъₙ.
◊ Федотов 1, 349.
PJpn. *manai- many (много, многочисленный): OJpn. mane-.
PKor. *mān(h)- many (много): MKor. mān-hắ-; Mod. mān- [mānh-].
◊ Nam 199, KED 578.
‖ Ozawa 27-28 (Jap-Mong.); МССНЯ 348, Martin 249, АПиПЯЯ 26,
276.
-mána (~-o) to learn, try: Tung. *man-dū-; Jpn. *máná(m)p-.
PTung. *man-dū- to try, strive (стараться, стремиться): Evk. mandūw-; Evn. manru-; Ork. mandụ-.
◊ ТМС 1, 528.
PJpn. *máná(m)p- to learn (учиться): OJpn. manab-; MJpn. mánáb-;
Tok. mànabu; Kyo. mánábú; Kag. manáb-.
◊ JLTT 720.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Not quite reliable, since the Jpn. word is
usually derived < *mána- ‘imitating, similarity’ (v. sub *méŋa); but a
confusion of two originally different root was possible in Japanese.
-mànč῾u ( ~ -a-) swaddling-clothes: Mong. *mančuj; Jpn. *mùtù-kí.
PMong. *mančuj swaddling-clothes (пеленки): WMong. mančui (L
525); Kh. mancuj; Bur. mansɨ; Kalm. mancū (КРС); Ord. mančₙī.
PJpn. *mùtù-kí swaddling-clothes (пеленки): MJpn. mùtù-kí; Tok.
mútsuki; Kyo. mútsúkí; Kag. mutsukí.
◊ JLTT 489. Accent in Kyoto is not quite regular (mútsúkì would be expected).
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. It is interesting to note PT *beĺčük ‘cradle’ perhaps < *benčük, under the influence of *bele- ‘to swaddle’.
-măndo a k. of elk: Tung. *manda-ksa; Mong. *manǯi; Turk. *botu.
PTung. *manda-ksa elk (лось): Evk. mandaksa; Neg. mandaksa.
◊ ТМС 1, 527.
PMong. *manǯi male elk (самец лося): WMong. manǯi (МXTTT);
Kh. manǯ.
PTurk. *botu young of camel (верблюжонок): Karakh. botu (MK);
Tur. potak (dial.); Az. pota ‘young of buffalo, bear’; MTurk. bota ‘child;
*mn[u] - *mńa
902
young of animal’ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bọta; Uygh. bota; Krm. bota; Tat.
buta; Bashk. buta; Kirgh. boto; Kaz. bota; KKalp. bota; Nogh. bota.
◊ EDT 299, ЭСТЯ 2, 198-200, Лексика 448 (with an error: the Az. form is listed as
Turkm.) ( > MMong. botoɣan, KW 53, TMN 2, 328-329, Щербак 1997, 109; Oyr. botōn and
Tuva bo’daɣan are probably backloans from Mong.).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-mn[u] useless, insufficient: Tung. *mana-; Turk. *būn; Jpn. *múná-si-.
PTung. *mana- to be spent, exhausted, worn out (израсходовать(ся), истощить(ся), износить(ся)): Evk. mana-; Evn. man-; Neg.
mana-; Man. mana-; SMan. manə- (276); Jurch. man-na-lar (839); Ul.
mana-; Ork. mana-; Nan. mana-; Orch. mana-.
◊ ТМС 1, 526-527. Cf. also a variant *mene ‘few; in vain’ (ТМС 1, 569).
PTurk. *būn defect (недостаток, дефект): Karakh. mun (KB), muna‘be defective’; mun, mun-luɣ (IM); Kirgh. munǯu ‘cripple’; Oyr. dial.
mɨŋ-da- ‘become insufficient’; Yak. mn- ‘be insufficient’.
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 55, VEWT 344, ЭСТЯ 7. EDT 347 does not see back vowel forms in old
texts and relates all the forms to *bün ‘defect’ q. v. sub *mùne.
PJpn. *múná-si- empty, useless (пустой, напрасный, бесполезный): OJpn. muna-si-; MJpn. múná-si-; Tok. mùnashi-; Kyo. múnáshì-;
Kag. munashí-.
◊ JLTT 835.
‖ Cf. *mùne, *múnu. Turkic *-ū- is irregular here (*bān would be expected).
-mńa paw, hand: Tung. *mańa; Turk. *bĀń-.
PTung. *mańa paw (of an animal) (лапа): Evk. mana, mańa; Evn.
māna; Neg. mańa; Ul. mańa, ma; Nan. māja; Orch. māńaka; Ud. mana.
◊ ТМС 1, 526. Length in Nan. is not quite clear (perhaps compensatory < *majā <
*mańaka).
PTurk. *bĀń- 1 sole (of foot) 2 footwear (1 подошва (ноги) 2 обувь
(войлочные чулки, валенки)): Tur. maja ‘fleshy part of the palm’
(Vidin, Németh 1965), SDD); Az. dial. maja ‘подошва копыта’
(Nakhich.); Turkm. dial. māja (Tek.) ‘aja’ (ТДГДС 124), pajpaq (144) 2;
Uzb. pajpɔq 2, ‘camel’s foot’, dial. mъjələk ‘mitten’ (Фармонов 19); Tat.
majmaq ‘stable, steadfast’ (of an animal’s paw, hoof), dial. pajpaq
(КСТТ) 2; Kirgh. bajmaq ‘lower part of shank’, bajpaq 2, majpɨq ‘flat’ (of a
horse’s hoof, bear’s paw); Kaz. bajpaq 2; KKalp. bajpaq 2; Khak. majmax
2; Tv. majɨq 1.
◊ VEWT 323. Cf. also Oyr. majrɨk ‘стаптываться’ etc. Forms with the meaning ‘footwear’ are explained by Budagov as compounds with an iranism (paj - baɣ “foot bandage”), which does not seem convincing; we are dealing rather with a dialectal diffusion
of the derivative *bāń-mak. Cf. TMN 4, 275, Шипова 49, Аникин 110, 382, 458.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Kh. (dalnɨ) majā ‘шейка
лопатки’.
*mańu(k῾V) - *m[a]ŋi
903
-mańu(k῾V) a k. of fish: Tung. *māńgu / *mańma; Mong. *munig; Turk.
*bańak-; Jpn. *mùná(n)kí; Kor. *mijùkí.
PTung. *māńgu / *mańma 1 Salmo Lenoc 2 trout 3 crucian 4 whitebaits (1 ленок 2 форель 3 карась 4 снетки): Evk. mājgu 1, majma /
manma 2; Evn. mönke 2; Neg. manma 2; Man. marma nisiχa 2; moŋgošun 3;
muŋku 4; Nan. menekse ‘назв. рыбы’; Ud. mojo῾u, mejeu 1 (Корм. 261).
◊ ТМС 1, 521-522, 545, 548. TM > Mong. marma (see Doerfer MT 91); > Russ. maĺma
(see Аникин 371).
PMong. *munig bleak, ablet (уклейка): WMong. muniɣ; Kh. munig;
Kalm. mūńəg.
◊ KW 269.
PTurk. *bańak- white-fish (сиг): Yak. maaɣas (Пек.).
PJpn. *mùná(n)kí eel (угорь): OJpn. munagji; MJpn. mùnágí; Tok.
ùnagi; Kyo. ùnàgí; Kag. unagí.
◊ JLTT 562.
PKor. *mijùkí trout; (KED) catfish, wels, horned-pout (форель):
MKor. mijùkí; Mod. megi.
◊ Nam 213, KED 616.
‖ Cf. also Kalm. manǯə(g) zaɣəsn ‘Plötze; Kaulbarsch’ (KW 255, 256);
WMong. montuwqai, Khalkha montōxoi ‘a k. of fish’, maj ‘herring’. Like
in many other fish names, there are phonetic problems, probably due
to interdialectal borrowing.
-maŋga (~-o) big, strong: Tung. *maŋga; Jpn. *manki-.
PTung. *maŋga strong, hard (сильный, крепкий, твердый): Evk.
maŋa; Evn. maŋ; Neg. maŋga; Man. maŋGa, meŋge; Jurch. maŋ-ga (702);
Ul. maŋGa; Ork. maŋGa; Nan. maŋGa; Orch. maŋga, maŋasi; Ud. maŋga,
maŋahi; Sol. mand, mandī ‘very, heavily’.
◊ See ТМС 1, 529. TM > Dag. manga (Тод. Даг. 153).
PJpn. *manki- big (большой):
◊ A Ryukyu root: Shuri mágí-, Yonaguni máí- etc.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 113, 280. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss (within Jpn. preserved
only in the Ryukyu dialects, where it is the basic word for ‘big’). Cf.
perhaps Khak., Oyr. maŋ ‘success, luck’ (if not < OUygh. (Suv.) maŋal <
Sanskr. maŋgala). In TM a possible derivative is *maŋ(g)ī ‘giant; evil
spirit’ (ТМС 1, 530) - which brings us to Mong. maŋgus id. (which, despite Doerfer MT 39, can hardly be the source of Tungus words).
-m[a]ŋi cicada, a k. of insect: Tung. *mana-; Turk. *bAŋɨŕ (~-s); Jpn.
*mìmìnsúkù; Kor. *mằijàmí.
PTung. *mana- louse (вошь): Evn. manačān; Ork. maŋụlụtče- ‘to bite
(of fleas, bedbugs)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 527, 531.
904
*maŋi - *mro
PTurk. *bAŋɨŕ (~-s) gad-fly (овод): Khak. mās; Shr. mās; Oyr. paas
‘gad-fly’ (Leb.), maŋɣɨs ‘locust’ (Oyr.); Tv. mãas; Tof. mās.
◊ VEWT 329, 327.
PJpn. *mìmìnsúkù Ledra auditura Walker (кобылочка японская
(цикадка)): Tok. mímizuku, mimízuku; Kyo. mìmìzúkù; Kag. mimizukú.
PKor. *mằijàmí cicada (цикада): MKor. mằijàmí; Mod. mǟmi.
◊ Nam 207, KED 599.
‖ Some irregularities are due to the root semantics.
-maŋi ( ~ *meŋa) joy: Mong. *maɣa-; Turk. *beŋi.
PMong. *maɣa- 1 conceited 2 to smile, enjoy, feel joy (1 самодовольный 2 улыбаться, наслаждаться, радоваться): WMong. maɣad-,
maɣas- (БАМРС); Kh. mādgar 1, mās- 2; Bur. mādagar 1; Kalm. māsxəlzə2 (КРС); ? mādəɣər ‘хмурый, насупившийся’.
PTurk. *beŋi joy, pleasure (радость, удовольствие): OTurk. beŋi,
meŋi; Karakh. meŋi (MK).
◊ EDT 348, Лексика 195 (sub ‘brain’).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-màra (~-ŕ-) to refuse, quarrel: Tung. *mari-; Mong. *margu-; Jpn.
*màtuàp-; Kor. *mār-.
PTung. *mari- 1 to quarrel 2 to refuse, resist 3 be stubborn (1 спорить 2 отказываться, сопротивляться 3 быть упрямым): Man. mara2; Ul. morịqụ 3; Nan. marịa- 1,3; Orch. mari- 1; Ud. malea- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 532.
PMong. *margu- to quarrel, resist, contest (ссориться, сопротивляться, оспаривать): WMong. marɣu- (L 529); Kh. marga-; Bur. marga-;
Kalm. marɣə-; Ord. marGuči-; S.-Yugh. marGāda ‘quarrel’; Mongr. marGāndo ‘quarrel’.
◊ KW 257, MGCD 481.
PJpn. *màtuàp- to hesitate (сомневаться): OJpn. matwop-; MJpn.
màtòf-; Tok. madó-; Kyo. mádó-; Kag. madó-.
◊ JLTT 719. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (probably under literary influence).
PKor. *mār- to refrain, shun, avoid (отказываться (от ч.-л.), воздерживаться, не сметь): MKor. mār-; Mod. māl-.
◊ Nam 200, KED 582.
‖ SKE 138-139, PKE 103, Menges 1984, 277. Despite Doerfer MT 144,
hardly borrowed in TM < Mong. In Turk. the root has probably merged
with *boŕ- / *buŕ- ‘damage, oppress’ (cf. also *burul- ~ *borul- ‘to be angry’, ЭСТЯ 2, 269). The Korean form may be alternatively compared
with Mong. melǯe- ‘to refuse, refrain’.
-mro sand, stony earth, marsh: Tung. *mar-; Mong. *mara-; Turk. *bōr;
Jpn. *mana-n-kua; Kor. *mòr’ái.
PTung. *mar- moor, marsh (марник, болото): Evk. mar, mari-kta.
*máro - *máro
905
◊ ТМС 1, 531. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *mara- salty earth (солончак): WMong. mara, maraɣan; Kh.
marā; Bur. marā; Kalm. marā.
◊ KW 257.
PTurk. *bōr 1 chalk 2 earth 3 clay (1 мел 2 земля 3 глина): Tur. bor
2; Turkm. dial. bōr 1; MTurk. bor 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bọr 1; Uygh. bo(r) 1;
Krm. bor 1; Tat. bur 1; Bashk. bur 1; Kirgh. bor 1; Kaz. bor 1; KKalp. bor,
por 1; Kum. bor 1; Nogh. bor 1; Khak. por 1; Tv. por 3; Tof. bor ‘солонцы’;
Chuv. porъ 1; Yak. buor 2; Dolg. buor 2, 3.
◊ VEWT 80, ЭСТЯ 2, 192-193, Лексика 100, 376, Федотов 1, 444, Stachowski 66-67.
Turk. > Kalm. borə, Bur. bor.
PJpn. *mana-n-kua sand (песок): OJpn. mana-gwo.
◊ The world is attested already in Manyōshū, and its derivation < *ma-suna-gwo
(JLTT 473) seems hardly possible.
PKor. *mòr’ái sand (песок): MKor. mòr’ái; Mod. morä.
◊ Nam 218, KED 629.
‖ SKE 151 (Turk.-Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 288. In MKor. cf. also a reduplicated form: màmằrằ- ‘rough, stony (ground)’. The Jpn. form must be
explained as a result of nasal assimilation (*mana- < *mara-n-); but cf. for
Jpn. *mana-n-kua alternatively Mong. *maŋka ‘long sandy hill’ (MGCD
481).
-máro (~-ŕ-) to roll, bend: Tung. *mari-; Mong. *marija-, mirija-; Jpn.
*mát(u)áp-; Kor. *mằr-.
PTung. *mari- 1 to bend, curl 2 to turn, return (1 гнуться, виться 2
оборачиваться, возвращаться): Evk. mariw- 1; Evn. marlụ- 1; Man.
mari- 2; SMan. mari- (1178) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 532.
PMong. *marija-, mirija- to creep (up), crawl, be in ambush (подползать, быть в засаде): WMong. marija-, miraɣa-, mirija- (L 529); Kh.
ḿarā-; Bur. maŕā-; Kalm. merǟ-; Mongr. mara (SM 233).
◊ KW 261.
PJpn. *mát(u)áp- to roll up, wrap (свертывать, заворачивать):
OJpn. matup-; MJpn. mátóf-; Tok. mató-; Kyo. mátó-; Kag. mató-.
◊ JLTT 721. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
PKor. *mằr- to roll up, curl up (свертывать, скручивать): MKor.
mằr-; Mod. mal-.
◊ Nam 202, KED 582.
‖ The Mong. form is somewhat dubious semantically (’creep up’ <
‘coil up’?); otherwise the root seems quite reliable.
906
*maru - *mása
-maru ( ~ -ŕ-) heap, crowd, many: Tung. *mar(b)u; Jpn. *mr, *múrà;
Kor. *muri, *múr.
PTung. *mar(b)u 1 heap 2 flock, herd (1 куча 2 стая, стадо): Evk.
murbu 1; Man. maru 2; Ul. marụ(n) 2; Nan. mārõ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 532, 558.
PJpn. *mr, *múrà 1 all, every 2 crowd 3 mountain (все, каждый):
OJpn. m(w)oro, m(w)orom(w)oro 1, mura 2, mure 3; MJpn. mórómóró 1,
múrà 2; Tok. mòromoro 1, mùre 2; Kyo. mórómóró 1, múré 2; Kag.
moromóro 1, múre 2.
◊ JLTT 485, 488.
PKor. *muri, *múr 1 crowd, many 2 every (1 толпа, множество 2
каждый): MKor. múr 2; Mod. muri 1.
◊ Nam 223, KED 657.
‖ Martin 229, Whitman 1985, 127, 194, 239, SKE 153, АПиПЯЯ 279.
An Eastern isogloss. In MKor. cf. also mɨrɨs ‘all, in general’. In Jpn. low
tone would be expected; high tone here was probably induced by the
similar *mr- ‘to heap up’ (see under *malo), which also influenced the
vowel in *mr.
-mása more, stronger: Tung. *masi; Mong. *masi; Turk. *bAsa; Jpn.
*más-.
PTung. *masi hard, strong, strongly (крепкий, сильный, сильно):
Neg. masị; Man. masi-la- ‘become stronger’; Ul. masị; Ork. masị; Nan.
masị; Orch. masị; Ud. mahi.
◊ ТМС 1, 528.
PMong. *masi very, extremely (очень, чрезвычайно): MMong. maši
(SH, HYt); WMong. masi (L 530); Kh. maš; Bur. maša; Kalm. mašə; Ord.
maši.
◊ KW 257.
PTurk. *bAsa also, as well (также, кроме того): OTurk. basa ‘right
after’ (OUygh.); Karakh. basa ‘afterwards’ (MK); Turkm. basa; MTurk.
(MKypch.) basa (AH, Ad-Durr.); Uzb. base ‘frequently, often’; Kirgh.
basa; Kaz. basa (R); Khak. paza; Shr. paza; Oyr. baza; Tv. baza; Yak. bɨha ‘in
the course of’ (?).
◊ EDT 371 (but not from *bas- ‘press’!). Turk. > Mong. basa (Clark 1980, 39, Щербак
1997, 104).
PJpn. *más- 1 to become bigger 2 more, again (1 увеличиваться 2
больше, снова): OJpn. mas- 1, masu(masu) 2; MJpn. más- 1; Tok. màs- 1,
masúmasu 2; Kyo. màs- 1, màsúmásù 2; Kag. más- 1, masumásu 2.
◊ JLTT 473, 721. Kyoto màs- is irregular.
‖ EAS 79, KW 257. TM may be borrowed from Mong. (see Doerfer
MT 144).
*mébo - *meju
907
-mébo ( ~ -p-) to shamanize, dance: Tung. *mebu-; Jpn. *máp-.
PTung. *mebu- to shamanize, dance (камлать, танцевать): Ul.
mewu-; Ork. mewu-; Nan. meu-; Orch. mewu-; Ud. meu- (Корм. 264).
◊ ТМС 1, 562.
PJpn. *máp- to dance (танцевать): OJpn. map-; MJpn. máf-; Tok.
mà-; Kyo. má-; Kag. má-.
◊ JLTT 722.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mḗča monkey: Mong. *mečin; Turk. *bĒčin; Jpn. *masi.
PMong. *mečin monkey (обезьяна): MMong. sor-məči (IM);
WMong. meči(n) (L 531); Kh. meč; Bur. meše(n); Kalm. sar-möčn (КРС);
Ord. meči(n) ‘a cyclic sign’; Mongr. mećin (SM 237).
◊ TMN 2, 383. Mong. > Nogh., Kaz., KKalp. mešin, Kirgh., Oyr. mečin. The Kalm. and
IM forms are a contamination with sarmagčin (q. v. sub *sara).
PTurk. *bĒčin monkey (обезьяна): OTurk. bečin (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bečin (MK); Turkm. bīǯin; MTurk. bečin (MA, Sangl.); SUygh.
pičin; Chuv. (Bulg.) bexti ‘(year of the) monkey’.
◊ VEWT 66, EDT 295-296, ЭСТЯ 2, 128-129, TMN 2, 382, Лексика 168. All IE sources
(EDT 295, TMN 2, 382-383), like Pers. būzīna, proposed for this word are quite unclear
etymologically and probably borrowed themselves.
PJpn. *masi monkey (обезьяна): OJpn. masi; MJpn. masi, masira.
◊ JLTT 473.
‖ Ozawa 98-99, Лексика 168. The Jpn. parallel shows that, despite
Clark 1980, 43, there is no need for assuming Mong. < Turk. (which is
difficult because of *m-, but still possible; the Mong. variant bečin is
certainly < Turkic).
-meju to shake, sway: Tung. *mej-; Mong. *maji-; Turk. *bań-; Kor.
*mūi- / *mùi’ú-.
PTung. *mej- to shake, sway (качаться): Evk. mej-; Evn. mēji-; Ud.
mejmeli- ‘to descend on skis, sleigh’ (Корм. 264).
◊ ТМС 1, 564.
PMong. *maji- to sway, walk swayingly (качаться, шататься):
WMong. mai-mur- (L 523: maimari), mei-mere-; Kh. majmar-; Bur. majzagajr-; Kalm. mǟmr-, mīmr-; Ord. mǟmar.
◊ KW 259, 263.
PTurk. *bań- 1 to wave 2 to sway 3 club-footed 4 curved 5 to bend 6
to be bent, curved (1 махать 2 качаться 3 косолапый, кривоногий 4
кривой 5 гнуть 6 гнуться, быть согнутым): Karakh. maj-ɣuq 3 (MK);
Turkm. majɨr- 5, majrɨq ‘overstrained’, maj-tɨq 3, majmɨq 4; MTurk. majruq 3, 4 (Abush., Pav.C); Uzb. majriq 3, dial. bajmaq 3 (Radl.); Uygh.
majmaq 3; Krm. majɨš- 6; Kirgh. majrɨj-, majɨš- 6, maj-tar- 5, majrɨq 3, majmaq 3; Kaz. majɨs- 6, majɨr- 5, majrɨq 3, majmaq 3; KKalp. majɨs- 6, majmaq
908
*mko - *mék῾à
3; Kum. majɨr- ‘to wrench’, majšaj- ‘to mis-step’, majmaq 3; Nogh. majɨs6, majɨr- 5; Shr. majrɨq 3, majrɨl- 6; Oyr. majrɨq 4, 3; Tv. majɨš-qaq 4,
majɨrɨq, maj-ta-q 3; Yak. bajātɨŋ- 2, bajāttaŋnā- 1 (Пек. - without nasalization), dial. majɣax ‘convolution’.
◊ See ОСHЯ 3, 45-46. Turk. *bańɨ-guk > WMong. majiɣaɣ, Kalm. mǟɣəɣ (KW 259)
‘club-footed’.
PKor. *mūi- / *mùi’ú- to shake, sway (качать(ся)): MKor. mūi- /
mùi’ú-; Mod. mwi- (arch.).
◊ Nam 224, KED 685.
‖ See SKE 144, ТМС 1, 564, ОСНЯ 3, 45-47, Дыбо 12. Turkic has a
normal transfer of nasalization (*bań- < *maj-).
-mko to pull out: Tung. *meK(u)-; Jpn. *mk-; Kor. *mắi-.
PTung. *meK(u)- 1 to pull out (meat from kettle) 2 to borrow 3 to
put aside 4 wooden dish (1 вытаскивать (мясо из котла) 2 брать в
долг 3 отложить в сторону 4 деревянная миска): Evk. meku- 3, mukčikāt- 2; Evn. mēk- 1, mēkehek 4; Ul. mukse 4; Nan. muksu 4; Orch. moko 4;
Ud. moxo 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 553, 565.
PJpn. *mk- to pull out (вырывать, отрывать): MJpn. mòk-; Tok.
móg-; Kyo. móg-; Kag. móg-.
◊ JLTT 726. RJ and Tokyo point unambiguosly to low tone; accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is most probably influenced by the Tokyo form.
PKor. *mắi- to pull out, to weed (выдергивать, пропалывать):
MKor. mắi-; Mod. mä-.
◊ Nam 207, KED 598.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-mék῾à to be in a bad position: Tung. *meK-; Mong. *mak-; Jpn. *máká-;
Kor. *màk-.
PTung. *meK- to be beaten (быть избитым, поколоченным): Man.
mekere-.
◊ ТМС 1, 566.
PMong. *mak- 1 to walk with difficulty 2 to strive, be diligent (1 ходить с трудом 2 стараться, быть прилежным): WMong. maqara- 2
(МХТТТ); Kh. maxra- 2; Bur. maxa- 1.
PJpn. *máká- to lose (a game etc.) (проигрывать): OJpn. maka-;
MJpn. máká-; Tok. màke-; Kyo. máké-; Kag. maké-.
◊ JLTT 719.
PKor. *màk- to stop up, block, prevent (препятствовать): MKor.
màk-; Mod. mak-.
◊ Nam 198, KED 569.
‖ Martin 226. Cf. *mak῾e.
*mék῾ù - *mèl[ú]
909
-mék῾ù meat; part of body: Tung. *meKile; Mong. *mikan; Jpn.
*múkúrua.
PTung. *meKile fat under bird’s skin (жир (птичий подкожный)):
Neg. mexile.
◊ ТМС 1, 565. Attested only in Neg., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *mikan meat (мясо): MMong. mixan (HY 24, 48), miqan
(SH), mixa (IM), miqan (MA); WMong. miqa(n) (L 540); Kh. max(an); Bur.
ḿaxa(n); Kalm. maxən; Ord. maxa(n); Mog. miqōn; ZM miqān (4-1a); Dag.
ḿaga, miag (Тод. Даг. 153), miahe, niahe (MD 191, 198); Dong. miGa,
miɣa; Bao. meGa; S.-Yugh. maxGan; Mongr. maxa (SM 230).
◊ KW 254, MGCD 483.
PJpn. *múkúrua body, dead body (тело, труп): OJpn. mukur(w)o;
MJpn. múkúro; Tok. mùkuro, mukuró; Kyo. múkúró; Kag. mukuró.
◊ JLTT 488. The Tokyo variant mukuró and Kagoshima mukuró point to an accent
variant *mùkùruà.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294.
-melo a k. of fish: Tung. *melu; Turk. *bẹl.
PTung. *melu plaice (камбала): Orch. mēlu; Ud. melu.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
PTurk. *bẹl a k. of salmon (Salmo taimen) (вид лосося): Tat. bil;
Oyr. bel; Tv. bel; Yak. bil.
◊ Лексика 179.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-mĕlu a k. of berry: Tung. *m[e]likte; Mong. *mojil-; Turk. *bẹleĺ.
PTung. *m[e]li-kte rowan (рябина): Evk. molikta; Ul. milekte; Ork.
milekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 536.
PMong. *mojil bird-cherry (черемуха): MMong. mojil-sun ‘a k. of
fruit’ (SH); WMong. mojil, moji(l)-su (L 542); Kh. mojl; Bur. mojhon; Dag.
mojle (MD 191).
◊ Mong. > Kypch. mojɨl (see Лексика 136).
PTurk. *bẹleĺ rowan (рябина): Turkm. meleš; Tat. mileš; Bashk.
miläš; Oyr. pälä; Chuv. pileš.
◊ VEWT 338.
‖ Дыбо 11. A Western isogloss. Note traces of nasalization preserved in PT (one could reconstruct *benleĺ or *belenĺ). Mong *mojilregularly < *molil- ( = *beleĺ).
-mèl[ú] to become stale, overripe, wither: Tung. *mel-me- ?; Jpn. *mùrá-;
Kor. *mằrằ-.
PTung. *mel-me- to congeal (of blood) (сгущаться, запекаться (о
крови)): Man. melme-.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
*mĺba - *mĺǯu
910
PJpn. *mùrá- to become stale; to be overboiled (становиться затхлым; развариваться): Tok. muré-; Kyo. mùrè-; Kag. mùrè-.
◊ JLTT 729.
PKor. *mằrằ- dry (сухой): MKor. mằrằ-; Mod. marɨ-.
◊ Nam 195, KED 561.
‖ Korean has a “verbal” low tone. Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; the
TM parallel is much more problematic (poorly attested and semantically distant).
-mĺba ( ~ -p-) to stir up: Tung. *melbi-; Jpn. *mànsì-(p)-.
PTung. *melbi- 1 to row 2 oar (1 грести 2 весло): Evk. melbike 2;
Neg. melbixen 2; Man. melbi- 1, melbiku 2; Ul. melbi- 1, melbike(n) 2; Ork.
melbi 2; Nan. melbi- 1, melbiẽ 2; Orch. mebbu(ku) 2; Ud. megbu, mebu 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 566.
PJpn. *mànsì-(p)- to mix (смешивать): OJpn. mazipa-, maza-; MJpn.
màzìfa-, maza-; Tok. majié-, mazé-; Kyo. májíé-, màzè-; Kag. majié-, màzè-.
◊ JLTT 722.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Phonetically the match is precise; as for the
meaning, one has to suppose a rather frequent development *’row’ >
‘stir up’ > ‘mix’.
-mĺǯu ( ~ -a) head: Tung. *meli-mu; Mong. *malǯa-, *melǯe-; Turk.
*baĺč; Kor. *mrí.
PTung. *meli- 1 neck joint 2 back part of neck 3 sinciput 4 fish skeleton 5 skeleton (1 шейный позвонок 2 задняя часть шеи 3 темя 4 рыбий костяк 5 скелет): Evn. melimki 1; Neg. īxej-melin 5; Ul. mugǯe 3;
Ork. melimu 2; Nan. mulgikte 4; Orch. muggikta 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 302, 549, 550, 567.
PMong. *mal-ǯa-, *melǯe-, *malaji- bald (лысый): WMong. malǯan
(L 525), melǯen (L 535), malaji-; Kh. malʒan, melʒen; Bur. malzan, melzen,
malān, malaj- ‘be bald’; Kalm. malzn, malǟ-; Ord. malǯan; Dag. malǯin
(Тод. Даг. 153).
◊ KW 254. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. malān (Kał. VII 43, Stachowski 175).
PTurk. *baĺč head (голова): OTurk. baš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
baš (MK, KB); Tur. baš; Gag. baš; Az. baš; Turkm. baš; Sal. baš; Khal. baš;
MTurk. baš (Abush., MA); Uzb. bɔš; Uygh. baš; Krm. baš; Tat. baš; Bashk.
baš; Kirgh. baš; Kaz. baš; KBalk. baš; KKalp. bas; Kum. baš; Nogh. bas;
SUygh. baš; Khak. pas; Shr. paš; Oyr. baš; Tv. ba’š; Tof. ba’š; Chuv. poś;
Yak. bas; battaq ‘hair of head’; Dolg. bas; battak ‘head of reindeer; reindeer skin’.
◊ VEWT 64, ЭСТЯ 2, 85-88, TMN 2, 250-253, EDT 375-6, Федотов 1, 452, Ашм. X, 15,
Лексика 194, Stachowski 54, 55.
PKor. *mrí head (голова): MKor. mrí; Mod. məri.
◊ Nam 210, KED 608.
*mḗmV - *mḕnò
911
‖ EAS 109, SKE 146, АПиПЯЯ 31-32, 282, Мудрак Дисс. 90, Лексика 194. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 253) criticism is short (“unklar”). On possible
traces in Jpn. see under *k῾ŏjli. An unsuccessful attempt of refuting the
etymology was undertaken by Vovin 2000, who argues that the attested Old Korean form is 麻帝 MC mạ-tìej [ma-te]. However, it is most
probable that MC -t- was used here just to transcribe Korean -r- (since
Middle Chinese, as well known, lacked r-). Anyway, it is hardly possible to make any decisions on the basis of very inadequate and scanty
Kirim transcriptions.
-mḗmV female breast; foster-mother: Tung. *meme; Mong. *mömü;
Turk. *mēme (*bēme).
PTung. *meme 1 breast (female), udder 2 foster-mother (1 грудь
(ж.), вымя 2 кормилица): Man. meme 2; Nan. meme (dial.) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 567. An onomatopoetic root.
PMong. *mömü female breast (женская грудь): WMong. mömü
(БАМРС); Kh. mȫm, mȫmȫ, mēm.
PTurk. *mēme (*bēme) 1 breast (fem.) 2 nipple 3(poet.) breast (1
грудь (ж.) 2 сосок 3 грудь (поэт.) 4 соска): Tur. meme 1, Old Osm. memek (17th c.); Gag. mämä 1; Az. mämä 2; Turkm. mǟme 3; Khal. mǟmäk;
Uygh. mämä 1; Krm. mämä 2; Tat. mɛmi, mɛmɛj 1; Bashk. mämäj 1;
KKalp. mämmä 1; Nogh. mämäj 1; Yak. mēmē 4.
◊ An onomatopoetic root. See VEWT 333, ЭСТЯ VII.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281. An obvious “nursery” Western isogloss, thus the
PA antiquity is dubious.
-ménč῾o ( ~ *mónč῾a, -nč-) first of all: Jpn. *mántù; Kor. *mònčj(i).
PJpn. *mántù first of all, soonest (прежде всего, скорее всего):
OJpn. madu; MJpn. mádù; Tok. mázu; Kyo. mázù; Kag. mázu.
◊ JLTT 474. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
PKor. *mònčj(i) first of all (сначала, прежде всего): MKor.
mònčj(i); Mod. mənǯə.
◊ Nam 217, KED 612.
‖ Martin 248. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mḕnò self, body: Tung. *mēn; Mong. *mön; Turk. *bu(-n) (?); Jpn.
*mn; Kor. *móm.
PTung. *mēn self, oneself (сам, свой): Evk. mēn; Evn. mēn; Neg.
mēn; Man. meni meni; SMan. meimeni ‘every one, each one, individual’
(2880); Ul. men, mene; Ork. mēn; Nan. mene; Orch. mēn; Ud. mene; Sol.
m.
◊ ТМС 1, 568.
912
*ménrV - *ménrV
PMong. *mö-n he, same (он, тот же): MMong. mun (SH, HYt);
WMong. mön (L 547); Kh. mön; Bur. mün; Kalm. mön (КРС); Ord. mön;
Mog. mɔna (Weiers).
PTurk. *bu(-n) this (этот): OTurk. bu, bun- (Orkh.), bu, mun(OUygh.); Karakh. bu, mun- (MK); Tur. bu; Gag. bu; Az. bu; Turkm. bu;
Sal. bu, vu; Khal. bo; MTurk. bu, mun- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bu; Uygh.
bu; Krm. bu, mu; Tat. bu; Bashk. bɨ-l; Kirgh. bu(l); Kaz. bu-l; KBalk. bu;
KKalp. bu-l; Kum. bu; Nogh. bu; SUygh. bu; Khak. pu; Shr. pu; Oyr. bu;
Tv. bo; Tof. bo; Yak. bu; Dolg. bu (mun-).
◊ VEWT 85, EDT 291-292, ЭСТЯ 2, 225-228, Stachowski 63.
PJpn. *mn thing, method, being (вещь, сущность, способ): OJpn.
m(w)ono; MJpn. mònò; Tok. monó; Kyo. mónò; Kag. monó.
◊ JLTT 485.
PKor. *móm body (тело): MKor. móm; Mod. mom.
◊ Nam 218, KED 645.
‖ The Turkic form may belong here if it represents a secondary development *bu(-n) ‘this’ < *bun ‘self’; the vocalism, however, speaks
against the comparison (*bạ(-n) would be expected). The root reveals
contaminations with *méŋu ‘whole’ q.v. Illich-Svitych (ОСНЯ 2, 70)
compares the Turk.-Mong. stem with PKartv. *m(a)-, PU *mū / *mō etc.
-ménrV garlic, onion: Tung. *meŋgu-; Mong. *maŋgir, *maŋgina; Jpn.
*mìrà; Kor. *mànắr.
PTung. *meŋgu- a k. of plant (вид травянистого растения, употребляемого в пищу): Orch. meŋgulike ((Аврорин-Лебедева 206).
◊ ТМС 1, 569. Attested only in Oroch, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *maŋgir, *maŋgina wild onion, ramson (дикий лук, черемша): MMong. maŋgir (HY 8), maŋgirsu(n) (SH); WMong. maŋgir (L
527), maŋgina; Kh. mangir; Bur. mangir; Kalm. maŋgrsn, mäŋgrsn; Dag.
maŋgīrs, mangēs; S.-Yugh. maŋGarsən.
◊ KW 256, 258, MGCD 480. Mong. > Oyr. paɣɨr.
PJpn. *mìrà Allium (лук): OJpn. mjira; Tok. nirá, nìra; Kyo. nírà; Kag.
nirá.
◊ JLTT 498. The reason of *m- > n- in modern Japanese is not quite clear.
PKor. *mànắr garlic (чеснок): MKor. mànắr; Mod. manɨl.
◊ Nam 192, KED 559.
‖ SKE 140, Poppe 35, Lee 24, 26, 28. Low tone in Jpn. is probably
due to contraction. Cf. also Old Koguryo *maiš ‘garlic’ (thus in Miller
1979, 15; Lee reads *mail).
*meń[o] - *méŋa
913
-meń[o] dwelling place, village: Tung. *mēne-; Mong. *maji-kan; Jpn.
*múrà; Kor. *mằńằrh.
PTung. *mēne- 1 to settle down 2 settled down 3 to stay (1 жить
оседло 2 оседлый 3 оставаться): Evk. mēnē- 1, mēnē 2; Evn. mene 2;
Neg. meneǯe- 3; Ork. meneǯi- 3; Ud. menǯe- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 569.
PMong. *maji-kan tent (шатер): WMong. majiqan (L 523); Kh. majxan; Bur. majxan; Kalm. mǟxan; Ord. mǟxun; Dag. maikan (Тод. Даг. 153,
MD 188).
◊ KW 259, MGCD 477. Mong. > Man. majqan etc. (see ТМС 1, 520, Rozycki 153; despite Doerfer MT 80, hardly Mong. < Tung.).
PJpn. *múrà village (деревня): OJpn. mura; MJpn. múrà; Tok. murá;
Kyo. múrà; Kag. múra.
◊ JLTT 488.
PKor. *mằńằrh village, vicinity (деревня, окрестности): MKor.
mằńằr (mằńằrh-); Mod. maɨl.
◊ Nam 196, KED 564.
‖ The Kor.-Jpn. form is a derivative in *-rV (*-lV). The Tungus form
fits very well semantically, but raises some phonetic doubts: vowel
length and the quality of -n- (instead *-ń-) do not correspond to other
languages. Cf. perhaps Turk. (Oyr.) man ‘fence’ (VEWT 325). See Vovin
1993, 257.
-méŋa shape, face: Mong. *maji-kaj; Turk. *bEŋiŕ; Jpn. *mána-i.
PMong. *maji-kaj skin covering the head of animals (шкура с головы животных): WMong. majiqai (L 523); Kh. majxaj (БАМРС); Bur.
māxaj.
◊ Mong. > Neg. makī, Nan. maqị etc. (ТМС 1, 522). One can also mention WMong.
majaɣ, maiɣ ‘appearance, shape’ (Khalkha, Kalm. majag, Mongr. majaG (234), Dag. maigal,
majge-tej (MD 188, MGCD 477) - although the word is sometimes regarded (see Sukhebator) as borrowed < Tib. mayig, mayiga ‘original’.
PTurk. *bEŋiŕ 1 face 2 be similar 3 open forestless place on a mountain slope (1 внешность, вид, лицо 2 быть похожим 3 открытое безлесное место на склоне горы): OTurk. beŋiz (Orkh.), meŋiz (OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. meŋiz 1 (MK, KB); Tur. beniz 1, benze- 2; Gag. beniz 1, benze- 2;
Az. bäniz 1, bänzä- 2; Turkm. meŋiz 1, meŋze- 2; MTurk. beŋiz, meŋiz 1
(Sangl.); Uzb. mäŋiz ‘cheek’; Krm. beŋz 1, beŋze- 2; Kaz. meŋze- ‘to consider useful’; KKalp. megze- 2; Khak. mīs 1 (Верб. - Abak.); Oyr. mēs 3;
Tv. mēs 3; Tof. ms 3.
◊ VEWT 70, EDT 352, Лексика 208, ЭСТЯ 7, ФиЛ 207. In Chuv. cf. either min ‘face
colour’ (if not = min ‘red spot on face’, see Лексика 208) or *paŋ > Proto-Perm.*baŋ (Лыткин-Гуляев 37). Turk. > MMong. meŋiz ‘comparison, metaphor’ (Щербак 1997, 129).
PJpn. *mána-i imitating, similarity (подражание, сходство): OJpn.
mane; MJpn. mane; Tok. màne; Kyo. mánè; Kag. máne.
914
*mĕŋa - *méŋu
◊ JLTT 471.
‖ For the same semantic relationship cf. PA *mat῾i.
-mĕŋa to run, trot: Tung. *meŋ-; Mong. *meŋde-; Turk. *baŋ.
PTung. *meŋ- 1 to hurry 2 to run around (of a dog) 3 to run (of cattle) (1 торопиться, спешить 2 бегать (о бродячей собаке) 3 резвиться
(о скоте)): Evk. meniw-, meŋiw- 1; Evn. men-, menu- 1, munŋъn- 2; Man.
muŋre-, muŋgire- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 556-557, 569. Cf. also Evn. All. maŋdị- ‘to trot’.
PMong. *meŋde- to hurry; to scurry (спешить; суетиться):
WMong. meŋde-, megde- (L 536); Kh. meŋde-, megde-; Bur. megde-; Kalm.
meŋdə-; Ord. meŋde-, megde-.
◊ KW 261. Mong. meŋde- > Evk. mendē-lē- etc., see Doerfer MT 103.
PTurk. *baŋ 1 to trot, ride 2 trot (1 идти рысью, скакать 2 бег):
OTurk. maŋ ‘a step’ (OUygh.); Karakh. maŋ- (KB) 1; Tur. man- (dial.) 1;
MTurk. maŋ- (Sangl.) 1; Uygh. maŋ- 1; Kirgh. maŋ 2, maŋ- 1; Kaz. maŋ 2;
Nogh. maŋ 2; SUygh. maŋ 2, maŋ- 1; Khak. maŋ 2; Shr. maŋ 2; Oyr. maŋ
2; Tv. maŋ- 1; Tof. maŋ- 1; Yak. maŋɨj- 1.
◊ EDT 766, 767, VEWT 326.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-meŋe ( ~ -i, -a) mole, scar: Mong. *meŋge; Turk. *beŋ; Kor. *məŋ.
PMong. *meŋge birth-mark, mole (родинка): MMong. məŋge (HY
48); menge (MA 239); WMong. meŋge (L 536); Kh. meŋge; Bur. menge;
Kalm. meŋgə.
◊ KW 261.
PTurk. *beŋ mole on the face (родинка на лице): OTurk. meŋ
(OUygh.); Karakh. meŋ (MK); Tur. ben, benek; Gag. ben, benek; Az. bänäk;
Turkm. meŋ, menek; Sal. meŋ; MTurk. meŋ (Sangl.); Tat. biŋ; Bashk. miŋ;
Kirgh. meŋ; Kaz. meŋ; KKalp. meŋ; Kum. miŋ; Nogh. meŋ; Khak. miŋ;
Oyr. meŋ; Tv. meŋ; Chuv. miŋ (may be < Tat.); Yak. meŋ; Dolg. meŋ.
◊ VEWT 70, 334, EDT 346, Лексика 208, Stachowski 178.
PKor. *məŋ scar, bruise (шрам, синяк): Mod. məŋ.
◊ KED 615.
‖ KW 261. Despite TMN 1, 512, Щербак 1997, 129 Mong. is hardly <
Turkic (final vowel is unexplained).
-méŋu whole: Tung. *meŋde-; Mong. *men-dü; Jpn. *mú-i.
PTung. *meŋde- whole (целый): Neg. meŋden; Man. meŋde ‘глухое
окно’; Ul. meŋde(n); Ork. meŋde(n); Nan. mendẽ; Orch. meŋde.
◊ ТМС 1, 570.
PMong. *mendü sane, healthy (здоровый, целый): MMong. mendü
‘normal’ (HYt); WMong. mendü (L 535); Kh. mend; Bur. mende; Kalm.
mendə; Ord. möndü; S.-Yugh. mȫndə.
◊ KW 261, MGCD 484. Mong. > Evk. mendu, see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 127.
*méra - *mésV
915
PJpn. *mú-i 1 body 2 self 3 fruit (1 тело 2 сам 3 плод): OJpn. mi 1, 2,
3; MJpn. mí 1, 2, 3; Tok. mì 1, 3, mí-zukara 2; Kyo. mí 1, 3; Kag. mí 1, 3.
◊ JLTT 476, 483.
‖ KW 261, SKE 151, Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 69, 280. The Japanese
meaning was partially influenced by the root *mēno q.v.
-méra a k. of berry: Tung. *m[e]rVŋV; Mong. *maril; Turk. *bürü-lgen;
Kor. *mr’úi.
PTung. *m[e]rVŋV 1 rowan 2 cloudberry (1 рябина 2 морошка):
Evk. moroŋo 2; Nan. mīrēŋkule (Он. 263) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 547.
PMong. *maril a k. of red round berry or fruit (вид красной круглой ягоды или плода): WMong. maril (МXTTT); Kh. maril.
PTurk. *bürü-lgen a k. of berry (вид ягоды): Uygh. bölǯü(r)gän; Tat.
börlegen; Bashk. börδögɛn; Kirgh. büldürkön; Kaz. büldirgen; Nogh.
bö/üldirgen; Chuv. peₙrleₙxen.
◊ VEWT 93, Лексика 139-140 (forms like Kaz. büldirgen may reflect the same stem:
*bürül-degen). Cf. also Mong. forms: bürelgene ‘калина’, bȫrölgönö ‘костяника’ which may
be of Turkic origin.
PKor. *mr’úi grapes (виноград): MKor. mr’úi; Mod. məru.
◊ Nam 212, KED 608.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 44, Дыбо 11. Turk. *bürü-lgen < *berü-lgen with labial attraction.
-méru (~-ŕ-) spot: Tung. *merī-; Mong. *merije- / *marija-; Jpn. *múrá.
PTung. *merī- variegated (пестрый): Evk. merī-kte, merī-me; Evn.
märgị-ta; Man. mersen ‘spot’.
◊ ТМС 1, 571-572.
PMong. *merije- / *marija- spotted, variegated (пятнистый, пестрый): Kh. erēn ḿarān; Bur. eŕēn maŕān; Ord. erēn merēn.
PJpn. *múrá spot, spotted (пятно, пятнистый): MJpn. mura; Tok.
mùra; Kyo. múrá; Kag. múra.
◊ JLTT 488.
‖ Poppe 35, АПиПЯЯ 74. Turk. *beŕe ‘to ornament’ (ЭСТЯ 2,
105-106) would be a good match; but it may be in fact a crasis < *bedŕe
(see *peda).
-mésV wild apple, grape: Tung. *mes(k)u-; Kor. *ms.
PTung. *mes(k)u- grape (виноград): Man. muču; Jurch. me-ču (130);
Ork. muskeri ‘name of a tree’; Nan. muksulte; Ud. mesukte.
◊ ТМС 1, 572.
PKor. *ms wild apple; cherry (дикое яблоко; вишня): MKor. ms.
◊ Nam 212.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
916
*mèto - *mét῾ò
-mèto to ask: Tung. *mete-; Mong. *möči-; Jpn. *mt-ma-; Kor. *mūd-.
PTung. *mete- to warn, let know (предупреждать, сообщать): Evk.
metew-; Evn. metu-; Neg. metew-; Ork. metteu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 572.
PMong. *möči-, *mötü- to examine, investigate (испытывать, экзаменовать): MMong. močgi- (SH); WMong. möče- (L 544); Kh. möči-,
möcö-; Bur. müšxe-; Kalm. möčə-; Mongr. mutoG ‘soupҫon, doute’ (SM
253).
◊ KW 267, TMN 1, 502.
PJpn. *mt-ma- to ask, demand (спрашивать, требовать): OJpn.
m(w)otoma-; MJpn. mòtòma-; Tok. motomé-; Kyo. mótómé-; Kag. mòtòmè-.
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mūd- to ask (спрашивать): MKor. mūt- (-r-); Mod. mut- (-r-).
◊ Nam 223, KED 675.
‖ Should be kept distinct from *muti ‘to know, believe’ (although
contaminations were possible).
-mét῾i(-rkV) bird’s crop or navel; pudenda: Tung. *motoka; Turk.
*böteke; Jpn. *mitua; Kor. *mrtkn.
PTung. *motoka vulva (vulva): Evk. motoko; SMan. motəqun ‘genitalia of a nubile girl’ (122), motərə ‘child῾s vulva’ (123).
◊ ТМС 1, 547. ?? Cf. Evn. mereldiwke ‘cerebellum’.
PTurk. *böteke 1 bird’s crop, craw 2 kidneys of animals 3 vulva 4
bird’s stomach (1 зоб птицы 2 почки животных 3 vulva 4 желудок у
птиц): Karakh. bütege 1 (OKypch., At-Tuhfat); Az. pätänäk 4; Turkm.
peteke 1 (perhaps a back-borrowing < Mong.?); Tat. bütäkä 1, böteg 3;
Bashk. bütägä 1; Kirgh. bötög/kö 4; Kaz. bötäkä 2; KKalp. böteke 1, 2; Kum.
böteke 1; Nogh. böteke, bötege 1; Chuv. pudege 1,2; Yak. bötögö 4.
◊ EDT 304 (sub ‘egg-plant’), VEWT 84, Ашм. X, 44. Turk. > Mong. betege ‘bird’s
crop’.
PJpn. *mitua pudenda (гениталии): OJpn. mjitwo.
PKor. *mrtkn bird’s navel; (KED) the craw (crop) of a bird or insect (птичий пупок): MKor. mrtkn; Mod. məlt:əguni.
◊ Nam 212, KED 613.
‖ The initial vowel correspondence is not quite clear (probably secondary labialization in PT).
-mét῾ò most: Mong. *-med; Jpn. *mt-m; Kor. *mằt.
PMong. *-med the most, the eldest (самый, старший): MMong.
döji-med (SH) ‘the eldest of younger sisters’; WMong. -mad, -med
(МХТТТ); Kh. -mad, -med.
◊ Occurs in some compounds: aqa-mad ‘the eldest (brother)’, egeči-med ‘elder
(woman)’, jeke-med ‘the elder ones’ etc.
*mìlt῾e - *míŋa
917
PJpn. *mt-m the most (самый): OJpn. m(w)ot(w)om(w)o; MJpn.
mótòmò; Tok. móttomo; Kyo. móttómó; Kag. mottómo.
◊ Accent correspondences are rather uncertain; but the evidence is for the most part
in favour of high tone on the first syllable.
PKor. *mằt the eldest (старший): MKor. mằt; Mod. mat.
◊ Nam 199, KED 578.
‖ SKE 142, EAS 79, Martin 247. Cf. also similar forms (maybe specialized usages of the same root): MKor. māti / mátắi ‘top’, Jpn. maT‘emphatic prefix’; Evk. mātālīkān ‘up to the top’, moton ‘even’.
-mìlt῾e ( ~ -i) full, fill: Tung. *milte-; Mong. *melteji-; Jpn. *mìt-.
PTung. *milte- full, whole (полный, целый): Evn. miltъrъ; Ork.
milte-milte.
◊ ТМС 1, 536-537.
PMong. *melteji- to fill, overflow (наполнять, переполнять):
WMong. melteji- (L 535); Kh. meltij-; Bur. meltɨ-; Kalm. meltǟ- (КРС).
PJpn. *mìt- full, be filled (полный, наполняться): OJpn. mjit-;
MJpn. mìt-; Tok. michí-; Kyo. mìchì-; Kag. mìchì-.
◊ JLTT 725.
‖ KW 260, АПиПЯЯ 111, 278. The root is very similar to *mólo ‘full,
fill’ and may indeed be derived: *mol-t῾i. Such an explanation, however, would involve a metatony in Japanese and borrowing in TM
(milte- < Mong. melte-), so we prefer to separate the two roots for the
time being.
-mińa ( ~ -o, -u) a k. of grass: Turk. *bɨńan; Kor. *mìnàrí.
PTurk. *bɨńan a k. of grass (солодка, лебеда): Tur. bojan, mejan; Az.
bijan; Turkm. bujan; MTurk. bijan, CCum. bujan; Uzb. mija; Uygh. buja;
Tat. dial. mɨja; Kirgh. mɨja; Kaz. mɨja; KKalp. bojan; Kum. mija; Nogh.
mɨja; Chuv. mъjan.
◊ Егоров 131. Turk. > Kalm. bujā ‘лебеда’, Russ. Siber. bojalɨč ‘солянка древовидная’
Аникин 125.
PKor. *mìnàrí celery, parsley (сельдерей, петрушка): MKor.
mìnàrí; Mod. minari.
◊ Liu 345, KED 687.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-míŋa ( ~ -o, -u) large number, thousand: Mong. *miŋgan; Turk. *bɨŋ.
PMong. *miŋgan thousand (тысяча): MMong. mingan (HY 43),
minqa(n) (SH), minɣān (IM); WMong. miŋɣa(n) (L 539); Kh. ḿangan; Bur.
ḿanga(n); Kalm. miŋɣn (КРС); Ord. miŋGa(n); Dag. miange(n) (MD 191);
Mongr. miŋxən (SM 238).
◊ Mong. > Evk. miŋgan etc., see Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki 158.
PTurk. *bɨŋ thousand (тысяча): OTurk. bɨŋ, biŋ (Orkh., OUygh.),
miŋ(OUygh.); Karakh. miŋ (MK, KB); Tur. bin; Gag. bin; Az. min; Turkm.
918
*m[]ro - *mač῾e
müŋ; Sal. miŋ; Khal. miŋ; MTurk. miŋ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. miŋ; Uygh.
miŋ; Krm. min; Tat. meŋ; Bashk. meŋ; Kirgh. miŋ; Kaz. mɨŋ; KBalk. miŋ;
KKalp. mɨŋ; Kum. miŋ; Nogh. miŋ, mɨŋ; SUygh. meŋ; Khak. muŋ; Shr.
muŋ; Oyr. muŋ; Tv. muŋ; Chuv. pin; Yak. muŋ.
◊ VEWT 76, MNT 4, 1742, EDT 347-347, Лексика 574. Cannot be < Chin. (see Clauson
1964, 24-25).
‖ EAS 78, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 72. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss,
but the Mong. form can hardly be explained as borrowed from Turkic,
despite TMN 4, 33, Щербак 1997, 107. Cf. perhaps MKor. màńắn ‘forty’
< ‘big number’?
-m[]ro arrow: Tung. *m[i]rV; Mong. *merge-n; Turk. *bǖri.
PTung. *m[i]rV 1 arrow 2 cross-bow (1 стрела 2 самострел): Evn.
mīr 1; Nan. moralị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 537.
PMong. *merge-n sharp-shooter (хороший стрелок): MMong. mergan (HY 37, SH); WMong. mergen (L 537); Kh. mergen; Bur. merge(n);
Kalm. mergn; Ord. mergen; Dag. mergen (Тод. Даг. 154), meregen (MD
190); Dong. merɣen (Тод. Дн.); Mongr. mergen (SM 236), murgen.
◊ KW 261-262, MGCD 485. A later semantic development is ‘sharp-shooter’ >
‘skilled, wise’, although Doerfer (TMN 1, 498) suggests rather ‘skilled’ > ‘skilled in shooting’. If he is correct, the Mong. word should be removed from the Altaic etymology. In
any case, Mong. > Manchu mergen ‘a very good hunter or fisherman; outstanding, wise,
worthy, skilled’, Evk. mergen ‘mind, reason’ etc. (see ТМС 1, 571, Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki
158),
PTurk. *bǖri head of an arrow (наконечник стрелы): Karakh. büri
‘end of shaft inserted into arrow head’ (MK); Yak. bür-ges (dimin.) ‘awl,
arrow with awl-like head’; Dolg. bǖrges ‘ein Kampfpfeil mit pfriemförmiger Spitze’.
◊ EDT 356, VEWT 71, Stachowski 69.
‖ A Western isogloss. Vocalism is somewhat uncertain.
-mač῾e to move, climb: Tung. *miči-; Mong. *mača-; Kor. *mìčh-.
PTung. *miči- to move, move back (подвигаться, придвигаться;
отодвигаться): Evk. miči-; Evn. mịt-/č-; Nan. mịčị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 539.
PMong. *mača- to climb up, hurry (карабкаться; спешить):
WMong. mača- (L 519: maču-); Kh. maca-; Kalm. macə- (КРС); Ord.
maču-.
PKor. *mìčh- to reach, come to (достигать): MKor. mìčh-, mičh-;
Mod. mičhi-.
◊ Liu 346, 348, KED 693.
‖ One of common Altaic motion verbs.
*màga - *măk῾ó
919
-màga glory, praise: Tung. *m[ia]g-; Mong. *magta-; Turk. *bAgatur;
Jpn. *màw-s-; Kor. *mār.
PTung. *m[ia]g- 1 to shamanize 2 to be noisy, produce noise (1 камлать 2 шуметь): Evk. migdi- 2; Orch. magui- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 520, 535.
PMong. *magta- to praise, glorify (хвалить, прославлять): MMong.
maxta- ‘to laud, carol’ (HY 32), maqta- (MA); WMong. maɣta- (L 520);
Kh. magta-; Bur. magta-; Kalm. maktə-; Ord. maGta-; Dag. maktāl ‘praise’;
S.-Yugh. maχda-; Mongr. mašdaG ‘discours prononcé à la louange du
gendre le jour du mariage’ (SM 233), maxda-.
◊ KW 254, MGCD 475, 476. Mong. > Manchu makta- etc. (see Rozycki 153).
PTurk. *bAgatur hero (герой): OTurk. baɣatur (Orkh., n. pr.);
Turkm. bātɨr; MTurk. (Xwar.) bahatur, CCum. baɣatur; Kirgh. bātɨr; Oyr.
bātɨr; Tv. mādɨr; Yak. bātɨr.
◊ EDT 313, VEWT 55. Cf. the name of the Xiongnu shanyu, MC mâw-ton (*maɣu-tur).
This Turkic word was borrowed into numerous surrounding languages (Iranian, Mongolian etc., see the literature in ЭСТЯ). Modern forms like batɨr, batur are back-borrowings
from Mong.; forms of the type baxatir - back-borrowings from Persian.
PJpn. *màw-s- to speak (polite) (говорить (вежл.)): OJpn. mawos-;
MJpn. maus-; Tok. mṓs-; Kyo. mṓs-; Kag. mṑs-.
◊ JLTT 726.
PKor. *mār speech (речь): MKor. mār; Mod. māl.
◊ Nam 200, KED 579.
‖ Kor. *mār < *maga-r.
-măk῾ó illness, stomach sickness: Tung. *muxa-; Mong. *mekeji-; Turk.
*b(i)ăk; Jpn. *manka.
PTung. *muxa- 1 stomach disease 2 to be ill, sick (1 желудочное заболевание 2 болеть): Evk. mukān 1; Ul. mōko ‘идол от желудочной
болезни’ ( < *muka-ka); Ork. muxule- 2; Nan. muxu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PMong. *mekeji- to suffer from hunger or stomach pains (страдать
от голода или болей в желудке): WMong. mekeji-; Kh. mekij- ‘втягивать живот’ (БАМРС); Kalm. mekē- ‘иметь подтянутый, тощий
живот’; Ord. meχī-.
◊ KW 260.
PTurk. *b(i)ăk bad, evil (плохой, дурной, негодный): Oyr. baɣaj;
Tv. ba’q; Tof. ba’q; Yak. baɣajɨ ‘fool, monster’.
◊ VEWT 57.
PJpn. *manka evil, bad luck (зло, несчастье): OJpn. maga.
◊ JLTT 470.
‖ The TM-Mong. match suggests that the original meaning was
‘stomach sickness’, with a later development into a more general ‘sickness, disease’ and ‘misfortune, bad (circumstabces)’ elsewhere.
920
*mk῾o - *mák῾ù
-mk῾o frog: Tung. *moKo(lV)-; Mong. *mekelej, *melekej; Turk.
*b(i)āka; Kor. *mkùrí.
PTung. *moKo(lV)- 1 bat 2 chipmunk (1 летучая мышь 2 бурундук): Evk. mokoločī 1; Evn. mokotoj 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 544.
PMong. *mekelej, *melekej frog (лягушка): MMong. menekai (HY
12), minäkäj (MA), menēkī (Lig.VMI); WMong. melekei (L 534), menekei
(DO 461); Kh. melxij; Bur. melxej; Kalm. mekl; Ord. meleχī; Dag. meleg,
melek (Тод. Даг. 154), melehe (MD 190).
◊ KW 260, MGCD 484.
PTurk. *b(i)āka frog (лягушка): OTurk. baqa (OUygh.); Karakh. baqa
(MK); Tur. bā; Gag. qurbā; Az. baɣa; Turkm. Gurbāɣa; Sal. paɣa; Khal.
bāqa ‘turtle’; MTurk. baqa (AH, Ettuhf.), baqqa (MA); Uzb. baqa; Uygh.
baqa, paqa; Krm. baqa; Tat. baqa; Kirgh. baqa; Kaz. baqa; KBalk. maqa;
KKalp. baqa; Kum. baqa; Nogh. baqa; Khak. paɣa; Shr. paɣa; Oyr. baqa; Tv.
paɣa; Tof. baɣa; Yak. baɣa.
◊ VEWT 58, EDT 311-312, 646-647, ЭСТЯ 2, 40-41, 6, 160-161 (see ibid. on the onomatopoeic nature of the component *Kur-) , Лексика 179-180. A more precise reconstruction would be perhaps *b(i)ākka, with expressive gemination (suggested by non-voicing
in Kypchak). Turk. > Hung. béka, see Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *mkùrí frog, toad (лягушка, жаба): MKor. mkùrí.
◊ Nam 209.
‖ SKE 144, Лексика 180. An unmistakable match is PT *b(i)āka :
MKor. mkùrí. The Mong. forms may belong here if we assume the archaic nature of the Kalm. form (mekl), with innovations elsewhere. In
TM one has to suppose a secondary shift of meaning: ‘toad’ > ‘small
creature’ (bat, chipmunk).
-mák῾ù neck: Tung. *muKa; Turk. *bAkan; Jpn. *múk-; Kor. *mòk.
PTung. *muKa skin from deer’s neck (шкура с шеи оленя): Evk.
muka.
◊ ТМС 1, 551. Attested only in Evk., but having possible Kor. and Jpn. parallels.
PTurk. *bAkan necklace, torque (ожерелье): Karakh. baqan (MK).
◊ EDT 316.
PJpn. *múk- to turn (one’s head) towards, to face (поворачивать
(голову) к чему-л.): OJpn. muk-, mukap-; MJpn. muk-, múkáf-; Tok. mùk-,
mùka-; Kyo. múk-, múká-; Kag. múk-, muká-.
◊ JLTT 728.
PKor. *mòk neck (шея): MKor. mòk, mòkài; Mod. mok.
◊ HMCH 199, Nam 214, KED 636.
‖ SKE 150, Martin 233.
*mak῾u - *malu
921
-mak῾u fur: Tung. *muKa; Mong. *makalaj; Jpn. *muku.
PTung. *muKa fur clothes (меховая одежда): Evk. mukā, mukčukē;
Evn. mụqa; Ud. moksuhö ‘shirt’.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 553. Evk. > Dolg. mükčükē (Stachowski 183); deriv. mukā-lkan > Dolg.
mukālkan (Stachowski 181).
PMong. *makalaj fur hat (меховая шапка): MMong. maqalai,
malaqaj (SH), maɣala (IM), maqalaj (MA); WMong. malaɣaj (MXTTT); Kh.
malgaj; Bur. malgaj; Kalm. maxlǟ; Mog. malGɛi (Weiers); Dag. malgaj
(MD); Dong. maGala (Tod. Dong.); Mongr. marGa.
◊ KW 254. Mong. > Man. maxala, see Doerfer MT 138, Rozycki 152-153.
PJpn. *muku thick, shaggy hair (густая шерсть): Tok. muku,
mùkuge; Kyo. mùkúgè; Kag. mukugé.
◊ JLTT 488. Tonal reconstruction is not quite clear.
-mali(-k῾V) bright, to shine: Tung. *mia(l)-; Mong. *mel-; Turk. *bAlk-;
Kor. *mằrk-.
PTung. *mia(l)- 1 to glitter (of eyes) 2 to blind (eyes) 3 glittering,
bright 4 blinded, blind (1 сверкать (о глазах) 2 слепить (глаза) 3 яркий, ослепительный 4 ослепленный, слепой): Evk. millūn- (Вас. 252)
1, mlkēsē 4; Nan. mịarị 3; Orch. mia-n- 2; Ud. mili- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 534, 535.
PMong. *mel- bright, polished, shiny (светлый, блестящий, блестеть): WMong. meli-ji-, (L 534) melmeji-; Kh. melij-; Bur. melmen, melgen,
meliger, melij-; Ord. melmeŋ, melmeger.
PTurk. *bAlk- to shine, glitter (сверкать, сиять): Tur. balk- (dial.);
Turkm. balqɨlda-; MTurk. (MKypch., Xwar.) balqɨ-(CCum., AH, Qutb);
Krm. balqɨ-; Tat. balqɨ-; Bashk. balqɨ-; Kaz. balqɨ-; KKalp. balqɨ-; Kum.
balqɨ-; Oyr. malqɨl, malʁɨl ‘bright, shining’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 56-57.
PKor. *mằrk- clear, transparent (ясный, прозрачный): MKor.
mằrk-; Mod. mak- [malk-].
◊ Nam 203, KED 587.
‖ SKE 139.
-malu a k. of evergreen tree: Tung. *molari; Mong. *majila-su; Turk.
*bAla- (?); Jpn. *murua.
PTung. *molari cypress (кипарис): Man. molori.
◊ ТМС 1, 545. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *majila-su cypress (кипарис): WMong. majila-su (L 522);
Kh. majls.
◊ Mong. > Manchu mailasun ‘arbor vitae, cypress’ (see Rozycki 153).
PTurk. *bAla- (?) fir tree (ель): Bashk. balaštɨ (VEWT); Kirgh. balatɨ
‘young fir tree’; KBalk. balas (VEWT).
922
*màĺà - *mni
◊ VEWT 60 (the Bashk. and KBalk. forms are only found there, so the root is somewhat dubious).
PJpn. *murua juniper (можжевельник): OJpn. murwo.
‖ Mong. majila- < *mali-la.
-màĺà to measure, measure: Tung. *miali-; Mong. *malu; Jpn. *màsù;
Kor. *már.
PTung. *miali- 1 to measure 2 a measure of weight 3 a measure for
powder (1 мерить 2 мера веса 3 мерка для пороха): Man. ḿali- 1,
ḿalin 2; Jurch. mia-liaŋ-ha 2 (524); Nan. (On.) mialaqo 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 524.
PMong. *malu vessel, basket (for grain) (сосуд, корзина (для зерна)): WMong. malu (L 524); Kalm. mal.
◊ KW 254.
PJpn. *màsù a measure (for grain) (мера (зерна)): OJpn. masu;
MJpn. màsù; Tok. masú; Kyo. másù; Kag. masú.
◊ JLTT 473.
PKor. *már a measure (18 kg) (мера веса): MKor. már; Mod. mal.
◊ Nam 200, KED 578.
‖ SKE 138, Martin 236, Miller 1976, 350-351, АПиПЯЯ 69. A completely regular match. It is interesting to note Karakh. (EDT 379) bašɣan
‘a large fish weighing between 100 and 50 raṭls’ (MK), used as a simile
for the head-man of a tribe - although the word may, of course, be derived from baš ‘head’ (as suggested in EDT) - and thus unrelated to the
present root.
-mni to be confused, hesitate: Tung. *mian-; Mong. *men-; Turk. *bȫn;
Kor. *mńi-.
PTung. *mian- to be confused, wonder (тревожиться, растеряться,
удивляться): Evk. mēmbe-; Evn. mǟn-; Ul. mn-; Nan. mịan-; Orch. mǟn-.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
PMong. *men- to become dull, numb, stupid (глупеть, терять сознание, цепенеть): WMong. mene-re- (L 536); Kh. menere-; Bur. mener-;
Kalm. menr-; Ord. menen ‘stupid’; Dag. mener- (Тод. Даг. 154).
◊ KW 261. Mong. meneg > Yak., Dolg. menik (Stachowski 178); Mong. meneŋ ‘stupid’ >
Manchu menen ‘paralysed, stupid’ (Rozycki 157).
PTurk. *bȫn 1 stupid, foolish 2 to go mad (1 глупый 2 сходить с
ума): Karakh. mün- 2 (IM); Tur. bön 1, 2; Turkm. mȫn 1 (cf. also mǖn
‘timidity’).
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 53, 55. In ЭСТЯ 7 and VEWT 343-344 confused with other similar roots:
*bün ‘defect’, *bun- ‘madness’ (q. v. sub *mùne, *múnu) .
PKor. *mńi- to be afraid, scared (бояться): MKor. mńi-, mńijp(-w-); Mod. musəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 228, KED 660.
*màrà - *mat῾è
923
‖ Vocalism is not quite certain: in Turk. one has to suppose a secondary labialization: *bȫn < *bēn; in Kor. - vowel assimilation in a long
wordform (*mńi- < *mằńi-), as well as secondary palatalization *-n- >
*-ń-.
-màrà ( ~ -ŕ-) male, mature: Tung. *miare-; Jpn. *màrà.
PTung. *miare- to marry (жениться, выходить замуж): Evk. mirē-;
Evn. mierъn-; Neg. mijēn-; Ul. miren-; Ork. mīren-; Nan. marin- (dial.).
◊ ТМС 1, 538-539.
PJpn. *màrà penis (penis): OJpn. mara; MJpn. màrà.
◊ JLTT 472.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Note also several possible matches in Bur.:
morgo ‘male bear’, murā ‘male, mature’, mergeser ‘3 y.-old pig’.
-msò a cutting or grinding tool: Tung. *mōsa; Mong. *mese; Jpn.
*màsà-.
PTung. *mōsa 1 grinder, grinding stone 2 to grind 3 to thresh 4
thresher (1 жернов 2 молоть 3 молотить 4 молотилка): Man. mose-la2, mose-la-qu 1; Ul. moso-lo-qu 1; Nan. mōso (Bik., Он.) 1; mōso-la- 3, mōsolaqo 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 547.
PMong. *mese sword, blade, axe (меч, лезвие, топор): MMong.
mese (SH); WMong. mese (L 537); Kh. mes; Bur. mese < Khalkha ?; Kalm.
mesə; Ord. mese.
◊ KW 262, TMN 1, 499.
PJpn. *màsà- 1 sword 2 timber axe (1 меч 2 топор): OJpn. masakari
2; MJpn. màsàfì 1, màsàkàrì 2; Tok. masakari 2.
◊ JLTT 472.
‖ Cf. also Orok masāri ῾axe’ (probably < Jpn.).
-mat῾è to bend: Tung. *mita-; Mong. *mata-; Jpn. *mətər-.
PTung. *mita- 1 to bend over 2 to go back (1 перегибаться, разгибаться 2 отскакивать обратно): Man. mita- 1; Jurch. mi-ta-buje- 2 (539).
◊ ТМС 1, 539.
PMong. *mata- (/ *mita-) to bend, bow (сгибать, склонять(ся)):
WMong. mata- (L 530), matari-, mitara- ‘se courber’ (SM); Kh. mata-; Bur.
mata-; Kalm. matə-; Ord. matǟ-; Dag. mata- (Тод. Даг. 154: matĺēn ‘bent,
curved’); Mongr. mātari ‘petit pain enroulé et cuit au bain-marie’ (SM
234).
◊ KW 258, MGCD 482. Mong. > Evk., Man. mata- (ТМС 1, 533), see Doerfer MT 61.
PJpn. *mətər- 1 to bend 2 to deviate (1 изгибаться 2 отступать, расходиться): OJpn. motor- 1; Tok. motór- 2; Kyo. mótór- 2; Kag. motór- 2.
◊ JLTT 727. Accent is not quite clear.
‖ Correspondences are regular, and the etymology seems quite reliable.
924
*mat῾i - *mójńi
-mat῾i head skin, face: Tung. *miata; Mong. *metü; Turk. *bĕt.
PTung. *miata skin from animal’s head (шкура с головы животного): Evk. mta; Evn. mǟt; Neg. mta; Ul. mta; Ork. mta; Nan. mịata;
Orch. miata; Ud. mäta (Корм. 260); Sol. ḿta ‘face’.
◊ ТМС 1, 535.
PMong. *metü like, as, similar (похожий, подобно): MMong. metu
(SH, HYt); WMong. metü (L 538); Kh. met; Bur. mete; Kalm. metə, mötə;
Ord. mötü; Mog. metu (Weiers); Dong. mutu; Bao. mətgo; Mongr. madu
(SM 229).
◊ KW 262, MGCD 485.
PTurk. *bĕt 1 face 2 side, near (1 лицо 2 сторона, близко): OTurk.
bet 1 (OUygh.); Tur. bet-beniz ‘face colour’; Az. bät-bäniz ‘face colour’;
MTurk. bet 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. bet 1, 2; Uygh. bät 1, 2; Krm. bet 1; Tat. bit 1,
2; Bashk. bit 1, 2; Kirgh. bet 1, 2; Kaz. bet 1, 2; KBalk. bet 1, 2; KKalp. bet
1, 2; Kum. bet 1, 2; Nogh. bet 1, 2; Oyr. bet 1; Tv. beti 2; Tof. be’t 2; Chuv.
pat- 2 (pit 1 < Tat.); Yak. bet- 2.
◊ VEWT 72, EDT 296, ЭСТЯ 2, 121-122, Лексика 207.
‖ EAS 79, KW 262, Лексика 207-208. A Western isogloss. The Jpn.
cognates present problems. Ozawa 292-293 compares OJ mod(w)ok(j)i
‘resembling, similar’, which is quite irregular vocalically. It is interesting to note Modern Jpn. mitai id. (used exactly in the same suffixed position and being phonetically quite a good match for Mong. metü etc.,
but attested late and usually analysed (folk-etymologically?) as a desiderative form of mi- ‘to see’.
-moje to hate, dislike: Tung. *mujē-; Mong. *mejeɣe-; Kor. *mùi-.
PTung. *mujē- to treat badly, oppress (обижать, притеснять): Evk.
mujē-; Evn. mȫje-.
◊ ТМС 1, 551.
PMong. *mejeɣe- envious, conceited (завистливый, тщеславный):
Bur. mejēn; Kalm. mejērkəg (КРС), mejǖr- (KW 260).
PKor. *mùi- to dislike, hate (не любить, ненавидеть): MKor. mui-,
mi-p- (-w-); Mod. mip- (-w-), miwə-ha-.
◊ Nam 224, 233, KED 699.
‖ SKE 153, ТМС 1, 551.
-mójńi ( ~ -n-) to become overripe, rot: Tung. *munī-; Turk. *bAńɨl; Jpn.
*mín-r-; Kor. *mằi-b-.
PTung. *munī- 1 to rot (trans.), spoil 2 to rot (1 гноить, портить 2
гнить): Evk. munī- 1, munu- 2; Evn. mun- 2; Sol. mune- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 557.
PTurk. *bAńɨl overripe (перезрелый): Karakh. majɨl, majɨl- ‘to become overripe’ (MK).
◊ EDT 772. Cf. also Oyr. mɨnčɨk ‘musty’.
*mŏjo - *mók῾[ú]
925
PJpn. *mín-r- to ripen, become ripe (созревать): OJpn. m(j)in(w)or-;
Tok. mìnor-, minór-; Kyo. mínór-; Kag. minór-.
◊ JLTT 724.
PKor. *mằi-b- bitter, acid, to make acid (горький, кислый, квасить): MKor. mằip- (-w-); Mod. mäp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 208, KED 605.
‖ Medial *-j- has to be reconstructed to account for the secondary
palatalization in Turkic and for the -i-reflex in Korean.
-mŏjo to be mislead, mad: Tung. *mija-; Turk. *boj-; Jpn. *maju(a)-; Kor.
*mì-čhi-.
PTung. *mija- to go astray, be mislead (заблудиться, сбиться с пути): Evk. mija-; Evn. mie-; Neg. mī(j)-; Ul. mi-; Ork. mī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 536.
PTurk. *boj- 1 to be dilatory and careless 2 to rage, rough-house 3
rampant 4 to rot, spoil (1 быть неосторожным, рассеянным 2 буянить 3 буйный, ретивый 4 протухать, портиться, хиреть): Karakh.
bojba- (MK) 1; Turkm. bojna- 2, bojnaq 3; Uzb. bọj-la- 4; Krm. boj-ɣɨn
‘fainted’; Bashk. buj-la- 2; Kirgh. buj-da- ‘to be confused’; Tv. boj-la- 4.
◊ EDT 385.
PJpn. *maju(a)- to go astray (сбиваться с пути): OJpn. maju-p- / majwo-p-; MJpn. majof-; Tok. mayó-; Kyo. máyó-; Kag. mayó-.
◊ JLTT 722. Accent reconstruction is not clear: either *májúa- (Kyoto-Kagoshima, with
deviation in Tokyo) or *màjùa- (Tokyo-Kyoto, with deviation in Kagoshima); the word is
unfortunately absent in RJ.
PKor. *mì-čhí- to be mad (сходить с ума): MKor. mì-čhí-; Mod. mičhi-.
◊ Liu 346, KED 693.
‖ SKE 149.
-mók῾[ú] to bow: Tung. *miaxu-; Mong. *meküji-; Turk. *bok-; Jpn.
*mánká-.
PTung. *miaxu- to bow, kneel (кланяться, становиться на колени):
Neg. mixeret-; Man. ńaqura-; SMan. jaqurə-, jaquru- (1447); Jurch.
mia-ku-ru- (466); Ul. ḿêxoron-; Ork. mχoran-; Nan. mịχoran-, mịaqora-;
Orch. mäxurava-; Ud. mäula-.
◊ ТМС 1, 536. Cf. also *mekč- ‘hump’ (ТМС 1, 565-566).
PMong. *meküji- to bow (кланяться, нагибаться): WMong. meküji(L 574); Kh. mexij-, möxij-.
PTurk. *bok- to bend knees, bow, cross the legs (сгибать колени,
нагибаться, скрещивать ноги): Karakh. boq- (MK); Kaz. buq-; KKalp.
buq-; Oyr. bɨɣɨ-; Yak. bokuj-.
◊ EDT 311, VEWT 79.
926
*móle - *molk῾o
PJpn. *mánká- to bow, bend (сгибать(ся)): OJpn. maga-(r-); MJpn.
mágá-(r-); Tok. màgar-, màge-; Kyo. mágár-, mágé-; Kag. magár-, magé-.
◊ JLTT 719.
‖ ТМС 1, 536. The parallel seems plausible, although in Jpn. one
would rather expect -u-.
-móle to present, gift: Tung. *mula-; Mong. *melǯe-; Turk. *bẹlek; Jpn.
*mráp-, *mər-; Kor. *mūr-.
PTung. *mula- to pity (жалеть): Evk. mulān-; Evn. mụlān-; Neg. molān-; Ul. munalsị-; Ork. mụnālị-; Nan. monịalsị-; Orch. muńalisi-; Ud.
muńali-; Sol. mụlān-.
◊ ТМС 1, 554.
PMong. *melǯe- 1 a bet, wager 2 to bet (1 ставка, пари 2 делать
ставку): MMong. milǯeldu- ‘ссориться (из-за вещи)’ (MA); WMong.
melǯige 1, melǯi- 2 (MXTTT); Kh. melʒē 1, melʒe- 2; Bur. melze- ῾refuse’;
Kalm. melzə 1 (КРС); Ord. melǯēčǖl- ‘faire concourir pour un prix’.
◊ Mong. > Manchu melǯe- etc. (see Rozycki 156).
PTurk. *bẹlek gift (подарок): OTurk. belek (OUygh.); Karakh. belek
(MK); Tur. belek (dial.); Khal. pelek; MTurk. belek (Sangl.); Uygh. bäläk
(dial.); Krm. belek ‘приплод’; Tat. büläk; Bashk. büläk; Kirgh. belek;
SUygh. pelek (ЯЖУ); Oyr. belek; Tv. belek; Chuv. pil ‘blessing’; Yak. belex;
Dolg. belek.
◊ VEWT 69, TMN 2, 413, EDT 338, ЭСТЯ 2, 112-113, Дыбо 1997, 78-79, Лексика
348-349, Stachowski 57. In Егоров 160, Федотов 1, 431 the Chuv. form is regarded as a
variant of pexil ‘blessing’ ( < Pers.), which is insecure phonetically. Derivation from
bele’swaddle’ (Clark 1977, 132) is highly dubious. The labialized vowel in Bashk., Tat. is a
result of contamination with *bölek ‘part’. Turk. > WMong. beleg, Kalm. beləg (KW 41;
TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 104), whence Evk. belek etc., see Doerfer MT 141 (but Аникин
127 regards Evk. belek as borrowed < Yak.).
PJpn. *mráp-, *mər- 1 to obtain, receive gifts 2 to guard, protect (1
получать, принимать подношения 2 защищать): OJpn. m(w)orap- ‘to
expect, await’, m(w)or- 2; MJpn. móráf- 1, mor- 2; Tok. mòra- 1; Kyo.
mórá- 1; Kag. morá- 1.
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mūr- to pay, compensate (платить, возмещать): MKor.
mūr-, mùr’í-; Mod. mul-, mulli-.
◊ Liu 334, Nam 224, KED 677, 679.
‖ The basic meaning of the root is “to present (or obtain) a gift”; a
metaphorical change “present a gift > condescend > pity” must have
occurred in TM.
-molk῾o to creep, slide: Tung. *milkü- / *mirkü-; Mong. *mölki-; Jpn.
*məkə-jəp- (~-ua-).
PTung. *milkü- / *mirkü- to creep (ползти): Evk. mirki-, dial. milki-;
Evn. mirkъ-; Neg. mīxi-; Man. miču-, miǯi-; SMan. muči-, ḿuči- (1236,
*mólo - *móńde
927
2302); Ul. miču-; Ork. mitu-; Nan. miku-; Orch. mikki-; Ud. miki-; Sol.
milki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 537-538.
PMong. *mölki- to creep (ползти): WMong. mölkü- (L 546); Kh.
mölxö-; Bur. mülxi-; Kalm. mölkə-; Ord. mölχö-; Mog. ZM molku- (10-4b);
Dag. milku-, mulku- (Тод. Даг. 154); S.-Yugh. məlgə-.
◊ KW 265, MGCD 489.
PJpn. *məkə-jəp- (~-ua-) to creep (as snake) (ползти (о змее)):
OJpn. m(w)ok(w)oj(w)op- ( ~ -g-); MJpn. mokojof-.
‖ Poppe 36.
-mólo full, to fill, thick: Tung. *mila-; Mong. *mel- / *möl-; Turk. *bol;
Jpn. *mr-; Kor. *mīr-.
PTung. *mila- wide open, broad (широко раскрытый): Man. mila,
mila-χun.
◊ ТМС 1, 536. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *mel- / *möl- 1 to be full, become full 2 quite, full (1 быть
полным, наполняться 2 вполне, полный): WMong. melmeji- (L 534),
melmelǯe- / mölmülǯe- (L 535, 546) 1; Kh. melmij-, melmelʒe- 1; Bur.
melmelʒe- 1; Kalm. melmɛ:- 1, mel 2; Ord. melčirme- 1, melǖ, melē.
◊ KW 260.
PTurk. *bol abundant, full (обильный, полный): Tur. bol; Turkm.
bol; Uzb. bɔl (Chag.), mɔl (Uzb.); Tat. mul; Kirgh. mol; Chuv. püle-mes;
pül-lə ‘stalwart’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 184-185.
PJpn. *mr- to fill, heap up (наполнять, нагромождать): OJpn.
m(w)or-; MJpn. mór-; Tok. mòr-; Kyo. mór-; Kag. mór-.
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mīr- tide (разлив, прилив): MKor. mīr-mr (mr ‘water’);
Mod. mīlmul.
◊ Nam 234, KED 697.
‖ Note traces of nasalization in Turkic (should one reconstruct
*bonl?). Cf. also *mìlt῾e.
-móńde hare: Tung. *mundu-kān; Mong. *möndele; Turk. *bAńɨ-; Jpn.
*mm-.
PTung. *mundu-kān hare (заяц): Evk. mundukān; Evn. mụnrụqan;
Neg. monoxān.
◊ ТМС 1, 556.
PMong. *möndele young of a tarbagan (детеныш тарбагана):
WMong. möndele (L 547: möndül); Kh. möndöl.
◊ Cf. also WMong. moltuɣčin (L 542) ‘rabbit’.
PTurk. *bAńɨ- 1 hare 2 marmot (1 заяц 2 сурок): Tat. bajbaq 2;
Bashk. bajbaq 2; Oyr. majčɨq 1; Chuv. molgaś/č.
928
*móńù - *moŋe
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, under *majmak ‘club-footed’, Сетаров 1970. The traditional etymology of
Chuv. (Федотов 1, 362, Егоров 134-135) from an unattested Udm. *mu ‘earth’ + lud keč
‘field hare’ is quite incredible: the Chuv. form is well explained < *bańɨ-l-kač (a diminutive).
PJpn. *mm- flying squirrel (белка-летяга): MJpn. mómí; Tok. momonga.
◊ JLTT 484.
‖ The root (containing a rare cluster *-ńd-) must have denoted a
small wild animal, most probably a hare. It occurs with various suffixes; a common formation may be Chuv. mulgaś < *bańɨ-l-(kač) = PM
*mönde-le < *móńde-lV.
-móńù heart; breast: Tung. *miańam; Jpn. *múnà-i; Kor. *mằńằm.
PTung. *miańam heart (сердце): Evk. mwan; Neg. mwan; Man.
ńaman; SMan. ńamən (86); Ul. mwa(n); Ork. mwa(n); Nan. m’ǟwa(n);
Orch. mǟwa(n); Ud. meäwa(n-); Sol. ḿēɣã, mīɣã.
◊ ТМС 1, 533-534. All languages except Manchu underwent an assimilative change
*miańam > *miawan; however, Manchu ńaman speaks strongly in favour of the original
palatal *ń, corresponding well to the external data.
PJpn. *múnà-i breast (грудь): OJpn. mune; MJpn. múnè; Tok. muné;
Kyo. múnè; Kag. múne.
◊ JLTT 488. muna- in OJ compounds (muna-saka etc.).
PKor. *mằńằm heart (сердце): MKor. mằńằm; Mod. maɨm.
◊ Nam 196, KED 564.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. See SKE 136, EAS 79, Whitman 1985, 202, 237,
АПиПЯЯ 48, 290, Robbeets 2000, 103. The MKor. variant njəm- in
njm-thòŋ ‘heart’ (which Lee 1958, 115 attempts to compare separately
with Manchu ńaman), is most probably just a contraction in a compound < *mằńằm-thòŋ.
-moŋe red, blood-red: Tung. *muŋsi; Mong. *min-či- / *men-te- (?); Jpn.
*məmi ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *muŋsi 1 red (as blood) 2 clot of blood (1 красный (как
кровь) 2 сгусток крови): Evk. munŋi 1; Evn. munsъ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 556.
PMong. *min-či- / *men-te- to become red (краснеть): WMong.
minči-; Kh. minčij-; Bur. mentɨ-; Kalm. minč-.
◊ In KW 263: mintə ulān urlt ‘mit hellroten Lippen’. Ramstedt says *minta < Tib.
mendi < Sanskr. mendhī ‘Lawsonia alba; wird zum Rotfärben der Nägel verwendet’; minčīis glossed (ibid.) as ‘prahlerisch gekleidet sein’.
PJpn. *məmi ( ~ -ua-) red cloth, red colour (красная ткань, красный
цвет): MJpn. momi; Tok. mómi; Kyo. mómí; Kag. mómi.
◊ JLTT 484. Tone reconstruction is not quite clear.
‖ Since the Mong. reflex is somewhat dubious, basically a
Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
*more - *móre
929
-more to hurt, damage, wound: Tung. *mur-dul-; Mong. *mer; Turk.
*bert-; Jpn. *miar- ( ~ *mair-).
PTung. *mur-dul- 1 to slaughter (a deer) 2 to peel (bark) (1 заколоть (оленя) 2 ободрать (кору)): Evk. murdul- 1, murdune- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 558. Attested only in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *mer 1 wound 2 (expr. for) a painful sensation 3 to gnaw at
smth. (1 рана 2 (изобр.) чувство боли 3 глодать что-л.): MMong. mer
(MNT, SH) 1; WMong. mer 2, mere- 3 (L 536); Kh. mer 2, mere- 3; Bur.
mere- 3; Kalm. mer 2, mer- 3.
◊ KW 261, 262.
PTurk. *bert- to break, damage, wound (ломать, вредить, ранить):
OTurk. bert- (OUygh.); Karakh. bert- (MK); Tur. bert-; Gag. bert-; Az.
pärt-; Turkm. berti-; Khal. pärt-lä- ῾to throw’; MTurk. bertik ‘bone’ (in the
context: bone fracture) (Pav. C.); Tat. birt-; Bashk. birt-; Kirgh. bertik
‘contortion’, bertin- = mertin- (refl.); Kaz. mertik ‘contortion’; KKalp.
mert-; Nogh. mertik ‘contortion’; Khak. pirtək ‘mutilation’; Shr. peret-;
Oyr. bert-in- (refl.); Tv. bertik ‘mutilation’; Chuv. part ‘(imit.) crackling’.
◊ VEWT 71, EDT 358, 359, ЭСТЯ 2, 70-72. Turk. > Mong. berte-.
PJpn. *miar- ( ~ *mair-) to decrease, diminish, drain away (уменьшаться, ухудшаться): MJpn. mer-; Tok. meri (n.).
◊ JLTT 475, 723.
‖ The Jpn. parallel is not quite certain, both semantically and phonetically; if it really belongs here it might demand a reconstruction
*mojre.
-móre ( ~ -ŕ-) to long, show affection: Tung. *mur-; Mong. *mereji-; Jpn.
*mútú-m-.
PTung. *mur- 1 spiritual power, luck 2 thought, mind, determination, resolution 3 love, affection 4 to think (1 душевная сила, удача,
счастье 2 мысль, ум, решимость 3 любовь, влечение 4 думать): Evk.
murač 1; Man. muǯin 2, muǯilen 2, 3; muru ‘shape, form’; SMan. muǯin 2
(1998); muru ‘pattern, outline’ (2343); Jurch. miuʒil[e]n-be (506) ‘heart’;
Ul. muru(n) 2, muruči- 4; Ork. muru(n) 2, murutči- 4; Nan. murũ 2, muruči- 4; Orch. muiči- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 558, 559.
PMong. *mereji- to strive, make an effort (стремиться): WMong.
mereji- (L 536); Kh. merij-.
PJpn. *mútú-m- to be friendly, show affection (быть дружественным, приветливым): OJpn. mutub-; MJpn. mútúm-, mútúb-; Tok.
mùtsum-; Kyo. mútsúm-.
◊ JLTT 729.
‖ One of the common Altaic verbs of emotion.
930
*móri - *mot῾ì
-móri road, track; to follow: Mong. *mör; Turk. *bar-; Jpn. *mítí; Kor.
*mōr-.
PMong. *mör road, track (дорога, след): MMong. mor (HY 4, SH),
mor (IM), mur (MA); WMong. mör (L 548); Kh. mör; Bur. mür; Kalm.
mör; Ord. mör; Mog. mür; KT mor (11-2b); Dag. mure (MD 192); Dong.
mo; Bao. mor; S.-Yugh. mör; Mongr. mōr (SM 240), (MGCD mur).
◊ KW 266, MGCD 491.
PTurk. *bar- 1 to walk, go (away) 2 to come, reach (1 ходить, идти 2
приходить, достигать): OTurk. bar- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. bar- 1
(MK); Tur. var- 2; Gag. var- 1, 2; Az. var- 2; Turkm. bar- 1; Sal. var-, bār-,
pār- 1 (ССЯ); Khal. var- 1; MTurk. bar- 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bɔr- 1, 2;
Uygh. ba(r)- 1; Krm. bar- 1; Tat. bar- 1; Bashk. bar- 1; Kirgh. bar- 1; Kaz.
bar- 1; KBalk. bar- 1; KKalp. bar- 1; Kum. bar- 1, 2; Nogh. bar- 1; SUygh.
par- 1; Khak. par- 1; Shr. par- 1; Oyr. bar- 1, 2; Tv. bar- 1; Tof. bar- 1;
Chuv. pɨr- 1; Yak. bar- 1; Dolg. bar- 1.
◊ VEWT 62, ЭСТЯ 2, 64-65, EDT 354, Stachowski 52. Chuv. -ɨ- is unclear.
PJpn. *mítí road (дорога): OJpn. mjiti; MJpn. mítí; Tok. mìchi; Kyo.
míchí; Kag. míti ( = míT).
◊ JLTT 481.
PKor. *mōr- to pursue, drive (преследовать, гнать): MKor. mōr-;
Mod. mol-.
◊ Liu 325, HMCH 307, KED 641.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 89, 277.
-mót῾i joint: Mong. *möči; Kor. *mằtằi.
PMong. *möči body part, extremity (часть тела, конечность):
MMong. muče (MA 405); WMong. möči (L 544: möče, möči); Kh. möč; Bur.
müse; Kalm. möčə; Ord. möčö; Dag. muǯi (Тод. Даг. 155), (MGCD) moiǯi;
Mongr. mučir.
◊ KW 267, MGCD 492. Mong. > Kirgh. mučö, Kaz. muše, Yak. müsä etc. (see TMN 1,
505, Щербак 1997, 206).
PKor. *mằtằi joint (of bamboo; of body) (коленце (бамбука); сустав): MKor. mằtằi; Mod. madi.
◊ Nam 195, KED 561.
‖ A Mong.-Kor. isogloss.
-mot῾ì ( ~ -u-) land: Jpn. *mita ( ~ -u-); Kor. *mut.
PJpn. *mita ( ~ -u-) earth (земля):
◊ JLTT 481. A Ryukyu isolate: cf. Nase mìčá, Hateruma ntá etc.
PKor. *mut dry land (суша): MKor. mut; Mod. mut [muth].
◊ Nam 223, KED 685.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
*múdu - *múkč῾[à]
931
-múdu dragon: Tung. *muduri; Jpn. *múi ( ~ *mi); Kor. *mìr.
PTung. *muduri dragon (дракон): Man. muduri; SMan. muduri
(2276); Jurch. mudu-ur (135); Ul. muduli; Nan. muduri; Orch. muduri; Ud.
mudile (Корм. 262); Sol. mudur.
◊ ТМС 1, 550. TM > Dag. mudur (Тод. Даг. 155).
PJpn. *múi ( ~ *mi) snake (6th Zodiac sign) (змей (6 знак зодиака)): OJpn. mi; MJpn. mi; Tok. mì; Kyo. mé; Kag. mí.
◊ JLTT 476.
PKor. *mìr dragon (дракон): MKor. mìr.
◊ Nam 233.
‖ Whitman 1985, 61, 239 (Kor.-Jpn.); see also the discussion in Miller
2000. An interesting Eastern isogloss.
-mjre shoulder: Tung. *mǖre; Mong. *mörü; Jpn. *mt-; Kor. *mi-.
PTung. *mǖre shoulder (плечо): Evk. mīre; Evn. mīr; Neg. mīje;
Man. meiren; SMan. mirin (65); Ul. ŋujre; Ork. mujre; Nan. mejre; Orch.
mije; Sol. mīri, mīre.
◊ ТМС 1, 538.
PMong. *mörü shoulder (плечо): MMong. muru (SH), muro (HY 46),
murun (MA); WMong. mörü(n) (L 549); Kh. mör; Bur. mür(e); Kalm. mörn
(КРС); Ord. mörö; Dag. muru, mur (Тод. Даг. 155), mure (MD 192);
S.-Yugh. murə, mərə.
◊ MGCD 491.
PJpn. *mt- to carry, hold (нести, держать): OJpn. mot-; MJpn. mòt-;
Tok. mót-; Kyo. mòt-; Kag. mòt-.
◊ JLTT 728.
PKor. *mi- to carry on the shoulder (нести на плече): MKor. mi-;
Mod. mē-.
◊ Nam 212, KED 616.
‖ Poppe 35, ТМС 1, 538, SKE 145, Колесникова 1972a, 91-92, АПиПЯЯ 291, Дыбо 308, Rozycki 156. The cluster *-jr- accounts for Kor. -i(but note that in TM it may be perhaps reconstructed directly: a reconstruction *mūjre is also possible).
-múkč῾[à] a k. of hammer: Tung. *mukča; Jpn. *mútì; Kor. *màčhí.
PTung. *mukča mallet (палица, дубина): Neg. mụkočan; Man. muqšan; SMan. muqəšan, muqəsan ‘club, stave’ (679); Ul. mụkča; Nan. moksa‘to hit with a mallet’; Orch. mučaŋki; Ud. mūsi- ‘to hit with a fist, mallet’
(Корм. 263); Sol. mụx.
◊ ТМС 1, 553, 561.
PJpn. *mútì whip (кнут, бич): OJpn. muti; MJpn. muti; Tok. múchi;
Kyo. múchì; Kag. múchi.
◊ JLTT 489. Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *mútì, but the Tokyo accent is irregular.
932
*mūko - *muktu
PKor. *màčhí wooden hammer, mallet (деревянный молоток, колотушка): MKor. màčhí; Mod. mačhi.
◊ Liu 301, KED 567.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Turk. *bɨčkak ‘knife’ (if
re-analysed semantically on analogy with *bɨč- ‘cut’). The vowel reflex
in Jpn. points to a variant *mukč῾o (or mukč῾u).
-mūko snake: Tung. *mǖkǖ; Mong. *mogaji; Turk. *böke; Jpn. *múkátai
( ~ -tia); Kor. *mək-.
PTung. *mǖkǖ snake (змея): Neg. mīxi; Man. meixe; SMan. meixə
(2271); Jurch. muj-xe (165); Ul. mui; Ork. mui / mujɣi; Nan. mujki; Orch.
mīki; Ud. miki.
◊ ТМС 1, 537-538.
PMong. *mogaj snake (змея): MMong. moxai (HY 12), moqai (SH),
məɣa (IM), muɣaj (MA); WMong. moɣai (L 541); Kh. mogoj; Bur. mogoj;
Kalm. moɣǟ, moɣā; Ord. moGȫ; Mog. maɣōī; ZM māɣāj (21-7a); Dag. mogo,
mogu, mog (Тод. Даг. 154); Dong. moGi, moɣəi; Bao. moGui; S.-Yugh.
moɣui, moGoi; Mongr. muGw (SM 244), moGui (Huzu).
◊ KW 263, MGCD 487, TMN 1, 508-509.
PTurk. *böke a big snake (большая змея): Karakh. böke (MK).
◊ Лексика 180, EDT 324. Clauson doubts MK’s derivation of böke ‘warrior’ from ‘big
snake’ (MK quotes a folk-tale about the snake with seven heads called böke, and says that
the warriors are called by it); but external evidence rather supports Kashgari’s point of
view. If this is the case, MMong. bökö ‘warrior, wrestler’ (whence Evk. buku etc., see Doerfer MT 235) must be a Turkic loanword (see EDT ibid.).
PJpn. *múkátai (~-tia) centipede (многоножка): MJpn. múkádè; Tok.
mùkade; Kyo. mùkádè; Kag. mukáde.
◊ JLTT 487. Accent is not quite clear: most dialects (including RJ) point to high tone
on the first two syllables, but Kyoto suggests rather *mùkátài.
PKor. *mək- a big black snake (большая черная змея): Mod.
mək-kuri, mək-kurəŋi.
◊ KED 609.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 36, 293, Лексика 180. The Mong.-Tung. match is precise; other reflexes present bigger or lesser problems, possibly of tabooistic nature. PJ has irregular tone (but cf. the accentuation in Kyoto,
pointing to *mùká-); in PT one would rather expect a back vowel; the
Kor. word is analysed as “ink-snake” (which is probably a
folk-etymology).
-muktu ( ~ -i) stump, horn foundation: Tung. *mugde-ke; Mong.
*mugǯi-; Kor. *mìth.
PTung. *mugde-ke stump (пень): Evk. mugdekēn; Evn. muɣdъkъn;
Neg. mugdixēn; Man. mukdexen; Ul. mugdu(n); Ork. mūgde(n); Nan.
mugdu, mugdekẽ; Orch. mugde(n); Ud. mugda῾a (Корм. 262); Sol. mugdexẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 549-550.
*muĺi - *mĺi
933
PMong. *mugǯi- 1 short-necked and plump 2 hornless, hairless (1
короткошеий и толстоватый 2 безрогий, безволосый): WMong.
muɣǯiɣar (МХТТТ) 1; Kh. mugǯgar 2; Ord. muGdū 2.
PKor. *mìth bottom, foundation (дно, основание): MKor. mìt, mìth;
Mod. mit [mith].
◊ Nam 234, 235, KED 699.
‖ The old deriving stem is perhaps preserved in Mong. muqur,
moɣutur ‘blunt, hornless’, MMong. muɣular id., Khalkha moxo-, Kalm.
muxə- ‘to make blunt’ etc. (whence numerous TM forms, see ТМС 1,
552-553). Some of them (especially suffixless forms or forms with -l-,
like Evk. muku- ‘to become blunt’, Sol. moxō ‘blunt’, Evn. muk- ‘to chop
off’) may actually be genuine, see Poppe 55. In Mong. cf. also the
fronted variant mökü ‘blunt’ (KW 265).
-muĺi ignorant: Tung. *mul-(di-); Mong. *mulgu-; Jpn. *misu-; Kor.
*mòrắ-.
PTung. *mul-(di-) to be unable (не уметь): Evk. mulli-; Evn. mụlrъ‘to doubt’; Neg. molị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 555.
PMong. *mulgu- to act foolishly (поступать глупо): WMong.
mulɣu- (MXTTT); Kh. mulga-.
PJpn. *misu- annoying, bothersome (надоедливый, привередливый): OJpn. mjisu-.
PKor. *mòrắ- to be unable, ignorant (не уметь, не знать): MKor.
mòrắ-; Mod. morɨ-.
◊ Nam 215, KED 630.
‖ Jpn. -s- (even in the absence of Turkic forms) points to PA *-ĺhere.
-mĺi ice, hail: Mong. *möl-sü, *möl-dür; Turk. *bū(n)ŕ; Jpn. *míns-rá-;
Kor. *múrúi.
PMong. *möl-sü, *möl-dür 1 ice 2 hail (1 лед 2 град): MMong. molsun (HY 1, SH), mulsun (MA), mundur (HY 2), mūlsūn (Lig.VMI);
WMong. mösü(n), mölsü(n) (L 546, 550) 1, möndür 2; Kh. mös 1, möndör 2;
Bur. müĺhe(n); Kalm. mösn; Ord. mösü; Dag. meise, meis (Тод. Даг. 154) 1;
murtul 2 (Тод. Даг. 155), mejse 1 (MD 190), muretule 2 (MD 192); Dong.
mensun (MGCD mandəu 2); Bao. menšu (MGCD minśəu); S.-Yugh. mösən;
Mongr. morʒə (SM 240), (MGCD molsə).
◊ KW 266, 267, MGCD 489, 492. Mong. *möl-dür is proved by the Dagur form, as well
as by Turkic loans: Chag. möldür, Uygh. möldür. See VEWT 341, Лексика 32.
PTurk. *bū(n)ŕ ice (лед): Karakh. buz (MK, KB, IM); Tur. buz; Gag.
buz; Az. buz; Turkm. būz; Sal. muz; Khal. buzäk; MTurk. buz, muz
(Abush., MA, Sangl.); Uzb. muz; Uygh. muz; Krm. buz; Tat. boz; Bashk.
boδ; Kirgh. muz; Kaz. muz; KBalk. buz; KKalp. muz; Kum. buz; Nogh.
934
*mùní - *mnǯù
buz; SUygh. pɨz; Khak. pus; Shr. mus; Chuv. pъₙr; Yak. mūs, būs; Dolg.
būs.
◊ VEWT 91, EDT 389, ЭСТЯ 2, 238-239, Лексика 17-18, TMN 2, 336, Stachowski 67.
PJpn. *míns-rá- 1 to fall (of rain with snow) 2 wet snow, rain with
snow (1 идти (о дожде со снегом) 2 мокрый снег, дождь со снегом):
MJpn. mizora- 1; Tok. mìzore 2; Kyo. mízóré 2; Kag. mizóre 2.
◊ JLTT 482.
PKor. *múrúi hail (град): MKor. múrùi; Mod. muri (dial.).
◊ Nam 221, KED 658.
‖ EAS 79, SKE 155, Poppe 35, 138. The Turkic form presents biggest
problems: it must be explained as a result of dissimilation and contraction - *bū(n)ŕ (cf. obvious traces of nasalization in reflexes) < *būĺ(V)ŕ <
*mĺi-ŕV or even *mūĺi-dVŕV (cf. Mong. *möldür, Evk. melder-); early
loss of *-i- would then also account for the back vowel reflex. All other
forms are more or less plausibly united under the protoform *mĺi.
-mùní ( ~ -o-) a k. of skin or cloth: Tung. *mune-; Jpn. *mìn.
PTung. *mune- 1 skin, fur (from deer’s feet) 2 to pad skis with skin,
fur 3 fur clothes (1 шкурка, мех (с ног оленя) 2 подбивать лыжи
шкуркой, мехом 3 меховая одежда): Evk. munekse 1; Evn. munъs 1,
muni- 2, munek 3; Ul. munekse 1; Ork. muneske 1, munesi- 2; Nan. munekse
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 557.
PJpn. *mìn straw coat (соломенный плащ, накидка): OJpn. mjino;
MJpn. mìnó; Tok. míno; Kyo. mìnó; Kag. míno.
◊ JLTT 480. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps MMong. (HY) minda-sun,
WMong. mindasu(n), Khalkha ḿandas ‘floss-silk, silk thread’.
-mnǯù a k. of of badger: Tung. *mō[nǯ]ika; Mong. *minǯi; Jpn.
*mùnsìnà.
PTung. *mō[nǯ]ika bear eating ants (медведь-муравьед): Evk.
mōdikā; Neg. monoqo; Man. moǯian, močinǯi; Ul. monoko(n); Nan. monoqo
‘Tibetan bear’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 1, 542.
PMong. *minǯi beaver (бобер): WMong. minǯi, (L 539) miŋǯi(n); Kh.
minǯ.
PJpn. *mùnsìnà a k. of badger (“badger-bear”, anakuma badger)
(вид барсука): OJpn. muzina; MJpn. mùzìnà; Tok. mujiná, mùjina; Kyo.
mújìnà; Kag. mujína.
◊ JLTT 489. Accentuation in Kagoshima and the Tokyo variant mùzina are aberrant.
‖ The root contains a rare cluster -nǯ- (with not quite clear reflexes
in TM); nevertheless, the etymology seems probable.
*muŋo - *mri
935
-muŋo suffering: Tung. *miŋnī- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *muŋ; Turk. *buŋ; Jpn.
*munkua-.
PTung. *miŋnī- ( ~ -ü-) to nag (of joints, heart) (ныть (о суставах,
сердце)): Evk. miŋnī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 537. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *muŋ difficulty (трудность): MMong. muŋ (SH); WMong.
muŋ (L 551: muŋla- ‘to be in need’); Kh. munla- ‘to be in need, to be exhausted’ (БАМРС).
PTurk. *buŋ suffering (мучение, страдание): OTurk. buŋ (Orkh.),
muŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. muŋ (MK); Tur. bun; Gag. bun; Turkm. muŋ-lɨ
‘sorrowful’ (dial.); MTurk. muŋ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. muŋ; Uygh. muŋ;
Tat. moŋ; Bashk. moŋ; Kirgh. muŋ; KKalp. muŋ; Kum. muŋ; Nogh. muŋ;
Oyr. muŋ; Tv. muŋ; Yak. muŋ; Dolg. muŋ.
◊ VEWT 344, EDT 347, ОСНЯ 2, 73, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 182.
PJpn. *munkua- horrible (ужасный): Tok. mugó-; Kyo. múgò-; Kag.
múgo-.
◊ JLTT 853. The PJ accent is unclear.
‖ Владимирцов 350, Poppe 71. Mong. may be < Turk. The root
seems to be different from *mùne q. v.
-murgu wheat: Tung. *murgi; Jpn. *mùnkí; Kor. *mírh.
PTung. *murgi barley (ячмень): Man. muǯi; Jurch. mir-ɣe-i ‘product
of agriculture’ (825); Ul. muǯi; Nan. muǯi; Sol. mụrgil ‘ярица, яровое
поле’.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 558. TM > Dag. murgil ‘wheat’ (Тод. Даг. 155).
PJpn. *mùnkí wheat, barley (пшеница, ячмень): OJpn. mugji;
MJpn. mùgjí; Tok. múgi; Kyo. mùgí; Kag. mugí.
◊ JLTT 487.
PKor. *mírh wheat (пшеница): MKor. mír (mírh-); Mod. mil.
◊ Nam 234, KED 696.
‖ Martin 251, АПиПЯЯ 69. An Eastern isogloss; but cf. also Turk.
*bogu- ( < *borgu- ?) in *bogu-daj > *bugdaj (ЭСТЯ 2, 232-234, Лексика
461, Chuv. pъₙri ‘полба’; borrowed in Mong. buɣudaj, see Щербак
1997, 110, Hung. búza ‘wheat’, see MNTESz 398; not < Chin., despite
Joki 1963, 106, Menges 1984, 285), *boguŕ ‘хлеб в зерне’, *bogur-sak >
Mong. Kh. bōrcog ‘вид печенья’. Cf. also Bur. murā ‘flour’.
-mri water: Tung. *mū; Mong. *mören; Jpn. *mí(-n-tú); Kor. *mr.
PTung. *mū water (вода): Evk. mū; Evn. mȫ; Neg. mū; Man. muke;
SMan. mukē, mukū (347); Jurch. mo (51); Ul. mū; Ork. mū; Nan. muke;
Orch. mū; Ud. mu-de ‘inundation’; Sol. mū.
◊ ТМС 1, 548-549.
PMong. *mören river (река): MMong. muren (HY 2, SH), murän
(MA); WMong. mören (L 548); Kh. mörön; Bur. müre(n); Kalm. mörn;
936
*muŕu - *musi
Ord. mörön; Dag. mure (Тод. Даг. 155, MD 192), mur (Тод. Даг. 155);
Dong. moren, moran; Bao. moroŋ; S.-Yugh. merēn, merēm; Mongr. murōn
(SM 250).
◊ KW 267, MGCD 298, 492. Mong. > MTurk. mürän ‘river’ (TMN 1, 506, Щербак
1997, 206). The MMong. form in LHa - merän - is certainly not enough to reconstruct PM
*meren, as attempted by Doerfer (TMN 1, 507) (cf. -ö- or -ü- in other sources). This is obviously done in order to attack the traditional etymology of the word, which nevertheless
still holds.
PJpn. *mí(-n-tú) water (вода): OJpn. mjidu; MJpn. mídú; Tok. mìzu;
Kyo. mízú; Kag. mízu ( = míT).
◊ JLTT 483.
PKor. *mr water (вода): MKor. mr; Mod. mul.
◊ Nam 229, KED 675.
‖ EAS 79, 147, KW 267, Poppe 35, Lee 1958, 115, Martin 246, ОСНЯ
2, 61, Murayama 1962, 109, Menges 1984, 277 -278, АПиПЯЯ 28-29, 69,
86, 278, Rozycki 160. Turkic has preserved the root only within the archaic compound *jag-mur ‘rain’. Tone in Jpn. is irregular (probably because of reduction and the position within a compound; suffixless *mi
is also attested in OJ, but its accent is unknown); loss of resonant presupposes a suffixed form: *mí < *mr(i)-gV (cf. Manchu mū-ke).
-muŕu to press, damage: Tung. *muru-; Turk. *buŕ- / *boŕ-; Kor. *mīr-.
PTung. *muru- 1 to press 2 to oppress 3 to touch (1 давить 2 притеснять 3 задеть, зацепить): Evn. murke- 2, mụrlā- 3; Man. muri(nǯa)‘be stubborn’; Ul. murū- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 559, 532.
PTurk. *buŕ- / *boŕ- to damage, destroy (причинять вред, разрушать): OTurk. buz- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. buz- (MK, KB); Tur. boz-;
Gag. boz-; Az. poz-; Turkm. boz-; Khal. puz- ( < Ogh.?); MTurk. buz(Sangl.); Uzb. buz-; Uygh. buz-; Krm. buz- (T,H,K); Tat. boz-; Bashk. boδ-;
Kirgh. buz-; Kaz. buz-; KBalk. buz-; KKalp. buz-; Kum. buz-; Nogh. buz-;
SUygh. puz-; Khak. pus-; Shr. puza-; Oyr. bus-; Tv. bus-; Chuv. pъₙs-.
◊ EDT 389, VEWT 91, TMN 2, 337, Федотов 1 404, Егоров 150, ЭСТЯ 7. -s- in Chuv.
may be explained either as a loan from Kypch. or as a reflex of the old cluster -ŕs- (Мудрак Дисс. 98).
PKor. *mīr- to push, press (толкать, давить): MKor. mīr’oat-, mī-či-;
Mod. mīl-, mīl-čhi-.
◊ Nam 233, 234, KED 696, 698.
‖ See also notes to *bùro.
-musi a k. of flour: Tung. *musi; Mong. *musi; Jpn. *mìs; Kor. *mìsí.
PTung. *musi 1 roasted flour 2 drink made of roasted flour 3 jelly
(made of fish skin) (1 поджаренная мука 2 питье, смешанное с поджаренной мукой 3 студень (из рыбьей кожи)): Neg. mosịn 3; Man.
*músu - *m[u]ti
937
musi 1, 2; Jurch. mu-ĉin (538) 1; Nan. mus ‘frozen (of meat, fish)’ (On.);
Ul. mosị(n) 3; Orch. mosị(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 547, 560.
PMong. *musi pap made of flour thinned with water or bouillon
(каша из муки, разбавленной водой или бульоном): WMong. musi
(L 552); Kh. moši ‘напиток из поджаренной муки’ (БАМРС).
PJpn. *mìs miso (a k. of thick bean gruel) (вид густой бобовой каши): MJpn. mìsó; Tok. míso; Kyo. mìsó; Kag. misó.
◊ JLTT 481.
PKor. *mìsí a k. of gruel, mixed water and rice flour (вид каши, вода, смешанная с рисовой мукой): MKor. mìsí; Mod. misi.
◊ Nam 233, KED 690.
‖ Kor. and Jpn. have a tone mismatch, so borrowing is not excluded; a borrowing in Mong. < Man. or vice versa is also possible (see
Rozycki 160, proposing Mong. > Manchu).
-músu to bind, strand: Mong. *musgi-; Jpn. *músú(m)p-; Kor. *mɨsk-.
PMong. *musgi- to twist, strand (rope) (скручивать (веревку)):
WMong. musgi- (L 552: muski-, muški-); Kh. mušgi-; Bur. mušxa-; Kalm.
moškl-, muškl-; Ord. mušχi- ‘крутить ( о желудке), выкручивать, извиваться ( о змее)’; Dag. morki-; Dong. mušɨɣəi-; Bao. məśGə-; Mongr.
mušgi- (SM 252), muśgə-.
◊ KW 265, 269, MGCD 495. Mong. > Evk. motki-, see Doerfer MT 127. Cf. also
WMong. mösün ‘strand of rope’ (L 550).
PJpn. *músú(m)p- to bind (связывать): OJpn. musub-; MJpn. músúb-;
Tok. mùsub-; Kyo. músúb-; Kag. mùsùb-.
◊ JLTT 729.
PKor. *mɨsk- to bind (связывать): MKor. mɨsk-, mɨs-; Mod. muk[muk:-].
◊ Nam 232, KED 670.
‖ Martin 227. ? Cf. Man. maselaqu ‘loops, trap’ (ТМС 1, 533).
-musu ( ~ -a, *mosi) to smile: Tung. *musim-; Mong. *misije-.
PTung. *musim- to smile, sneer (улыбаться, усмехаться): Evn.
musъm-; Neg. musi-musi; Man. ḿosiri-la-; Ork. musimu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 561.
PMong. *misije- to smile, laugh (смеяться, улыбаться): WMong.
misije- (L 540); Kh. mišē-; Bur. miher-.
‖ ТМС 1, 561. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-m[u]ti to know, believe: Tung. *mute-; Mong. *mede-; Turk. *büt-; Kor.
*mìt-.
PTung. *mute- can, be able (мочь, уметь): Man. mute-; SMan. mutə-,
mutu- ‘to be capable’ (3020); Ul. mute-; Ork. mute-; Nan. mute- (On.).
938
*mṓč῾a - *módè
◊ ТМС 1, 561 (reflexes coincide with *mute- ‘to fulfil’: in PTM a merger occurred of
the Altaic roots *mŭt’i ‘to complete’ and *m[u]ti ‘to know, believe’).
PMong. *mede- to know (знать): MMong. mede- (HY 33, SH), mēdɛ-,
mīdɛ- (IM), mid- (MA); WMong. mede- (L 531); Kh. mede-; Bur. mede-;
Kalm. medə-; Ord. mede-; Mog. mede- (Weiers); Dag. mede- (Тод. Даг.
154, MD 189); Dong. meǯie-, meiǯie-; Bao. made-, mede-; S.-Yugh. mede-;
Mongr. mude- (SM 244).
◊ KW 259, MGCD 483. Mong. > Evk. mede-, Nan. mede- etc. (ТМС 1, 563-564), see
TMN 1, 512-513, Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki 155.
PTurk. *büt- 1 to believe 2 sign, token (1 верить 2 знак): Karakh.
büt- 1 (MK, KB); MTurk. büt- 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. püt- 1 (dial.); Shr. püt- 1;
Oyr. büt- 1; Yak. bit 2.
◊ VEWT 93, EDT 298-299 (together with büt- ‘finish’), ЭСТЯ 2, 279-280.
PKor. *mìt- to believe (верить): MKor. mìt-; Mod. mit-.
◊ Nam 234, KED 695.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 15, 294. See SKE 149, EAS 149. Mong. *mede- is perhaps
< *möde- with secondary delabialization.
-mṓč῾a ( ~ -u, -o) edge, end: Tung. *muč-; Turk. *būč-gak, -mak; Kor.
*mằčh-.
PTung. *muč- 1 edge, limit, end 2 to turn back, return (1 край, предел, конец 2 поворачивать назад, возвращаться): Evk. mučū- 2; Evn.
mụčụ- 2; Neg. močo- 2; Jurch. muta-bun (378) 2; Ul. mụča 1, mụčụ-ǯị- 2;
Ork. mụčča 1, mụttụ- 2; Nan. moča 1, močogo- 2; Sol. mosō- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 561, 562.
PTurk. *būč-gak, -mak (outer) corner, angle (внешний угол):
Karakh. bučɣaq (MK) ‘region of the world, corner’; Tur. buǯak; Gag.
buǯaq; Az. buǯaɣ; Turkm. būǯaq ‘lower ends of a winebag’; MTurk. buǯaq
(Sangl.); Tat. počmaq; Krm. bučaq, bučqaq; Chuv. pəₙśmex.
◊ VEWT 85, ЭСТЯ 2, 282-283. Despite EDT 294 and Clark 1980, 38, not derived < *bɨč‘cut’ (because of semantic and phonetic - vowel length and vowel quality - differences).
PKor. *mằčh- 1 to finish 2 finish, end (1 заканчивать 2 конец):
MKor. mằs-, măčh-, mằčhắ- 1, mằčhắm 2; Mod. mačhi- 1.
◊ Nam 198, 205, 206, KED 568.
‖ EAS 79, АПиПЯЯ 76, Дыбо 13.
-módè ( ~ -u-, -o) bend, circle: Tung. *moda-; Jpn. *mt-pər-; Kor.
*mùd-Vph > *mùrVph.
PTung. *moda- 1 bend 2 rim, hoop (1 извилина, излучина 2 обод,
обруч): Evk. mōdan, mōdar 1; Man. mudan 1; Ul. modo-čo(n) 2; Nan. modã
1; Orch. muda(n) ‘turn’, muda(ŋ)gi- ‘to return’; Ud. mudaŋa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 542. The Evk. length is not parallelled elsewhere and is probably secondary
(misrecorded?).
PJpn. *mt-pər- to turn round (вращаться): OJpn. motop(w)or-;
MJpn. mótófór-.
*mṓjńo - *móju
939
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mùd-Vph > *mùrVph knee (колено): MKor. mùrùp(h),
mùrằp; Mod. murɨp.
◊ Nam 221, KED 657.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 296. An Eastern isogloss.
-mṓjńo neck: Tung. *moń-ga-n, *moń-pen; Mong. *mundaɣa; Turk.
*bōjn; Jpn. *nəmpV; Kor. *mjə-k.
PTung. *moń-ga-n, *moń-pen neck (шея): Evk. moŋon, meŋun;
meŋer ‘counter, scruff’; Neg. moŋon; Man. moŋgon, meifen; SMan. muŋan
‘throat’ (63), mifin (60); Jurch. mei-fen (509) ‘neck, throat’; Ul. moŋgo(n);
Ork. moŋo(n); Nan. moŋo(n); Orch. moŋo(n); Ud. müö (< *moń-gi?); moŋoli
‘necklace; collar’.
◊ ТМС 1, 538, 546, 570, Дыбо 1996, 254-255.
PMong. *mundaɣa crest, withers (of a horse) (холка (лошади)):
WMong. mundaɣa (L 551); Kh. mundā; Bur. mundā; Kalm. mundā; Ord.
mundā.
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bōjn neck (шея): OTurk. bojɨn (OUygh.); Karakh. bojun,
bojɨn (MK), bojun (KB); Tur. bojun; Gag. bojnu; Az. bojun; Turkm. bojun;
Sal. bojnɨ; Khal. būun; MTurk. bojn, bojun (Sangl., MA); Uzb. bụjin;
Uygh. bojun; Krm. bojun; Tat. mujɨn; Bashk. mujɨn; Kirgh. mojun; Kaz.
mojɨn; KBalk. bojun; KKalp. mojɨn; Kum. bojun; Nogh. mojɨn; SUygh. mojin; Khak. mojɨn; Shr. mojun; Oyr. mojun; Tv. mojun; Tof. möän (mojnu);
Chuv. mъj; Yak. mōj; Dolg. muoj.
◊ VEWT 80, EDT 386, ЭСТЯ 2, 180-182, Лексика 233-234, Stachowski 183. Turk.
forms like Kirgh. mojnoq > Mong. Kh. moinog ‘Wamme’ (see Щербак 1997, 108).
PJpn. *nəmpV neck (шея):
◊ A local Ryukyu word: Hateruma nùbùsŃ, Yonaguni nùbí.
PKor. *mjə-k neck, throat (шея, горло): MKor. mjək; Mod. mjək.
◊ Nam 213, KED 619.
‖ EAS 98, Poppe 34, 67 (Turk.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 53, 280, Дыбо 5,
Лексика 234. In Japanese, unfortunately, only Ryukyu forms are attested, which probably underwent an influence of the PJ root *nəmp- ‘to
stretch, lengthen’; still, the origin of the Ryukyu stem from this PA root
seems probable. The Kor. form is morphologically = PT *bojnak <
*mojńo-k῾V; cf. also MKor. mŋ-’i ‘yoke, harness’ with preservation of
nasal. The TM form also reflects velar suffixation (*mojn-ga-).
-móju all, whole: Tung. *muja-; Jpn. *múina; Kor. *măin.
PTung. *muja- whole (целый, весь): Man. mujaχun; Nan. mo; Ud.
muje῾i (Корм. 262).
◊ ТМС 1, 551.
940
*mk῾a - *mŏk῾V
PJpn. *múina all (весь): OJpn. mina (Old Kyushu dial. mone); MJpn.
mína; Tok. miná; Kyo. mìnná; Kag. míńna.
◊ JLTT 479.
PKor. *măin most, extremely, very (весь, самый, очень): MKor.
măin; Mod. mǟn.
◊ Nam 208, KED 603.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-mk῾a ( ~ -u-, -k-) to sow, scatter: Tung. *moK-; Jpn. *màk-.
PTung. *moK- to scatter, throw out, sow (рассеивать, разбрасывать, сеять): Neg. moklakunda-; Man. maqta-; SMan. maqətə-, mahətə(1549); Nan. moGlola-.
◊ ТМС 1, 543.
PJpn. *màk- to sow (сеять): OJpn. mak-; MJpn. màk-; Tok. mák-; Kyo.
mák-; Kag. màk-.
◊ JLTT 720.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mók῾ì old, aged: Tung. *muxu-; Mong. *mökü-; Turk. *bük-tel- (~ö) (?);
Jpn. *múkási; Kor. *muk-.
PTung. *muxu- 1 to lose powers, be exhausted 2 to die 3 distress,
loss (1 изнемогать, истощаться 2 умирать 3 нужда, лишения): Evk.
mekčerē-, mukčerē- 2; Evn. mụqj 3; Man. moχo- 1; Ul. moχo- 1; Nan.
moχo- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 543, 552, 566 (cf. also Oroch māk- ‘to die’).
PMong. *mökü- to perish, fade away (погибать, вымирать):
WMong. mökü- (L 545); Kh. möxö-; Bur. müxe-; Kalm. mökr- ‘be unable’;
Ord. möχö- ‘subir des malheurs’; Dag. muku- (Тод. Даг. 155); Bao.
mɛgə-.
◊ KW 265, MGCD 493, 609.
PTurk. *bük-tel- mature (зрелый): Karakh. büktel (MK).
◊ EDT 325.
PJpn. *múkási once upon a time, in old times (когда-то, давным-давно): OJpn. mukasi; MJpn. múkási; Tok. mùkashi; Kyo. mùkàshí;
Kag. mukáshi.
◊ JLTT 487. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
PKor. *mùk- to become old, stale; to stay, remain (стариться; оставаться): MKor. mùk-; Mod. muk-.
◊ Liu 332, KED 668.
‖ Martin 247, Дыбо 13, ТМС 1, 566.
-mŏk῾V dirt: Tung. *muK-; Mong. *moki-; Turk. *bok; Kor. *muk.
PTung. *mux- 1 to fart 2 bad smell (1 портить воздух 2 вонь): Evk.
mukē- 1, mukēn 2; Evn. mukē- 2; Neg. muke- 1; Nan. moxan mońi ‘elder’
*mola - *mòle
941
(Bik.) (“stinking tree”, cf. Mong. ömgij xovol) (Сем 143); Orch. moki 2;
Ud. muakta- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PMong. *moki- gum, clay, sulphur (смола, глина, сера): WMong.
mokin (L 542: moki); Bur. moxi(n); Kalm. mokn.
◊ KW 264. Despite Аникин 111, 388, not connected with *boki ‘нагар в курительной
трубке’.
PTurk. *bok dirt, dung (грязь, навоз): OTurk. boq ‘ярь’ (OUygh.);
Karakh. boq ‘mildew on bread’ (MK), ‘dung’ (IM); Tur. bok; Gag. boq;
Az. poχ; Turkm. boq; MTurk. (OKypch.) boq (AH, Houts.); Krm. boq;
Kirgh. boq; KBalk. boq; KKalp. boq; Nogh. boq; Khak. pox; Oyr. boq; Tv.
boq; Tof. moq; Chuv. pъₙx.
◊ VEWT 79, EDT 311, ЭСТЯ 2, 183. Turk. > WMong. boɣ, Kalm. bog (KW 48-49; see
TMN 2, 349, Щербак 1997, 108).
PKor. *muk 1 jelly 2 coarse flour (left in the sieve) (1 желе 2 грубая
мука (остающаяся в сите)): Mod. muk 1, mugəri 2.
◊ KED 652, 668.
‖ Дыбо 10.
-mola ( ~ -u-) blunt, short: Tung. *melu- ~ *mulu-; Mong. *moli-; Jpn.
*marV- (?).
PTung. *melu- ~ *mulu- 1 (to become) blunt 2 teethless (1 тупиться
2 беззубый): Evn. mele- 2; Neg. melu-melu 1, melmetu 2; Man. mentexe 2;
Ul. muluptu- 1; Ork. melli-melli 1; Nan. mulup- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
PMong. *moli- 1 to be blunt 2 blunt (1 быть тупым 2 тупой):
WMong. moli-ji- 1, moluɣur (L 542) 2; Kh. molgor 2; Bur. molxi 2; Kalm.
mölī- 1; Dag. ? mūle- ‘loose one῾s sharpness’ (MD 192).
◊ Mong. moliɣar ‘blunt’ (Kalm. möĺəgər) > Kirgh. molaq ‘animal with a broken horn’
(KW 265).
PJpn. *marV- short (короткий):
◊ The root is attested only in Ryukyu: Hateruma márù-, Yonaguni màrá-.
‖ The Jpn. parallel is somewhat dubious (a local Ryukyu word, and
the semantic match is not quite convincing).
-mòle sick, weak: Tung. *mul-; Turk. *bül-; Jpn. *mr-; Kor. *mɨră-.
PTung. *mul- 1 to fall ill 2 weak, tired (1 заболевать 2 слабый, усталый): Evk. mul- (Вас.), multe 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 555 (Evk. > Yak. möltö-, not vice versa). Attested only in Evk., but having
possible external parallels.
PTurk. *bül- 1 to be destroyed, ruined 2 to destroy (1 разрушаться,
разоряться 2 разрушать): MTurk. OKypch. bül- ‘to remove, fire’ (AH);
Krm. bül- 1; Tat. böl- 1; Bashk. böl- 1; Kirgh. bülün- ‘to be alarmed’; Kaz.
bülin- 1, büldir- 2.
◊ VEWT 92, EDT 332.
942
*mṓli - *mólu
PJpn. *mr- fragile (хрупкий): OJpn. m(w)oro-; MJpn. mòrò-; Tok.
moró-; Kyo. mórò-; Kag. móro-.
◊ JLTT 835. The Kagoshima accent is aberrant.
PKor. *mrằ- soft, weak (мягкий, слабый): MKor. mɨră-, mr-; Mod.
murɨ-.
◊ Nam 226, KED 656.
‖ Martin 242 (Jpn.-Kor.)
-mṓli to cut into pieces: Tung. *m[o]l-; Mong. *möli-; Turk. *bȫl-; Kor.
*mằrằ-.
PTung. *m[o]l- 1 to cut (into pieces etc.) 2 into small pieces (adv.) 3
wood cuttings 4 to break into pieces (1 разрезать на куски 2 на мелкие части 3 обрезки дерева 4 надламывать, переламывать): Evk.
meleɣe-, mēlepte-, molopto- 1; Evn. melles 2; Ul. molǯị 3; Nan. molǯị- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 544, 567.
PMong. *möli- to cut (boughs etc.) (обрезать (сучки и т.п.)):
WMong. möli- (L 546); Kh. mölö-; Bur. müli-; Kalm. möl-.
◊ KW 265.
PTurk. *bȫl- to divide, separate (делить, отделять): OTurk. böl(Orkh.); Tur. böl-; Gag. böl-; Az. böl-; Turkm. bȫl-; Khal. bīel-; MTurk. böl(Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. bọl-; Uygh. bö(l)-; Krm. böl-; Tat. bül-; Bashk. bül-;
Kirgh. böl-; Kaz. böl-; KBalk. böl-; KKalp. böl-; Kum. böl-; Nogh. böl-;
Khak. pöl-; Shr. pöl-; Oyr. böl-; Tof. böl-; Chuv. pöl-.
◊ VEWT 84, EDT 332, TMN 2, 323, ЭСТЯ 2, 214-217. Turk. > Mong. bölög, böleg
‘group, division’ (see TMN 2, 325, Щербак 1997, 109).
PKor. *mằrằ- to cut, trim (резать, подрубать): MKor. mằrằ-; Mod.
marɨ-.
◊ Nam 195, KED 562.
‖ PKE 108. In Kor. one has to suppose vocalic assimilation *mằrằ- <
*mòrằ- (cf. similarly *k῾ṓli).
-mólu ridge, corner: Tung. *mulu; Turk. *bul-; Jpn. *múná-i; Kor. *mằrằ.
PTung. *mulu 1 ridge of roof 2 bench (1 матица, конек (крыши) 2
скамья): Neg. mulu 1; Man. mulu 1, mulan 2; SMan. mulə, mulu ‘ridge,
ridgepole’ (462); Jurch. mul-an (239) 2; Nan. mulu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 554, 555.
PTurk. *bul- 1 corner, angle 2 direction (1 угол 2 направление, сторона света): OTurk. buluŋ 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. buluŋ 1 (MK);
MTurk. OKypch. buluŋ 1 (CCum.); Uygh. buluŋ 1; Tat. bolɨn ‘meadow’;
Bashk. bolon 1; Kirgh. buluŋ 1; Kaz. bulɨq ‘edge’; Khak. puluŋ 1; Tv. buluŋ
1; Tof. buluŋ 1; Yak. buluŋ 1.
◊ VEWT 88, EDT 343, ЭСТЯ 2, 261-262. Turk. > Mong. buluŋ (see Clark 1977, 133,
Щербак 1997, 110), whence Evk. bolon (Doerfer MT 125).
*móĺe - *mónŋo
943
PJpn. *múná-i ridge (of roof) (конек (крыши)): OJpn. mune; MJpn.
múné; Tok. muné; Kyo. múné; Kag. múne.
◊ JLTT 488. The Tokyo accent is irregular (mùne would be expected).
PKor. *mằrằ ridge (of roof) (конек (крыши)): MKor. mằrằ, măr;
Mod. maru.
◊ Nam 195, Liu 285, 289, KED 561.
‖ Lee 1958, 115 (Kor.-TM), Whitman 1985, 183, 237 (Kor.-Jpn.). Despite SKE 139, hardly a loan in Manchu from Kor. In Jpn. we have to
assume *múná < *mura-n (cf. Turk. buluŋ); in Turkic - a secondary narrowing (*buluŋ < *boluŋ).
-móĺe to bite, gnaw: Tung. *mul-; Mong. *mölǯi-; Jpn. *músír-; Kor.
*mr-.
PTung. *mul- 1 to swallow 2 jaw (1 глотать 2 челюсть): Man. muĺa1, muĺan 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 554.
PMong. *mölǯi- to gnaw (глодать): WMong. mölǯi- (L 546); Kh.
mölǯi-; Bur. mülže-; Kalm. mölǯə-; Ord. mölǯi-; Mog. ZM molǯi- (16-6a);
Mongr. murē- (SM 248), mori- (Huzu).
◊ KW 265.
PJpn. *músír- to pluck out, pick out (выдергивать, срывать): MJpn.
músír-; Tok. mùshiru; Kyo. múshír-; Kag. mushír-.
◊ JLTT 729.
PKor. *mr- to bite (кусать): MKor. mr-; Mod. mul-.
◊ Nam 229, KED 677.
‖ SKE 154, ОСНЯ 2, 70; Ozawa 296-297; АПиПЯЯ 295.
-mónŋo to knead, press, stroke: Tung. *monŋi-; Mong. *mun-; Turk.
*boŋ; Jpn. *mm- (~-uá-); Kor. *mằn-čí-.
PTung. *monŋi- 1 to squeeze, rumple 2 mallet (1 мять, комкать,
растирать 2 колотушка): Evk. moni-, moŋi- 1; Evn. monŋ- 1; Neg.
moŋnị- / monŋị- 1, moŋị 2; Man. monǯi- 1; SMan. ḿonǯi- ‘to massage, to
rub’ (1571); Ul. monǯịčị- 1; Ork. monǯị- 1, mōnịčụ(n) 2; Nan. moŋgịčị- 1,
meŋki ‘spoon, ladle’; Orch. moŋiči- 1; Ud. muŋgi 2 (Корм. 263).
◊ ТМС 1, 545.
PMong. *mun- mallet (колотушка): WMong. muna (L 551), monča
(L 542); Kh. muna; Bur. munsa; Kalm. munə (КРС).
PTurk. *boŋ mallet (молоток, колотушка): Tv. moŋ; Tof. moŋ.
◊ Лексика 383.
PJpn. *mm- (~-uá-) to knead, rumple (мять, жать, комкать): OJpn.
m(w)om-; MJpn. móm-; Tok. mòm-; Kyo. móm-; Kag. móm-.
◊ JLTT 726.
PKor. *mằn-čí- to stroke, rub (гладить, тереть): MKor. mằn-čí-;
Mod. manǯi-.
*mṓńe - *mṓŋi
944
◊ Nam 199, KED 576.
‖ SKE 144, Lee 1958, 114, Лексика 383.
-mṓńe ( ~ -o) a k. of fruit: Tung. *moja- (-ń-?); Mong. *mono-su; Turk.
*bōń-; Jpn. *mm ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *moja- (-ń-?) name of a tree similar to quince (назв. дерева,
похожего на айву): Man. mojoro, mujari.
◊ ТМС 1, 550. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *mono-su bird-cherry (черемуха): WMong. mono-su(n)
(МХТТТ); Kh. monos.
PTurk. *bōń- 1 black currants 2 hazel-nut (1 черная смородина 2
орех): Chuv. mъjъr 2; Yak. mōńńoɣon 1.
◊ Федотов 1, 346. Cf. also Yak. dial. majɨara ‘raspberry’. Chuv. > Hung. mogyóro ‘hazelnut’.
PJpn. *mm ( ~ -ua-) peach (персик): OJpn. m(w)om(w)o; MJpn.
mómó; Tok. mòmo; Kyo. mómó; Kag. mómo.
◊ JLTT 484.
‖ EAS 123-124, Poppe 36, Мудрак Дисс. 75.
-mṓŋi ( ~ -e) round: Tung. *muŋu-, *muŋbu-; Mong. *möɣer; Turk.
*bōn-čok; Kor. *mūŋ-.
PTung. *muŋu-, *muŋbu- 1 oval, round 2 blunt, rounded (1 овальный, круглый 2 тупой, закругленный): Evk. mumō 2, mumbu-me 1,
mombo- ‘roll’; Evn. muŋuti 1; Man. mumuri 2; Nan. muŋgel-muŋgel bī 1.
◊ Tung. > Yak. mumur / muŋur ‘blunt’. See ТМС 1, 544, 556, 558. Evk. munčukē ‘beads’
may be derived or else may be a later Turkism.
PMong. *möɣer wheel, hoop (колесо, обруч): MMong. mo’er ‘felloe,
rim’ (HY 18); WMong. möger (L 545); Kh. mȫr; Bur. mȫr(e); Kalm. mȫr;
Dag. mēr (Тод. Даг. 154).
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bōnčok beads, small balls as ornaments (бусы, маленькие
шарики в качестве украшений): OTurk. mončuq (Orkh., OUIgh.);
Karakh. mončuq (MK); Tur. bonǯuk; Gag. bonǯuq; Az. munǯuɣ; Turkm.
mōnǯuq; Khal. munǯuq; MTurk. mɨnčaɣ (Sangl.), bunǯuq (Pav. C.), munčaq
(MA); Uzb. munčɔq; Uygh. mončaq (dial.); Krm. munǯax; Tat. muncaq
(КСТТ); Bashk. munsaq (dial.); Kirgh. mončoq; Kaz. monšaq; KBalk. minčaq; KKalp. monšaq; Kum. minčaq; Khak. mončɨx, monńɨx (dial.).
◊ VEWT 340, EDT 349, ЭСТЯ 7. One can argue that this form is derived from *bōjn
‘neck’ (in old sources the word is usually reserved for neck ornaments). Forms like
mojɨn-ča-k, attested in Tat., Bashk., Nogh., Kirgh., as well as Chag. mɨnčaɣ, KBalk., Kum.
minčaq should be probably explained that way; but the form *bōn-čok itself may rather
reflect earlier *mōŋi-č῾V(k῾V) ‘round ornament’, with secondary contaminations. Turk. >
Russ. munčakъ, see Аникин 395.
*mṑro - *mórV
945
PKor. *mūŋ- round, small round stone (круглый, маленький круглый камешек): MKor. mūŋ’rí-tōr; Mod. muŋi ‘round thing, lump’,
muŋuri ‘round stone’.
◊ Nam 224, KED 685.
‖ OJ mapa-r- ‘turn round’ may belong here if it goes back to <
*moŋ-bV (cf. Tungus forms), although the vocalism is not quite right; cf.
also Mong. (dissimilation?) bömbüger ‘round’, see EAS 116.
-mṑro a k. of weed: Tung. *mōr-; Jpn. *m (~*muà); Kor. *mắr.
PTung. *mōr- 1 sedge 2 horse-tail (weed) (1 осока 2 хвощ): Evk.
mōrda 1, moriŋā 2; Nan. mōri ‘ивняк’ (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 546.
PJpn. *m (~*muà) edible seaweed (водоросли (съедобные)): OJpn.
m(w)o; MJpn. mò; Tok. mò; Kyo. mṓ; Kag. mó.
◊ JLTT 484. Modern accentuation points rather to high tone, but RJ explicitly has a
low tone.
PKor. *mắr edible seaweed (водоросли (съедобные)): MKor. mắr;
Mod. marɨm.
◊ Nam 201, KED 562.
‖ Whitman 1985, 144, 155, 237. An Eastern isogloss. In Turk. cf. pe rhaps Oyr., Shor parga ‘weed’ (which would require a modification of
the PA form to *màro). The loss of resonant in Jpn. presupposes a suffixed form like *mòr(o)-gV (cf. the Turkic parallels) or *mòr(o)-ŋV (cf.
Evk. moriŋa).
-mórV horse: Tung. *murin; Mong. *mori; Turk. *bura (?); Kor. *mằr.
PTung. *murin horse (лошадь): Evk. murin; Evn. mụrn; Neg. mojịn;
Man. morin; SMan. morin (2182); Jurch. mu-rin; Ul. mụrị(n); Ork. mụrị(n);
Nan. morị; Orch. muri(n); Ud. mui; Sol. morĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 558-559.
PMong. *mori horse (лошадь): MMong. morin (HY 9, SH), mori
(IM), murin (MA); WMong. mori(n) (L 543); Kh. moŕ; Bur. mori(n); Kalm.
mörn; Ord. mori(n); Mog. morin; ZM morin (20-6), KT muren (19-2b);
Dag. mori, moŕ (Тод. Даг. 155, MD 192); Dong. mori; Bao. more; S.-Yugh.
mōrə; Mongr. mori (SM 241).
◊ KW 267, MGCD 487, TMN 1, 507. Oirat (Kalm.) > Russ. мерин; Bur. > Russ. dial.
mórin, see Аникин 391.
PTurk. *bura (?) soul of a sacrificial animal (horse) (душа жертвенного животного (коня)): Khak. pura ‘picture of a male maral on a shaman drum’; Oyr. pura (dial.) ‘sacrificial animal’.
◊ The Oyr. word is usually identified with bura ‘camel’ < PT *bugra; the absence of
vowel length (*būra would be normally expected) is, however, baffling and could indicate
a different origin of the Oyr. and Khak. words. Cf. perhaps also Yak. burgunas ‘young
cow, cow without calves’.
PKor. *mằr horse (лошадь): MKor. mằr; Mod. mal.
946
*múbè - *mude
◊ Nam 201, KED 578.
‖ EAS 79, 141, Новикова 1984. Somewhat dubious as a PA etymon:
the Turkic reflex is questionable, the Tungus forms may be borrowed
from Mong., see TMN 1, 507-508, Doerfer MT 25, Rozycki 159 (although the vocalism is not quite satisfactory for a loan); however, the
Kor. word is hard to explain as a Mong. borrowing.
-múbè blunt, hornless, hairless: Tung. *mub-(up)-; Mong. *müjide; Jpn.
*mápí-rə(n)ka-; Kor. *mbi- / mbi-.
PTung. *mub-(up)- to become blunt (тупиться): Evn. mb-/p-; Neg.
mōp-; Man. mufujen.
◊ ТМС 1, 549.
PMong. *müjide hornless (безрогий): Bur. müjde.
◊ Attested only in Buriat, but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *mápí-rə(n)ka- to disrobe, make naked (снимать одежду,
оголять): MJpn. máfírógá-.
◊ JLTT 718 (Martin transcribes mabiroke-).
PKor. *mbi- / *mbi- 1 to be naked 2 to be bald (1 быть голым 2
быть лысым): MKor. mi- 2, mi-wàs- 1 (pàs- ‘to take off clothes’); Mod.
mui- 2, mä-n, mi-n ‘pure, bare’.
◊ Nam 212, 232, KED 603, 664, 693.
‖ The Jpn. word is traditionally analysed as ‘totally spread’ - most
probably a folk-etymological reanalysis; note the obvious semantic
parallel between MJ mafiroge- and MKor məi-was-.
-mùč῾e branch (of a pine, conifer): Tung. *muči-kta; Mong. *möčir; Jpn.
*màtú.
PTung. *muči-kta 1 needles (branches) of a conifer 2 bamboo bast (1
хвоя 2 бамбуковое лыко): Evk. mučukte 1, muču- ‘to be green (of a
larch)’; Evn. mụčịt 1 (also ‘young green sprouts’); Man. mučiχa 2.
◊ ТМС 1,562. Evk. > Yak. mučukta, Dolg. möčükte (see Kał. TJ 266, Stachowski 180).
PMong. *möčir branch, twig (ветка): WMong. möčir (L 545); Kh.
möčir; Bur. müšer; Kalm. möčr; Ord. möčǖr; Dag. cf. mučurtu (Тод. Даг.
155), mučurete (MD 192) ‘grapes’; Mongr. mučir.
◊ KW 267, MGCD 493.
PJpn. *màtú pine tree (сосна): OJpn. matu; MJpn. màtú; Tok. mátsu;
Kyo. màtsú; Kag. matsú.
◊ JLTT 474.
‖ Колесникова 1972a, 94; АПиПЯЯ 76.
-mude soon, finally: Tung. *mudan; Mong. *mödü.
PTung. *muda-n end, limit, finish (конец, предел): Evk. mudan;
Evn. mụdn; Neg. modan; Ul. mụda(n); Nan. modã; Ud. muda(n); Sol.
mudã.
◊ ТМС 1, 550. TM > Dag. madan (Тод. Даг. 153).
*mūga - *múgdà
947
PMong. *mödü soon, shortly, later (скоро, вскоре, позже):
WMong. mödü (L 545); Kh. möd.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also PJ *mat- ‘to wait’, *mata
‘again’. Ramstedt (SKE 142) compares the Tung. form with Kor. mačhida ‘to end, finish’ (Ramstedt: mătčhida), but MKor. has always -č- or
-s- in this verb (mằč-tá, mằs-tá), see *mṓč῾a.
-mūga bonfire: Tung. *mōgdi; Mong. *maj; Jpn. *mákí.
PTung. *mōgdi instrument for obtaining fire (огниво): Evk. mōgdi;
Evn. mōdgị; Neg. mōgdị; Nan. moduli; Orch. mōdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 541-542.
PMong. *maj bonfire (костер): WMong. mai (L 522); Kh. maj.
PJpn. *mákí ( ~ -ui) firewood (дрова): Tok. màki; Kyo. mákí; Kag.
máki.
◊ JLTT 470. The word is not attested in OJ and may be actually = ma-ki ‘true wood’
(see ibid.).
‖ Somewhat dubious because of a possible alternative etymology of
the Japanese word and because of tonal discrepancy between TM and
Japanese.
-múgdà bank, earth: Tung. *megdī / *mugdī; Mong. *muǯi; Turk.
*bodun; Jpn. *mátì; Kor. *màt(h).
PTung. *megdī / *mugdī steep bank (берег (террасовый, крутой)):
Evk. megdīn; Evn. meɣdin; Neg. megdin; Man. mudun; Ul. megdi(n); Ork.
megǯi(n); Nan. megǯĩ (dial. mudũ ‘meadow’, possibly < Manchu); Orch.
megdi(n); Ud. mogʒo῾ (Корм. 260).
◊ ТМС 1, 550, 563.
PMong. *muǯi territory, province (территория, провинция):
WMong. muǯi (L 554); Kh. muǯ; Bur. možo; Kalm. muǯə; Ord. muǯi; Dag.
moǯi (Тод. Даг. 155, MD 191).
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bodun people (народ): OTurk. bodun (OUygh., Orkh,);
Karakh. boδun (MK).
◊ EDT 306, TMN 2, 812, Лексика 316.
PJpn. *mátì street, quarter (улица, квартал): OJpn. mati; MJpn. mátì;
Tok. machí; Kyo. mátì; Kag. máti.
◊ JLTT 473.
PKor. *màt(h) place, enclosure, yard (место, огороженное место,
двор): MKor. màt, màth; Mod. madaŋ, (arch.) mat [mat, math].
◊ Nam 199, 206, KED 560, 578, 596.
‖ EAS 78-79, Whitman 1985, 171, 237, АПиПЯЯ 279. The hypothesis
of borrowing in Korean from Tibetan (SKE 137) is untenable. The
Turkic form may be alternatively derived from *bod ‘body’, in which
case it may be unrelated to other forms above.
948
*mùgdó - *mújŋi
-mùgdó ( ~ *mògdé) to coil, turn round: Tung. *mugdi-; Mong. *muǯi-,
*moǯi-; Jpn. *mntr-; Kor. *mr-.
PTung. *mugdi- to coil, make turns (извиваться, делать повороты): Evk. mugdi-; Neg. mugdeli ‘round and round’; Nan. megǯen-; Ud.
mugǯili-.
◊ ТМС 1, 549.
PMong. *muǯi-, *moǯi- slanting, to be awry (косой, кривой):
WMong. muǯiji-, moǯiji- (v.), muǯiɣar, moǯiɣar (adj.) (L 554); Kh. muǯī-,
muʒgar; Bur. muža-; Kalm. muǯi- ‘to disjoint’; Ord. muǯugur ‘halting,
lame’.
◊ KW 268.
PJpn. *m(n)tr- to come back, return (возвращаться): MJpn.
mòdòr-; Tok. modór-; Kyo. módór-; Kag. mòdòr-.
◊ JLTT 725.
PKor. *mr- to return, turn around, retreat (возвращать(ся), поворачиваться, отступать): MKor. mr-; Mod. murɨ-.
◊ Nam 226, KED 657.
‖ Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-mújŋi horn; cartilage, tendon: Tung. *muŋi; Mong. *möɣer-sü (-ŋ-);
Turk. *bujŋuŕ (*büjŋüŕ); Kor. *mi’ìm.
PTung. *muŋi tendon (сухожилие (на конце мышцы)): Evk. muŋi.
◊ ТМС 1, 557. Attested only in Evk., but having plausible external parallels.
PMong. *möɣer-sü (-ŋ-) cartilage, gristle (хрящ): MMong. muqursun ‘marrow, pith’ (MA); WMong. möge(r)sü, möŋgürsü (L 545:
mögeresü(n)); Kh. mögȫ(r)s, mȫrs; Bur. meŋgērhe(n); Kalm. mȫrsn; Ord.
mȫrösü, mȫrös; Dag. muemči; Mongr. muŋgirʒə (SM 248), (MGCD
mungərsə).
◊ KW 268, MGCD 489.
PTurk. *bujŋuŕ (*büjŋüŕ) horn (рог): OTurk. müjüz (OUygh.);
Karakh. müŋüz (MK); Tur. bojnuz; Gag. bujnus; Az. bujnuz; Turkm. bujnuz; Sal. moŋɨz; MTurk. müŋüz, mügiz (Pav. C.); Uzb. mụgiz; Uygh.
müŋgüz; Krm. muŋguz; Tat. mögez; Bashk. mögöδ; Kirgh. müjüz; Kaz.
müjiz; KBalk. müjüz; KKalp. mujiz; Kum. müjüz; Nogh. müjiz; SUygh.
moŋɨs; Khak. mǖs; Shr. mǖs; Oyr. mǖs; Tv. mɨjɨs; Tof. miis; Chuv. mъjraga;
Yak. muos; Dolg. muos.
◊ VEWT 347, EDT 352, ЭСТЯ 2, 243, Лексика 148, Stachowski 183.
PKor. *mi’ìm gums (десны): MKor. nì-s-mi’ìm, ní-s-m’jòm,
ni-s-mɨ’ɨm, ni-s-mɨi’jom (ni- ‘tooth’.
◊ Nam 127. The modern form it-mom is a result of reinterpreting the compound as
‘tooth’s flesh’ (mom).
*mujre - *múk῾è
949
‖ EAS 120, Poppe 73, KW 268, VEWT 347b (but PTM *mǖre ‘shoulder’ is not related); ТМС 1, 557 (Tung.-Mong.); АПиПЯЯ 282, Лексика
148.
-mujre a bird of prey: Tung. *muri; Turk. *bürküt; Kor. *māi.
PTung. *muri eagle (орел): Evk. muri; Neg. mūju; Ud. mui, muji.
◊ ТМС 1, 558.
PTurk. *bürküt 1 aquila fulva 2 eagle (1 беркут 2 орел): Turkm.
bürgüt 1, 2; MTurk. bürküt (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. burgut 1,
2; Uygh. bürküt 1, 2; Tat. brkĭt 1, 2; Bashk. brkt 2; Kirgh. bürküt 1;
Kaz. bürkĭt 1; KKalp. bürkit 1; Oyr. bürküt, mürküt 1; Tv. bürgüt 1; Chuv.
pərgət 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 300, Лексика 169, TMN 2, 331-333. Turk. > Mong. bürgüd ‘eagle’, Russ.
беркут. As suggested in ЭСТЯ the original stem may have been *bür- (preserved in Kaz.,
KKalp. bür- ‘to grasp prey (of an eagle)’).
PKor. *māi falcon (сокол): MKor. māi; Mod. mǟ.
◊ Nam 206, KED 596.
‖ The cluster *-jr- is reconstructed to account for the loss of *-r- in
Korean.
-mjV to cut, tear: Tung. *mǖ- (*mūj-); Kor. *mi-.
PTung. *mǖ- (*mūj-) to cut (резать): Evk. mī-; Evn. mī-ne-; Neg. mī-;
Man. mej-le-, mej-te-; SMan. miti- ‘to lop off’ (1731); Ul. ŋui-; Ork. mī-;
Nan. mui-; Orch. mi-; Ud. mine-.
◊ ТМС 1, 535.
PKor. *mi- 1 to tear a hole 2 to get torn (1 прорывать дыру 2 разрываться): MKor. mi- 2; Mod. mī- 1, 2, mii- 2.
◊ Liu 344, KED 687.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-múk῾è to wrap, tie up: Tung. *muK-; Mong. *muku-; Jpn. *mák-; Kor.
*moka-.
PTung. *muK- 1 cover, case 2 covered tent 3 ring, neck ring of sable
tails 4 globular (1 покрышка, чехол 2 крытый шалаш 3 кольцо,
опушка из собольих хвостов вокруг шеи 4 шаровидный): Evk. mukāk 2, muku 1, mukče 4; Man. muxi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 550, 552, 554. Some other forms (Sol. mụxali ‘globular’, Man. muχaĺan ‘pellet’, Nan. muxergiẽ ‘ring’ etc.) may be borrowed < Mong., see Doerfer MT 118, 144, Rozycki 159; but for the forms listed above it is highly unlikely.
PMong. *muku-, *mökü- 1 to wrap, tie up 2 to make round 3
rounded, spherical (1 заворачивать, завязывать 2 округлять 3 округленный, сферический): WMong. muqulaji-da- 1 (L 553: muqulajid- 2,
muqulaɣ, muquliɣ 3); mökülig, mökürig 3 (L 545, 546); Kh. muxlaj-da- 1,
muxlag, möxlög 3; Bur. müxerēn 3; Mongr. moŋGuloG, muŋGuloG (SM
*m[ù]k῾è - *mk῾é
950
239, 248) 3, muGu ‘petites pierres rondes avec lesquelles les enfants
jouent’ (SM 244).
PJpn. *mák- to wrap, wind around, tie into (заворачивать, обматывать): OJpn. mak-; MJpn. mák-; Tok. màk-; Kyo. mák-; Kag. mák-.
◊ JLTT 720.
PKor. *moka- 1 bundle 2 numerative for bundles (1 связка 2 счетное слово для связок): Mod. mogami 1, mogä 2.
◊ The forms are quoted from SKE 150 (where they are incorrectly compared with
Mong. boɣ-ča etc.); KED 627 lists only mogä “all together, in the lump”.
‖ Cf. *ma[k῾]o.
-m[ù]k῾è to suck: Tung. *muKu-; Mong. *meke; Turk. *bök-; Jpn.
*màkà-nàp-; Kor. *mk-.
PTung. *muKu- to fill mouth with liquid (набрать в рот жидкости): Evk. muku-; Evn. mụq-; Neg. moxon- ~ mokun-; Man. muku-; Ud.
mukun-; Sol. moxo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PMong. *meke 1 female breast, to suck 2 to move jaws (1 грудь (ж.),
сосать 2 двигать челюстями): WMong. meke-re- 2; Kh. mexre- 2; Bur.
mexer- 2; Dag. mek 1, mekē- 2 (Тод. Даг. 154: mekē- ‘to suck’), meke 1 (MD
190).
PTurk. *bök- to be satiated, full (насыщаться, наедаться): Karakh.
bök- (MK); Tur. bɨk-; Gag. bɨq-; Krm. bɨq-; Bashk. bük-; Kirgh. bök-; Kaz.
bök-; Nogh. bök-; SUygh. pek-; Tv. pök-; Tof. pök- (note the absence of
pharyngealization - pointing to PT length?); Yak. böɣöx ‘satiated’; Dolg.
bögök ‘satiated’.
◊ VEWT 83 (together with bük- ‘to lock’), EDT 324, ЭСТЯ 2, 211, Stachowski 63.
PJpn. *màkà-nàp- to feed, provide meals (кормить, предоставлять
пищу): MJpn. makanaf-; Tok. makaná-; Kyo. mákáná-; Kag. màkànà-.
◊ JLTT 719.
PKor. *mək- 1 to eat 2 to drink (1 есть 2 пить): MKor. mk- 1; Mod.
mək- 1, 2.
◊ Nam 211, KED 609.
‖ PKE 109, Lee 1958, 115, АПиПЯЯ 295, Дыбо 14. Korean has a
verbal low tone; delabialization in Mong. (*möke or *müke would be expected) is not quite clear (cf. the same process in *mede- < *muti).
-mk῾é a k. of fish: Tung. *mōk-; Mong. *mök-; Jpn. *mànkúrúa.
PTung. *mōk- 1 a k. of white-fish 2 a k. of small fish 3 crucian (1 вид
сига 2 вид мелкой рыбы 3 карась): Evk. mōkčakā 1, mekē 3; Ork. mokkiri
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 544, 566.
*mūk῾o - *mula
951
PMong. *mök- 1 young of river fish 2 female carp (1 мальки речной рыбы 2 самка карпа): WMong. möküče 1, mökürü 2 (МХТТТ); Kh.
möxöc 1, möxrǖ 2 (Gomb.).
◊ Cf. Manchu muxuru ‘female čime fish’: Mong. mökürü may be < Manchu (see Sukhebaatar; but a reverse borrowing is also possible).
PJpn. *mànkúrúa tuna-fish (тунец): Tok. màguro; Kyo. màgùró; Kag.
maguró.
◊ JLTT 470.
‖ Cf. also Kor. mik:uri ‘амурский вьюн’.
-mūk῾o ( ~ -u) male: Tung. *muxa- / *muxe-; Mong. *mok-; Turk. *būka.
PTung. *muxa- / *muxe- 1 man 2 male (1 мужчина 2 самец): Neg.
muxeti 2; Man. muχan 2; Nan. moχa(n) 1, 2; Orch. mueti 2; Ud. mugeti,
mueti 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 543, 554.
PMong. *mok- 1 2-years old male deer 2 penis (1 двухлетний самец
оленя 2 penis): Bur. moxotor 1; Kalm. moxr 2 (КРС).
PTurk. *būka bull (бык): OTurk. buqa (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
buqa (MK, KB); Tur. boa; Gag. buɣa, bua; Az. buGa; Turkm. buGa; MTurk.
buɣa (Sangl.); Uzb. buqa; Uygh. buɣa, buqa; Krm. buɣa; Tat. buɣa (dial.);
Bashk. buɣa; Kirgh. buqa; Kaz. buqa; KBalk. buɣa; KKalp. buɣa; Kum.
buɣa; Nogh. buɣa; SUygh. puqa; Khak. puɣa; Shr. puɣa; Oyr. buqa; Tv.
buɣa; Tof. buxa; Yak. buga.
◊ VEWT 87, EDT 312, ЭСТЯ 2, 230-232, Sinor 1962, 320-321, Лексика 437. Turk. >
Mong. buqa (see TMN 2, 299, Щербак 1997, 110), whence Evk. buka etc. (see TMN ibid.,
Poppe 1966, 194, Doerfer MT 99). Turk. > Hung. bika, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-mk῾Ỻ ( ~ -o-) mole: Tung. *muktu-; Jpn. *mənkura / *munkura.
PTung. *muktu- 1 short-tailed mouse 2 mole (1 короткохвостая
мышь 2 крот): Neg. muktuj 1; Man. muqdun, muqtun 1, 2; Ork. muktuli
1, 2; Nan. muktur 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PJpn. *mùnkura mole (крот): MJpn. ùgùrò-mòtì (also ugura-); Tok.
mògura, mùgura; Kyo. mùgúrà, mùgùrá; Kag. mugurá.
◊ JLTT 484, 560. Accent is varying greatly, but low tone on the first syllable may be
more or less reliably reconstructed.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mula a k. of deer: Tung. *mul-; Mong. *maral; Turk. *bulan.
PTung. *mul- 1 deer 2 young of elk, small deer 3 deer herd (1 олень
2 детеныш лося, маленький олень 3 стадо оленей): Evk. mulkān 1;
dial. mêlêlê, Nep. mlan 2; multa 3; Evn. mụlqan 1; Neg. molkān 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 534, 555.
952
*muma - *mùne
PMong. *maral mountain deer (горный олень): MMong. maral
(SH), mārāl (LH), maral (MA); WMong. maral (L 529); Kh. maral; Bur.
maral; Kalm. marl.
◊ KW 257. Mong. > Kaz. maral etc. (VEWT 327, TMN 1, 495, Щербак 1997, 206).
PTurk. *bulan elk (лось): Karakh. bulan ‘unicorn from the Kyfchak
country’ (MK); MTurk. bulan (Ettuhf.), bulnaq (AH) ‘onager’; Uzb. bulɔn;
Tat. bolan; Bashk. bolan; Kirgh. bulan; Kaz. bulan; Nogh. bulan; Khak.
pulan; Shr. pulan; Oyr. bulan; Tv. bulan; Chuv. pъₙlan.
◊ VEWT 88, TMN 2, 356, EDT 343, ЭСТЯ 2, 260, Лексика 154. Chinese origin (Щербак 1961, 141-142) is hardly possible; it is curious to note MK’s meaning: ‘unicorn with its
horn collecting snow and rain’. Turk. > Russ. буланый (horse color name)’; > Hung. bölény
‘aurochs’, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ Дыбо 8, Лексика 154. A Western isogloss. Mong. *maral regularly
< *mala-r.
-muma ( ~ *mema) a k. of small wild animal: Tung. *mume- / *meme-;
Mong. *mamu-wna; Jpn. *mami.
PTung. *mume- / *meme- 1 bear 2 white hare (1 медведь 2 заяц
(белый)): Evk. mombokī 2; Evn. mömö, mēmeke, mēmeče 1; Man. mamuke,
mamutun 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 526, 544, 568. The Even form is considered to be < Yukagh. meme, but the
direction of loan may as well be reverse.
PMong. *mamu-wna rabbit (кролик): WMong. mamuuna (МХТТТ);
Kh. mamūna (МХТТТ).
◊ Hardly < TM, despite Sukhebaatar.
PJpn. *mami a k. of badger, bear-badger (вид барсука, барсук-медведь): Tok. mami.
‖ An expressive root; one of many common Altaic words for small
animals.
-mùne defect, lack: Mong. *mun-du-; Turk. *bün; Jpn. *màntù-.
PMong. *mun-du- to become insufficient (становиться недостаточным): WMong. mundu- (L 551: muŋda-); Kh. munda-; Kalm. mundə-.
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bün defect, sin (недостаток, грех): OTurk. mün (OUygh.);
Karakh. mün (MK); Tat. min (КСТТ); Kirgh. mün, min; Kaz. min; KKalp.
min; Kum. min-siz ‘flawless’; Nogh. min.
◊ VEWT 347, EDT 347, 767 (confused with other roots), ОСНЯ 3, 55-56, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *màntù- poor (бедный): OJpn. madu-si; MJpn. màdù-si; Tok.
mazu-shí-; Kyo. mázúshì-; Kag. mazushí-.
◊ JLTT 834.
‖ Cf. *mn[u], *múnu - the roots are sometimes difficult to distinguish. Cf. also Evk. modu ‘greedy, miserly’ (ТМС 1, 542).
*múnu - *mùńa
953
-múnu wrong, mad, uneasy: Tung. *moŋ-nV- (*mon-ŋV-); Mong. *mun-;
Turk. *bun-; Jpn. *múntú-ká-.
PTung. *moŋ-nV- (*mon-ŋV-) 1 stupid 2 inconvenient (1 глупый 2
неудобный): Evk. moŋnon 1; Ul. monị 2; Nan. monịã 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 544, 545.
PMong. *mun- 1 to become mad 2 ignorance 3 shame (1 сходить с
ума 2 невежество 3 стыд): MMong. mənɣəq (IM); moŋqax ‘stupid’ (HY
38), muŋqax ‘silly’ (SH); WMong. muna- 1, muŋgaq 2 (L 551: muŋɣani-,
muŋkina- ‘to become stupid, be confused’, munaid ‘outrageous’); Kh.
muna- 1, munxag 2, mundur 3; Bur. munga- 1; Kalm. munə- 1, muŋxəg,
moŋxū 2, mundr 3; Ord. munu- 1, muŋχaG 2, munǟda- ‘to behave stupidly’.
◊ KW 264, 268, 269. Cf. also WMong. muŋdani- ‘lose one’s mind’ (L 551: ‘be in a difficult position, in need or distress’) (Kalm. mondń-, KW 264) (-ŋ- probably under influence
of *muŋ q. v. sub *muŋo).
PTurk. *bun- 1 to become mad, foolish 2 mad, crazy 3 to become
old, senile (1 сходить с ума, глупеть 2 сумасшедший, слабоумный 3
дряхлеть): OTurk. mun- 1, muŋqul 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. mun- 1, munduz
2 (MK, KB); Tur. buna- 1; Gag. bun- ‘to be tired, dissatisfied’, bunaq ‘senile person’; Turkm. mun- 3; Sal. munax ‘irrational’ (ССЯ); Krm. buna- 1,
3; Khak. munu- 3; Tv. muŋɣaq ‘resentful’, mɨnɨ- 3 (Todž.), muŋ dial. 2 (<
*mun-k?); Yak. mun- ‘to go astray’; Dolg. mun- ‘go astray, lose one’s
way’.
◊ VEWT 514, EDT 348, 768, 769, ОСНЯ 3, 53, Stachowski 181.
PJpn. *múntú-ká- difficult (трудный): MJpn. mútuká-si; Tok. mùzukashi-, muzukashí-; Kyo. múzúkáshì-; Kag. muzukashí-.
◊ JLTT 835.
‖ KW 268, Poppe 35, ОСНЯ 3, 53. Lee 1958, 114 cites also a MKor.
məŋthəŋ’i ‘stupid’, which we were unable to locate (but Manchu
mentu-χun with which he compares it, is probably < Mong. meŋde-ɣe-,
see *mĕŋa).
-mùńa to guard, graze: Tung. *mun-di-; Mong. *mana-; Jpn. *màmuà-r-;
Kor. *mòńí-.
PTung. *mun-di- to look, observe (смотреть, наблюдать): Evk.
munni-li-, mundi-; mundē- ‘to comprehend’; Evn. menri-; Sol. mundi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 556.
PMong. *mana- to graze, guard (пасти, охранять): WMong. mana(L 525); Kh. mana-; Bur. mana-; Kalm. manə-; Ord. mana-; Dag. mana(Тод. Даг. 153); S.-Yugh. mana-; Mongr. manā-.
◊ KW 256, MGCD 479.
PJpn. *màmuà-r- to guard, protect (защищать, охранять): OJpn.
mamwor-; MJpn. màmòr-; Tok. mamór-; Kyo. mámór-; Kag. mamór-.
954
*mūńa(kV) - *muŋĺe
◊ JLTT 720. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *mòńí- to graze (пасти): MKor. mòńí-.
◊ Nam 216.
‖ Korean has a verbal low tone; an old derivative is probably MKor.
màńắr ‘office’ ( > Man. mejren etc.).
-mūńa(kV) a k. of deer: Tung. *mōń(i)ka-; Turk. *buńgak; Jpn. *manaka.
PTung. *mōń(i)ka- 1 deer (1 year old) 2 young boar 3 young pig (1
олень (дикий, годовалый) 2 кабан (молодой) 3 поросенок): Evk. mōjka, mōjkačān, mōjikān 1; Man. mixan, mixačan 3; SMan. mihan 3 (2197);
Nan. mojxa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 543. Evk. > Dolg. muojka (Stachowski 183).
PTurk. *buńgak female maral (самка марала): OTurk. mujɣaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. mujɣaq (MK), muŋɣaq (KB); Khak. mɨjɣax; Oyr.
mɨjɣaq; Tv. mɨjɣaq; Tof. mɨjɣaq.
◊ VEWT 344, EDT 772, Лексика 153.
PJpn. *manaka a respectful name for a deer (почтительное название оленя): OJpn. manaka.
‖ Лексика 153. The Jpn. form is traditionally analysed as resp. prefix mana- + ka ‘deer’, which may be a folk etymology in the light of external evidence; otherwise the root is a Turk.-TM isogloss. Cf. Mong.
(Khalkha) dial. mundu ‘female deer’, Tuva mɨndɨ, Tof. mundučaq id. - see
Аникин, 142. According to Helimski and Anikin, the Turkic forms are
borrowed from Southern Samoyedic, and Mongolian < Turkic; but the
S.-Sam. word has no Uralic etymology, while Mong. mundu - if not for
its poor attestation - could be a regular reflex of PA *mūńa, and a possible source both for the Turkic (Tuva-Tof.) and the Samoyedic forms.
-muŋĺe angle: Tung. *moŋla; Turk. *büŋüĺ; Jpn. *masu-.
PTung. *moŋla 1 measure of length (distance between the thumb
and the index finger) 2 finger (1 мера длины (расстояние между
большим и указательным пальцем) 2 палец): Ul. mowgolo 2; Ork.
momgụ, moŋbo 1,2; Orch. moŋlo 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 545. The Orok and Ul. form are probably dissimilative developments of
*moŋglo < *moŋla.
PTurk. *büŋüĺ angle (угол): Karakh. müŋüš (Rabg.); MTurk. müŋüš
(Sangl.); Uzb. mujuš, mujɨš; Krm. müjüš, müvüš; Tat. müješ; Bashk. mügeš
(dial.); Kaz. müjis; KBalk. müjüš; KKalp. müješ; Kum. mujuš, müjüš;
Nogh. müjis; Yak. muŋ, muŋnuk; Dolg. muŋ, munnuk.
◊ VEWT 344, EDT 771, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 182 (on a different etymology of Yak.
muŋnuq see Clark 1977, 133).
PJpn. *masu- square shape, shape with angles (квадратная форма):
MJpn. masu-gata; Tok. masugata.
*múŋna - *múra
955
‖ An interesting Turk.-TM-Jpn. match; the meaning in TM probably
reflects an intermediate stage “angle between the index finger and
thumb”.
-múŋna mist, rain: Tung. *meŋ- / *muŋ-; Mong. *maŋ-; Turk. *bunar;
Kor. *mah.
PTung. *meŋ- / *muŋ- 1 mist, darkness 2 cool, sombre (1 мгла, сумерки 2 прохладный, пасмурный): Ul. meŋ-meŋ 1, muŋti 2; Nan. meŋt
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 557, 570.
PMong. *maŋ- 1 fog 2 dark 3 to dawn (1 туман 2 темный 3 рассветать): MMong. manan 1 (MA 233); WMong. manan 1 (L 525: manaŋ,
manan), maŋsar 2, maŋka- 3; Kh. manan 1, manda- 3; Bur. mana(n), manaŋ
1; Kalm. manār 1, maŋsər 2, maŋxǟ- 3; Ord. mana, manāri 1; Dag. manən 1
(Тод. Даг. 153: manan), manen 1 (MD 189); S.-Yugh. manaŋ 1; Mongr.
namān (SM 256), manān.
◊ KW 255-257, MGCD 479.
PTurk. *bunar mist (туман): Tat. monar; Bashk. munar, monar; Kirgh.
munar; Kaz. munar; KKalp. munar; Nogh. munar.
◊ Лексика 35-36. A Kypchak root, but hardly borrowed from Mong. (because of the
-u-vocalism); perhaps it is rather a modification of indigenous *buŋar (*-ŋ- would be expected in Turkic) under Mong. influence.
PKor. *mah 1 rain, rainy season 2 southern wind (1 дождь, дождливый сезон 2 южный ветер): MKor. ma (mah-) 1, 2; Mod. čaŋ-ma 1,
ma, ma-pharam 2.
◊ Nam 191, KED 558, 568, 1404.
‖ Kor. mah < *maŋh (just like *kahi < *kaŋhi etc.).
-múra round; turn, return: Tung. *murV-; Mong. *murui; Turk. *bur(a)-;
Jpn. *már; Kor. *muri.
PTung. *murV- 1 to walk round, return 2 round (1 обходить вокруг
2 круглый): Evk. muru- 1, murume 2; Evn. merъk- 1, merēti 2; Neg. mejel
2; Man. murǵen 2; Ul. muru-muru 2; Ork. morolime 2; Nan. murǵi 2; Ud.
mogol῾uö ‘around’.
◊ ТМС 1, 559-560. TM (cf. Man. murixan ‘bend, turn’, Evk. morokō ‘river bend’) > Dag.
morikal ‘river bend’ (Тод. Даг. 155), moronku, murunku ‘screw-thread’ (ibid.).
PMong. *murui awry, curve (кривой): MMong. muru, muri (IM),
muri (MA); WMong. murui (L 552); Kh. muruj; Bur. muŕū; Kalm. muŕū;
Ord. murₙī; Dag. morčigui (Тод. Даг. 155: morčigoi); Mongr. murī (SM
249).
◊ KW 269. Cf. also *molir (Kalm. mölr, Khalkha mölgör) < *moril ‘round’.
PTurk. *bur(a)- to twist, wind round (крутить, вертеть, поворачивать): Tur. bur-; Gag. bur-; Az. bur-; Turkm. bur-; Khal. burq- ‘вывернуть
руку’; MTurk. bur- (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. bur-, bura-; Uygh. bur-; Krm.
956
*mro - *mùsi
bur-; Tat. bor-; Bashk. bor-; Kirgh. bur-, bura-; Kaz. bur-, bura-; KBalk.
bur-; KKalp. bur-, bura-; Kum. bur-; Nogh. bur-, bura-; Khak. pur-; Shr.
pur-; Oyr. buru-; Chuv. pъₙr-.
◊ VEWT 89, EDT 355, ЭСТЯ 2, 264-267. Turk. *bur(g)agu > Kalm. burɣū, see KW 62.
PJpn. *már round (круглый): OJpn. maro; MJpn. máró; Tok. màru-;
Kyo. máru-; Kag. mári.
◊ JLTT 834.
PKor. *muri halo, ring (round the sun or moon) (ореол, кольцо (вокруг солнца или луны)): Mod. muri.
◊ KED 658.
‖ Poppe 36, ОСНЯ 2, 74-75, АПиПЯЯ 93, 278 (however, Kor. mɨrɨ- rather to *mugdo q.v.).
-mro tree, forest: Tung. *mō; Mong. *mo-du ( < *mor-du); Jpn. *mrí;
Kor. *mōi(h), *mòró.
PTung. *mō tree (дерево): Evk. mō; Evn. mō; Neg. mō; Man. moo;
SMan. mō (2129); Jurch. mo (117); Ul. mō; Ork. mō; Nan. mō; Orch. mō;
Ud. mō; Sol. mō.
◊ ТМС 1, 540-541.
PMong. *modu tree (дерево): MMong. modun (HY 9, SH), mu-du-ni
(SH), mudon (IM), mudun (MA); WMong. modu(n) (L 541); Kh. mod(on);
Bur. modo(n); Kalm. modn; Ord. mudu(n); Mog. modun; ZM mādun
(19-2a); Dag. mōd (Тод. Даг. 155), mōde (MD 192); Dong. mutun; Bao.
mutoŋ, mortoŋ; S.-Yugh. mūdən; Mongr. mōdi (SM 238).
◊ KW 263, MGCD 486.
PJpn. *mrí forest (лес): OJpn. m(w)ori; MJpn. mórí; Tok. mòri; Kyo.
mórí; Kag. móri.
◊ JLTT 485.
PKor. *mōi(h), *mòró 1 mountain 2 wood, forest (1 гора 2 лес):
MKor. mōi [mōih-] 1, mòró 1, 2; Mod. mwē, me (arch.) 1.
◊ Nam 215, 219, KED 616, 651.
‖ EAS 79, KW 263, Poppe 35, Martin 237, АПиПЯЯ 33-34, 69, 292;
SKE 150, Doerfer MT 24. The parallel form *mōi in Kor. presupposes a
suffixed form *mōr-jV(-gV) (?).
-mùsi steam, spirit: Tung. *musun; Mong. *mösü(n); Turk. *bus; Jpn.
*mùs-.
PTung. *musun spirit, ghost (дух, сила природы): Evk. musun;
Evn. mụsan.
◊ ТМС 1, 561.
PMong. *mösü(n) personality, relationship with others; recurrent
occasion (качество, отношения с другими; повторяющийся случай):
WMong. mösü(n) (L 550); Kh. mös; Bur. nege mühen ‘сразу’; Mongr.
musu (: nige-musu) ‘entièrement, tout à fait, en entier’ (SM 275).
*msV - *mt῾ì
957
◊ The root is also grammaticalized and can be appended to numerals (negemösen ‘simultaneously’ etc.).
PTurk. *bus steam, fog (пар, туман): Karakh. bus (MK); Tur. pus;
MTurk. bus (Ettuhf., CCum.); Uygh. bus (dial.); Bashk. boϑ; Kum. pus;
Nogh. pus; Shr. pus; Tv. bus; Tof. bus; Chuv. pъₙs.
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 370, ЭСТЯ 2, 277, Лексика 34. Turk. > Russ. dial. bus ‘drizzle, flour
dust’, see Аникин 146
PJpn. *mùs- 1 to steam 2 spirit (1 варить на пару 2 дух): OJpn. mus1, musupji 2; MJpn. mùs- 1; Tok. mús- 1; Kyo. mùs- 1; Kag. mùs- 1.
◊ JLTT 729.
‖ For PT *bus cf. alternatively PTM *bušu- ‘drizzle’ (ТМС 1, 117).
-msV ( ~ -ō-, -ō-) swamp, pond: Tung. *mūsa; Kor. *mós.
PTung. *mūsa pools in a swamp (лужи на болоте, болото травяное): Evk. mūsu / mūsa.
◊ ТМС 1, 548. Attested only in Evk., with a possible Korean parallel.
PKor. *mós pond, lake, swamp (пруд, озеро, болото): MKor. mós;
Mod. mot [mos].
◊ Nam 218, KED 647.
‖ See SKE 152. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Chuv. pozъ
‘well’ ( < *bos-).
-mt῾ì to complete, gather together: Tung. *mute-; Mong. *möči-; Turk.
*büt-; Jpn. *muta; Kor. *mòt-.
PTung. *mute- 1 to fulfil 2 to overpower (1 исполнить 2 одолеть,
смочь): Man. mute- 2; Jurch. mu-te-bulu (740) 1; Ul. mute- 2; Ork. mute2; Nan. mute- 2; Orch. mute- 2; Ud. mute- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 561.
PMong. *möči- 1 just enough 2 to be just enough (1 в обрез, еле-еле
2 хватать только-только): WMong. möčis 1; Kh. möčis, möčǖ 1; Kalm.
möčəg 1, möčə- 2.
◊ KW 267.
PTurk. *büt- 1 to end, accomplish 2 to be ended 3 to create, build 4
to heal 5 to grow, ripen (1 кончать, завершать 2 кончаться 3 создавать, строить 4 заживать 5 вырастать, вызревать): OTurk. büt- 2, 4, 5
(OUygh.); Karakh. büt- 2, 4, 5 (MK); Tur. bit- 2, 5; Gag. bit- 2; Az. bit- 2;
Turkm. bit- 2, 4, 5; Khal. bit- 2; MTurk. büt- 2, 4, 5 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
bit- 2, 4, 5; Uygh. büt- 2; Krm. bit- 2, 5; Tat. bet- 2, bet-ɛš- 4; Bashk. böt- 2,
böt-öš- 4; Kirgh. büt- 1,2, 4, 5; Kaz. bit- 2, 4; KBalk. bit- 2, 5; ‘to close’;
KKalp. pit- 2, 4, 5; Kum. bit- 2, 5; Nogh. bit- 2, 4, 5; SUygh. pɨt-, put- 1,2;
Khak. püt- 3, 4; Shr. püd-ür- 3; Oyr. büt- 1, 4, 5; Tv. bü’t- 2, 4; Tof. bü’t- 2;
Chuv. pəₙt- 2; Yak. büt- 1,2, 4; Dolg. büt- 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 93, TMN 2, 267, EDT 298-9, 306, ЭСТЯ 2, 152-154, 302-303, Stachowski 68.
Cf. also PT *bütün ‘all, whole’ - a derivative from *büt-. Turk. > Mong. *büte-, *bütü- (KW
69-70, TMN 2, 268-269, Щербак 1997, 111).
*mỺ - *mỺ
958
PJpn. *muta together with (вместе с): OJpn. muta.
PKor. *mòt- all (весь): MKor. mòtắ-; Mod. modu.
◊ Nam 214, 217, KED 641. Derived from the verbal root mòt- ‘to gather, flock together’.
‖ EAS 58, АПиПЯЯ 27, 70, 86, 274, Дыбо 13. Doerfer (TMN 2, 208)
is hardly right in criticizing the Turk.-Tung. match : it is quite satisfactory both phonetically and semantically.
-mỺ an interrogative root: Mong. *-mu, -mi; Turk. *-mi; Jpn. *m-si; Kor.
*m.
PMong. *-mu, -mi final interrogative particle (конечная вопросительная частица): MMong. -mu, -mi (SH).
PTurk. *-mi interrogative particle (вопросительная частица):
OTurk. -mu; Karakh. -mu; Tur. -mi; Gag. -mi; Az. -mi; Turkm. -mi; Sal.
-mi; Khal. -mi; MTurk. -mu; Uzb. -mi; Uygh. -mu; Krm. -mo; Tat. -mi;
Bashk. -mɨ; Kirgh. -bɨ; Kaz. -ma/me; KBalk. -mu/mɨ; KKalp. -ma/me; Kum.
-mi; Nogh. -ma/me; Khak. -ma/-me; Shr. -ma/me; Oyr. -ba/be; Tv. -be;
Chuv. -im.
◊ Морфология 2.
PJpn. *m-si an interrogative / dubitative particle (частица вопроса
/ сомнения): OJpn. mosi; MJpn. mósi; Tok. móshi; Kyo. móshì; Kag.
móshi.
◊ JLTT 485.
PKor. *m what (что): MKor. m-; Mod. muət.
◊ Nam 225, KED 663.
‖ SKE 147, АПиПЯЯ 297. Cf. perhaps also Evk. mu ‘or’ (in interrogative sentences) (Титов 1926, 94). Further Nostratic parallels of this
grammaticalized interrogative stem see in ОСНЯ 2, 66-8.
N
-ná thou: Turk. *-ŋ; Jpn. *ná; Kor. *n.
PTurk. *-ŋ an ending of the 2d person (окончание 2-го л.): OTurk.
-ŋ (Orkh., OUygh.), -ɣ (Orkh.); Karakh. -ŋ (MK, KB); Tur. -n; Gag. -n;
Az. -n; Turkm. -ŋ; Sal. -ŋ; Khal. -ŋ; MTurk. -ŋ; Uzb. -ŋ; Uygh. -ŋ; Krm.
-n, -j; Tat. -ŋ; Bashk. -ŋ; Kirgh. -ŋ; Kaz. -ŋ; KBalk. -ŋ; KKalp. -ŋ; Kum. -ŋ;
Nogh. -ŋ; SUygh. -ŋ; Khak. -ŋ; Shr. -ŋ; Oyr. -ŋ; Tv. -ŋ; Chuv. -n; Yak. -ŋ;
Dolg. -ŋ.
◊ Морфология 23-26, 28, 32.
PJpn. *ná thou (ты): OJpn. na; MJpn. ná-mùdí, ná-múdí.
◊ JLTT 490.
PKor. *n thou (ты): MKor. n; Mod. nə.
◊ Nam 103, KED 329.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 102, 280. Velarization in Turkic is not quite clear and
probably secondary (perhaps a fusion with the attributive *-k῾i). The
root is widely used only in the Kor.-Jpn. area, and its original function
(to judge from the OJ opposition of si and na) was probably limited to
the oblique stem of the suppletive 2d p. paradigm.
-nable net, fish-trap: Tung. *nalba; Turk. *jɨlɨm.
PTung. *nalba fish trap (верша, ловушка для рыбы): Evk. nalba;
Ul. nalbịχa(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 580.
PTurk. *jɨlɨm net (сеть): Turkm. jɨlɨm; MTurk. ilim (CCum.); Uzb.
jɨlɨm (dial.); Tat. ǯɨlɨm; Bashk. jɨlɨm; Kirgh. ǯɨlɨm; Kaz. žɨlɨm; KKalp. žɨlɨm;
Kum. jɨlɨm; Nogh. jɨlɨm; Chuv. śiləm; Yak. ilim; Dolg. ilim.
◊ VEWT 200, ЭСТЯ 4, 282-283, Stachowski 125. Turk. > Hung. gyalom, see Gombocz
1912.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-nad[i] seven: Tung. *nada-n; Turk. *jẹt(t)i; Jpn. *nana-; Kor. *nìr-kúp.
PTung. *nada-n seven (семь): Evk. nadan; Evn. nadъn; Neg. nadan;
Man. nadan; SMan. nadən (2741); Jurch. nadan (642); Ul. nada(n); Ork.
nada(n); Nan. nadã; Orch. nada(n); Ud. nada(n); Sol. nadã.
◊ ТМС 1, 576-577.
960
*naja - *nàje
PTurk. *jẹt(t)i seven (семь): OTurk. jeti (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. jeti
(MK); Tur. jedi; Gag. jedi; Az. jeddi; Turkm. jedi; Sal. jitti; Khal. jieti, jätti
(< Az.?); MTurk. jeddī (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jetti; Uygh. jätti; Krm. jedi; Tat.
ǯide; Bashk. jete; Kirgh. ǯeti; Kaz. žeti; KBalk. jeti, ǯeti, žeti; KKalp. žeti;
Kum. jetti; Nogh. jeti; SUygh. jeti, jiti, ǯetä; Khak. čittə; Shr. četti; Oyr.
jeti; Tv. čedi; Chuv. śiǯə; Yak. sette; Dolg. hette.
◊ EDT 886, VEWT 199, ЭСТЯ 4, 167-168, TMN 4, 139, Stachowski 102.
PJpn. *nana- seven (семь): OJpn. nana-; MJpn. nànà-; Tok. naná-;
Kyo. nánà-; Kag. nànà-.
◊ JLTT 493. As with most other numerals, the accent reconstruction is not quite clear.
PKor. *nìr-kúp seven (семь): MKor. nìr-kúp; Mod. ilgop.
◊ Nam 124, KED 1350.
‖ Mong. *dal- ‘7’ may suggest PA *ĺad[i]- (with a development >
Mong. *ĺal- (through assimilation) > dal-). The medial consonant in general behaves rather irregularly: one may suggest an original cluster like
*-dd- to explain the Turkic reflex. Jpn. *nana- regularly < *nada-n ( = TM
*nada-n); in Kor. one has to assume vowel elision already after *-d- > -r(i.e. *nìr-kup < *nìrV-kup). Despite all these difficulties, the numeral
‘seven’ seems to be safely reconstructable for PA. Cf. also Koguryo
*nanən ‘seven’, see Lee 28, 39, Menges 1984, 278.
-naja to envy, wish: Tung. *nadi-; Mong. *najida-; Jpn. *nàità-m- ( ~ -ia-).
PTung. *nadi- 1 to suspect, doubt, deny 2 to consider (1 подозревать, сомневаться, отрицать 2 полагать, считать): Evk. nadi- 1, 2; Evn.
nadät- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 577-578.
PMong. *najida- 1 to hope, trust 2 envy (1 надеяться, доверять 2
зависть): WMong. najida- 1, najidaŋɣui 2 (L 558); Kh. najda- 1, najdangui
2; Bur. najda- 1; Kalm. nä, nǟtəg ‘hope’ (КРС); Dong. naita- 1 (Тод. Дн.).
PJpn. *nàità-m- ( ~ -ia-) to envy, be jealous of (завидовать, ревновать): OJpn. netam-; MJpn. nètàm-; Tok. netam-.
◊ JLTT 734.
‖ Poppe 37, 140, 158, JOAL 70. All forms reflect a dental suffix.
-nàje pole, shaft: Tung. *najü; Jpn. *n.
PTung. *najü pole, shaft of fish-fork (шест, древко остроги): Evk.
naj, naji; Evn. naj; Ul. naị; Ork. naụ, nawị; Nan. naị; Orch. nai.
◊ ТМС 1, 578.
PJpn. *n bamboo for arrows (бамбук для стрел): OJpn. no; MJpn.
nò.
◊ JLTT 499.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
*nàjĺV - *nak῾i
961
-nàjĺV ( ~ -e-) age: Mong. *na-su; Turk. *jāĺ; Kor. *náh.
PMong. *na-su(n) age, year of life (возраст, год жизни): MMong.
nāṣun (IM), nasun ‘life’ (MA), nasu-tu ‘...years old’ (SH); WMong.
nasu(n) (L 566); Kh. nas; Bur. naha(n); Kalm. nasn; Ord. nasu(n); Dag.
nase (MD 195,Тод. Даг. 156), nas (Тод. Даг. 156); Dong. nasun; Bao.
nasoŋ; S.-Yugh. nasən, nas; Mongr. nasə (SM 260).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 501. Mong. > Evk. nasun, see Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *jāĺ age; year (возраст; год): OTurk. jaš (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaš (MK); Tur. jaš; Gag. jaš; Az. jaš; Turkm. jāš; Sal. jaš; Khal. jāš;
MTurk. jaš (Ettuhf., AH); Uzb. jɔš; Uygh. jaš; Krm. jaš; Tat. jaš; Bashk.
jäš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz. žas; KKalp. žas; Kum. jaš; Nogh. jas; SUygh. jas;
Khak. čas; Shr. čaš; Oyr. jaš, aš; Chuv. śol; Yak. sās.
◊ EDT 975-6, ЭСТЯ 4, 161-163, Федотов 2, 130, TMN 4, 97, Лексика 84.
PKor. *náh age (возраст): MKor. ná (náh-); Mod. na, nä.
◊ Nam 85, KED 284.
‖ EAS 75, SKE 157, KW 272, АПиПЯЯ 288, Лексика 84. Mong.
nasun regularly < *nal-sun and the assumption of its being borrowed
from Turk. (Щербак 1997, 123) is absolutely improbable (Doerfer in
TMN 4, 97 refutes the comparison without further discussion). The
cluster *-jĺ- has to be reconstructed to account for the loss of resonant in
Korean (*-h is a trace of a velar suffix: *najĺV-gV). It could be also interesting to mention a verb attested in MJpn.: neba- ( < *nai-(m)pa-) ‘to
grow old; to become grown up’ - perhaps with an irregular loss of -s(that would be an expected reflex of *-ĺ-) in a cluster. The root should
be distinguished from *ńāĺ(b)a ‘young’ q.v. (which, however, certainly
influenced the Turkic reflex - whence an irregular long vowel).
-najV(rV) lake, river: Tung. *niāru; Mong. *naɣur; Kor. *nāih.
PTung. *niāru 1 lake 2 swamp (1 озеро 2 болото): Evk. ńārut 1;
Evn. ńarụqaɣ 2; Man. ńari 2; Nan. nịarõ 2; Ud. ńau 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 636.
PMong. *naɣur lake (озеро): MMong. na’ur (HY 2, SH), nāwor ‘sea’
(IM), nāwur (Lig.VMI); WMong. naɣur (L 558); Kh. nūr; Bur. nūr; Kalm.
nūr; Ord. nūr; Dag. naur (Тод. Даг. 156), naure (MD 195); Mongr. nūr
(SM 290), (MGCD nōr).
◊ KW 282, MGCD 516, TMN 1, 515. Mong. > Evk. nor etc., see Doerfer MT 103.
PKor. *nāih river (река): MKor. nāi (nāih-); Mod. nǟ.
◊ Nam 101, KED 315.
‖ Should be kept apart from *núŕe, despite ОССHЯ 2, 89.
-nak῾i ( ~ -o) a k. of skin: Tung. *naKita; Mong. *nekej.
PTung. *naKita bear skin (медвежья шкура): Evk. nakita; Evn.
naqt; Neg. naxata; Ork. natta; Ud. na῾ta (Корм. 265).
◊ ТМС 1, 579.
962
*nālV - *nne
PMong. *nekej sheepskin (овчина): MMong. nəkē (IM); WMong.
nekei (L 572); Kh. nexij; Bur. nexɨ ‘меховой’; Kalm. nek (КРС); Ord.
neχī; S.-Yugh. nəkī; Mongr. nikī (SM 276), nekī.
◊ MGCD 506.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nālV earth, land: Tung. *nā; Mong. *nala-; Turk. *jalaŋ; Kor. *nàráh.
PTung. *nā earth (земля): Neg. nā; Man. na; SMan. nā (2066); Jurch.
na (37); Ul. nā; Ork. nā; Nan. nā; Orch. nā; Ud. nā.
◊ ТМС 1, 572-573.
PMong. *nala- extensive, wide (широкий, обширный): WMong.
nalai (L 561); Kh. nalaj; Kalm. nalǟ.
◊ KW 270. Cf. also WMong. nelei- id. (L 573). Mong. > Yak., Dolg. nalaj-, nelej- (Kał.
JW 187, VII 48, Stachowski 184, 185).
PTurk. *jalaŋ field, steppe (поле, степь): Khal. čalaŋ; Uzb. jalaŋ; Tat.
jalan, dial. jalaŋ; Bashk. jalan; Kirgh. ǯalaŋ (dial.); Khak. jalaŋ; Shr. čalaŋ;
Oyr. alaŋ.
◊ VEWT 181, ЭСТЯ 4, 91. Turk. > Russ. jeláń , see Аникин 197.
PKor. *nàráh country (страна): MKor. nàráh; Mod. nara.
◊ Nam 87, KED 287.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290, EAS 75, SKE 161 (the Japanese parallel cited by
Ramstedt is dubious), Menges 1984, 278-279. The PTM form points to
original length, so the low tone in Korean is irregular.
-nmo testicle: Tung. *nāma / *māna (*māŋa); Mong. *(n)im; Turk.
*jum-.
PTung. *nāma / *māna (*māŋa) testicle (testiculi): Evk. nāma; Evn.
maŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 530, 581.
PMong. *(n)im testicles (testiculi): WMong. im, nim (L 409: confused
with im ‘mark, sign’); Kh. im; Bur. em-nī- ‘to castrate’; Kalm. im; Ord.
im, em.
◊ KW 207.
PTurk. *jumur bowels, intestines (кишки, внутренности): Karakh.
jumur (MK); Tv. čumur ‘maw’; Tof. ńumur ‘maw’.
◊ EDT 937-8. Historically the root should be probably kept distinct from *jum‘round’ and *jumurtka ‘egg’ - although internal contaminations were of course inevitable.
‖ A Western isogloss; somewhat dubious because of tabooistic irregularities and rather scarce attestation.
-nne skin: Tung. *nansa; Turk. *jn.
PTung. *nansa 1 skin (of man) 2 skin (of animals) (1 кожа 2 шкура):
Evk. nanna 2; Evn. nanrъ 2; Neg. nana 1; Man. notχo, nontoχo ‘shell’; Ul.
nanta 1; Ork. nata 2; Nan. nanta 2; Orch. nasa 2; Ud. nehä 1, 2; Sol. nanda
1, 2.
*nàsà - *nāǯV
963
◊ ТМС 1, 583-584, 606.
PTurk. *jn skin, body (кожа, тело): OTurk. jɨn (OUygh.); Karakh.
jɨn (MK); Yak. sīn.
◊ VEWT 203, EDT 941, Лексика 266-267.
‖ Лексика 267. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-nàsà grief, pity: Tung. *nasa-; Jpn. *nàsàkài.
PTung. *nasa- to regret, grieve (скорбеть, горевать): Man. nasa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 586. Attested only in Manchu, with a possible parallel in Jpn.
PJpn. *nàsàkài pity, sympathy (сострадание, жалость): MJpn.
nàsàkè; Tok. nasaké, násake; Kyo. násàkè; Kag. nasaké.
◊ JLTT 494.
‖ A TM-Jpn. isogloss.
-nát῾a ( ~ l-, -t-) a k. of plant, cereal: Turk. *jAt-; Jpn. *nátúmái; Kor. *nāt.
PTurk. *jAt- winter rye (озимая рожь): Khak. čadɨɣ ‘bush’ (Sag.);
Shr. jadɨɣan (Верб.); Oyr. adaɣan; Tv. čadaɣ ‘low plant’.
◊ VEWT 177.
PJpn. *nátúmái jujube (ююба, плод ююбы): OJpn. natum(j)e; MJpn.
nátúmé; Tok. nàtsume; Kyo. natsumé; Kag. natsúme.
◊ JLTT 494. Accent in Kyoto is aberrant.
PKor. *nāt cereal (злак): MKor. nāt; Mod. nāt.
◊ Nam 94, KED 302.
‖ Cf. perhaps Evk. latarā ‘усыпанный ягодами (о ветке, кусте)’
(ТМС 1, 495).
-nāǯV summer, midday: Mong. *naǯir; Turk. *jāj; Kor. *náč.
PMong. *naǯir summer (лето): WMong. naǯir (БАМРС); Kh. naǯir
(БАМРС); Bur. nažar; Dag. naǯir (Тод. Даг. 156), naǯire (MD 194).
◊ MGCD 463.
PTurk. *jāj 1 summer 2 summer pasture 3 spring (1 лето 2 летнее
пастбище 3 весна): OTurk. jaj (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, 3; Karakh. jaj (MK) 1,
3; Tur. jaj-la 2; Az. jaj 1, jajla 2; Turkm. jāj-la 2; Sal. jij 1; MTurk. jaj 1
(AH, Ettuhf.); Bashk. jej 1; Kirgh. ǯaj 1; KBalk. ǯaj, žaj, zaj 1; Kum. jaj 1;
Nogh. jaj 3 (dial.); SUygh. jaj 1; Khak. čaj 1; Shr. čaj 1; Oyr. jaj, aj 1; Tv.
čaj 1; Chuv. śu, śъv 1; Yak. saj 1; Dolg. hajɨn 1.
◊ VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 74, 78-79, EDT 980, Лексика 74, Федотов 2, 128, Stachowski
93.
PKor. *náč day, day-time (день, дневное время): MKor. náč; Mod.
nat [nač].
◊ Nam 101, KED 312.
‖ SKE 162, EAS 75, Лексика 74 (Turk.-Mong.). Unsubstantial criticism in TMN 4, 253 (for Kor.: “aus semantischen Gründen nicht hierher” (?), “lautlich unsicher” (?)”; for Mong.: “...müßte der bur. und dag.
964
*nḗ - *nébì
Wortschatz erst noch gründlicher untersucht worden” (?). Let us note,
however, a tonal discrepancy between Turkic and Korean.
-nḗ to lie, put: Tung. *nē-; Mong. *niɣu-; Jpn. *ná-; Kor. *nū-b-.
PTung. *nē- to put (класть): Evk. nē-; Evn. nē-; Neg. nē-; Ul. nē-;
Nan. nē-; Orch. nē-; Ud. ne-de-; Sol. nē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 614-615. An old derivative may be *na-kan ‘bed’ (ТМС 1, 576).
PMong. *niɣu- to hide, conceal (прятать): MMong. ni’u- (SH), niu(MA); WMong. niɣu- (L 579); Kh. nū-; Bur. ńū-; Kalm. nū-; Ord. nū-;
Dong. niu-; S.-Yugh. nū-; Mongr. nǖ- (SM 279), niu-.
◊ KW 281-282, MGCD 516.
PJpn. *ná- 1 to lie 2 to sleep (1 лежать 2 спать): OJpn. na- 1, wi-na- 2;
MJpn. na- 1, i-na-, né-búr- 2; Tok. nè- 1, nè-mur- 2; Kyo. nê- 1, 2; Kag. né1, némur- 2.
◊ JLTT 734.
PKor. *nūb- to lie (лежать): MKor. nūp- (nūw-); Mod. nup- (nu-).
◊ Nam 116, KED 365.
‖ Martin 235, АПиПЯЯ 72, 94, 276. One of common Altaic monosyllabic verbs. Mong. reflects a suffixed form ( = Kor. nūb-); length in TM
is exceptionally preserved in a monosyllabic root.
-nébì new: Tung. *nebi; Mong. *niɣu-n; Turk. *jub-ga; Jpn. *nípí-; Kor.
*n-.
PTung. *nebi 1 new, fresh 2 younger (brother, sister) 3 wife’s
brother’s wife (1 новый, свежий 2 младший (брат, сестра) 3 невестка
(жена брата жены)): Evn. neji 1, nȫ 2; Man. neje 3, neče 3; Ul. neu 2; Ork.
new, neu 2; Nan. neil 2 (plur.).
◊ ТМС 1, 616, 617-618, 626. Cf. also *nē ‘now’ (ТМС 1, 614).
PMong. *niɣu-n child, boy (ребенок, мальчик): MMong. no’un (HY
29), nu’u(n) (SH); WMong. niɣun, nuɣun (L 580); Kh. nugan, nugūn ( <
WMong.); Dag. nōn (Тод. Даг. 158), non (MD 200).
PTurk. *jub-ga bastard, adopted son (внебрачный, приемный
сын): Karakh. juvɣa (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 874, VEWT 209 (erroneously united with juvqa ‘soft, weak’).
PJpn. *nípí- new (новый): OJpn. nipji-; MJpn. nífí-; Tok. nìi-; Kyo.
níí-; Kag. ní-ke.
◊ JLTT 497.
PKor. *n- younger relative (in compounds) (младший родственник (в сложениях)): MKor. nə-s-harmi ‘wife of grandfather’s younger
brother’; Mod. n- [n-s-] ‘younger brother’ (in compounds).
◊ Nam 105, KED 336.
‖ SKE 172, АПиПЯЯ 110, 279. Turkic has a vowel metathesis:
*jub-ga < *jab-gu.
*nč῾á - *negle
965
-nč῾á to scrape, scrape off (skin); to fade: Tung. *neču-; Mong. *ničügen;
Jpn. *nàntá-.
PTung. *ńeču- 1 to scrape off, to tan (skin) 2 to fade, exuviate (1 соскабливать (шкуру), дубить 2 линять): Evk. ńečū- 1, ńečelle- 2; Evn.
ńičuh, ńečuh ‘scraped skin, suede’, ńečēlre- 2; Ork. netu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 655. ń- in Evk. and Evn. is assimilative.
PMong. *ničügen naked, bare (голый): MMong. ničugun, ničuxun
(SH), nəčegen (IM), ničkūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. ničügen (L 577: ničügün);
Kh. nücgen; Bur. ńüsege(n); Kalm. nücəgn; Ord. nüčügün; Dag. nušikē
(Тод. Даг. 159: ńuškēn, ńiškōn); Dong. mučuɣun (Тод. Дн.); nučugun;
Bao. niśkoŋ; Mongr. nićigōr, nućigōr (SM 279, 291), nəčigōr.
◊ KW 282, MGCD 521. Mong. > Evk. ńučakin, Man. ńošuxun / ńoxušun id.
PJpn. *nàntá- to stroke, pat (гладить): OJpn. nada-; MJpn. nàda-;
Tok. nadé-; Kyo. nàdè-; Kag. nàdè-.
◊ JLTT 730.
‖ Дыбо 1995b. (Mong.-Tung.).
-neč῾è ( ~ l-) late: Turk. *jEče; Jpn. *ntì; Kor. *nč-.
PTurk. *jEče as before, previously (как и раньше, прежде): OTurk.
ječe (Orkh.).
◊ EDT 882.
PJpn. *ntì after, afterwards (потом, впоследствии): OJpn. noti;
MJpn. nòtì; Tok. nochí, nòchi; Kyo. nóchí; Kag. nochí.
◊ JLTT 501. The Kyoto reflex and the Tokyo variant nòchi are irregular and may point
to a variant *ntí in PJ.
PKor. *nč- late (поздний): MKor. nč- (cf. also nàčòi ‘evening’);
Mod. nɨt- [nɨč-].
◊ Nam 90, 118, KED 375.
‖ Martin 234-235. The low tone in Kor. may be explained as “verbal”; but cf. an alternative variant *ntí in PJ.
-negle (~-a) snag, root: Tung. *nelge; Mong. *newle; Jpn. *nài (~ nìa);
Kor. *nr.
PTung. *nelge 1 snag 2 block 3 saddle (1 коряга 2 колода 3 седло):
Evk. nelge 1; Evn. nelgъ 1, 2; Ork. nēlge 3; Orch. negge 1, 2; Ud. nege 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 619.
PMong. *newle brushwood; block (валежник; колода): WMong.
neüle (MXTTT); Kh. nǖl; Bur. nǖle.
PJpn. *nài ( ~ nìa) root (корень): OJpn. ne; MJpn. nè; Tok. nè; Kyo.
nḕ; Kag. né.
◊ JLTT 495.
PKor. *nr board (доска): MKor. nr; Mod. nl.
◊ Nam 105, KED 332.
‖ ТМС 1, 619.
966
*negre - *néji
-negre ( ~ -i) a k. of deer: Tung. *ne(r)gdi; Turk. *jẹgre-n; Kor. *nɨrə-.
PTung. *negdi a female deer (важенка): Evk. negdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 615.
PTurk. *jẹgre-n 1 yellow (of a horse) 2 deer, antelope (1 рыжий (о
масти лошади) 2 олень, джейран, антилопа): OTurk. jegren 1 (Orkh.);
Tur. ǯeran, ǯeren (DS) 1, 2; Turkm. jegren, jergen 1, dial. ǯeren 1, 2;
MTurk. ǯejren (Буд.) 1, ǯeren 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. ǯijrɔn 1; Uygh. ǯirən 1,
dial. ǯeren, ǯərrən, ǯegren 2; Tat. ǯiren 1, jɛrdɛ (Tar.) 1; Bashk. jeren 1;
Kirgh. ǯejren 1, 2, ǯērde 1; Kaz. žijren 1; KKalp. žijren 1; Nogh. jijren 1;
SUygh. ǯiger, jiger, ǯiɣɨr, jiɣɨr 2; Khak. čigren, dial. čigər 1; Shr. čeren, čegren, čergen (R) 1; Oyr. jeren, jēren, ēren 1, 2; Tv. čēren 2; Chuv. śüren 1;
Yak. sier 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 22-24, 36. Turk. > Mong. ǯeɣir-, ǯeɣerde (TMN 1, 289, 4, 184) > Sol. ǯegerẽ
‘antelope’, Man. ǯerde (see Doerfer MT 136) > MKor. čjərta (măr) (see Lee 1958, 119). Pers.
ǯejran ( < Turk. or Mong.) is widely borrowed back into Turkic (Tur., Az. ǯejran etc.).
PKor. *nɨrə- female deer, doe (косуля, важенка): Mod. nɨrəŋi.
◊ KED 366.
‖ The Evk. form most probably reflects a suffixed *ner-gdi; less
probable is a specific development of the cluster *-gr-. Cf. *ĺóre.
-neji louse, nit: Tung. *nej(l)e-; Mong. *ni-sa-; Kor. *ní.
PTung. *nej(l)V- small louse, nit (мелкая вошь, гнида): Evk. nej-ke;
Ul. ńile-kte; Ork. neli-ɣe; Nan. ńile-ke.
◊ ТМС 1, 616.
PMong. *ni-sa- to crumble (e. g. lice), to crush with the finger-nails
(щелкать пальцами, придавить ногтями): WMong. nise-le- (L 586:
nisal-, nisla-, nisel-, nisači-); Kh. ńasla-, ńasči-; Bur. ńaha ‘finger flip’, ńahal-; Kalm. nisəl-; Ord. nisal- ‘to kill by pressing between fingernails’;
Mongr. nesələ-.
◊ KW 277, MGCD 509.
PKor. *ní louse (вошь): MKor. ní; Mod. i.
◊ Nam 119, KED 1316.
‖ SKE 165, EAS 76, АПиПЯЯ 296. The Mong. form presupposes an
earlier *ni-(su) ‘louse’.
-néji even, equal: Tung. *neje-; Mong. *nej; Jpn. *ní-.
PTung. *neje- 1 even 2 similar (1 ровный 2 похожий): Evk. ńe-rke 2
(dial.); Ul. neje(n) 1; Nan. nejẽ 1; Orch. neige, neiŋe 1; Ud. neige 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 616, 654 (but Manchu nejgen ‘equal’ is obviously < Mong., see Rozycki 161).
PMong. *nej 1 all together, in accord 2 to unite, join, connect 3
equal, alike (1 вместе, согласно 2 объединять(ся) 3 равный, похожий): WMong. nei 1, neji-če-, neji-le- 2, neji-gen 3 (L 569, 570); Kh. nij 1,
nijce-, nijle- 2, nijgen 3; Bur. nī-te 1, nī-le- 2; Kalm. nī 1, nīdə- 2; Ord. nī 1,
nīči- 2, nīgün, nīte, nīgüŋ 1.
*nko - *nek῾u
967
◊ KW 277, 278.
PJpn. *ní- to resemble (быть похожим): OJpn. ni- ; MJpn. ní-; Tok.
nì-; Kyo. ní-; Kag. ní-.
◊ JLTT 736.
‖ A good Mong.-TM-Jpn. parallel.
-nko to leave, put aside: Tung. *neku-; Mong. *nögü-ɣe; Jpn. *nk-;
Kor. *nòh-.
PTung. *neku- 1 to bring 2 gift (1 нести, приносить, относить 2
подарок): Evn. nēkъr 2; Nan. nuku- 1; Ud. nexu-, neu-ɣi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 619, 667.
PMong. *nögü-ɣe other (другой): MMong. noko’e (SH); WMong.
nögüge (L 592); Kh. nögȫ; Bur. nügȫ; Kalm. nög (КРС); Ord. nögȫ; Bao.
noge ‘he’ (Тод. Бн.).
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. nöŋüö ‘next’ (see Kał. MEJ 35, Stachowski 186).
PJpn. *nk- to leave, put aside (оставлять, откладывать): OJpn.
nok-, nokos-; MJpn. nòkos-; Tok. nokós-; Kyo. nókós-; Kag. nokós-.
◊ JLTT 737. The Kagoshima accent is rather strange (influenced by Tokyo?), cf. the
intransitive match nòkòr- ‘to remain, be left’ which is quite regular.
PKor. *nòh- to put, let go (класть, пускать): MKor. nòh-; Mod. no[noh-].
◊ Nam 114, KED 353.
‖ Martin 239. Korean has the verbal low tone. The Mong. form is
somewhat questionable: it can belong here if ‘other’ < ‘the one left’; on
the other hand, it may be a historical derivative < *nige-ɣü where *nige= *nige- ‘one’ (see *nŏŋe).
-neku lowland, water meadow: Tung. *nekte; Mong. *nigu.
PTung. *nekte 1 tilth, tillage 2 lowland 3 low (1 пашня 2 низина 3
низкий): Evk. nekte 1, 2, 3; Evn. ńätkun 3; Neg. nekte 2, 3; Ul. nekte 2;
Ork. nēktē-gi 2, nēkte 3; Nan. nekte 2, 3; Orch. nekte 3; Ud. nektele 2; Sol.
nekte 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 616, 617.
PMong. *nigu water-meadow (заливной луг): WMong. niɣu (L
579); Kh. nug; Bur. nuga; Kalm. nuɣə.
◊ KW 280. Mong. > Kaz. nuw etc.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nek῾u to weave: Mong. *neke-; Jpn. *nuki.
PMong. *neke- to weave, knit (ткать, вязать): MMong. neke- (SH),
nik- (IM); WMong. neke- (L 572); Kh. nexe-; Bur. nexe-; Kalm. nekə-; Ord.
neχe-; Mog. neka- (Weiers); Dag. nege-; Dong. nokie-; S.-Yugh. neke-;
Mongr. niki- (SM 276), neke-.
◊ KW 274, MGCD 507.
968
*nek῾V - *nèĺbù
PJpn. *nuki weft thread (уточная нить, уточная пряжа): OJpn.
nuk(j)i; Tok. nuki-íto.
◊ JLTT 502.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-nek῾V friend, relative: Tung. *neku-; Mong. *nökör.
PTung. *neku- younger relative (sister / brother) (младший родственник (сестра / брат)): Evk. nekū; Neg. nexu(n); Man. neχu ‘slave girl’;
Ul. neku(n); Ork. noko(nō); Nan. neku; Orch. neku; Ud. nêä-diga; Sol. nexũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 617-618. The Manchu word could be derived from MMong. nekun ‘servant’
(see Rozycki 161), on which see *nk῾e, but may as well be derived from *neku, with its
meaning being a result of confusing the two roots. In Manchu we also have neku ‘a
woman’s female friend’, and in Jurch. - nekur ‘friend’, both of which can be borrowed <
Mong. (see Rozycki 162). See also notes to *neŋu- (sub *nŋu).
PMong. *nökör friend (друг): MMong. nokor (HY 31, SH), nūkər
(IM); WMong. nökör (L 593: nökür); Kh. nöxör; Bur. nüxer; Kalm. nökr;
Ord. nöχör; Dag. nugur (Тод. Даг. 158); Dong. nokiə; Bao. noker (Тод.
Бн.); S.-Yugh. nökör; Mongr. nokor (SM 283), nukor (Huzu) 3.
◊ KW 279, MGCD 515. Despite Doerfer TMN 1, 521ff the attested MMong. noko’e
(SH; = nököɣe) ‘other, second’ does not prove that the original meaning was ‘other’: cf.
Russ. другой ‘other’, transparently derived < друг ‘friend’). Mong. > Chuv. kər-nüker
‘дружка’ (see Róna-Tas 1973-1974).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. The root seems to be different from *nk῾e
and *ńṑge, although there may have been some natural confusion. It is
interesting to note Jpn. naka(ma) ‘friend’ - perhaps a secondary contamination with naka ‘middle’?
-nelk῾V new-born; spring: Tung. *nelki; Mong. *nilka.
PTung. *nelki spring (весна): Evk. nelki; Evn. nelkъ; Neg. nelkī; Ork.
nelčiri; Orch. nekki; Ud. neki; Sol. nelxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 620.
PMong. *nilka new-born (новорожденный): MMong. nilqa (SH,
MA 124); WMong. nilqa (L 584); Kh. ńalx; Bur. ńalxa, nilxa; Kalm. nilxa;
Ord. nilxa; Dag. ńalka (Тод. Даг. 156), ńaleke (MD 199); Mongr. narG
(SM 258).
◊ KW 276. Cf. also nilǯaraj id.
‖ Владимирцов 369. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nèĺbù ( ~ -p-) fringe: Tung. *nelbi; Jpn. *nùsà.
PTung. *nelbi fringe (бахрома): Evk. nelbi; Evn. nebъlen.
◊ ТМС 1, 619.
PJpn. *nùsà paper offerings, paper pieces on a stick (бумажные
приношения, бумажки на палочке или веточке): OJpn. nusa; MJpn.
nùsà; Tok. nusa.
◊ JLTT 502.
*nelmu - *nmè
969
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Karakh. (MK) jɨšɨɣ ‘thread,
string, cord’ (although the vocalism is not clear).
-nelmu a k. of cloth, coat: Tung. *nelme-; Mong. *nolom; Turk. *jAlma.
PTung. *nelme- upper garment, coat (кафтан, верхняя одежда):
Evk. nelmekēn.
◊ ТМС 1, 620, 635. Isolated in Ewk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *nolom brocade (парча): WMong. nolom (L 590: nolum); Kh.
nolom.
PTurk. *jAlma a thick quilted coat (толстая стеганая куртка):
OTurk. jalma (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jalma (MK).
◊ EDT 929, TMN 4, 190-192.
‖ Дыбо 15, ТМС 1, 635. A Western isogloss. Note also MJpn. (late
attested) nume ‘a k. of silk’ (if not < numa- ‘to be slippery, smooth’)?
-nema to add, exceed: Mong. *neme-; Turk. *jem-; Kor. *nm-.
PMong. *neme- to add (добавлять): MMong. neme- (HY 33, SH);
WMong. neme- (L 573); Kh. neme-; Bur. neme-; Kalm. nem-; Ord. neme-;
Dag. neme- (Тод. Даг. 157, MD 197); Dong. nime-; S.-Yugh. nemē-;
Mongr. nimē- (SM 276), nəmē-.
◊ KW 274, MGCD 504.
PTurk. *jem- 1 moreover, and 2 addition (1 более того, к тому же 2
добавление): OTurk. jeme 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jeme 1 (MK); Yak.
semse 2.
◊ EDT 934.
PKor. *nm- to exceed, to overflow (превосходить, переходить,
переливаться через край): MKor. nm-; Mod. nm-.
◊ Nam 105, KED 335.
‖ EAS 76, Владимирцов 369, SKE 163, Poppe 38, 68. Manchu forms
(nem-sele- ‘to add, increase’ etc.) may be borrowed < Mong. (see ТМС 1,
622, TMN 1, 519, Doerfer MT 103, Rozycki 162). MKor. has also a synonymous nàm-. Despite TMN 1, 520 borrowing in Kor. < Mong. is quite
improbable.
-nmè to patch: Tung. *neme- / *nama-; Mong. *nem-; Turk. *jama-; Jpn.
*nmì.
PTung. *neme- / *nama- to patch (латать, штопать): Evk. neme-,
nama-; Evn. nemēt-; Neg. nemes-; Man. nemki-; Ul. namui (n.); Ork. nembesse-, nambotčị-; Nan. namu (n.); Orch. namasi-; Ud. neme-.
◊ ТМС 1, 622 (cf. also *nama- ‘to stick to, etc.’, ТМС 1, 581).
PMong. *nem- 1 to cover 2 to cover (by a horse-cloth) (1 покрывать
2 покрывать (попоной)): MMong. nemur- 1 (SH), nembe- 1 (HYt),
nəmilä, nimlä ‘horse-cloth’ (MA 238, 239); WMong. nemür- 1, nemne- 2 (L
574); Kh. nömr- 1, nemn- 2; Bur. nemeri- 1,2 nemne 2; Kalm. nemr- 1,
970
*nŋu - *nŋu
nemnə- 2; Ord. nemne- 2, nömör ‘protection contre le vent’; Dag. nembu- 1
(Тод. Даг. 157), nemur ‘cover’; Bao. nambəǯo- 2; S.-Yugh. nemle- 2, nemnēl
‘horse-cloth’; Mongr. nembe- (SM 270), nəmba- 1, nemberge (SM 270)
nemnoŋ ‘horse-cloth’ 2.
◊ KW 275, MGCD 505, 515. Mong. > Evk. neme- ‘to cover’ etc. (ТМС 1, 622), see Doerfer MT 51, Rozycki 162.
PTurk. *jama- to patch (латать, штопать): Karakh. jama- (MK); Tur.
jama-; Gag. jama-; Az. jama-; Turkm. jama-; Sal. jama-; MTurk. jama- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jama-; Uygh. jama-; Krm. jama-; Tat. jama-; Bashk. jama-;
Kirgh. ǯama-; Kaz. žama-; KBalk. zama-; KKalp. žama-; Kum. jama-;
Nogh. jama-; SUygh. jama-; Khak. nama-; Shr. naba-; Oyr. jama-, ama-;
Tv. čama-; Yak. samā-; Dolg. hamā-.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 934-935, ЭСТЯ 4, 108, Stachowski 94. Turk. > WMong. ǯama-,
Kalm. zamə- (KW 466).
PJpn. *nmì cypress bark used for preventing boat leaking, boat
caulking (кипарисовая кора, используемая для предотвращения течи в лодке): MJpn. nómì.
◊ JLTT 500 (also giving variants noma, nome).
‖ Poppe 68. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 4, 194) criticism the
Turk.-Tung. match appears quite satisfactory.
-nŋu female relative (sister or brother’s wife): Tung. *neŋu-; Mong.
*nagaču; Turk. *jeŋe; Kor. *nù’i.
PTung. *neŋu- 1 sweetheart 2 younger (brother, sister) (1 возлюбленная 2 младший (сестра, брат)): Evn. neŋńe 1; Neg. neŋuj (L.-Amg.)
2; Man. non 2; SMan. nun ‘younger sister; husband’s younger sister;
younger woman’ (904,914); Jurch. nexun (nexun-un) ‘younger sister’
(291); Orch. neŋu 2; Ud. neŋu 2.
◊ ТМС 1 618, 622. The Jurch. word may reflect a contamination with PTM *neku‘younger relative’ (v. sub *nek῾o).
PMong. *nagaču maternal relative (родственник со стороны матери): MMong. naxačü(i) ‘uncle (mother’s brother)’ (HY 28); WMong.
naɣaču (L 556); Kh. nagac; Bur. nagsa, nagasxaj; Kalm. naɣəc (КРС); Ord.
naGa, naGan, naGǟ, naGači; Dag. naučō, nagču (Тод. Даг. 155), nauči,
naučō (MD 195); S.-Yugh. naGačə; Mongr. naG (SM 254), naGai.
◊ MGCD 497. Mong. > Manchu nakču (see Rozycki 161).
PTurk. *jeŋe elder brother’s wife (жена старшего брата): OTurk.
jeŋge (OUygh.); Karakh. jeŋge (MK); Tur. jeŋge; Az. jeŋgä; Turkm. jeŋŋe;
Sal. jeŋGo, jeŋko, jaŋgu; Khal. neŋe; MTurk. jeŋge (Pav. C.), jinge (AH);
Uygh. jeŋge; Tat. ǯiŋgɛ; Bashk. jeŋge; Kirgh. ǯeŋe; Kaz. žeŋge; KKalp.
žeŋge; Nogh. jeŋge; SUygh. jeŋge, jiŋge, iŋge; Khak. nige; Shr. neŋe; Oyr.
jeŋe, eŋe; Tv. čeŋge; Yak. saŋas; Dolg. haŋas.
◊ EDT 950, VEWT 197-8, ЭСТЯ 4, 189-190, Лексика 313, Stachowski 96.
*np῾é - *nep῾V(ĺV)
971
PKor. *nù’i (boy’s) sister (сестра (мальчика)): MKor. nù’i; Mod.
nui.
◊ Nam 115, KED 358.
‖ EAS 76; TMN 4, 207 (“kaum annehmbar...Lallwort”).
-np῾é to spread, cover: Tung. *nep-te-; Mong. *nebseji-; Turk. *jap-;
Jpn. *nmpú- (~-ua-); Kor. *nìp-.
PTung. *nep-te- 1 to spread out, make even 2 even, flat (1 расстилать, разглаживать 2 ровный, гладкий): Evk. nepte- 1, nepteme 2; Neg.
nepte-nepte 2; Ul. nepte-nepte 2; Ork. nette- 1; Nan. nepte-nepte 2; Orch.
nepteŋge 2; Ud. neptele 2
◊ ТМС 1, 623-624.
PMong. *nebseji- to be broad and long (e.g. of cloth) (быть широким и длинным (напр., о ткани)): WMong. nebseji- (L 567); Kh. nevsij-;
Bur. nebšɨ-.
PTurk. *jap- to cover; to close, shut (the door) (покрывать; закрывать (дверь)): Karakh. jap- (MK); Az. jap- (dial.); Turkm. jap-; MTurk.
jap- (AH, Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jɔp-; Uygh. jap-; Krm. jap-; Tat. jap-;
Bashk. jap-; Kirgh. ǯap-; Kaz. žap-; KBalk. ǯap-, žap-, zap-; KKalp. žap-;
Kum. jap-; Nogh. jap-; Khak. čap-; Shr. čap-; Oyr. jap-, ap-; Tv. šɨp-; Yak.
sap-; Dolg. hap-.
◊ VEWT 187, EDT 870-871; ЭСТЯ 4, 127-128 (with a careful distinction of *jap- ‘create, make’ and *jap- ‘cover’), Stachowski 96-97. Derivates mean ‘cloth, covering’ (see Лексика 545).
PJpn. *nmpú- (~-ua-) to spread (расстилать): OJpn. n(w)obu-;
MJpn. nòbu-; Tok. nobé-; Kyo. nòbè-; Kag. nòbè-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nìp- to put on (clothes) (надевать (одежду)): MKor. nìp-;
Mod. ip-.
◊ Nam 126, KED 1364.
‖ ТМС 1, 624. Verbal low tone in Korean.
-nep῾V(ĺV) a k. of insect, butterfly: Tung. *nelbige (?); Mong.
*naɣalinkaj; Turk. *japɨĺgak; Kor. *nàpắi.
PTung. *nelbige bat (летучая мышь): Evk. nelbiɣē.
◊ ТМС 1, 619. Attested only in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *naɣalinkaj dung fly, gad-fly (навозная муха): WMong.
naɣalinqai (L 557); Kh. nālinxaj; Ord. nāliŋxǟ.
PTurk. *japɨĺgak 1 small louse 2 nit 3 a k. of gad-fly 4 leech (1 маленькая вошь 2 гнида 3 вид овода 4 пиявка): Gag. japɨšqan 4; Turkm.
japɨšaq 1; Tat. jabɨšqaq 2, 3; Bashk. jäbeškɛk 1, 2; Oyr. japšɨq, apšɨq 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 134.
PKor. *nàpắi butterfly (бабочка): MKor. nàpắi; Mod. nabi.
◊ Nam 88, KED 291.
972
*nèra - *nèra
‖ A common derivative *nep῾V-ĺV is reflected in PT *japɨĺ-(gak), PM
*naɣali-(nkaj) and probably Evk. nelbiɣe < *nepli-ge. The root must have
denoted a small flying insect, with a further development > ‘small biting insect’ in Turkic. It may well be that the initial consonant was *l(since the only TM reflex is the isolated Evk. dialectal form nelbiɣe); cf.
perhaps also a wider spread Evk. name of the caterpillar - lepurēgdi,
lepčerēgdi (ТМС 518), although it is usually derived from PTM *lepu‘fluffy’.
-nèra thin, flat: Tung. *ner- / *nar-; Mong. *nari-n; Turk. *jAr-; Jpn.
*nàràs-; Kor. *jrp- ( < *njr-p- ?).
PTung. *ner- / *nar- 1 lean 2 thin 3 weak (1 худой 2 тонкий 3 слабый): Evk. ńurkūn 1, 2; Man. ńere 2, 3, nar-χun 2; SMan. narəhun ‘fine,
thin, exact’(2408); Jurch. nar-gi ‘narrow’ (670).
◊ ТМС 1, 585-586, 649, 654-655. Doerfer TMN 1, 515, MT 138, Rozycki 161 regard
Man. narxun as borrowed < Mong. (cf. Mong. nari-qan ‘rather fine, thin, slender’), which
is somewhat dubious, but not entirely excluded.
PMong. *nari-n thin (тонкий): MMong. narin (SH, MA), narən (IM) ,
nārīn (LH); WMong. narin (L 566); Kh. narīn; Bur. narin; Kalm. närn;
Ord. narīn; Mog. nōrin (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. narin (Тод. Даг. 156),
narien (MD 195); Dong. narunni; Bao. naroŋ; S.-Yugh. narən; Mongr.
narin (SM 258), narəŋ.
◊ KW 273, MGCD 501, TMN 1, 513. Mong. > Chag. narin (see TMN 1, 515).
PTurk. *jAr- 1 thin, lean 2 poor 3 flat (1 тонкий, тощий 2 бедный 3
плоский): OTurk. jarlɨɣ 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jarlɨɣ 2 (MK); Turkm. jarlɨ
2 (dial.); MTurk. jarlɨɣ 2 (R., Bud.); Krm. jarlɨ 2; Tat. jarlɨ 2; Bashk. jarlɨ 2;
Kirgh. ǯarō 1, ǯardɨ, ǯarlɨ, ǯarɨlɨ 2; Kaz. žara- 1, žar(ɨ)lɨ 2; KBalk. žarlɨ, zarlɨ
2; KKalp. žarlɨ 2; Kum. jarlɨ 2; Nogh. jarlɨ- 2; Oyr. jartɨčaq 3; Tv. čarɨɣ-da1.
◊ EDT 967, VEWT 189, 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 143, Лексика 334-335. The most widely spread
form, attested since Old Uyghur, is *jAr-lɨ(g) ‘poor’; the evidence of Oyr., Tuva, Kirgh.
and Kaz., however, suggests the existence of a primary stem *jAr(ɨ)- ‘thin, lean’. Turk. >
Hung. gyarló ‘sinful’ (< *jarlɨɣ), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *nàràs- to make even, flat (выравнивать, сглаживать): OJpn.
naras-; MJpn. nàràs-; Tok. narás-; Kyo. nàràs-; Kag. nàràs-.
◊ JLTT 732. Kyoto points to *nàrás-, but RJ and Kagoshima rather to *nàràs-.
PKor. *jrp- thin (тонкий): MKor. jrp-; Mod. jlp-, jālp-.
◊ Nam 376, KED 1182.
‖ If the Korean form is related here, it must be one of the irregular
cases of *n- lost in front of -j-, -i- already in Middle Korean; however,
since the -jə- diphthong is also not quite regular, the Korean match is
rather questionable.
*nèra - *nre
973
-nèra ( ~ -ŕ-) a k. of big tree: Tung. *ner- ( ~ ń-); Mong. *nara-su; Jpn.
*nàrà.
PTung. *ner- ( ~ ń-) larch (лиственница): Evn. ńermi.
◊ ТМС 1, 654. Attested only in Evn., with possible external parallels.
PMong. *nara-su pine tree (сосна): MMong. narasun (HY 6);
WMong. nara-su(n) (L 565); Kh. nars; Bur. narha(n); Kalm. narsan
(СЯОС); Ord. narasu; Dag. nars, narsu (Тод. Даг. 156), narese ‘cypress,
cedar’ (MD 195).
◊ MGCD 501. Mong. nara-t (pl.) > Chuv. narat, see Róna-Tas 1973-1974.
PJpn. *nàrà a k. of oak (вид дуба): OJpn. nara; MJpn. nàrà; Tok. nára;
Kyo. nárà; Kag. nára.
◊ JLTT 493. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ The Mong.-Jpn. match appears certain; the Even parallel is isolated and less reliable.
-nre name; announcement, order: Mong. *nere; Turk. *jạr-; Jpn. *nr-;
Kor. *(n)ìr(h)-.
PMong. *nere name (имя): MMong. nere (SH, HYt), nirin (IM), nir
(MA); WMong. nere (L 575); Kh. ner; Bur. nere; Kalm. nerə; Ord. nere;
Mog. nerä; nirä (15-3a); Dag. ner (Тод. Даг. 157), nere (MD 198); Dong.
niere; Bao. nere (Тод. Бн.), nare; S.-Yugh. nere; Mongr. nere (SM 273).
◊ KW 275, MGCD 506.
PTurk. *jạr- 1 order 2 announcement, call 3 judge 4 law, justice (1
приказ 2 объявление, клич 3 судья 4 закон, правосудие): OTurk.
jar-lɨɣ 1,2 (OUygh.), jarɣan 3; Karakh. jar-lɨɣ 1,2 (MK); Tur. jar, ǯar 2
(dial.); Az. ǯar 2 (dial.); Turkm. jarlɨq 1, dial. ǯar 2; MTurk. jar 2
(Abush.), jar-lɨɣ 1,2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. jarɣu 4, dial. ǯar 2; Uygh. ǯar
2; Tat. jar 2, jarlɨq 1; Kirgh. ǯar 2; Kaz. žar 2; KKalp. žar 2; Oyr. ar 2; Tv.
čar 2; Chuv. śɨrlъx 1.
◊ VEWT 188-9, EDT 966-7, ЭСТЯ 4, 18-20 (one can hardly agree with Clauson that
jarlɨɣ is a loan from an unknown source). Mong. loans from Turk. are widely spread:
Mong. ǯar ‘announcement’, ǯarqu, ǯarɣu ‘judgement, court’, ǯarliq ‘order’, ǯarɣuči ‘judge’
(see TMN 1, 278, 4, 58-66, 157, Щербак 1997, 123).
PJpn. *nr- to announce, order (возвещать, приказывать): OJpn.
nor-; MJpn. nór-.
◊ JLTT 737.
PKor. *(n)ìr(h)- 1 name 2 say, tell (1 имя 2 сказать): MKor. ìrhúm 1,
nìrắ-, nìr’ó- 2; Mod. irɨm 1, irɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 406, 120, 124, KED 1326, 1327. The noun seems to be clearly deverbal, but is attested only without the initial *n-.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 37, 72, 294. Closed -ạ- in Turk. is not quite clear.
*néro - *nìbi
974
-néro to fly; to rise: Tung. *nere-; Mong. *narba-; Turk. *jAr-man-; Jpn.
*nr-; Kor. *nằr-.
PTung. *nere- to flap (wings) (порхать, махать крыльями): Evk.
nere-nŋe-; Evn. nerъk-.
◊ ТМС 1, 625.
PMong. *narba- to flap, flutter, sway (махать, развеваться): Bur.
narba-; Kalm. narməlǯə- (КРС).
PTurk. *jAr-man- to climb up (залезать): OTurk. jarma-, jarman(OUygh.); Karakh. jarman- (MK); Turkm. jarmaš-; Khal. jarmalaq ‘seesaw
for children’; MTurk. jarman- (Sangl.); Tat. jarpa- ‘to put on airs’; Kirgh.
jarmaš-; Kaz. žarmas- ‘to cling to’; KKalp. žarmas- ‘to cling to’; Khak. čarban-; Shr. čarban-; Oyr. jarman- (Верб.).
◊ VEWT 190, EDT 969.
PJpn. *nr- 1 to rise 2 to ride (1 подниматься 2 ехать верхом):
OJpn. nor- 1, 2; MJpn. nór- 1, 2; Tok. nòr- 1; Kyo. nór- 1; Kag. nór- 1.
◊ JLTT 737.
PKor. *nằr- to fly (лететь): MKor. nằr-; Mod. nal-.
◊ Nam 96, KED 302.
‖ SKE 159, ТМС 1,625 (Tung.-Kor.), Martin 240, АПиПЯЯ 296. In
Kor. cf. also nắr-kái ‘wing’ (with change of tone?), mod. narɨ-da ‘to
transport’. The Turk. and Jpn. forms can be alternatively compared
with MKor. nīr- ‘to stand up, rise’.
-nèse ( ~ -o) flat, to flatten: Tung. *nese-; Jpn. *ns-.
PTung. *nese- to straighten, make level, flat (выравнивать, выпрямлять): Evn. nesēn-, nehēn-; Neg. neskī-; Ul. nese-; Ork. nese ‘ground
surface’; Nan. nesi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 625-626.
PJpn. *ns- 1 a k. of small flat-iron 2 to stretch, flatten (1 вид маленького утюга 2 растягивать, разглаживать, утюжить): OJpn.
n(w)osi 1; MJpn. nòsì 1; Tok. nós- 2, noshí 1; Kyo. nós- 2, nóshì 1; Kag.
nós-, nòs- 2, noshí 1.
◊ JLTT 501, 737. Verbal accent (nós- in Kyoto and the variant nós- in Kagoshima) is
not quite clear.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; on a possible Turk. reflex see under *dasi.
-nìbi ( ~ -e) to smoke, to smell: Tung. *nibu(p)-; Mong. *neɣü-; Jpn.
*nìp-p-; Kor. *nắi.
PTung. *nibu(p)- to smoke (дымить(ся), коптить(ся)): Evk. nuw-;
Neg. nūp-; Ul. ńiup-ti-; Ork. nū-či-; Nan. ńup-či-; Orch. ńu-či-; Ud.
ńusesi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 607-608.
PMong. *neɣü- 1 to curl (of smoke) 2 charcoal (1 виться (о дыме) 2
уголь): MMong. ne’uresun 2 (HY 22), nūrson (IM); WMong. negür-sü 2
*nibĺa - *nbŕo
975
(L 569: neɣüresü(n)); Kh. nǖ-gelte- 1, nǖrs 2; Bur. nǖrhe(n) 2; Kalm. nǖrsen
2 (KPC); Ord. nǖresü, nǖres 2; Dag. neurese 2 (MD 198).
◊ The Mong. word for ‘coal’ (MMong. ne’üre-sün) is compared by Poppe 38 with
Man. nemu ‘ore’, nemuri ‘coal mine’ (ТМС 1, 621) < *nebu- (?).
PJpn. *nìp-p- to smell (пахнуть): OJpn. nipop-; MJpn. nìfòf-; Tok.
nió-; Kyo. níó-; Kag. nìò-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nắi smoke (дым): MKor. nắi; Mod. nä.
◊ Nam 102, KED 315.
‖ EAS 77, SKE 158 (Tung.-Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 297. Kor. -ă- is most
probably a result of vowel contraction after the loss of *-b-.
-nibĺa clay, to smear: Tung. *ńiblü-; Turk. *joĺa; Jpn. *nasur-.
PTung. *ńiblü- to paint, smear (красить, мазать): Neg. ńịja-, ńlị-;
Man. ju-; Ul. ńili-; Ork. ńilitči-; Nan. ńiule-; Ud. jeule-.
◊ ТМС 1, 638.
PTurk. *joĺa red clay (красная глина): Tur. joša (SDD); MTurk. juša
(MA); Kirgh. ǯošo; Oyr. jožo; Yak. soho.
◊ VEWT 128, ЭСТЯ 4, 31. Turk. > MMong. (MA) ǯuša, WMong. ǯosa ‘red clay, red
earth’ (rather than vice versa, despite VEWT 128 - although forms with -s- like Kaz.,
KKalp. žosa are reborrowed from Mong.).
PJpn. *nasur- to smear, rub (мазать, тереть): Tok. nasúr-; Kyo.
násúr-; Kag. nasúr-.
◊ JLTT 733. PJ accent is unclear.
‖ The vowel *-o- in Turkic is probably due to the medial cluster
(*joĺa < *jɨbĺa).
-nbŕo face, resemblance: Mong. *niɣur; Turk. *jǖŕ; Jpn. *nər-.
PMong. *niɣur face (лицо): MMong. ni’ur (HY 45, SH), nojur (IM),
niur (MA); WMong. niɣur (L 580); Kh. nǖr; Bur. ńūr, nǖr; Kalm. nǖr;
Ord. nǖr; Mog. nǖr; Dong. niu (MGCD nu); Bao. nōr (MGCD nor, nur);
S.-Yugh. nǖr, nȫr; Mongr. nǖr (SM 280) (MGCD niur).
◊ KW 283, MGCD 520, 563.
PTurk. *jǖŕ face (лицо): OTurk. jüz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jüz
(MK); Tur. jüz; Gag. jüz, üz; Az. üz; Turkm. jüz; Sal. jüz, jiz; Khal. jīz;
MTurk. jüz (MA, AH, Ettuhf.); Uygh. jüz; Krm. jüz, juź, jiz, iz; Tat. jöz;
Bashk. jöδ; Kirgh. ǯüz; Kaz. žüz; KKalp. žüz; Kum. jüz; Nogh. jüz;
SUygh. jüz; Khak. čüs; Oyr. jüs, üs; Chuv. śъₙvar ‘mouth’; Yak. sǖs
‘forehead’; Dolg. hǖs ‘forehead’.
◊ VEWT 213-4, ЭСТЯ 4, 259-260, Лексика 206, Мудрак Дисс. 154, Stachowski 117.
Khalaj jīz = Yak. sǖs prove that Turkm. jüz is secondary. Turk. > MMong. (MA) jüz ‘surface’ (Щербак 1997, 196).
PJpn. *nər- to resemble (быть похожим): OJpn. n(w)or-.
‖ VEWT 214. *-ǖ- in Turk. is due to contraction.
976
*nkV - *nk῾e
-nkV ( ~ -ā-) duck: Tung. *nīKǖ; Mong. *nigu-sun.
PTung. *nīKǖ 1 duck 2 bird (1 утка 2 птица): Evk. nīkī, -čēn 1; Evn.
ńieki, nīki; Man. ńexe 1; SMan. īxə 1 (2201); Jurch. mie-xe (591) 1; Ork.
nēčē / ńēče 2; Nan. ńice(n) 2; Ud. ńuɣeǯiɣe ‘duckling’; Sol. nīxī 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 590-591.
PMong. *nigu-su duck (утка): MMong. noqosun (HY 14), noqosu
(SH), nuɣasun (MA 261b), nūqāsūn (LH), nūqāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong.
niɣusu, niɣul (L 595: nuɣusu(n)); Kh. nugas; Bur. nugaha(n); Kalm.
nuɣəsn; Ord. nuGus, nuGusu; Dag. nogese, nause, nuagese (MD 195, 200).
◊ KW 281.
‖ KW 281, Poppe 1974, 121, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Tung.-Mong. isogloss.
The TM form can hardly be regarded as a mongolism, therefore (despite Poppe 1966, 31) this root should be carefully distinguished from
ТМ *ńuŋńakī ‘goose’ (= Karakh. juɣaq id.). Mong. has parallel forms
niɣusun and noɣusun - possibly resulting from contamination.
-nìk῾é to become sour, ripen: Tung. *ńeK- ~ *niK-; Mong. *negsi-; Jpn.
*nìnkà-; Kor. *nìk-.
PTung. *ńeK- ~ *niK- to rot, become sour (of food) (прокисать (о
пище), делаться противным на вкус): Man. ńekde-.
◊ ТМС 1, 651. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *negsi- to rot, become sour (of food) (гнить, скисать (о пище)): WMong. nigsi- (MXTTT); Kh. negše-.
PJpn. *nìnkà- bitter, sour (горький, кислый): MJpn. nìgà-; Tok.
nigá-; Kyo. nígà-; Kag. nigá-.
◊ JLTT 837.
PKor. *nìk- to be boiled, ripen (свариваться, созревать): MKor.
nìk-; Mod. ik-.
◊ Nam 124, KED 1339.
‖ ТМС 1, 651 (Mong.-Tung.). Verbal low tone in Kor.
-nk῾e ( ~ -ā-) servant: Tung. *nīka-; Mong. *nek-.
PTung. *nīka- 1 relative 2 servant, slave 3 Chinese 4 ordinary man,
people (1 родственник 2 слуга, раб 3 китаец 4 мужик, деревенщина):
Evk. ńīkī (Nerch.) 1; Neg. nịkan 3, (arch.) 2; Man. niqan 3, 4; Ul. ńiqa(n) 2,
3 (arch.); Ork. ńaqqa(n) 2; Nan. ńịqã 3; Orch. ńiŋka 3, (arch.) 2; Ud. niŋka
3, (arch.) 2; Sol. nixã 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 590, 637.
PMong. *nek- servant(s) (слуга, слуги): MMong. nekun (HY 31, SH).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *ńṑge, *nek῾V.
*nk῾ú - *nilko
977
-nk῾ú to grind, crunch; knead: Tung. *ń[i]Ki-; Mong. *niku-; Turk. *jɨk-;
Jpn. *nnk-p- / *nùnkù-p-; Kor. *nìkì-.
PTung. *ń[i]Ki- 1 to gnaw, crunch 2 to swallow 3 to destroy, demolish (1 грызть, разгрызать 2 проглотить 3 разрушать(ся)): Evk. ńeki- 1;
Man. niqča- 3; Nan. ńikike- 2 (Kur.-Urm.).
◊ ТМС 1, 591, 637, 651.
PMong. *niku- to grind, rub, knead (размалывать, растирать, месить): MMong. nuqu- (MA 316); WMong. niqu-, nuqu- (L 586); Kh.
nuxa-; Bur. ńuxa-; Kalm. nuxə-; Ord. nuxu-; Mog. nuqu-; ZM noqu (8-2a);
Dag. nogu-; Bao. noGə-; Mongr. nuGu- (SM 288).
◊ KW 281, MGCD 519. Mong. > Man. ńoxu- etc., see Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki 163.
PTurk. *jɨk- to crush, grind; overthrow (разрушать, размалывать;
свалить): OTurk. jɨq- (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨq- (MK); Tur. jɨk-; Gag. jɨq-;
Az. jɨx-; Turkm. jɨq-; Khal. juq-; MTurk. jɨq- (MA, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jiq-;
Uygh. jiq-; Krm. jɨq-, jɨx-; Tat. jɨq-; Bashk. jɨq-; Kirgh. ǯɨq-; Kaz. žɨq-;
KKalp. žɨq-; Kum. jɨq-, jix-; Nogh. jɨq-; Khak. juq-; Oyr. jɨq-, ɨq-; Chuv.
śъx- (dial.).
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 897, ЭСТЯ 4, 273-274.
PJpn. *nnk-p- / *nùnkù-p- to rub, wipe (off) (стирать, смахивать): OJpn. nogop-; MJpn. nògòf-; Tok. nugú-; Kyo. núgú-; Kag. nùgù-.
◊ JLTT 738.
PKor. *nìkì- to knead, mix (месить, смешивать): MKor. nìkì-; Mod.
igi-.
◊ Nam 119, KED 1319.
‖ Poppe 39, Дыбо 1995b.
-nilko ( ~ -u) old, grown-up: Turk. *jɨlkɨ; Kor. *nrk-.
PTurk. *jɨlkɨ age; aged (grown-up) animal (возраст; взрослое животное): OTurk. jɨlqɨ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jɨlqɨ (MK); Az. ilxɨ, ɨlxɨ
(dial.); Turkm. jɨlqɨ; MTurk. jɨlqɨ (AH, Ettuhf.), ɨlqɨ (Бор. Бад., Abush.);
Uzb. jilqi; Uygh. ǯi(l)qa, žilqi; Krm. jɨlqɨ; Tat. jɨlqɨ; Bashk. jɨlqɨ; Kirgh. ǯɨlqɨ;
Kaz. žɨlqɨ; KBalk. ǯɨlqɨ, zɨlqɨ; KKalp. žɨlqɨ; Kum. jɨlqɨ, jilqɨ; Nogh. jɨlqɨ;
Khak. čɨlɣɨ; Shr. čɨlɣɨ; Oyr. ɨlqɨ; Tv. čɨlɣɨ; Yak. sɨlɣɨ.
◊ EDT 925-926, ЭСТЯ 4, 281-282, Лексика 444.
PKor. *nrk- old (старый): MKor. nrk-; Mod. nɨk- [nɨrk].
◊ Nam 118, KED 373.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss; cf. also Kor. nɨ(l)ktari ‘old beast’ (see SKE
171). The parallel is striking, but one should keep in mind that the stem
may be actually derived from *nàjĺV ‘age’, with additional influence of
*jɨl ‘year’ in Turkic.
978
*nĭmči(-k῾V) - *nìŋi
-nĭmči(-k῾V) fat in the intestines, fat food, roe: Tung. *nim(u)kse; Mong.
*nimǯi-ge, *nümǯi-ge; Turk. *(j)inčgek.
PTung. *nim(u)kse 1 stomach (of animals) 2 intestine fat (1 желудок животного, содержимое желудка 2 кишечный жир, животное
сало): Evk. nimne 1; Evn. nimne 2; Neg. nimtumu ‘smell of fat’; Man.
nimeŋgi 2; SMan. niməŋə ‘grease, fat; vegetable oil’ (340); Ork. numiśe 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 314, 594, 595.
PMong. *nimǯi-ge, *nümǯi-ge sheep fat (бараний жир): WMong.
nümǯige (L 597); Kh. nünǯig, nümǯig; Bur. nemžege(n), ünžege(n).
PTurk. *(j)inčgek milt, roe (икра): Tat. inči, jincɛ (Sib.); Yak. iskex;
Dolg. istek.
◊ VEWT 172, 203, Лексика 151, Stachowski 129.
‖ Лексика 151. A Western isogloss.
-nīme top of head: Tung. *nīme-kte; Turk. *jem-kek; Jpn. *mínái; Kor.
*nìmáh.
PTung. *nīme-kte skin on young horns (кожица на молодых рогах): Evk. nīmekte; Evn. ńiemъt; Neg. mīmekte; Ud. ńimakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 596.
PTurk. *jem-kek 1 sinciput 2 fontanelle (1 темя 2 родничок):
Karakh. ümgük 2 (MK); Tur. imik 1; Gag. imik ‘brain’; Az. ämgäk 2;
MTurk. (MKypch.) jimük (AH) 1; Tat. jümök (Bar.) 1; Kirgh. emgek 2;
Kaz. eŋbek 2; KKalp. eŋbek 2; Khak. ēmek (dial.) 1; Shr. näbäk (R) 1; Oyr.
emgek (R - Tel.), jömök (R - Oyr.) 2, (Tuba) nömek 1; Tv. čövek 1; Chuv.
śamga ‘forehead’.
◊ VEWT 42, 208, 171, 521, ЭСТЯ 1, 352, Егоров 202, Лексика 201-202. Chuv. > Bashk.
suŋqa ‘hump of the occipital bone’.
PJpn. *mínái mountain top (вершина горы): OJpn. mjine; MJpn.
míné; Tok. mìne; Kyo. míné; Kag. míne.
◊ JLTT 480.
PKor. *nìmáh forehead (лоб): MKor. nìmá (nìmáh-); Mod. ima.
◊ Nam 121, KED 1328.
‖ Лексика 202, Дыбо 1995b. Tone in Kor.-Jpn. is irregular. In Jpn.
one has to assume metathesis (*míná- < *nímá-), quite probable in a root
with two nasals.
-nìŋi burden, load: Tung. *niŋu-; Jpn. *nì; Kor. *ni(ŋ)-.
PTung. *niŋu- 1 to prop, support 2 support, prop (1 подпирать,
опираться 2 опора): Evn. nīnut-, nīnen- 1, nīnun 2; Man. neŋge-bu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 597-598.
PJpn. *nì burden, load (ноша, груз): OJpn. ni; MJpn. nì; Tok. ní;
Kyo. nì; Kag. nì.
*nra - *níre
979
◊ JLTT 496. A reconstruction *n-i is also not excluded - if the same root may be recovered in OJ no-sakji ‘first crop of the year, sent as tribute to the court’; the derivation is,
however, not entirely convincing.
PKor. *ni- to carry on the head (нести на голове): MKor. ni-; Mod.
i-.
◊ Liu 169, KED 1321.
‖ Martin 227. An Eastern isogloss.
-nra spine: Tung. *niri-; Mong. *niruɣu; Turk. *jɨr-; Jpn. *nà(n)tùki.
PTung. *niri- spine, spine vertebra (позвоночник, хребет, позвонки): Evk. niri; Evn. ńịrị; Neg. nịjịkta; Ul. ńịrịqta; Ork. ńịrịkta; Nan. ńịrịqta;
Orch. ńīkta; Ud. ńīkta; Sol. nērde.
◊ ТМС 1, 639-640.
PMong. *niruɣu spine, vertebra, marrow (позвоночник, позвонки,
костный мозг): MMong. niru’u(n), niri’un (SH), nirisun ‘spine’ (HY 47),
nīrɣon (IM), nīrɣūn (Lig.VMI), nirun (MA); WMong. niruɣu(n) (L 585);
Kh. nurū; Bur. ńurga(n), ńurū; Kalm. nurɣən; Ord. nurū ‘back, spine’;
Dag. nirō (Тод. Даг. 158); Dong. nurun; S.-Yugh. nurūn; Mongr. nuru
(SM 291), nurə.
◊ KW 281, MGCD 519, TMN 1, 530.
PTurk. *jɨr- left, North (левый, Север): OTurk. jɨr-ɣaru (Orkh.), ir-,
jir- (OUygh.).
◊ VEWT 201, EDT 954, 959, 973. The comparison is possible if we suppose a usual
development ‘North’ < ‘back’.
PJpn. *nà(n)tùki brain, marrow (мозг, костный мозг): OJpn.
nadukji; MJpn. nàdùki.
◊ JLTT 494.
‖ EAS 76-77, KW 281, Poppe 39, 116, Колесникова 1972a, 88-89,
Дыбо 306. Despite Doerfer MT 114, evidently not a loan in TM from
Mong.
-níre ( ~ -ŕ-, -o) a k. of foliage tree, elm: Tung. *nir-; Jpn. *nírai; Kor.
*nrp.
PTung. *nir- ( ~ ń-) 1 a k. of poplar 2 brushwood (1 тополь-чернотал 2 хворост): Evn. ńirāwi 1, ńịrgụqị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 639. Attested only in Evn., with probable parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *nírai elm (вяз): OJpn. nire; MJpn. níre; Tok. nìre; Kyo. nírè;
Kag. nírè.
◊ JLTT 498. All sources point to a high tone on the 1st syllable.
PKor. *nrp elm (вяз): MKor. nrp; Mod. nɨrɨp.
◊ Nam 118, KED 366.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
*nìt῾á - *nìt῾à
980
-nìt῾á weak, quiet: Tung. *nita-; Mong. *nete-; Turk. *jit-; Jpn. *nàntà- /
*nnt-; Kor. *njth-.
PTung. *nita- 1 weak, faded 2 to weaken, diminish (1 слабый, бледный 2 уменьшаться, ослабевать): Man. nitan 1, nitara- 2; Jurch. ni-ta-ba
(463) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 601.
PMong. *nete- to become still worse, deteriorate (ухудшаться):
WMong. nete-re- (МXTTT); Kh. netre-; Bur. neter- ‘become thin, attenuate; to be in arrears of work’.
PTurk. *jit- to be lost (теряться, пропадать): OTurk. jit- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jit- (MK); Tur. jit-; Az. it-; Turkm. jit-; MTurk. jit(Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jit-; Uygh. jit-, jüt-; Krm. jɨt-; Kirgh. ǯit-;
Kaz. žit-; KKalp. žit-; Khak. čət-; Tv. čit-; Chuv. śət-; Yak. süt-; Dolg. hüt-.
◊ EDT 885, VEWT 204, ЭСТЯ 4, 204-205, Stachowski 116.
PJpn. *nàntà- / *nnt- 1 to quieten, keep quiet 2 quiet, peaceful (1
успокаивать 2 тихий, спокойный): OJpn. nadama- 1, nodo 2; MJpn.
nàdàma-, nodoma- 1, nodoka 2; Tok. nadamé- 1, nadáraka, nódoka 2; Kyo.
nádámé- 1, nádárákà, nòdókà 2; Kag. nàdàmè- 1, nadaraká, nodoká 2.
◊ JLTT 730.
PKor. *njth- shallow, superficial, light (мелкий, поверхностный,
легкий): MKor. njth-; Mod. jət- [jəth-], jat- [jath-].
◊ Nam 109, KED 1120, 1189.
‖ A common derivative *nìt῾á-rV- is reflected in PM *nete-re- = Man.
nita-ra- = PJ *nàntà-ra-(ka).
-nìt῾à sharp weapon, a k. of knife: Mong. *nitula-; Turk. *jiti; Jpn. *nátá;
Kor. *nát.
PMong. *nitula- to slaughter (cattle) (резать (скот)): MMong. nitul‘to cut off’ (SH); WMong. nitula- (L 586); Kh. ńadla-, ńatla-; Ord. nutul-.
◊ Cf. also nitu- ‘to perish’ (L 586).
PTurk. *jiti sharp (острый): OTurk. jiti (OUygh.); Karakh. jitig (MK,
KB); Tur. iti- (v.); Az. iti; Turkm. jiti; Khal. jitti; MTurk. iti (AH, Ettuhf.),
itik (Pav. C.), iti- v. (Pav. C.); Uygh. ištik; Krm. jiti, iti; Tat. ǯete; Kaz. žiti;
KBalk. žütü; Kum. itti; Khak. čətəg; Shr. čidig; Tv. čidig, čidi- (v.); Chuv.
śivǯə (?); Yak. sɨt; Dolg. hɨt.
◊ EDT 889, ЭСТЯ 4, 205-206, Stachowski 121. Cf. also Tur. jat ‘weapon’, jataɣan ‘a k.
of sword’ (VEWT 192, TMN 4, 52).
PJpn. *nátá hatchet (топорик): Tok. nàta, natá; Kyo. nátá; Kag. nátà.
◊ JLTT 494.
PKor. *nát sickle (серп): MKor. nát; Mod. nat [nas].
◊ Nam 94, KED 311.
*n - *n
981
‖ See SKE 162 (Kor-Jpn.). The Jpn. word is not attested in OJ and MJ
texts and may well be borrowed from Korean - which would also explain the irregular high tone.
-n eye: Tung. *ńia-sa; Mong. *nidü; Turk. *jāĺ ‘tear’; Jpn. *mài(N), *mì-;
Kor. *nún.
PTung. *ńia-sa eye (глаз): Evk. sa; Evn. ǟsl; Neg. sa; Man. jasa;
SMan. jasə (10); Jurch. ŋia-ĉi (496); Ul. ịsal(ị); Ork. isal; Nan. nasal, dial.
ńisal(a), ịsal, ŋasar; Orch. isa; Ud. jehä; Sol. īsal.
◊ ТМС 1, 291-292. The Nan. and Jurch. forms unmistakeably point to an initial nasal,
lost in other languages in the exceptional position before the diphthong *iā. Other traces
of initial nasal can be seen in: Man. ńońo ‘pupil of the eye’, Neg. ńuińaki ‘eyebrow’, Evn.
ńȫŋeti ‘one-eyed’ (pointing perhaps to a derivative *ńiā-ŋu- with later assimilations >
*ńūŋu- ~ *ńūńu-).
PMong. *nidü eye (глаз): MMong. nidun (HY 45, SH), neidun (IM),
nidun (MA); WMong. nidü(n) (L 578); Kh. nüd; Bur. ńüde(n); Kalm.
nüdn; Ord. nüdü(n); Mog. nüdün; ZM nodun (2-3a); Dag. nide (MD 199,
Тод. Даг. 157), nid (Тод. Даг. 157); Dong. nuduŋ, -n; Bao. nedoŋ;
S.-Yugh. nudun; Mongr. nudu (SM 287).
◊ KW 282, MGCD 520.
PTurk. *jāĺ tear (слеза): OTurk. jaš (OUygh.); Karakh. jaš (MK); Tur.
jaš; Az. jaš; Turkm. jāš; Sal. jaš; Khal. jāš; MTurk. jaš (AH, Бор. Бад.);
Uzb. jɔš; Uygh. jaš; Krm. jaš; Tat. jɛš; Bashk. jäš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz. žas;
KKalp. žas; Kum. jaš; Nogh. jas; SUygh. jas; Khak. čas; Oyr. aš; Tv. čaš;
Chuv. koś-śol.
◊ VEWT 192, EDT 975-976, Ашм. VII, 32, ЭСТЯ 4, 161-163 (because of external evidence should be distinguished both from *jāl’ ‘age’ and *jāl’ ‘fresh, green’).
PJpn. *mài(N), *mì- 1 eye 2 to see (1 глаз 2 видеть): OJpn. me 1, mji2; MJpn. mè 1, mì- 2; Tok. mé 1, mí- 2; Kyo. mèe 1, mì- 2; Kag. mé 1, mí- 2.
◊ JLTT 474, 724. Nasal -N can be reconstructed on the basis of Hateruma (Ryukyu)
mìŃ - although one cannot exclude that this is a later addition.
PKor. *nún eye (глаз): MKor. nún; Mod. nun.
◊ Nam 115, KED 359.
‖ EAS 77, Poppe 39, Menges 1984, 281, Street 1980, 300-301, АПиПЯЯ 30-31, 78, 87, 275. For the Turkic form cf. Mong. *ni-l-mu-sun (KW
281; Владимирцов 146), ТМ *(i)ńa-mū-, MKor. nún-mr, PJ *na-mi(n)tV
‘tear’ < PAlt. *ńā(ĺ)-mūri ‘water of the eye’. PT irregularly preserves
length here: it is probably due to the influence of other homophonic
and synonymic roots. Jpn. *m- here deserves special comment. It is a
usual reflex of *ń- or *ŋ-, but none can be safely reconstructed here (not
*ń- because of Mong. ni-dün, not *ŋ- because of TM *ńia-sa). One may
note, however, that Jpn. has n- in *na-mi(n)tV ‘tear’, and perhaps also in
the old deverbative OJ niram- (also *nia-m- > nem-) ‘to glare at, keep an
eye on’ = Kor. nori- ‘to have an eye upon’ = TM *ńia-ru- ‘to stare’ (ТМС
982
*nbo - *nač῾i
1, 291) = Karakh. jeze- (EDT 985, TMN 4, 163) ‘to patrol, keep an eye on’
< PA *nā-ŕV. One can also pay attention to the nasal suffix present in
Kor. nu-n and Jpn. *mai(N); it may suggest that we are actually dealing
with reflexes of an archaic suffixed form *na-ŋ(V), the velar in which
also can account for some unexpected TM forms: Jurch. ŋia-ĉi and Nan.
dial. ŋasar ( < *ŋia-sa < *ńiaŋ-sa). Japanese may have had a similar assimilation (*ma-iN < *ŋa-ŋ < *na-ŋ), while the suffixless form is preserved in a compound (*na-mi(n)ta < *na) and a derived verb (niram-).
Cf. also KBalk. ǯalamuq ‘tear’ (probably < Bulg., reflecting a trace of the
original compound in PTurk.). Traces of *-ĺ- in some forms (Turk. *jāĺ,
Mong. *nil-mu-sun) may reflect a distinct root, preserved in Mong.
*naliqa ‘wing-like membrane, corner of the eye’, as well as nilma / milma
‘pupil of the eye’.
-nbo ( ~ -o-) storm, natural disaster: Tung. *ńō[be]-kte; Mong.
*nöɣe-le-; Turk. *jubug ( ~ *jabug); Jpn. *nàw(u)í.
PTung. *ńō[be]-kte 1 storm cloud 2 heavy rain 3 spindrift cloud 4
hail (1 грозовая туча 2 ливень 3 перистое облако 4 град): Evk. ńōkta
1, 2, dial. ńēkte, ńokta 3; Evn. ńonto 2; Neg. ńekte 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 643, 651.
PMong. *nöɣe-le- to come in gusts (дуть сильными порывами (о
ветре)): WMong. nöɣele- (L 592); Kh. nȫlö-.
PTurk. *jubug ( ~ *jabug) boulders which a torrent carries down;
boulders displaced and falling to the bottom of the valley (камни, несомые потоком; оползень): Karakh. juvuɣ ( ~ javuɣ) (MK).
◊ EDT 873.
PJpn. *nàw(u)í earthquake (землетрясение): OJpn. nawi; MJpn.
nàwí.
◊ JLTT 491.
‖ The vocalism is not quite secure due to assimilations; nevertheless
the root seems well reconstructable.
-nač῾i to forget, refuse: Tung. *ńaču-; Mong. *niča-; Kor. *nìč-.
PTung. *ńaču- 1 to faint 2 to go back the same way (1 потерять сознание, упасть в обморок 2 вернуться (по той же тропе)): Evn. ńatlan2; Neg. ńačụla- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 636.
PMong. *niča- to refuse; turn back (отказываться, сдаваться, отходить назад): WMong. niča- (L 577: niču-); Kh. ńaca-; Bur. nisa-, niza-.
PKor. *nìč- to forget (забывать): MKor. nìč-; Mod. it- [ič-].
◊ Nam 127, KED 1370.
‖ PTM *ńaču- is a secondary contraction < *naču; PA *n- (not *ń-) is
indicated by Mong. *n-.
*nda - *năke
983
-nda ( ~ -o-) to suffer, pine, tarry: Tung. *ńāda; Mong. *naǯa- ( <
*naǯi-); Turk. *jAdna-; Jpn. *nàjàm-.
PTung. *ńāda 1 late 2 to tarry (1 поздний 2 медлить): Evk. ńāda 1,
ńādụ- 2; Man. ńada 1; Nan. ńādoala- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 627.
PMong. *naǯa- ( < *naǯi-) to be slow, hesitant, careless (медлить,
сомневаться, быть неосторожным): WMong. naǯaɣai (adj.), naǯaɣaida(L 567); Kh. naʒgaj, naʒgajda-; Bur. nazgaj, nazgajr-.
PTurk. *jAdna- ( ~ -j-) to long for (желать, стремиться): Turkm. jajna- dial. ‘to suffer, worry’; Shr. čajna-; Oyr. jajna-, ajna- ‘to pine’.
◊ VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 80. The stem seems to be distinct from the homonymous *jadna
(*jajna-) ‘to be spread; be wide open (eyes)’ which may be derived from *jĀd- ‘spread’ q.
v. sub *ǯādV (see ЭСТЯ 4, 79); let us note, however, that many of the reflexes of the latter
may actually reflect our *jadna- ‘to long for, miss’ (cf. especially Kirgh. ǯajna- ‘to stare
with envy and hope’, Tur. jajna- ‘to live in prosperity’ etc.).
PJpn. *nàjàm- to suffer, be troubled (страдать, мучиться): OJpn. najam-; MJpn. nàjàm-; Tok. nayám-; Kyo. náyám-; Kag. nàyàm-.
◊ JLTT 733.
‖ One of common Altaic verbs of emotion. The original meaning
was probably something like ‘languish’, which would explain all the
individual semantic developments.
-nji pus, snot: Tung. *ńā-; Mong. *nij-.
PTung. *ńā- 1 to rot 2 pus (1 гнить 2 гной): Evk. ńa- 1, ńākse 2; Evn.
ńāw- 1, ńās 2; Neg. ńā- 1, ńāksa 2; Man. ńa- 1, ńaki 2; Ul. ńā- 1, ńǟqsa 2;
Ork. ńā- 1; Nan. ńā- 1, ńāqsa 2; Orch. ńā- 1, ńāksa 2; Ud. ńā- 1, ńaŋä 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 628.
PMong. *nij- 1 snot 2 to blow nose (1 сопли 2 сморкаться):
MMong. nisun 1 (HY 48), nisūn 1 (LH); WMong. nisu 1, ni(g)i- 2 (L 582,
586); Kh. nus(an) 1, nij- 2; Bur. ńuha(n) 1, nī- 2; Kalm. nusn 1, nī- 2; Ord.
nusu 1, nī- 2; Dag. nī-, ńō- 2, ńōse 1 (MD 199) ; nī- 2, nios 1; Mongr. nūsoŋ
(SM 291) 1.
◊ KW 281, MGCD 519. There is some confusion in Mong. between this root and
MMong. (SH) ni-sun ‘tear’, Dong. nigusun id., which is most probably derived from *ni‘eye’ (and TM *ńā-kse ‘pus’, despite Doerfer MT 25, has of course nothing to do with the
latter).
‖ Poppe 38. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-năke neck, vertebra: Tung. *nikimna; Mong. *nigur-su; Turk. *jaka.
PTung. *nikimna 1 neck 2 nape of neck (1 шея 2 задняя часть
шеи): Evk. nikimna 1; Evn. ńịqn 2; Neg. nịxma 1, 2; Ul. ńịqị(n) 1, 2; Ork.
nịqịmńa ‘neck of deer’; Sol. nixama, nixima 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 591. Cf. also Dag. (Тод. Даг. 158) ńokol ‘nape of neck’, probably < TM.
PMong. *nigur-su spinal marrow, vertebral gristles (спинной мозг,
позвоночные хрящи): WMong. niɣursu(n), nuɣu(r)su(n) (L 580); Kh.
984
*nák῾ì - *nála
nuga(r)s; Bur. nugarha(n); Kalm. nuɣərsn; Ord. nuGusu; Dag. nokč;
S.-Yugh. nurɣusən.
◊ KW 281.
PTurk. *jaka collar; edge (воротник; край): OTurk. jaqa (OUygh.);
Karakh. jaqa (MK); Tur. jaka; Az. jaxa; Turkm. jaqa; Sal. jaxa; Khal. jaqa;
MTurk. jaqa (Pav. C., Ettuhf.); Uzb. jɔqa; Uygh. jaqa; Tat. jaqa; Bashk.
jaɣa; Kirgh. ǯaqa; KBalk. ǯaɣa, žaɣa; Kum. jaɣa; Nogh. jaɣa; Khak. čaɣa;
Shr. čaɣa; Oyr. aqa; Tof. čaɣa (Рас. ФиЛ); Chuv. śoɣa; Yak. saɣa.
◊ VEWT 180, 82-83, EDT 898, ЭСТЯ 4, 82-84, Федотов 2, 146-147. Turk. > WMong.
ǯaqa, ǯiqa, Kalm. zaxə (KW 463-464; TMN 4, 103-104, Щербак 1997, 122), whence Evk. ǯaka
(Doerfer MT 125).
‖ A Western isogloss. See VEWT 180 (Turk.-Tung.; but Kor. mjək
‘neck’ cannot belong here), ОСНЯ 2, 92, АПиПЯЯ 293. Doerfer (TMN
4, 104) tries (in vain) to destroy the Turk.-Tung. paralle l (“aus lautlichen ... als auch semantischen Gründen inkorrekt” - ?). The comparison of the Mong. form with Man. ikursun in KW 281, Rozycki 115
should be regarded as erroneous (Man. ikursun < ТМ *xīkerī q.v.). For
further Nostratic parallels see ОССНЯ 2, 92.
-nák῾ì mild, soft: Tung. *ńaKa; Jpn. *níkuá- / *níkí-; Kor. *nk.
PTung. *ńaKa 1 well, feeling well 2 peace, quietude (1 хорошо, полегчать (о больном) 2 мир, спокойствие): Evk. ńaka 1; Evn. ńaq 1;
Man. neku(la)- ‘to be glad’; niqton ‘peace, quietude’; Orch. ńaka 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 591, 617, 628.
PJpn. *níkuá- / *níkí- mild, soft (in part. of heart, soul) (мягкий, добрый (в частн. о сердце, душе)): OJpn. nikwo-, nikji- (nikji-tama); MJpn.
níkó-, níkí-.
◊ JLTT 497.
PKor. *nk soul (душа): MKor. nk; Mod. nək [nəks].
◊ Nam 104, KED 332.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. The original meaning must have been ‘mild’,
particularly (but not necessarily) applied to feelings, whence the more
general meaning ‘soul’ in Kor. Turk. *jakĺɨ ‘good’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 63-64)
may be a merger of this root with *jakɨĺ- ‘to approach’ (q.v.).
-nála shallow, shallow place: Tung. *niala-; Mong. *naliɣur; Turk.
*jAl-kɨ-,-pak; Kor. *nằrằ.
PTung. *niala- 1 overflowed place 2 shallow (1 место, затопляемое
в половодье 2 мелкий): Evn. ńalakụ 2; Nan. nịala / ńala 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 629.
PMong. *naliɣur declivity; pool; overflowed plain (пологий, покатый, отлогий; лужа; наводненная плоскость): WMong. naluɣu (L
562), nalaɣar; Kh. nalū; Bur. naĺūr, nalūr, nalagar; Kalm. nalū (СЯОС).
*nlo - *nĺi
985
◊ The verb nalu- ‘to bend; lean’ may present a secondary semantic development < ‘to
form a declivity’.
PTurk. *jAl-kɨ- 1 shallow 2 wave (1 мелкий 2 волна): Turkm. jalpaq
1; Tv. čalɣɨɣ 1, čalɣɨjaq 2.
◊ (?) Cf. also Chag. jalɣin ‘Salzsteppe’ etc. ( < ‘shallow place’?), see VEWT 183.
PKor. *nằrằ ford; ferry point (брод; паромная переправа): MKor.
nằrằ; Mod. naru.
◊ Nam 232, KED 288.
‖ ТМС 1, 629 (Tung.-Mong.).
-nlo blade, sharp: Tung. *ńūl(u)-; Mong. *nüjile-; Jpn. *na; Kor. *nắrh.
PTung. *ńūl(ü)- to shave (skin) (скоблить (шкуру, мездру)): Evk.
ńūl-, ńūli-; Evn. ńūl-; Neg. ńul-; Orch. ńulu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 645.
PMong. *nüjile- to sharpen, whet (точить): WMong. nüile- (L 597),
nüilü- DO 505; Kh. nijle-; Kalm. nīl- (КРС); Ord. nǖl-, nīl-.
PJpn. *na blade (лезвие): OJpn. na.
◊ JLTT 490.
PKor. *nắrh blade (лезвие): MKor. nắr (nắrh-); Mod. nal.
◊ Nam 95, KED 302.
‖ Jpn. *na goes back to a suffixed form *nāl(o)-gV ( = Kor. *nắrh);
Mong. reflects a regular dissimilation *nüjile- < *nüli-le ( < *nilü-le or
*nelü-le).
-nlpá tin, lead: Tung. *ńālban; Jpn. *nàmári.
PTung. *ńālban tin (жесть): Evk. ńālbān; Evn. ńālbān; Neg. ńalban.
◊ ТМС 1, 629.
PJpn. *nàmári lead, tin (свинец, жесть): OJpn. namari; MJpn.
nàmári; Tok. nàmari; Kyo. nàmárì; Kag. namarí.
◊ JLTT 492. Except for Tokyo, all accent reflexes point to *nàmárì.
‖ An interesting TM-Jpn. isogloss; cf. also Old Koguryo *naimul (see
Miller 1979, 8). Jpn. *nàmá-ri < *nàpan-(r)i, with usual regressive nasalization.
-nĺi raw, fresh: Tung. *ń(i)ali-; Mong. *nilaɣu; Turk. *jāĺ; Kor. *năr.
PTung. *ń(i)ali- 1 raw 2 meat (1 сырой 2 мясо): Evk. ńalikin 1; Evn.
ńalъqča 1; Neg. ńalị-xịn 1; Man. jali 2; SMan. jali 2 (302); Jurch. ja-li (511)
2; Ul. ńālụ(n) 1; Ork. nālụ/ńālụ 1; Nan. ńalkị 1; Ud. ńaliɣi 1; Sol. jali ( <
Man.).
◊ ТМС 1,340,630. Length in Ul. and Orok may be secondary (due to the loss of -k-).
PMong. *nilaɣu raw (сырой; приторный): WMong. nilaɣun (L 584:
niluɣun); Kh. ńalūn; Bur. ńalū(n); Kalm. nilūn ‘widrig; übelriechend (wie
Fisch)’; Ord. nulūn; Dag. nilčun.
◊ KW 276, MGCD 509.
986
*náme - *namńa
PTurk. *jāĺ fresh, raw (свежий, сырой): OTurk. jaš (OUygh.);
Karakh. jaš (MK); Tur. jaš; Gag. jaš; Az. jaš; Turkm. jāš; MTurk. jaš (AH,
Ettuhf.); Krm. jaš; Bashk. jäš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz. žas; KBalk. ǯaš, žaš, zaš;
Nogh. jas; Khak. čas; Oyr. jaš, aš; Tv. čaš.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 161-163, EDT 975-976, VEWT 192 (one of several *jāĺ roots). Within Turkic
interacts actively (in fact almost completely merges with *jāĺ ‘green’ and *jāĺ ‘young’ - but
all three roots, and, additionally, *jāĺ ‘tear’ and *jāĺ ‘age’ - seem to have different Altaic
origins.
PKor. *năr smth. raw, fresh (нечто сырое, свежее): MKor. năr;
Mod. nal.
◊ Nam 96, KED 302.
‖ EAS 110, Poppe 39, SKE 159, АПиПЯЯ 280-281, Дыбо 12, Doerfer
MT 114. Preservation of n- in Mong. suggests a reconstruction *nāĺi,
with PTM *ńali- secondarily < *niali-.
-náme a k. of vessel: Tung. *nim(b)a; Mong. *namaɣa; Turk. *jAm; Kor.
*nìmắr.
PTung. *nim(b)a 1 light boat 2 board for tanning skins (1 легкий
челн 2 доска для обработки шкур 3 ящичек): Evn. nịmba 2; Man. nimašaqu 1; Sol. nêmo 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 587, 594.
PMong. *namaɣa vessel, trough (сосуд, корыто): WMong. namaɣa
(L 562); Kh. namā; Kalm. namā.
◊ KW 271.
PTurk. *jAm large earthenware vessel (большой глиняный сосуд):
MTurk. jam (Pav. C.); Uzb. jɔm; Kirgh. ǯam.
◊ VEWT 183. Räsänen compares also Küär. jam-ɨɣ ‘zubereitetes Leder’ (R 3, 308) which is possible if the original meaning was “a large vessel for tanning skins”. One can
also mention Yak. sɨma ‘large leather bag’ (Пек. 2, 2455 suggests borrowing < Russ. сума,
but in that case *sɨmā would be expected).
PKor. *nìmắr prow, stern (нос, перед (лодки); корма): MKor.
nìmắr; Mod. imul.
◊ Nam 122, HMCH 271, KED 1320.
‖ There are some indications in Turkic and TM that the root in question denoted a big vessel for tanning skins; in the Eastern area, however, it is also used for a boat or part of a boat (with a natural transition
‘vessel’ > ‘boat’).
-namńa to ride, mount: Tung. *ńamńa-; Mong. *namna-.
PTung. *ńamńa- to ride (ехать верхом): Evk. ńamńa-; Evn. ńamńị-;
Neg. ńamńa-; Man. ńamńa-; Ul. ńamńa-; Ork. ńamńa-; Nan. ńamńa-; Sol.
nanna-.
◊ ТМС 1, 632.
*nańa - *nắŋe
987
PMong. *namna- to follow; to shoot from a horse (преследовать;
стрелять с коня): WMong. namna- (L 563); Kh. namna-; Bur. namna-;
Kalm. namnə- (KPC); Ord. namna-.
‖ A Tung.-Mong. isogloss. See ТМС 1, 632, Doerfer MT 56 (suggesting TM > Mo, with doubt).
-nańa to arrange, steer: Tung. *ńiani-; Turk. *jań-; Jpn. *nama-.
PTung. *ńiani- to make straight; to steer (a boat) (выпрямлять;
править (лодкой)): Evk. ni-; Evn. ǟn-; Neg. nị-; Ul. ńewča-; Ork. qụta-;
Nan. ŋqoča-; Orch. iŋkiča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 290-291.
PTurk. *jań- 1 to rout 2 to lead smth. aside 3 to take smb. along (1
выгонять, обращать в бегство 2 отводить в сторону 3 брать кого-л. с
собой): OTurk. jaj- (Ongin) 1, jań-; Tv. čaj- 2; Yak. sãjɨs- 3.
◊ EDT 942. Cf. also *jaj-ra- ‘to fall apart’ (VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 80); the root is somewhat hard to distinguish from *jāj- ‘to shake’ - but seems to be distinct.
PJpn. *nam- to arrange (be arranged) in a row (расставлять(ся) в
ряд, упорядочивать(ся)): OJpn. nam- (intr.), nama- (trans.).
◊ JLTT 731, 732.
‖ The original meaning is well reconstructable as ‘to arrange, take
or lead (smb. or smth.) in a row’.
-náŋa calm, quiet: Tung. *ńaŋa; Jpn. *nánkì.
PTung. *ńaŋa quiet, slow, easy (тихий, неторопливый, спокойный): Evn. ńāŋa; Neg. ńāŋakkān; Ul. ńan-ǯa; Ork. nandị; Sol. nandaxānǯ.
◊ ТМС 1, 583. TM > Dag. nandākan ‘quietly’ (Тод. Даг. 156).
PJpn. *nánkì calm water, windless weather (штиль, безветренная
погода): OJpn. nagji; Tok. nagí; Kyo. nágì; Kag. nági.
◊ JLTT 491.
‖ A Tung-Jpn. isogloss; on a possible Turkic reflex see under *zìŋke.
-nắŋe to curse, swear: Tung. *niŋī-; Mong. *niɣül-, -g-; Turk. *jAŋɨl;
Jpn. *nnsír-.
PTung. *niŋī- to curse, damn (проклинать): Evk. niŋī-; Evn. ńiŋi-;
Neg. niŋi-; Ork. niŋiči-; Sol. niŋīl (n.).
◊ ТМС 1, 598.
PMong. *niɣül-, -g- 1 sin, evil 2 to be compassionate (1 грех 2 сострадать): MMong. niwol (IM) 1; WMong. nigül 1, nigüles- 2 (L 582); Kh.
nügel 1, nigǖl-se- 2; Bur. nügel 1; Kalm. nǖl 1; Ord. nǖl, nigǖl 1; Dag.
nugul (Тод. Даг. 158) 1.
◊ KW 283.
PTurk. *jAŋɨl 1 mistake, fault 2 to err, make a mistake (1 ошибка,
вина 2 ошибаться): OTurk. jaŋɨl- 2, jaŋluq 1(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
jaŋɨl- 2, jaŋluq 1(MK); Tur. janlɨš 1, janɨl- 2; Gag. jannɨš 1; Az. janlɨš 1;
Turkm. jalŋɨš 1, jalŋɨš- 2; MTurk. jaɣɨl- (Бор. Бад., Ettuhf., Pav. C.) 2;
988
*nàŋu - *nŕ[à]
Uzb. jaŋliš- 2; Uygh. jeŋil-, jaŋliš- 2; Krm. jaŋɨl-, jaŋɣɨl- 2; Tat. jalɣɨš- 2;
Bashk. jaŋɨlɨš- 2; Kirgh. ǯaŋɨl- 2; Kaz. žaŋɨl- 2; Kum. jaŋɨl-, jaŋlɨš- 2;
SUygh. jaŋɨl 1; Shr. nāl- 2; Oyr. jaŋɨl-, aŋɨl- 2.
◊ VEWT 186, EDT 950, 951, ЭСТЯ 4, 120-121. Suffixless *jaŋ is poorly attested and
probably does not exist.
PJpn. *nnsír- to curse, swear (ругать, порицать): MJpn. nónósír-;
Tok. nonoshír-; Kyo. nónóshír-; Kag. nonoshír-.
◊ JLTT 737. The Tokyo accent is aberrant; otherwise all forms point to high tone.
‖ A common derivative *nắŋe-lV is reflected in PT *jaŋɨ-l = PM
*nigü-l = Sol. niŋī-l.
-nàŋu / *ŋàŋu field, grazing place, hunting place: Tung. *ŋuŋi / *ŋoŋi(ka) ; Mong. *nuntug / *nintug; Turk. *(i)aŋɨŕ; Jpn. *nùa; Kor. *nón.
PTung. *ŋuŋi / *ŋoŋi(-ka) 1 place of hunting wild deer 2 place of
good fishing or hunting (1 место охоты (на дикого оленя) 2 место
удачного лова, добычи (рыбы, пушнины)): Evk. ŋuŋi 1; Nan. wāŋqo 2
(On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 666.
PMong. *nuntug / *nintug grazing place, native place (пастбище;
территория, страна, родина): MMong. nuntux (SH, HYt), nutux (SH);
WMong. nutuɣ (L 596), nituɣ; Kh. nutag; Bur. ńutag; Kalm. nutəɣ; Ord.
nutuG; Mog. nuntuq; Dag. notog (Тод. Даг. 158), noteke (MD 200);
S.-Yugh. nutuG; Mongr. nontoG (SM 283).
◊ KW 281. MGCD 519.
PTurk. *(i)aŋɨŕ stubble-field (жнивье, сжатое поле): Karakh. aŋɨz
(MK); MTurk. aŋɨz (San.).
◊ EDT 191-192.
PJpn. *nùa field (поле): OJpn. nwo; MJpn. no; Tok. nó; Kyo. nṑ; Kag.
nò.
◊ JLTT 499.
PKor. *nón rice field (рисовое поле): MKor. nón; Mod. non.
◊ Liu 157, KED 346.
‖ Martin 247-248. A good common Altaic root, but demonstrating
some assimilative effects. Jpn. *nùa reflects a suffixed form *nàŋ(u)-gV.
-nŕ[à] young; spring, summer: Tung. *ńar-gu-; Mong. *nirai; Turk. *jāŕ;
Jpn. *nátù; Kor. *njr-m.
PTung. *ńar-gu- 1 new, fresh 2 young willow (1 новый, свежий 2
молодая ива): Man. ńarxu-n 1; Nan. ńargị 2; Orch. ńargi 2.
◊ See ТМС 635, 639.
PMong. *nirai new-born (новорожденный): WMong. nirai (L 585);
Kh. ńaraj; Bur. naraj-nilsagaj; Kalm. nirā, nirǟ; Ord. nirā.
◊ KW 277. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. ńɨraj, see Kał. MEJ 22, Stachowski 187.
*nombu - *nombu
989
PTurk. *jāŕ 1 spring 2 summer (1 весна 2 лето): OTurk. jaz 2 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jaz 2 (MK); Tur. jaz 2; Gag. jāz 2; Az. jaz 1; Turkm. jāz
1; Sal. jaz 1; Khal. jāz 2; MTurk. jaz (AH 1, Ettuhf. 2); Uzb. jɔz 2; Uygh.
jaz 2; Krm. jaz 1; Tat. jaz 1; Bashk. jaδ 1; Kirgh. ǯaz 1; Kaz. žaz 2; KBalk.
zaz 2; KKalp. žaz 2; Kum. jaz 1; Nogh. jaz 2; SUygh. jaz 1; Khak. čas 1;
Oyr. jas, as 1; Tv. čas 1; Chuv. śor 1; Yak. sās 1; Dolg. hās 1.
◊ VEWT 193, ЭСТЯ 4, 71, EDT 982, Лексика 73, Stachowski 100, Федотов 2, 138-139.
PJpn. *nátù summer (лето): OJpn. natu; MJpn. natu; Tok. natsú; Kyo.
nátsù; Kag. nátsu.
◊ JLTT 494.
PKor. *njr-m summer (лето): MKor. njrm; Mod. jərɨm.
◊ Nam 107, KED 1163.
‖ EAS 111, KW 277, Владимирцов 145-146, Poppe 38, 81, Martin
243, ОСНЯ 2, 84, АПиПЯЯ 74, Лексика 73-74. The Mong. form certainly cannot have a Turkic origin (despite Щербак 1997, 123). Doerfer
(TMN 4, 67) attacks the etymology desperately (“Kor. njərɨm... ist lautlich ausgeschlossen”; “mo. nirai ‘frisch’ ist semantisch unklar”; “bei
ma. ńarxun fragt es sich, ob es nicht ein Lw. < Mo. ist” (but isn’t Mo.
“semantisch unklar”?), etc. The root has indeed some problems: Mong.
and Kor. reflect rather an assimilative variant *nāŕi than *nāŕa; but the
comparison still remains quite reliable.
-nombu thin: Tung. *nem(i)- / *niambu-; Mong. *nimgen.
PTung. *nem(i)- thin (тонкий): Evk. nemkūn; Evn. nemkun; Neg.
nemkūn; Man. nekel’en; SMan. niŋkən, niŋkin (2414); Jurch. nen-ke-xun
(623); Ul. nemi; Ork. nemdūke; Nan. nemi; Orch. nemi, nemne; Ud.
nemnese῾ (Корм. 268); Sol. nemekũ, nennekũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 621. The original root must have been *niambu- (*ńiambu-), and it has left
numerous traces: cf. Evk. jembu, jume-kin, ńumē-kūn ‘thin, lean’, Evn. ńubuke, ńebuke,
ńȫmeŋi id., Nan. jembuk ‘loose’. However, the root was heavily influenced by *ńem- ‘soft’
(v. sub *nùmà) and perhaps also by Mong. nimgen ‘thin’ (although direct borrowing of
the words meaning ‘thin’ from Mongolian is hardly probable), which gave rise to the
variant *nem(i)- ‘thin’.
PMong. *nimgen thin (тонкий): MMong. ningen (HY 53), nɛmgɛn
(IM), nimkän (MA); WMong. nimgen, nimegen (L 584); Kh. nimgen; Bur.
nimgen; Kalm. nimgn; Ord. nemgen, nimgen, nemgün; Dag. ningen (Тод.
Даг. 158, MD 199); Dong. ninkien (MGCD ninkian); Bao. niŋgaŋ;
S.-Yugh. nemgen (MGCD neŋgen); Mongr. neŋgen (SM 271), (MGCD
nemgen).
◊ KW 276, MGCD 508. Cf. also nimna-gan ‘thin, lean’.
‖ Poppe 38, АПиПЯЯ 51, 286, KW 276. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. A
probable reflex in Jpn. is OJ num(j)er- ‘be slippery’ - with the meaning
influenced by *nàmià ‘slippery’ (see *numa). The roots *nombu and
*numa generally tend to influence each other.
990
*nŏŋe - *nòru
-nŏŋe one, single: Tung. *noŋ- ~ *non-; Mong. *nige(n); Turk. *jaŋɨŕ;
Jpn. *nəmi; Kor. *njn(k).
PTung. *noŋ- ~ *non- 1 to begin 2 to be the first 3 at first (1 начинать 2 быть первым, опережать 3 сперва, сначала): Evk. nono- 1; Evn.
non- 2; Neg. nonon 3; Man. nene- 2; Orch. noŋon 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 605.
PMong. *nige one (один): MMong. nikan (HY 42, SH), nigɛn (IM),
nigän (MA); WMong. nige(n) (L 580); Kh. neg; Bur. nege(n); Kalm. negn;
Ord. nege; Mog. nikän; nikä (25-1a); Dag. neg, nek (Тод. Даг. 157), neke
(MD 196); Dong. nie(kie); Bao. nege; S.-Yugh. niɣe; Mongr. nige, nigen(SM 274).
◊ KW 274, MGCD 503.
PTurk. *jaŋɨŕ lonely, single (одинокий, единственный): OTurk.
jaŋus (Yen.); Turkm. jaŋɣɨz (dial.); Bashk. jaŋɣɨz; Kirgh. ǯaŋɣɨz; KBalk.
ǯaŋɣɨz; SUygh. jaŋɣɨs; Khak. čaɣɨs, naɣɨs; Oyr. d’aŋɨs; Tv. čaŋɨs; jaŋɣɨs
(Todzh.); Tof. ńū~s; Yak. soɣotox.
◊ VEWT 187, ДТС 235, ЭСТЯ 4, 98. Usually regarded as a contraction < jalaŋɣuz,
which is probably wrong in the face of external evidence.
PJpn. *nəmi only (только): OJpn. nomji; MJpn. nomi; Tok. nomi.
PKor. *njn(k) other, different (другой): MKor. njn (njnk-); Mod.
jənɨ.
◊ Nam 106, KED 1161.
‖ A good common Altaic root.
-nṑri to heat: Tung. *ńūre-; Mong. *nurma; Jpn. *nìrà(n)k-.
PTung. *ńūre- to become hot (of metal) (накаляться (о металле)):
Evk. ńūre-; Evn. ńȫr-; Neg. ńuje-.
◊ ТМС 1, 649.
PMong. *nurma hot ashes, coals, bonfire (горячие уголья, костер):
WMong. nurma (L 596); Kh. nurma; Bur. nurma; Kalm. nurm (КРС).
PJpn. *nìrà(n)k- to put heated metal into water (закалять металл):
MJpn. nìràg-.
◊ JLTT 736.
‖ EAS 77. Mong. *nurma is probably a contraction < *niru-ma.
-nòru ( ~ -ŕ-) to untie, unwrap: Tung. *ner- (?*niar-); Jpn. *nura-; Kor.
*nắrí-.
PTung. *ner- (?*niar-) to unwrap, untie (разворачивать, распускать): Man. nerki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 625. Attested only in Manchu, with possible cognates in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *nura- to untie (развязывать(ся)): OJpn. nura-.
◊ JLTT 738.
PKor. *nắrí- to tie round (обвязывать): MKor. nắrí-; Mod. nɨri-.
◊ Nam 92.
*noso - *núdurgi
991
‖ An Eastern isogloss. It would be tempting to add also PT *jȫr- ‘to
untie’ (see under *dòru) and perhaps also *jȫrge- ‘to wrap, twist’ (see
ЭСТЯ 4, 234-237), but vocalism raises problems.
-noso ( ~ *nusi) heavy, clumsy: Tung. *nis-; Mong. *nüser.
PTung. *nis- 1 heavy, dense 2 clumsy, unwieldy (1 тяжелый, плотный 2 неуклюжий): Evn. nụsqa, nụsụŋa 2; Man. niša 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 601, 613.
PMong. *nüser clumsy, unwieldy (громоздкий, тяжелый):
WMong. nüser (L 597); Kh. nüser.
‖ ТМС 1, 613. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-núdi to burn, boil: Mong. *nidu-; Jpn. *ní-; Kor. *nùd-.
PMong. *nidu- nitre, salt-petre (селитра): WMong. nidu-qan (L 578).
PJpn. *ní- to boil (варить): OJpn. ni-; MJpn. ní-; Tok. nì-; Kyo. ní-;
Kag. ní-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nùd- to burn, singe (жечь, палить): MKor. nùt- (nùr-); Mod.
nūt- (nūr-).
◊ Liu 165, KED 364.
‖ Martin 240 (Kor.-Jpn.).
-núdurgi fist: Tung. *nurga; Mong. *nidurga; Turk. *jɨdruk / *judruk;
Jpn. *nínkír-.
PTung. *nurga fist (кулак): Evk. dial. nụrka; Neg. nojga, nelga; Man.
nuǯan; SMan. nuǯan (79); Ul. ńụGǯa; Orch. nugga; Sol. norɣa, nuruga.
◊ ТМС 1, 590.
PMong. *nidurga fist (кулак): MMong. nudurxa (HY 46), nudurqa
(SH), nūdor- ‘to hit with the fist’ (LH), nudurqa (MA); WMong. nidurga;
Kh. nudargan; Bur. ńudarga; Kalm. nudrɣə; Ord. nudurGa; Bao. nədərGa;
S.-Yugh. nudurGa; Mongr. nudurGa (SM 288), nudərGa.
◊ KW 280, MGCD 517.
PTurk. *jɨdruk / *judruk fist (кулак): OTurk. jɨdruq (OUygh.);
Karakh. juδruq (MK); Turkm. judruq (dial.); Krm. juduruq, judurux; Tat.
jodrɨq; Bashk. joδroq; Kirgh. ǯuduruq; Kaz. žudɨrɨq; KKalp. žudɨrɨq;
SUygh. uzruq; Khak. nuzurux; Shr. nuzruq; Oyr. udruq; Tv. čuduruq;
Yak. suturuq.
◊ EDT 892, Дыбо 182-183, ЭСТЯ 4, 248-249, Лексика 253. Turk. > Kalm. ǯudr-xə ‘mit
der Faust die Haut abziehen, die Haut und das Fleisch zwängen und so abhäuten’ (KW
115). Many modern languages reflect (such as Turkm. jumruq etc.) reflect secondary
forms *jumruk or *jumduruk - an obvious result of contamination with *jum- ‘round’.
PJpn. *nínkír- to hold in the hand (хватать, держать в руке): OJpn.
nigjir-; MJpn. nígír-; Tok. nìgir-; Kyo. nígír-; Kag. nìgìr-.
◊ JLTT 735.
992
*nugu - *nùmà
‖ EAS 77, KW 280, Владимирцов 187, 369, Poppe 39, Дыбо 317,
Лексика 253. Despite Щербак 1997, 125 and Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki
164 borrowing in Mong. from Turk. and TM from Mong. is excluded.
TM has a regular loss of *-d- before -r-, with subsequent vowel contraction; Jpn. also reflects a contraction: *núdurgi > *nuj(u)ki- > *ni(n)ki-. It is
interesting to note that all subgroups reflex the form with *-rgi; this
means that Mong. nidur(a)-, nidu-či- ‘to strike with the fist’ may be analogical back-formations (or else the most archaic forms reflecting suffixless *núdu).
-nugu ( ~ l-) to put in: Mong. *nöɣe-; Turk. *jɨg-; Kor. *njh-.
PMong. *nöɣe- to keep, preserve (сохранять, откладывать):
WMong. nöɣe- (L 592); Kh. nȫ-; Bur. nȫ-; Kalm. nȫ- (КРС); Ord. nȫ-.
PTurk. *jɨg- to collect (собирать): OTurk. jɨɣ- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jɨɣ- (MK); Tur. jɨɣ-; Gag. jɨv-; Az. jɨɣ-; Turkm. jɨɣ-; Sal. jiɣ-;
MTurk. jɨɣ- (Pav. C., MA, AH); Uzb. jiɣ-; Uygh. jiɣ-; Krm. ǯɨj-; Tat. ǯɨj-;
Bashk. jɨj-; Kirgh. ǯɨj-; Kaz. žɨj-; KBalk. žɨj-; KKalp. žɨj-; Kum. ǯɨj-; Nogh.
jɨj-; SUygh. jɨɣ-, jiɣ-, jiq-; Khak. čɨɣ-; Shr. čɨɣ-; Oyr. jū-, u-; Tv. čɨɣ-.
◊ EDT 897, VEWT 200, ЭСТЯ 4, 271-272, 272-273, TMN 4, 183.
PKor. *njh- to put in (класть, вкладывать): MKor. njh-; Mod. jə[jəh-] (dial.), nə- [nəh-].
◊ Nam 108, 109, KED 336, 1189.
‖ A perfect phonetic match would be PTM *lugu- ‘to put out, take
out’ (ТМС 1, 506-507), but the semantics is baffling.
-nùmà warm; soft, mild: Tung. *ńume-/ *ńama / *ńem-; Mong. *nomu/*neme- / *nima-; Turk. *jɨm-ĺčak; Jpn. *nàmià.
PTung. *ńume-/ *ńama /*ńem- 1 warm 2 soft 3 quiet 4 weak, loose
(1 теплый 2 мягкий 3 спокойный 4 слабый, расслабленный): Evk.
ńama, -pču 1, ńemu-me 2, ńumu- 3; Evn. ńam 1, ńumъn 3; Neg. nam,
ńamagdị 1, ńamu, nemu 2; Man. neme-ri 2; Ul. ńama 1; Ork. namauli 1;
Nan. ńǟma, ńama 1, nemu 2, nimeku ‘weakness’; Orch. ńama 1; Ud. ńamahi 1; Sol. namagdi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 630-631, 652-653.
PMong. *nomu- /*neme- / *nima- gentle, meek, quiet, mild (спокойный, кроткий, мягкий, нежный): MMong. nomuqan (HYt),
nomuɣan (MA); WMong. nomuqan, nomuj (L 591), nemegün (L 574),
nimaɣun; Kh. nomxon; Bur. nomoj, nomxon; Kalm. nomɣən, nemǖn; Ord.
nomoxon; Dag. nomūkuŋ, -n (Тод. Даг. 158: nomxon, nomukan); nomehon
(MD 200); S.-Yugh. nomxon, nomukan (MGCD nomoGon); Mongr. nomu.
◊ KW 275-277, 279, MGCD 513. The deriving stem is WMong. nom, Kalm. nom ‘mildness, friendliness’ (KW 279). Mong. > Evk. nomokōn, Man. nomoxon etc., see Doerfer MT
57, Rozycki 164.
*nra(-k῾V) - *nuru
993
PTurk. *jɨm-ĺča-k soft, mild (мягкий): OTurk. jɨmšaq (Orkh.), jumšaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. jumšaq (MK); Tur. jumšak; Gag. jɨmɨšaq; Az. jumšaG;
Turkm. jumšaq; MTurk. jumšaq (AH, Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jumšɔq;
Uygh. jumšaq; Krm. jɨmšaq, jɨmšax; Tat. jomšaq; Bashk. jomšaq; Kirgh.
ǯumšaq; Kaz. žumsaq; KBalk. ǯumšaq, žumušaq; Kum. jɨmɨšaq; SUygh.
jumsaq; Khak. čɨmǯax, nɨmzax; Shr. čɨmža-; Oyr. jɨmžaq, ɨmžaq; Tv.
čɨmčaq; Chuv. śemźe; Yak. sɨmna-ɣas; Dolg. hɨmna-gas.
◊ EDT 938, VEWT 201, ЭСТЯ 4, 252-253, Stachowski 118. The deriving stem *jɨm-ĺča‘to be soft’ is also present in most of the above languages.
PJpn. *nàmià slippery, smooth (скользкий, гладкий): OJpn. namje;
MJpn. nàmè; Tok. naméraka; Kyo. námérákà; Kag. nameraká.
◊ JLTT 492.
‖ EAS 76, KW 275, Martin 232 (Jpn.-Kor.), ОСНЯ 2, 86-87, АПиПЯЯ
69, 292, Дыбо 12, Мудрак Дисс. 91. The original meaning must have
been ‘soft, tender’ (generally, or particularly - of weather, fruits etc.).
An expressive root with phonetic variation, tending to contaminate
with *nombu ‘thin’ q.v. (hence vocalic variation in Mongolian and
Tungus; but despite Doerfer MT 69 it is hardly appropriate to regard
the TM forms as mongolisms). In Mong. cf. also nalmi-gar ( <
*namli-gar?) ‘excessively soft, weak’.
-nra(-k῾V) ( ~ -ŕ-) hair: Tung. *ńūrikte; Mong. *norakai; Kor. *narot.
PTung. *ńūri-kte hair (волос): Evk. ńūrikte; Evn. ńūrit; Neg. ńijukte;
Ul. nukte; Ork. nūrikte, ńīrukte; Nan. nukte; Orch. ńūkte; Ud. ńūkte; Sol.
nūrikte, nūrte.
◊ ТМС 1, 648.
PMong. *norakai short (of hair) (короткий (о волосах)): WMong.
noraqai (L 591); Kh. norxoi.
PKor. *narot whiskers, beard (бакенбарды, борода): MKor. narot,
naros; Mod. narut [narus].
◊ Liu 132, KED 288.
‖ SKE 162.
-nuru song and dance: Tung. *ńur(g)a-; Mong. *nürgi-; Turk. *jɨr; Kor.
*nòr-.
PTung. *ńur(g)a- 1 cheerful, vigorous 2 to dance (and sing) (1 бодрый, удалой (в песнях) 2 плясать (с пением)): Evk. ńurarīkān 1; Evn.
nörgъ- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 606-607, 648.
PMong. *nürgi- noisy discussion (шум, оживленное обсуждение):
WMong. nürgegen (MXTTT); Kh. nürgēn; Bur. nürxir-, nerxir-.
PTurk. *jɨr song (песня): Karakh. jɨr (MK); Tur. jɨr; Az. jɨr (dial.);
Turkm. jɨr (dial.); Sal. jür; MTurk. jɨr (R.); Uzb. ǯir; Krm. jɨr, ir; Tat. ǯɨr;
994
*núŕe - *nutu
Bashk. jɨr; Kirgh. ǯɨr; Kaz. žɨr; KBalk. zɨr, ǯɨr, žɨr; KKalp. žɨr; Kum. jɨr;
Nogh. jɨr; SUygh. jɨr, jer.
◊ EDT 192, VEWT 201, ЭСТЯ 4, 285, TMN 4, 233. The root should be distinguished
from *ɨr (v. sub *íru), although actively contaminating.
PKor. *nòr- 1 song 2 to take leisure, amuse oneself (1 песня 2 развлекаться, отдыхать): MKor. nòr’ái 1, nōr- 2; Mod. norä 1, nōl- 2.
◊ Nam 113, KED 340, 347.
‖ A derivative *nuru-gV is reflected in PM *nür-gi-, Evn. nör-gъ-,
MKor. nòr’ái.
-núŕe to become wet, soak: Tung. *ń[ü]r-; Mong. *nor-; Turk. *jüŕ-; Jpn.
*núrá-.
PTung. *ń[ü]r- 1 to swim (of animals) 2 shallow place (1 плавать (о
животных) 2 мель): Evn. ńịrgị 2; Man. ńere- 1; Ud. ńu-xana- ( < *ńur-) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 639, 645, 655.
PMong. *nor- to soak, be wet (мокнуть, быть мокрым): MMong.
nur- (IM); WMong. nor- (L 591); Kh. nor-; Bur. noro-; Kalm. nor-; Ord.
nor-; Dag. noir-, (Тод. Даг. 158) noirgā-; Dong. noro-; Mongr. nōri- (SM
284).
◊ KW 279, MGCD 513.
PTurk. *jüŕ- to swim, float (плавать): OTurk. jüz- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jüz- (MK); Tur. jüz-; Gag. jüz-; Az. üz-; Turkm. jüz-; MTurk. jüz(AH, Ettuhf.), üz- (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. juz-; Uygh. üz-;
Krm. jüz-, üz-; Tat. jöz-; Bashk. jöδ-; Kirgh. ǯüz-; Kaz. žuz-; KBalk. ǯüz-,
žüz-; KKalp. žüz-; Kum. juz-; Nogh. jüz-; Khak. čüs-; Shr. čüs-; Oyr. jüs-,
üs-; Yak. sötüö ‘bathing’, sötüölē- ‘to bathe’; Dolg. hötüölē-, hütöl- ‘to
bathe’.
◊ VEWT 214, EDT 984, ЭСТЯ 4, 261.
PJpn. *núrá- to get wet (мокнуть): OJpn. nura-; MJpn. núra-; Tok.
nùre-; Kyo. núré-; Kag. nuré-.
◊ JLTT 738. Cf. also *núr- ‘to paint, smear’.
‖ The vocalism in TM is not quite certain, but initial *ń- (corresponding to Mong. n- and Jpn. *n-) points to PA *n- followed by a
diphthong.
-nutu ( ~ -a) to pound, pestle: Tung. *nutiku; Mong. *nidü-.
PTung. *nutiku pestle (пест): Ul. nutiku; Nan. nūčiku, nutku.
◊ ТМС 1, 613.
PMong. *nidü- 1 to pound, crush 2 pestle (1 молотить, толочь, размельчать 2 пест): WMong. nidü- 1, nidügür 2 (L 578); Kh. nüde- 1, nüdǖr
2; Bur. ńüde- 1; Kalm. nüd- 1, nüdǖr 2 (КРС); Ord. nüdü- 1, nüdǖr 2; Dag.
nide- 1 (MD 199, Тод. Даг. 158: nude-, nide-), nidunku 2; Dong. nudu- 1,
nudn 2; Bao. nədə-; S.-Yugh. nudu-; Mongr. nidi- (SM 271), nudə-, nədə(Huzu) 1, nidir (SM 272), nədər 2.
*nòču - *nóle
995
◊ MGCD 521.
‖ ТМС 1, 613, АПиПЯЯ 16. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nòču to seize, steal: Mong. *noču-; Jpn. *nùsùm-.
PMong. *noču- to seize; attack (хватать; набрасываться, атаковать): WMong. noču- (L 587); Kh. noco-; Bur. noso-; Ord. nočo-.
PJpn. *nùsùm- to steal (красть): OJpn. nusum-; MJpn. nùsùm-; Tok.
nusúm-; Kyo. núsúm-; Kag. nùsùm-.
◊ JLTT 739.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-nṑdà ( ~ -ū-) lovely: Tung. *nōdi; Jpn. *nàtùkà-.
PTung. *nōdi beautiful, handsome (красивый): Evk. nōdi; Evn. nod;
Neg. noditi; Ul. ńōdụ-; Ork. nōdị.
◊ ТМС 1, 603.
PJpn. *nàtùkà- lovely, dear (милый, дорогой): OJpn. natuka-si;
MJpn. nàtùkà-si; Tok. natsukashí-; Kyo. natsukáshi-; Kag. natsukáshi-.
◊ JLTT 836. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (probably under lit. influence).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-nóle to burn, flame: Tung. *nul-; Mong. *nöl-; Turk. *jula; Jpn. *nr-sí;
Kor. *nuri-.
PTung. *nul- to kindle (зажигать): Evk. nul-; Evn. nụlụ-; Neg. nụl-;
Ul. ńulčuku ‘poker’; Nan. ńulku- ‘to stir coals’.
◊ ТМС 1, 609. Initial ń- in Ul. and Nan. is not quite clear.
PMong. *nöl- flame (пламя): WMong. nöle (L 593), nölüɣe, nüle; Kh.
nöl; Kalm. nülə; Dag. nulē ‘spark’ (MD 200); Mongr. nolī (SM 283).
◊ KW 282. Cf. also Kalm. nȫləg (KW 280) ‘bonfire’ < *nöɣe-leg, perhaps < *nöle-leg.
PTurk. *jula light, torch (свет, факел): OTurk. jula (OUygh.);
Karakh. jula (MK, KB, IM); KBalk. ǯula ‘дренажный фитиль’; Kum.
jula ‘gun barrel; wick’; Khak. čula (R); Oyr. jula (R); Tv. čula ‘lamp‘
(Tuva, if not < Mo).
◊ VEWT 210, EDT 919. Turk. > Mong. ǯula (KW 479, Щербак 1997, 125), whence Evk.
ǯula (Doerfer MT 125).
PJpn. *nr-sí bonfire, flame (костер, пламя): MJpn. norosi; Tok.
nòroshi; Kyo. nóróshí; Kag. noróshi.
PKor. *nùrí- to have a burnt, rank smell (пахнуть горелым): MKor.
nùrí-; Mod. nuri-, nori-.
◊ Liu 162, KED 342, 357 (’to be rank, foul-smelling’).
‖ PKE 132, Poppe 38, АПиПЯЯ 72. Turkic *-u- is not quite regular
here (but on the basis of the attested forms a reconstruction *jola is also
not excluded). The Korean form may belong here only if the meaning
“burnt smell” (not “rank” or “foul smell”) is original.
996
*nk῾é - *numu
-nk῾é to pass: Tung. *nuK-; Mong. *nögči-; Jpn. *nuànkà-.
PTung. *nuK- 1 to loose way (of deer) 2 a lonely deer 3 to move to
another location 4 to lead the way 5 to stumble, make a wrong move (1
заблудиться (об олене) 2 олень, который пасется один 3 переходить
на другое место 4 идти впереди (ведя за собой остальных) 5 оступиться, ошибиться в шаге): Evk. nuken 2, nukiw- 4, 5; Evn. nök- 1; Nan.
nukte- 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 609.
PMong. *nögči- to pass (проходить, миновать): MMong. nokči(SH, HY 38); WMong. nögči- (L 592); Kh. nögči-, nöxcö-; Bur. nügše- ‘to
pass away’; Kalm. nökc-; Ord. nögči-; Dag. nurši- (Тод. Даг. 159);
Mongr. noGsi- (SM 282).
◊ KW 280, MGCD 514.
PJpn. *nuànkà- 1 to pass 2 to escape (1 проходить мимо 2 убегать):
OJpn. nwoga-nap- / nuga-nap- 1, n(w)ogara- 2; MJpn. nogara- 2; Tok.
nogaré- 2; Kyo. nógáré- 2; Kag. nògàrè- 2.
◊ JLTT 736.
‖ One of the many common Altaic verbs of motion.
-nuli to rob, oppress: Mong. *nölüɣe; Turk. *julɨ-; Kor. *nùr-.
PMong. *nölüɣe influence (влияние): MMong. nüles-kui ‘humanity’
(HY 49); WMong. nölüge (L 594); Kh. nölȫ; Bur. nülȫ(n); Kalm. nölȫn
(СЯОС); Dag. nulē (MD 200).
PTurk. *julɨ- 1 to pillage, attack 2 thief, scoundrel (1 грабить, нападать 2 вор, бродяга, голодранец): OTurk. julɨ- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. julɨ- (MK) 1; Tat. jolqɨš 2; Bashk. jolqoš 2; Kirgh. ǯulu-š- ‘to fight
(of women)’; Khak. čulɣus (Sag.), čulɣas (Koib., Kach.) 2; Shr. čulɣuš 2;
Tv. čul- 1.
◊ EDT 919. Should be separated from *jol- ‘pick out’ (v. sub *ńlo).
PKor. *nùr- to press, repress (давить, подавлять): MKor. nùr-;
Mod. nūrɨ-.
◊ Liu 162, KED 357.
‖ SKE 173.
-numu ( ~ l-, -i) task, important affair: Tung. *nume; Turk. *jumuĺ; Jpn.
*numa.
PTung. *nume habit (привычка): Evn. nume.
◊ ТМС 1, 610. Attested only in Evn., but having interesting external parallels.
PTurk. *jumuĺ work, service, necessity (работа, служба, необходимость): OTurk. jumuš (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jumuš (MK) 1; Tur. jumuš;
Turkm. jumuš; Uzb. jumuš 1; Krm. jumuš; Tat. jomɨš; Bashk. jomɨš; Kirgh.
ǯumuš; Kaz. žumɨs; KBalk. zumuš; KKalp. žumɨs; Khak. nɨmɨs; Oyr. jumuš, ńumuš; Tv. čɨmɨš; Chuv. śъₙmъₙl.
*n[u]ńa - *n[u]ńa
997
◊ VEWT 211, ЭСТЯ 4, 251, EDT 938 (with a highly dubious derivation from *jum‘round’).
PJpn. *numa important place, thing, affair (важное место, дело):
OJpn. numa, num(j)i.
‖ It is interesting to note WMong. nom (with a variant lom) ‘(religious) law, religious book’. It is, of course, a borrowing < OT nom <
Sogd. nwm < Gr. nomos, but the variant lom could indicate that there
had been an original *lom that merged with the borrowed nom. In that
case a reconstruction of *l- for PA would be justified.
-n[u]ńa a k. of grass: Tung. *ńuńV; Mong. *nimniɣa; Turk. *jon-ɨrčka;
Jpn. *nàntúna; Kor. *nàńí.
PTung. *ńuńV a k. of plant (вид растения): Evk. ńuńaldiwūn ‘назв.
растения (“льняное волокно”)’; Man. nono “ситник, водяной лук”.
◊ ТМС 1, 605, 646.
PMong. *nimniɣa dandelion (одуванчик): Bur. ńamńā; Kalm. nemn
ceceg (РКС).
PTurk. *jon-ɨrčka clover (клевер): OTurk. jorunčɣa (OUygh.);
Karakh. jorɨnčɣa (MK); Tur. jonǯa; Gag. jonǯa; Az. jonǯa; Turkm. jorunǯa;
Khal. jovunǯä; MTurk. jonǯa (AH), jönča (Houts.), joŋɨčqa, jorunčqa (R.);
Uzb. ǯumrušqa; Tat. jonča; Bashk. jonsa; Kirgh. ǯoŋɣučqa; Kaz. žoŋɨ(rɨ)šqa;
KKalp. joŋɨšqa; Kum. jonɣurčqa.
◊ VEWT 207, TMN 4, 228-229, EDT 971, ЭСТЯ 4, 227-228, Лексика 126-127.
PJpn. *nàntúna shepherd’s purse (пастушья сумка): MJpn. nàdúna;
Tok. nàzuna; Kyo. názúná; Kag. nazuná.
◊ JLTT 494. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
PKor. *nàńí shepherd’s purse (пастушья сумка): MKor. nàńí; Mod.
näŋi.
◊ Nam 89, KED 328.
‖ Martin 240, Дыбо 10, Robbeets 2000, 104. The root denotes some
sort of wild-growing flower (clover, dandelion, shepherd’s purse), but as most plant names - raises some problems. Mong. nimniɣa must represent a transformation of *nin-miɣa, with not quite clear suffixation.
The tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. If the
original Turk. form is *jor-ɨnčka (cf. (QB) jor “porridge” - a semantic
derivation like Russ. кашка ‘clover’?), it does not belong here. On the
other hand, cf. PT *jandak ‘name of a thorny plant, camel-thorn, thistle’
(EDT 947, VEWT 185). It appears semantically distant from the other
forms, but may represent a secondary development due to association
with jan- ‘burn’ (’burning plant’). The reconstruction in this case would
have to be changed to *nuńa - better explaining consonant reflexes and
Mong. vocalism, but also suggesting a secondary restructuring in
Turkic (*jɨn-dak > *jan-dak).
998
*nŋu - *nuŋu
-nŋu wool, down: Tung. *nuŋari; Mong. *nowur-; Turk. *juŋ; Jpn.
*núnuá.
PTung. *nuŋari wool, down (шерсть, пух): Man. nuŋGari; SMan.
nuŋan (144, 2283).
◊ ТМС 1, 611 (cf. also Man. nuŋGasun ‘thin woollen cloth’ - possibly < Mong.).
PMong. *nowur- 1 wool 2 down (1 шерсть 2 пух): MMong. nuŋqasu
(SH) 1, unqasun 1 (МА); WMong. noɣasu, noŋɣasu, nousu 1 (L 589:
noɣusu(n)); noɣulur 2 (L 588: noɣulur, noulur, noluur); Kh. nōs 1; nōrs, nōlūr 2; Bur. nōho(n) 1; nōlūr 2; Kalm. nōsn 1; nȫlǖr 2; Ord. nōs 1, nōlūr, nūlūr 2; Dong. noGosun 1; Bao. noGosuŋ, noχsoŋ 1; S.-Yugh. ŋGuasən,
Guasən 1; Mongr. nGuasə 1.
◊ KW 279, 280, MGCD 509. Mong. noɣulur > Evk. lolur (see ТМС 1, 503).
PTurk. *juŋ 1 wool 2 small feathers, down 3 feather 4 faded fur (1
шерсть 2 пух 3 перо 4 линька): OTurk. juŋ 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. juŋ 1
(KB), 2, 3 (MK); Tur. jün 1; Gag. jün 1; Az. jun 1; Turkm. jüŋ 1; Sal. juŋ 1;
Khal. juŋ 1; MTurk. juŋ 1 (Бор. Бад.), jüŋ 1 (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. juŋ 1;
Uygh. juŋ, ǯuŋ 1; Krm. jün, jun 1; Tat. jon 3; Bashk. jön 3; Kirgh. ǯün
1,2,3; Kaz. žün 1; KKalp. žün 1; Kum. jün 1; Nogh. jün 1; SUygh. juŋ, jüŋ,
jun 3; Khak. nüŋ 2; Shr. čum 2; Oyr. jüŋ, jum, jɨm, uŋ 1; Tv. čüŋ 1; Chuv.
śъₙm 1; Yak. suŋ 4.
◊ VEWT 211, EDT 941, ЭСТЯ 4, 267-268, Лексика 146. This root should not be confused with *jüg ‘feather’ (v. sub *d[é]gi).
PJpn. *núnuá fabric, cloth (ткань, полотно): OJpn. nun(w)o, (East.
dial.) ninwo; MJpn. núnó; Tok. nùno; Kyo. nùnó; Kag. núno.
◊ JLTT 502. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
‖ EAS 119-120, KW 279, Poppe 73, ТМС 1, 611, АПиПЯЯ 285, Дыбо
9, Лексика 146. Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is impossible, despite
Щербак 1997, 125. The Turk.-Mong. match is quite regular, despite
TMN 4, 228.
-nuŋu chief, master: Tung. *nuŋ-; Turk. *jɨŋak; Jpn. *nùsí (?).
PTung. *nuŋ- 1 main part, stem, stalk 2 main riverbed (1 главная
часть, ствол, стебель 2 главное русло реки): Evk. nuŋīn, nuŋnī 1, 2;
Evn. nn 2; Ud. nuŋni 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 611.
PTurk. *jɨŋak side, direction (сторона, направление): OTurk. jɨŋaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. jɨŋaq (MK).
◊ VEWT 201, EDT 949. As suggested by Clauson, merged with jaŋak in later Turkic.
PJpn. *nùsí master (хозяин): OJpn. nusi; MJpn. nusi; Tok. núshi;
Kyo. nùshí; Kag. nùshí.
◊ JLTT 502.
‖ A problematic case. The original meaning may be reconstructed as
“main direction” (whence “direction, point of the compass” in Old
*núra - *nure
999
Turkic and “main riverbed, stem” in TM), with a development > “chief,
master” in Jpn. However, Jpn. nusi may belong here only if -si is an
original attributive suffix (*nu-si < *nuŋ-si). There is also a very similar
root *ńunŋe meaning ‘direction, sign’, with ample opportunity for contaminations - which in fact almost certainly occurred in TM.
-núra to pile, stack: Tung. *nora-; Mong. *norum; Jpn. *nárá(m)p-; Kor.
*nar- ( ~ -ă-).
PTung. *nora- to pile, stack (складывать (в кучу, в костер, в копну)): Man. nora-; Nan. norxon ‘соединительные поперечные валики,
расположенные на концах нарт’ (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 606.
PMong. *norum stack, pile (штабель, стог): WMong. norum (L 591);
Kh. norom.
PJpn. *nárá(m)p- to be placed in a row (выстраиваться в ряд):
OJpn. narab-; MJpn. náráb-; Tok. nàrab-; Kyo. náráb-; Kag. naráb-.
◊ JLTT 732.
PKor. *nar- ( ~ -ă-) be in a row, side by side (быть друг рядом с
другом): Mod. naran-ha-.
◊ KED 287.
‖ ТМС 1, 606 (TM-Mong.). Cf. also MKor. núrí ‘paddy pile’, núrí‘pile up paddies or grasses’ (see Lee 1958, 116) - because of quite exceptional tone and vocalism probably borrowed from Manchu. The Manchu form, despite Rozycki 163, can be hardly explained as borrowed <
Mong. In Turkic cf. perhaps Khak. (Верб.) jurlas ‘crosswise supports for
the firewood (for better burning)’.
-nure ( ~ -ŕ-) slow: Tung. *nur-; Mong. *nör-; Jpn. *nərə- (~-ua-); Kor.
*nàrhó-.
PTung. *nur- to do smth. ceaselessly, constantly (не прерывать, делать что-л. постоянно): Evk. nur-nur ‘slightly’; Man. nur-χu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 613.
PMong. *nöri lengthy, lingering (длительный, продолжительный): MMong. norus- ‘to doze, be dormant’ (HY 34); WMong. nöri(n) (L
594); Kh. nör; nörö- ‘to be annoying, boring’.
PJpn. *nərə- (~-ua-) slow (медленный): MJpn. noro-; Tok. noró-;
Kyo. nórò-; Kag. nóro-.
◊ JLTT 837. Accent unclear: Kagoshima A points to *nuáruá-, but Tokyo norói - to
*nuàruà-.
PKor. *nàrhó- slow, late (медленный, поздний): MKor. nàrhó-,
nɨrɨi-; Mod. nɨri-.
◊ Nam 95, Liu 166, KED 366.
‖ Martin 241.
1000
*nru - *núŕi
-nru ( ~ -o) dwelling place: Tung. *nora-; Mong. *niruɣu; Turk. *jūrt;
Kor. *nùrí.
PTung. *nora- dwelling place (местопребывание, убежище, гнездо): Man. noro(-n).
◊ ТМС 1, 606. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *niruɣu 1 general state 2 foundation, surface (1 общее состояние чего-л. 2 основа, поверхность): WMong. niruɣu(n) (L 585) 1;
Kh. nurū(n) 1, 2; Bur. ńurū 2; Kalm. nurɣən 2; Mog. nira- ‘placer’, nere‘remplir une vase’; Mongr. nire- ‘ajuster, adapter’ (SM 278).
◊ KW 281. The word has coincided phonetically with niruɣu ‘back, spine’ - with
which it originally has nothing in common. Cf. also MMong. (HY 16) niri’un ‘house-top’
(differing from niri-sun ‘spine’) and perhaps reflecting the archaic meaning.
PTurk. *jūrt dwelling place, camping-site (жилище, стоянка):
OTurk. jurt (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jurt (MK); Tur. jurt (dial.); Az.
jurt; Turkm. jūrt; Khal. jūrt; MTurk. jurt (Pav. C., Houts., AH); Uzb.
jurt; Uygh. ju(r)t; Krm. jurt; Tat. jort; Bashk. jort; Kirgh. ǯurt; Kaz. žurt;
KBalk. žurt; KKalp. žurt; Kum. jurt; Nogh. jurt; SUygh. jurt; Khak. čurt;
Shr. čurt; Oyr. jurt, urt; Tv. ču῾rt; Chuv. śort; Yak. surt; Dolg. hurt.
◊ EDT 958, VEWT 211, TMN 4, 212-213, ЭСТЯ 4, 254-255, Лексика 490-491, 494, Федотов 2, 144-145, Stachowski 113.
PKor. *nùrí world, living place (мир, обиталище): MKor. nùrí;
Mod. nuri (arch.).
◊ Nam 114, KED 357.
‖ Mong. *niruɣu probably < *nuriɣu (under the influence of *niruɣu
‘back, spine’?). It would be also possible to regard the Manchu form as
borrowed < Mong. (but preserving the earlier meaning), in which case
the PA reconstruction would be *nṓru.
-núŕi ( ~ -e) a k. of berry, grape: Tung. *nure; Mong. *nüre; Turk. *jüŕüm;
Kor. *nùrúk.
PTung. *nure wine (вино): Man. nure; Jurch. niu-re (520); Sol. nurē.
◊ ТМС 1, 625. Other forms: Evk. nere-, Nan. niru, Man. ńara-n ‘wine’ are probably
borrowed < Mong. nere- ‘to distil wine’.
PMong. *nüre bilberry (черника): WMong. nüre; Kh. nür, ners; Bur.
nerhe(n); Kalm. nersn.
◊ KW 275. Cf. also Mong. nere- ‘to press, ferment (wine)’.
PTurk. *jüŕüm grape (виноград): OTurk. üzüm (OUygh. - med.);
Karakh. üzüm (MK), jüzüm (IM); Tur. üzüm; Gag. jüzüm; Az. üzüm;
Turkm. üzüm; MTurk. üzüm (Pav. C.), jüzüm (Houts.); Uzb. uzum;
Uygh. üzüm; Krm. izim, jüzüm; Tat. jözem; Bashk. jöδöm; Kirgh. ǯüzim;
Kaz. žüzüm; KBalk. ǯüzüm; KKalp. žüzim; Kum. jüzüm; Nogh. jüzim;
SUygh. üčüm (< Mong.?); Chuv. iźəm.
◊ EDT 288, VEWT 214, ЭСТЯ 1, 625, Федотов 1, 173. Turk. > Mong. üǯüm ‘grapes’,
see TMN 2, 54, Clark 1980, 40.
*núŕi - *núŕi
1001
PKor. *nùrúk yeast (закваска, дрожжи): MKor. nùrúk, nùrk; Mod.
nuruk.
◊ Nam 114, KED 357.
‖ Lee 1958, 116 (Kor.-TM), Дыбо 10. The distinction between *nüre
and *nere- in Mong. is somewhat peculiar and may suggest the existence of two original roots.
Ń
-ńabĺu(-ǯV) young, child: Tung. *ńab[l]ǯa-; Mong. *ǯulǯa-gan; Jpn.
*mus-.
PTung. *ńab[l]ǯa- young, boy, child (молодой, мальчик, ребенок):
Ul. ńawǯa(n); Ork. naoǯoqqa(n); Nan. naonǯoã; Ud. ńa῾ula (Корм. 269).
◊ ТМС 1, 636.
PMong. *ǯulǯa-gan young of plants, animals (молодое растение
или животное): MMong. ǯolǯiqan (LH), ǯulǯaɣan (MA); WMong.
ǯulǯaɣa(n) (L 1079); Kh. ʒulʒgan, ʒulʒaga; Bur. zulzaga; Kalm. zulǯiɣən;
Ord. ǯulǯaGa; Dag. ǯilǯig, (Тод. Даг. 143) ǯilǯag; Dong. ǯunǯuɣa; Bao.
ǯinǯiGə; S.-Yugh. ǯilǯaGan; Mongr. iiGa ‘petits de certains animaux,
bourgeon’ (SM 86).
◊ KW 479, MGCD 462.
PJpn. *mus- 1 to be born 2 girl 3 boy (1 рождаться 2 девочка 3
мальчик): OJpn. mus- 1, musu-me 2; MJpn. mus- 1, mùsú-mè 2; Tok.
musumé 2, mùsuko 3; Kyo. músùmè 2, músúkó 3; Kag. musúme 2, musúko
3.
◊ JLTT 489, 729. Accent in musuko and musume is surprisingly different: *músú-kua,
but *mùsù-mia (or *mùsú-mia).
‖ The etymology seems probable, although the medial cluster demonstrates a complicated behaviour. It is not quite clear whether -ǯa- in
Mong. and Tung. should be treated as a suffix or as a part of the root
here.
-ńằjla ( ~ -o) shoot, sprout; teeth, gills: Tung. *ńal-; Mong. *ǯal-magaj;
Jpn. *mài; Kor. *ní.
PTung. *ńal- 1 groove on upper lip 2 gums of teeth (1 желобок на
верхней губе 2 десны): Man. ńalma 1, ńa-si, ńa-ša 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 630, 636. With the original meaning ‘sprout’ one could also compare Evk.
ńalba-kta ‘young grass’, and perhaps Ud. ńalasa ‘white strip of fur close to animals’ neck’
(ТМС 1, 629).
PMong. *ǯal-magaj gills (жабры): WMong. ǯalmaɣai (L 1032),
ǯaŋɣalai; Kh. ʒalmagaj; Bur. žaŋgār.
PJpn. *mài shoot, sprout (росток, побег): OJpn. me; MJpn. me; Tok.
mé; Kyo. mḕ; Kag. mé.
*ńĺba - *ńàme
1003
◊ JLTT 474.
PKor. *ní tooth (зуб): MKor. ní; Mod. i.
◊ Nam 119, KED 1316.
‖ Дыбо 1995b (Mong.-Tung.). The semantic interchange between
‘teeth’ and ‘sprouts’ is quite common, so in this respect the etymology
seems plausible. In Jpn. one has to suppose a suffixed form *ma(i) <
*ńằjl(a)-gV; medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of resonant in Kor. The root seems to be unattested in Turkic, but cf. Tur. dial.
jalama ‘white spot on horse’s head from forehead down to the lower
lip’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 91) - cf. the semantic development in TM.
-ńĺba young: Tung. *ńalba-; Mong. *ǯalaɣu; Turk. *jāĺ; Jpn. *masa-.
PTung. *ńalba- 1 young grass 2 meat of a young animal 3 spawning
4 young of birds (1 молодая травка 2 мясо молодого животного 3 нерест 4 птенец): Evk. ńalbakta 1, nilben 2; Evn. ńalaq 3; Neg. ńalamŋị 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 592, 629, 630.
PMong. *ǯalaɣu young (молодой): MMong. ǯalaw, ǯalu (IM),
ǯălăwă, ǯălu (MA), ǯala’ui (SH); WMong. ǯalaɣu (L 1029); Kh. ʒalū; Bur.
zalū; Kalm. zalū; Ord. ǯalū; Mog. ǯalau (Weiers); ZM ǯalāwu (10-3a); Dag.
ǯalō (Тод. Даг. 142, MD 175); Dong. ǯalau, ǯalao; S.-Yugh. ǯalū; Mongr.
al (SM 79), (MGCD ǯalau).
◊ KW 465, MGCD 427. Mong. > Evk. ǯalaw, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *jāĺ young (молодой): Tur. jaš; Turkm. jāš; Sal. jaš; MTurk.
jaš (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jɔš; Uygh. jaš; Krm. jaš, ješ; Tat. jɛš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz.
žas; KBalk. ǯaš, žaš, zaš; KKalp. žas; Kum. jaš; Nogh. jas; SUygh. jas;
Khak. čas; Oyr. jaš, aš; Tv. čaš; Tof. češ.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 162, VEWT 192 (one of several *jāĺ roots; within Turkic hardly distinguishable from *jāĺ ‘green vegetables; green’, but historically different).
PJpn. *masa- to be prematurely developed (быть преждевременно
развитым): Tok. masé-; Kyo. màsè-; Kag. masé-.
◊ Accent is not quite clear: Kagoshima points to *másá-, but Kyoto and Tokyo rather
to *màsá-.
‖ KW 465, Street 1980, 298.
-ńàme goat, deer: Tung. *ńamī-; Turk. *jɨmga; Kor. *jm-sjó.
PTung. *ńamī- female deer (важенка, самка оленя): Evk. ńamī;
Evn. ńamị; Neg. ńam; Ork. namị.
◊ ТМС 1, 631.
PTurk. *jɨmga wild mountain she-goat (дикая горная коза): OTurk.
ɨmɣa (OUygh.); Karakh. ɨmɣa, jɨmɣa (KB), ɨmɣa (IM); Tur. Old Osm. ime,
ɨma ‘goat’, dial. ‘deer with straight horns’; Turkm. umGa; MTurk. ɨmɣa
(Sangl.); Oyr. umɣa; Tv. čuŋma.
◊ VEWT 165, EDT 158, Лексика 154-155. Yak. ɨmaga (because of medial -g-) is most
probably < Evk.
1004
*ńam(ń)ekt῾V - *ńằmò
PKor. *jm-sjó goat (коза): MKor. jm-sjó; Mod. jəmso.
◊ Nam 377, KED 1183.
‖ EAS 78, 116, KW 214, Poppe 32, АПиПЯЯ 20. Loss of *n- in Kor. is
not quite clear: perhaps *jm- < *njm- through dissimilation. Mong.
jimaɣan ‘goat’ (MGCD 734) may be borrowed from Turk. (see Щербак
1997, 124; but cf. the WMong. variant nimaɣan and Bur. ńamā (Владимирцов) which may be genuine); Mong. > Tung. (ТМС 1, 312), see
Poppe 1966, 190, Doerfer MT 37.
-ńam(ń)ekt῾V a k. of tree: Tung. *ńamńikta; Mong. *ǯimuɣu-su; Turk.
*jɨmurt; Jpn. *mmìti; Kor. *nàmòk.
PTung. *ńamńi-kta 1 a k. of willow 2 mulberry tree (1 тальник, верба, краснотал 2 тутовое дерево): Evk. ńamńīkta 1; Evn. imukeɣ,
imŋekēw, inmēkte 1; Neg. ńamnịkta 1; Man. nimadan ‘a k. of tree’; nimala(n) 2; SMan. nimalən 2 (2163); Jurch. hin-ma-lar (108) 2; Ud. ńauta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 314, 632, 593.
PMong. *ǯimuɣu-su buckthorn, bird-cherry (крушина, черемуха):
WMong. ǯimuɣu-su; Kalm. ǯimūsn.
◊ KW 111.
PTurk. *jɨmurt bird-cherry (черемуха): Karakh. jumušɣa ‘medlar’
(MK); Tur. jumurt (dial.); Az. ǯumurt ‘крушина’; Uzb. šumurt; Khak.
nɨmɨrt; Shr. nɨbɨrt; Oyr. jɨmɨrt, ɨmɨrɨt; Chuv. śəₙməₙrt.
◊ EDT 881, VEWT 211, ЭСТЯ 4, 283, Егоров 211, Лексика 136. Not quite clear is the
relation of OT jemšen ‘a k. of wild fruit, berry’ (EDT 939).
PJpn. *mmìtì maple (клен): OJpn. m(w)omjiti; MJpn. mòmìdì; Tok.
mómiji; Kyo. mómìjì; Kag. momijí.
◊ JLTT 484. The Tokyo accent points to a variant *mmìtí.
PKor. *nàmòk tree (дерево): MKor. nàmò (nàmk-); Mod. namu.
◊ Nam 87, KED 288.
‖ KW 111, АПиПЯЯ 297, Дыбо 10. Correspondences are regular
except for the tonal discrepancy between Kor. and Jpn.
-ńằmò hundred: Tung. *ńamā; Mong. *ǯaɣu-n; Turk. *jom-; Jpn.
*muàmuà.
PTung. *ńamā hundred (сто): Evk. ńamā; Evn. ńama; Neg. ńama; Sol.
namāǯi.
◊ ТМС 1, 631.
PMong. *ǯaɣu-n hundred (сто): MMong. ǯa’un (HY 43), ǯa’u(n)
(SH), ǯa’ūn (IM); WMong. ǯaɣu(n) (L 1024); Kh. ʒūn; Bur. zū(n); Kalm.
zūn; Ord. ǯū(n); Dag. ǯau(n) (Тод. Даг. 143, MD 176); Bao. ǯoŋ (Тод.
Бн.); Mongr. oŋ (SM 90).
◊ KW 482.
PTurk. *jom- 1 big number, quantity, all 2 to come together, assemble (1 большое число, количество, все 2 собирать(ся)): OTurk. jomɣɨ
*ńamo - *ńanŋa
1005
(OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jomɣɨ (MK) 1, jomɨt- (MK) 2; Tur. jumuš- 2 (dial.);
MTurk. jomut- 2 (Houts.); Krm. jom-, jomul-, jumul- 2; SUygh. jumɨt-,
jumut- 2.
◊ EDT 935, ЭСТЯ 4, 219-220.
PJpn. *muàmuà hundred (сто): OJpn. mwomwo; MJpn. mòmò.
◊ JLTT 485.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 78. Mong. *ǯaɣu- < *ńaŋu- < *ńamŋu- (or -ɣ- as a result of
contamination with *čobe ‘ten’ q.v.). In Jpn. *muàmuà < *mmuà as a result of late vowel assimilation.
-ńamo turf, moss: Tung. *ńamulsa; Mong. *ǯim; Turk. *jom (?/*joŋ).
PTung. *ńamulsa swamp moss (болотный мох): Evk. ńamulla; Evn.
ńamlr; Neg. ńamula; Man. ńamala; Ul. ńamụlta; Ork. namụĺta; Nan.
ńamolta.
◊ ТМС 1, 632-633.
PMong. *ǯim turf (торф): WMong. ǯim (L 1056); Kh. ǯim.
PTurk. *jom (?/*joŋ) 1 turf 2 weed (1 торф 2 сорняк): Oyr. joŋ 1;
Chuv. śom 2.
◊ VEWT 206, Федотов 2, 135. Cf. also *jom-suk, *jom-sul ‘weed, moss’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 231,
with a variety of dialectal reflexes: Tur. josun, jomsuk, Chag. josun, Kum. jansaw etc.).
Turk. > Hung. gyom ‘weed’, see MNyTESz 1, 1132.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńna to turn back; again: Tung. *ńān; Turk. *jAn-; Jpn. *mani-ma.
PTung. *ńān again, once more (снова, еще раз): Evk. ńān; Evn. ńān;
Neg. ńān; Nan. ńā; Orch. ńa; Ud. ńa; Sol. n.
◊ ТМС 1, 633.
PTurk. *jAn- 1 to turn back 2 again (1 поворачивать назад 2 снова): OTurk. jan- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), jana 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jan1 (MK), jana 2 (MK); Tur. jine, jene 2; Az. jenä 2; Turkm. jene 2; MTurk.
jan- 1, jana 2 (Бор. Бад., Abush.); Uzb. jɔn- 1, jana 2; Uygh. jan- 1, jana 2;
Krm. jana, janɨ, jane 2; Tat. jan- 1, jɛnɛ 2; Bashk. jänä 2; Kirgh. ǯan- 1,
ǯana 2; Kaz. žäne 2; KKalp. žäne 2; Nogh. jana 2; SUygh. jan- 1; Khak.
nan- 1; Shr. nan- 1; Oyr. jan-, an- 1; Tv. čan- 1.
◊ EDT 941-942, 943, ЭСТЯ 4, 111-112, 114-115.
PJpn. *mani-ma in the same state (в прежнем, том же самом состоянии): OJpn. manima; MJpn. mámá; Tok. mamá; Kyo. mámá; Kag.
máma.
◊ JLTT 471 (not mentioning OJ mani-ma). Original accent is not quite clear due to a
secondary contraction in all modern dialects.
‖ The Turkic root is verbal, but it is worth noting adverbial usage of
the root in all branches where it is attested.
-ńanŋa a k. of small bird: Tung. *ńa(n)ŋa-; Mong. *ǯana; Jpn. *mami-.
PTung. *ńa(n)ŋa- bullfinch (снегирь): Evn. ńaŋarki.
*ńáŋa - *ńargu
1006
◊ ТМС 1, 633. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯana bullfinch (снегирь): WMong. ǯana (МХТТТ); Kh.
ʒana; Bur. zana.
PJpn. *mami- a k. of blackbird (вид дрозда): Tok. mami-jiro,
mami-chajinai.
‖ ТМС 1, 633, Дыбо 1995b.
-ńáŋa dirt, to smear: Tung. *ńaŋ-; Jpn. *mámíra-.
PTung. *ńaŋ- dirt, be smeared with dirt (грязь, пачкаться грязью):
Evk. ńaŋńa; Evn. ńaŋsъ; Neg. ńaksalkān, ńaŋsalkān; Man. nantuχun;
SMan. nantuhun ‘foul-minded, evil-smelling’ (2552); Ul. jaŋsa; Ork.
naŋịsa; Nan. jaŋsa, ńaŋsa; Orch. ńaŋsa.
◊ ТМС 1, 633-634.
PJpn. *mámíra- to be smeared (быть вымазанным): MJpn. mámíra-;
Tok. mamiré-; Kyo. mámíre-; Kag. mamiré-.
◊ JLTT 720. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ńaŋo nut: Tung. *ńaŋu-; Mong. *ǯiɣag; Turk. *jAŋgak; Jpn. *mamai.
PTung. *ńaŋu- cone, nut, fruit stone (шишка, орех, косточка плода): Evk. ńaŋta; Evn. ńaŋt; Man. ńańun ‘palm nut’; Ork. naŋụ- ‘to crack
nuts’; Orch. ńańikta; Ud. ńaŋta.
◊ ТМС 1, 634-635.
PMong. *ǯiɣag walnut (грецкий орех): MMong. ǯi’ax (HY 7); Ord.
ǯaG; Mongr. aG (SM 77), aŋgiraG (SM 81).
◊ Bao. ǯanGəg, Kalm. ǯaŋɣəg < Turk.
PTurk. *jAŋgak walnut (грецкий орех): OTurk. jaɣaq (Orkh.);
Karakh. jaɣaq (MK); Turkm. jaŋaq, jaŋɣaq (dial.); Khal. jaɣāq; MTurk.
jaŋɣaq (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jɔŋɣɔq; Uygh. jaŋaq, jaŋɣaq; Tat. jaŋaq,
ǯaŋɣaq (dial.); Kirgh. ǯaŋaq, ǯaŋɣaq; Kaz. žaŋɣaq; KKalp. žaŋɣaq.
◊ VEWT 186, ЭСТЯ 4, 59-60, Лексика 112. Turkic > Hung. dió (see MNyTESz 1, 641).
PJpn. *mamai bean (боб): OJpn. mame; MJpn. màmè, màmé; Tok.
mamé; Kyo. màmê; Kag. mamé.
◊ JLTT 471. The root reveals a variation of accent reflexes between *màmài and
*màmâi.
‖ EAS 75, АПиПЯЯ 78, Дыбо 10.
-ńargu a young male deer (elk): Tung. *ńargu-; Mong. *ǯorgul; Turk.
*jargun.
PTung. *ńargu- young elk (молодой лось): Evk. ńargučān; Evn. ńarčān; Neg. ńatčān; Man. ńarχuča; Orch. naguča.
◊ ТМС 1, 635.
PMong. *ǯorgul young elk or deer (молодой олень или лось):
WMong. ǯorɣul (L 1071); Kh. ʒorgol; Bur. zorgol ‘годовалый изюбр’.
*ńéč῾ù - *ńĕka
1007
PTurk. *jargun some kind of wild quadruped (вид дикого четвероногого): OTurk. jarɣun (Orkh., OUygh.-YB); Kirgh. jarɣɨn ‘a mongrel of
a yak and cow’; Khak. čarɣɨn ‘2-year-old bear-cub’ (Борг.); Tv. čarɨ ‘a
producent reindeer’.
◊ EDT 963.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńéč῾ù to be annoyed: Tung. *ńeču-; Turk. *jačan-; Jpn. *mútúkár-.
PTung. *ńeču- 1 to tease, annoy 2 to hit (1 дразнить, раздражать 2
бить): Evk. ńeču- 2; Man. neči- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 655.
PTurk. *jačan- be ashamed, embarrassed (стыдиться, смущаться):
Karakh. jačan- (MK); Tur. (Osm.) jačan-; MTurk. jačan- (CCum.); Chuv.
śüźen- ‘to be shocked’.
◊ EDT 882, VEWT 176, (incorrectly) Федотов 2, 151.
PJpn. *mútúkár- to be annoyed, cranky (раздражаться): OJpn. mutukar-; MJpn. mutukar-; Tok. mùtsukar-; Kyo. múzúkár-.
◊ JLTT 729.
‖ One of the many common Altaic verbs of emotion.
-ńĕka ( ~ -o, -u) place on the back of an animal: Tung. *ńegde; Mong.
*ǯagal; Turk. *jAgɨr.
PTung. *ńegde 1 breast vertebra 2 curve on horse’s back in the region of the neck and shoulder blades (1 грудные или междулопаточные позвонки 2 выгиб в спине лошади (у оконечности гривы и передних лопаток)): Evk. ńegde, ńagda 1; Evn. ńit, ńet 1; Neg. ńagda 1;
Man. nikde 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 650, 591.
PMong. *ǯagal dark spots on neck and shoulders (темные пятна на
шее и плечах): WMong. ǯaɣal (L 1022); Kh. ʒagal ‘grey’; Bur. ʒagal;
Kalm. zaɣəl; Ord. ǯaGal.
◊ KW 463. Mong. > Kaz. žaɣal, Turkm. jaqal etc. (see ЭСТЯ 4, 10-11); > Manchu ǯaxala
(see Rozycki 118).
PTurk. *jAgɨr 1 chap, saddle-gall on back of an animal 2 wound,
chafe on human body (1 ссадина на спине животного 2 рана, ссадина
на человеческом теле): Karakh. jaɣɨr 1 (MK); Tur. jaɣɨr 1; Az. jaɣɨr 1;
Turkm. jaɣɨr 1; MTurk. jaɣɨr 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. jaɣir 2; Uygh. jeɣi(r) 1;
Kirgh. ǯōr 1; Kaz. žawɨr 1; KKalp. žawɨr 1; Nogh. jawɨr 1; Oyr. ūr 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 65, TMN 4, 183. External evidence suggests that this root should be kept
distinct from *jagɨr, *jagrɨn ‘back, shoulderblade’ (v. sub *dagV).
‖ A Western isogloss.
*ńéŋńi - *ńésa
1008
-ńéŋńi East or South (wind), warm season: Tung. *ńeŋńe; Mong.
*ǯeɣü-n; Jpn. *mínámí.
PTung. *ńeŋńe spring (весна): Evk. ńeŋńe; Evn. neɣńi; Neg. ńeŋńe;
Man. ńeŋńeri; SMan. ńaŋəńari (2726); Jurch. nie(ŋ)nen (73); Ul. ńeŋńe;
Ork. ńeŋńē / neŋne; Nan. ńeŋńe; Orch. ńeŋńe.
◊ ТМС 1, 653-4.
PMong. *ǯeɣün East; left (восток; левый): MMong. ǯe’un (HY 50),
ǯeu’un (SH) ‘left wing troups’; ǯȫ’ēn ‘left’ (MA), ǯūn ‘left’ (IM); WMong.
ǯegün (L 1044); Kh. ʒǖn; Bur. zǖ(n); Kalm. zǖn; Ord. ǯǖn ‘North, left’;
Dag. ǯun (Тод. Даг. 145); S.-Yugh. ǯǖn.
◊ KW 485, MGCD 465. Mong. > Evk. ǯeɣin etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, Doerfer MT 23,
Rozycki 127.
PJpn. *mínámí South; South wind (юг; южный ветер): OJpn. mjinamji; MJpn. mínámí; Tok. mìnami; Kyo. mínàmì; Kag. minámi.
◊ JLTT 479. The Kyoto accent is quite irregular; but RJ and other dialects point
unanimously to high tone.
‖ Дыбо 1995b. In Jpn. cf. perhaps also *minki ‘right’ ( < *’East’ as
opposed to *pìntárí ‘left’ < ‘West’, see *p῾ṑrí).
-ńĕra earth, floor: Tung. *ńerke; Mong. *ǯir-; Turk. *jẹr.
PTung. *ńerke 1 earth 2 hearth (1 земля 2 очаг): Evk. jerke, dial.
ńerke 1; Evn. ńerke 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 355.
PMong. *ǯir- 1 litter of grass or leaves spread under an animal being flayed 2 doormat (1 подстилка из травы 2 циновка): WMong. ǯirig
1 (L 1060), ǯirum 2; Kh. ǯuram 2.
PTurk. *jẹr earth, land (земля): OTurk. jer (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. jẹr (MK), jer (KB); Tur. jer; Gag. jeŕ; Az. jer; Turkm. jer; Sal. jer;
Khal. jer; MTurk. jẹr (MA); Uzb. jer; Uygh. jär; Krm. jer; Tat. ǯir; Bashk.
jer; Kirgh. ǯer; Kaz. žer; KBalk. žer; KKalp. žer; Kum. jer; Nogh. jer;
SUygh. jer; Khak. čir; Shr. čer (R.); Oyr. er; Tv. čer; Tof. čer; Chuv. śər;
Yak. sir; Dolg. hir.
◊ VEWT 198, EDT 954, ЭСТЯ 4, 191-192, Лексика 53, Stachowski 104-105. Bulg. >
Hung. szer ‘place’ (in toponyms), see Sinor 1990.
‖ ТМС 1, 355. A Western isogloss.
-ńésa luck, fortune: Tung. *ńes-; Jpn. *mású-rá-.
PTung. *ńes- 1 luck 2 lucky (shooter) (1 счастье 2 удачливый (стрелок)): Evn. ńes 1; Man. nosiki 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 655.
PJpn. *mású-rá- brave man (храбрец, герой): OJpn. masura-(wo);
MJpn. másúrá-wò; Tok. màsurao, masuráo; Kyo. másúráó; Kag. masuráo.
◊ JLTT 473.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
*ńíkrV - *ńmi
1009
-ńíkrV a k. of thorny tree: Tung. *ńikri-kta; Mong. *ǯeɣergene; Jpn.
*míkúri.
PTung. *ńikri-kta 1 thicket 2 a k. of larch (1 заросли 2 вид лиственницы): Evk. nikrikāɣ 1; Evn. naqrịt 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 591.
PMong. *ǯeɣergene a k. of plant (Ephedra vulgaris) (эфедра):
WMong. ǯeɣergene (L 1043); Kh. ʒērgene; Bur. zērgene; Kalm. zērgənə
‘ежевика; малина (лесная)’ (КРС); Ord. ǯērgenek, ǯērgünek; S.-Yugh.
ǯǖregene.
◊ MGCD 139.
PJpn. *míkúri bur reed (колючий тростник): MJpn. míkúri.
◊ JLTT 478.
‖ For the phonetic development in Mong. cf. *bŭkrV, *č῾ik῾o (*č῾ik῾rV).
-ńiĺu ( ~ -o) to polish, scrape: Tung. *nili-; Mong. *ǯilgü-; Turk. *jɨĺ-; Kor.
*(n)īr-.
PTung. *nili- to scrape off, polish (соскребать, полировать): Evk.
nili-; Man. nila- / nile-; Ul. ńīli-; Nan. ńīla-; Ud. nila- (Корм. 266).
◊ ТМС 1, 592.
PMong. *ǯilgü- to shave, scrape, wipe (брить, соскребать, стирать): WMong. ǯülgü-, ǯilgü- (L 1085); Kh. ʒülge-; Bur. zülge-; Kalm.
zülgə-; Ord. ǯülgü-.
◊ KW 483.
PTurk. *jɨĺ- to rub, polish (тереть, полировать): Tat. jɨš- (Sib.);
Khak. čɨs-; Oyr. jɨš-.
◊ VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 1, 667.
PKor. *(n)īr- to clear out, rinse (вычищать, промывать): MKor. īr-;
Mod. īl- (NKor. nil-).
◊ Nam 405, KED 1351.
‖ SKE 69, Дыбо 15.
-ńmi (~-e) host, guest: Tung. *ńime-; Jpn. *mìmà-p-; Kor. *nīm.
PTung. *ńime- to visit, be a guest (посещать, приходить в гости):
Evk. ńime-; Evn. ńimeɣ-; Neg. ńimej-; Ul. ńime-ri-; Ork. ńimē-ri-; Nan.
nime-ri-; Orch. ńime-ri-; Ud. ńime-li-; Sol. nimau-.
◊ ТМС 1, 595-596.
PJpn. *mìmà-p- to visit (a sick person etc.) (посещать, навещать
(больного и т.п.)): MJpn. mima-f-; Tok. mìma-, mimá-; Kyo. mímá-; Kag.
mìmà-.
PKor. *nīm host (хозяин): MKor. nīm; Mod. im-gɨm.
◊ Nam 125, KED 1361.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
1010
*ńŋči - *ńiro
-ńŋči thin, narrow; short: Tung. *nisi-; Mong. *ǯiǯig; Turk. *jiŋč-ge; Jpn.
*mìnsìkà-.
PTung. *nisi- small (маленький): Evk. nisimkūn; Evn. nịsa ‘small
beads’; Neg. nịsịmkn; Man. nisiχa ‘small fish’.
◊ ТМС 1, 600.
PMong. *ǯiǯig small (маленький): WMong. ǯiǯig (L 1065); Kh. ǯiǯig;
Bur. žežeg; Kalm. ǯiǯəg.
◊ KW 109.
PTurk. *jiŋč-ge thin (тонкий): OTurk. jinčge (OUygh.); Karakh.
jinčke (MK); Tur. inǯe; Gag. inǯä; Az. inǯä; Turkm. īnče ( < jinče); Sal.
läšgi; MTurk. ičke (Pav. C.), inčge (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ingička; Uygh. inčikä;
Krm. inǯä; Tat. nečkɛ; Kirgh. ičke; KBalk. inčge; KKalp. žiŋiške; Nogh.
jiŋiške; SUygh. šige; Khak. niske; Tv. čiŋge; Tof. ńiŋge; Chuv. śinźe; Yak.
sińniges; Dolg. hinńiges.
◊ VEWT 203, EDT 944-5, ЭСТЯ 1, 364-365, Stachowski 104.
PJpn. *mìnsìkà- short (короткий): OJpn. mjizika-; MJpn. mìzìkà-;
Tok. mijiká-; Kyo. míjíká-; Kag. mijiká- [ = mišiké].
◊ JLTT 835.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 110, 278, Дыбо 12, Дыбо 1995b.
-ńipV a k. of weed, bush: Tung. *nibēkte; Mong. *ǯiba.
PTung. *ńibē-kte 1 bush growing near the water 2 dwarf birch tree
3 horse-tail 4 fern (1 заросли кустарника, мелкий тальник 2 карликовая береза 3 хвощ 4 папоротник): Evk. niwēkte 1, 2, dial. niwekte 3;
Evn. ńīwekēw 2; Neg. ńīwekte 2; Ork. ńīwekte 2; Ud. niekte 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 589, 601.
PMong. *ǯiba sulphurweed, a k. of plant growing near the water
(Peucedanum L.) (горичник байкальский): WMong. ǯau (МXTTT), ǯab
(БАМРС); Kh. ǯav.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ńiro ( ~ -ŕ-) a k. of big fish: Tung. *ńiru- / *ńeri-; Mong. *ǯirga; Jpn.
*mərəkə ( ~ -ua).
PTung. *ńiru- / *ńeri- grayling (fish) (хариус): Evk. niru, neriɣē; Evn.
nêrgat, nöriɣe; Neg. ńeju; Orch. ńū-ča; Ud. ńuu-sa.
◊ ТМС 1, 640, 654.
PMong. *ǯirga a k. of salmon (вид лосося): WMong. ǯirɣa (L 1059);
Kh. ǯarga; Kalm. ǯirɣə.
◊ KW 112. Mong. > Yak. ǯarɣā, Kum. čarɣa ‘grayling’ etc. (VEWT 100).
PJpn. *mərəkə ( ~ -ua) gudgeon (пескарь): Tok. moroko.
‖ ТМС 1, 640. Cf. Chuv. śarlan ‘herring’. Cf. also Kalm. jarɣə
‘salmon’ < unattested Turk.??
*ńama - *ńáme
1011
-ńama low, level; side of the mountain: Tung. *niama; Mong. *nam;
Turk. *jAmač; Jpn. *mama.
PTung. *niama 1 lowland 2 low 3 overfall 4 shallow place, isthmus
(1 равнина 2 низкий 3 быстрина 4 отмель, перешеек): Evk. namŋa 1,
nemkēn 2, ńami 3; Man. ńamašan 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 582, 621, 631.
PMong. *nam low, level (низкий, ровный): WMong. nam, namaɣu
(L 562); Kh. nam, namū; Bur. nam; Kalm. nam.
◊ KW 270.
PTurk. *jAmač side of a mountain (склон горы): Tur. jamač; Gag.
jamač; Az. jamaǯ; Turkm. jamač (dial.); MTurk. jamač, jamaǯ (R, Pav. C.).
◊ VEWT 184, ЭСТЯ 4, 111.
PJpn. *mama precipice (обрыв): OJpn. mama.
‖ Phonetics in the Mong.-Tung. area presents some problems,
probably because of an early dissimilation *ńama > *nama in part of the
dialects, and some dialectal mixture afterwards (cf. several different
reflexes in Evk.).
-ńáme to curse, harm: Tung. *ńim- / *ńum-; Mong. *ǯime; Turk.
*jem-ür-; Jpn. *mmá-; Kor. *namɨra-.
PTung. *ńim- / *ńum- 1 shame 2 shameless 3 awkward 4 weakness,
sickness 5 to weaken, be exhausted, sick 6 to be sorry, sad (1 стыд 2
бесстыжий 3 неловко, неудобно 4 слабость, болезнь 5 ослабевать,
истощаться 6 печалиться, грустить): Evk. ńumu 4; Evn. ńụmr 1, ńụm5; Neg. ńomụ- 5; Man. nime- 5; SMan. nimə- 5 (713); Ul. ńimeremdi,
ńumeremǯi 2, ńumursi- 6; Nan. ńịmorịǯị, ńomorị 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 596, 645, 646.
PMong. *ǯime 1 guilt 2 defect, defective (1 вина 2 изъян, недостаток): MMong. ǯemdeg 2 (SH); WMong. ǯime 1 (L 1056), ǯemdeg 2 (L
1045); Kh. ʒem 1, ʒemdeg 2; Bur. zeme 1; Kalm. zem 1 (КРС); Ord. ǯime;
Dag. emden 2; S.-Yugh. ǯemteg 2.
◊ MGCD 440.
PTurk. *jem-ür- 1 to crush, destroy 2 to curse, reproach (1 ломать,
разрушать 2 порицать, упрекать): OTurk. jemir- (OUygh.) 1, 2;
Karakh. jemür- (MK) 1; Az. jümür- 1; Turkm. jemir- 1; MTurk. jimir-,
jümür- (R., Буд.) 1; Uygh. jimir- 1; Krm. jemir- 1; Tat. ǯimer- 1; Bashk.
jemer- 1; Kirgh. ǯemir- 2, 1; KKalp. žemir- 1; Kum. jemir- 1; Nogh. jemir1; Shr. nebir- 1; Oyr. jemir-, emir- 1; Tv. čemir- 1; Chuv. śəₙməₙr- 2, 1.
◊ EDT 937, VEWT 197, ЭСТЯ 4, 183-184, Егоров 210. The meaning ‘crush, destroy,
widespread in modern languages, must be a secondary development from the original
more abstract ‘harm’ (whence also ‘curse, reproach’).
PJpn. *mmá- to argue, conflict (ссориться, спорить): Tok. mòme-;
Kyo. mómé-; Kag. momé-.
*ńàmi - *ńằrke
1012
PKor. *namɨra- to curse, swear (ругать): MKor. namɨra-; Mod. namura-.
◊ Nam 88, KED 289.
‖ Turkic forms like Kirgh. ǯeme, Tuva čeme, Oyr. eme, Yak. seme- are
most probably < Mong.; Chuv. śamlan- ‘to perish’ is not quite clear.
-ńàmi trace: Tung. *ńiam-; Mong. *ǯim; Turk. *jam.
PTung. *ńiam- 1 old trace 2 to trace (an animal) (1 след (старый) 2
распутывать следы (зверя)): Evk. ńmirī 1; Ud. ńāma- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 631, 637.
PMong. *ǯim path, trace (тропинка, след): WMong. ǯim (L 1056);
Kh. ǯim; Bur. žem; Kalm. ǯim (КРС); Ord. ǯim.
PTurk. *jam post station (почтовая станция): OTurk. jam (late
OUygh.); Tur. jam (Red.); MTurk. jam (Abush., Sangl.); Tat. jam (possibly from Russian).
◊ VEWT 183, EDT 933. Turk. > MMong. ǯam ‘post station’, WMong. ǯam ‘way, street,
road’ (hardly vice versa; see the discussion in Щербак 1997, 195). Mong. > Man. ǵamun,
Nan. jamõ, Ul. jamụ(n), see Doerfer MT 142 (with a strange initial reflex, suggesting rather
an unattested Mong. variant *jam; Chinese origin suggested by Doerfer TMN 4, 110-118 is
improbable - for purely phonetical reasons: the actual Middle Chinese form was not
“*gam oder ähnlich”, as suggested ibid., but 站 ṭém; even the later fricativized shape čam
(Zhongyuan yinyun) can hardly have yielded Mong. ǯam, to say nothing of the TM variants with j-).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńằrke to pinch (hair): Tung. *nirku-; Mong. *ǯirge-; Turk. *jarkak; Jpn.
*m(n)k-.
PTung. *nirku- short hair (of deer) (короткая, редкая шерсть (оленя)): Evk. nirku; Man. nirGa, nirχan.
◊ ТМС 1, 600.
PMong. *ǯirge- to pinch (hair, etc.) (щипать (волосы и т.п.)): Kh.
ǯirge-; Bur. žarxi-.
◊ The meaning ‘pinch (hair)’ is hardly related to the other meaning of ǯirge-, ‘cut,
split’ (on which see under *ǯre); it is most probably an accidental homonymy.
PTurk. *jarkak skin (tanned, without hair) (шкура (дубленая, без
волос)): Turkm. jarɣaq; MTurk. jarɣaq (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ǯɔrɣaq
(dial.); Uygh. ja(r)ɣaq; Tat. jarɣaq; Bashk. jarɣaq; Kirgh. ǯarɣaq; Kaz.
žarɣaq; KKalp. žarɣaq; Kum. jarɣaq (dial.); Nogh. jarɣaq; Oyr. jarɣaq,
arɣaq; Tv. čarɣaš ‘hairless (skin); placenta’; Chuv. śorɣax ‘film, membrane’.
◊ VEWT 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 141-142, Лексика 385, Ашм. XII, 277-278, Федотов 2, 145-146.
Turk. > WMong. ǯarɣaɣ, Kalm. zarɣəg (KW 467).
PJpn. *m(n)k- to pinch (hair, feathers, etc.) (выщипывать (волосы,
перья и т.п.)): MJpn. mòg-; Tok. móg-; Kyo. móg-; Kag. móg-.
◊ JLTT 726. Accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is irregular (under Tokyo influence?).
*ńăŕe - *ńàŕì
1013
‖ Дыбо 1995b. The root is quite reliable both phonetically and semantically.
-ńăŕe (?*ĺ-) to draw: Tung. *ńiru-; Mong. *ǯiru-; Turk. *jạŕ-; Kor. *nìrk-.
PTung. *ńiru- to draw, write (рисовать, писать): Neg. niju-; Man.
niru-; SMan. juru- (1391); Ul. ńuru-; Ork. ńiru-; Nan. ńiru-; Orch. ńiru-;
Sol. niruɣan ‘drawing’.
◊ ТМС 1, 600. TM > Dag. niru-, nuru- (Тод. Даг. 158).
PMong. *ǯiru- 1 scratch, draw, write 2 line, row (1 царапать, рисовать, писать 2 линия, ряд): MMong. ǯiru- (MA); WMong. ǯiru- 1 (L
1060), ǯirum 2 (L 1061); Kh. ʒura- 1, ǯuram 2; Bur. zura-; Kalm. zur-; Ord.
ǯuru- 1, ǯurā 2; Dag. ǯurī- (Тод. Даг. 145), ǯori- ‘point to; draw ( a picture)’ (MD 180); Mongr. ūri- (SM 95).
◊ KW 481, MGCD 464. Cf. Mongr. arG ‘ligne de démarcation entre deux champs’
(83) and WMong. ǯiruqai. Mong. > Yak. suruj, Dolg. huruj- ‘write’ (see Kał. MEJ 23, Stachowski 113). Mong. ǯiru-ɣa ῾line’ > Man. ǯurgan id. (see Rozycki 128).
PTurk. *jạŕ- to write (писать): Karakh. jaz- (MK Oghuz.); Tur. jaz-;
Gag. jaz-; Az. jaz-; Turkm. jaz-; Khal. jaz-; MTurk. jaz- (Pav. C., Ettuhf.);
Uzb. jɔz-; Uygh. jaz-; Krm. jaz-; Tat. jaz-; Bashk. jaδ-; Kirgh. ǯaz-; Kaz.
žaz-; KBalk. ǯaz-, zaz-; KKalp. žaz-; Kum. jaz-; Nogh. jaz-; Chuv. śɨr-.
◊ VEWT 193, ЭСТЯ 4, 70-71, EDT 984. Turk. > Hung. ír- (MNyTESz 2, 227-228).
PKor. *nìrk- to read (читать): MKor. nìrk-; Mod. ik- [ilk-].
◊ Nam 125, KED 361.
‖ Владимирцов 188, Poppe 28, Дыбо 14. Initial *l- is possible if we
relate here Jurch. lar-ru- ‘to write’ (809) - the PTM form in this case
must be reconstructed as *liru-. Despite Doerfer’s criticism (TMN 4,
69-70), the etymology seems quite plausible (and the TM forms can certainly not be explained as borrowed < Mong.).
-ńàŕì man, young man: Tung. *ń(i)ari; Mong. *ǯer-me-; Turk. *jeŕne;
Jpn. *mì(n)tù; Kor. *nắr-ná-.
PTung. *ń(i)ari 1 man 2 person 3 young man (1 мужчина 2 человек
3 юноша): Evk. nirawī 3; Evn. ńarị 1, 3; Neg. ńjaw 3; Man. ńalma 1, 2;
SMan. nanə ‘person, human being’ (827); Jurch. neRma (295) 1, 2; Ul. ńī
1; Ork. nari 1; Nan. naị 1, 2, dial. nịŕa 1; Orch. ńǟ, ńī 1; Ud. nī 1; Sol. nirō
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 598-599.
PMong. *ǯer-me- young man (юноша): Kh. (Bayat) ǯermegei; Bur.
žerbeger ‘shapely, handsome (of a man)’.
PTurk. *jeŕne son-in-law, sister’s husband (зять, муж сестры):
Karakh. jezne (MK); Az. jeznä; Turkm. jezne (dial.); MTurk. jeznä
(Houts.); Uzb. ǯeznä, ǯezdä; Tat. ǯiznɛ, ǯizni; Kirgh. ǯezde; Kaz. žezde;
KKalp. žezde; Nogh. jezde; SUygh. jezde; Khak. čiste; Shr. česte; Oyr. jeste,
este; Tv. česte.
1014
*ń[ō]ba - *ńṑgè
◊ EDT 988, VEWT 199, TMN 4, 165, ЭСТЯ 4, 169-170, Лексика 298. Cf. also Chuv.
śarmъk ‘young, young man’ ( > Hung. gyermek).
PJpn. *mì(n)tù- young, healthy and fresh-looking (молодой, пышущий здоровьем): OJpn. mjidu, mjitu-mjitu-; Tok. mizumizushí-; Kyo.
mízúmízúshì-; Kag. mizumizúshi-.
◊ JLTT 483.
PKor. *nắr-ná- brave, nimble (храбрый, проворный): MKor.
nắr-ná-; Mod. nallä-.
◊ Nam 96, KED 303.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 291.
-ń[ō]ba to walk, to go out: Tung. *ńē(b)- ~ *ńū(b)-; Jpn. *màwə- ( ~ -u);
Kor. *ní-.
PTung. *ńē(b)- ~ *ńū(b)- to go out (выходить): Evk. jū-; Evn. ńȫ-;
Neg. jū- / ńū-; Ul. ńie- / ńē-; Ork. nē-; Nan. ńie- / ńē-; Orch. ńū-; Ud. ńū-;
Sol. jū-.
◊ ТМС 1, 348-349.
PJpn. *màwə- ( ~ -u) to walk, come (идти, ходить, приходить):
OJpn. mawi-r-, mawu-; MJpn. màwí-r-; Tok. máir-; Kyo. màìr-; Kag. màìr-.
◊ JLTT 719. Tok. máir- < maír- with an accent shift in a diphthong.
PKor. *ní- to go (идти): MKor. ní- (nj-).
◊ Nam 119. Cf. also nìră-, nìr- ‘to reach’.
‖ EAS 77. An Eastern isogloss. The vocalic structure of the TM
forms is not quite clear (because of contractions), thus the PA reconstruction is not secure. Cf. perhaps Mong. ǯow ‘пошла вон! (о собаке)’.
See SKE 165.
-ńṑgè son-in-law, nephew: Tung. *ńōg-; Mong. *ǯeɣe; Turk. *jEgin; Jpn.
*mùkuâ.
PTung. *ńōg- relative, sister’s son (родственник, ребенок младшей сестры): Evn. ńȫɣe.
◊ ТМС 1, 644. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯeɣe grandson, nephew (внук, племянник): MMong. ǯeje
(HY 28); WMong. ǯege (L 1051: ǯige); Kh. ʒē; Bur. zē; Kalm. zē; Ord. ǯē;
Dag. ǯē (Тод. Даг. 143); Dong. ǯə; S.-Yugh. ǯī; Mongr. ē (SM 86).
◊ KW 474, MGCD 438. ? Mong. > TM ǯā.
PTurk. *jEgin nephew (племянник): OTurk. jegen, jegin (OUygh.);
Tur. jēn, jegen, jejen; Turkm. jegen; MTurk. jeken, jegen (R.); Uzb. ǯijän;
Tat. ǯijɛn; Bashk. jejän; Kirgh. ǯēn; Kaz. žijen; KKalp. žijen; Nogh. jijen;
SUygh. jegen; Khak. čēn; Shr. čēn; Oyr. jēn, ēn; Tv. čēn; Yak. sien.
◊ EDT 912-913, VEWT 194, ЭСТЯ 4, 166-167, Лексика 293.
PJpn. *mùkuâ son-in-law, bridegroom (зять, жених): OJpn.
muk(w)o; MJpn. mùkó; Tok. múko; Kyo. mùkô; Kag. mukó.
◊ JLTT 487.
*ńṓĺe - *ńṑpo
1015
‖ Владимирцов 198. The Jpn. word is to be analysed as *mu- ( <
*ńōge) + *kua ‘son, child’.
-ńṓĺe ( ~ -i) green, vegetable: Tung. *ńoli-; Mong. *ǯöl(ü)ge; Turk. *jāĺ-ɨl.
PTung. *ńoli- 1 green moss, green mould 2 bluish 3 bruise 4 greenish (1 зеленый мох, зеленая плесень 2 синеватый 3 синяк 4 зеленоватый): Man. ńolmon 1; Ul. ńolǯokto 3; Ork. nōlto / ńōlto 3; Nan. ńolā 2;
Orch. noligi 4; Ud. ńoliɣi, ńolo 2, 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 601-603 (to be distinguished from *ńog-!).
PMong. *ǯöl(ü)ge green meadow (зеленый луг): MMong. ǯolge (SH,
see TMN 1, 295); WMong. ǯölge (L 1085: ǯülge); Kh. ʒüleg; Bur. zülge;
Kalm. zölgə; Mongr. čorgō ‘vallée avec une rivière au milieu’ (SM 440).
◊ KW 477. Mong. > Kirgh. ǯülgö etc., see ЭСТЯ 4, 37-38, TMN 1, 295.
PTurk. *jāĺ-ɨl 1 green 2 yellow (1 зеленый 2 желтый): OTurk. jašɨl
(Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jašɨl (MK, KB) 1; Tur. ješil 1; Gag. ješil 1; Az.
jašɨl 1; Turkm. jāšɨl 1; Sal. jäšil 1; Khal. ja:šɨl 1; MTurk. jašɨl (MA) 1; Uzb.
jašil 1; Uygh. ješil 1; Krm. ješli 1; Tat. jɛšel 1; Bashk. jäšel 1; Kirgh. ǯašɨl 1;
Kaz. žasɨl 1; KBalk. žašil 1; KKalp. žasɨl 1; Kum. jašɨl 1; Nogh. jasɨl 1;
SUygh. jahsɨl 1; Khak. čazɨl 1; Shr. čažɨl (R.) 1; Oyr. ažɨl 1; Chuv. śulźa,
śulǯa, śъvъlś ‘leaf’ ( = Bashk. jäšelsä ‘greens, vegetables’); Yak. saha-r- 2;
Dolg. haha-r- 2.
◊ Derived from PT *jāĺ ‘young, green vegetables’ (OUygh. jaš, MK jaš, Turkm. jāš, see
ЭСТЯ 4, 162, EDT 975, 976, Федотов 2, 134, Stachowski 93). This root is often mixed with
homophonous *jāĺ ‘tear’ and *jāĺ ‘age, year’, see ЭСТЯ 4, 161-164 (all three roots have
different Altaic etymologies). Turk. > Mong. jasil ‘buckthorn’ (Clark 1980, 41).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńoŋe cold: Tung. *ńeŋde- / *ńuŋde-; Mong. *ǯiŋ-de-; Turk. *jEŋ.
PTung. *ńeŋde- / *ńuŋde- 1 cold 2 clear, frosty (weather) (1 холодный 2 ясный, морозный): Evk. ńeŋdelē 2; Ul. nụŋdụlị 1; Ork. nuŋduli 1;
Nan. noŋǯị-sị 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 653.
PMong. *ǯiŋ-de- to suffer from cold (страдать от холода): WMong.
ǯiŋ-de- 3 (L 1057: ǯiŋgine-); Kh. ǯindi-, ǯiŋgene- 3; Kalm. ǯiŋdə- (КРС);
Ord. ǯiŋ ‘frost’; S.-Yugh. ǯiŋgene-.
◊ MGCD 445.
PTurk. *jEŋ frazil (шуга, наледь): Khak. neŋ; Oyr. ńeŋ (dial.); Tv.
čeŋ.
◊ VEWT 197 (if not < unattested South.-Sam.?)
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńṑpo front, in front, front side: Tung. *ńōb- (/ *ńāb-); Mong. *ǯöb; Jpn.
*màpiâ; Kor. *njp.
PTung. *ńōb- (/ *ńāb-) 1 before, in front 2 to go forward 3 the one in
front, leading (1 вперед, впереди 2 идти вперед, опережать 3 пере-
1016
*ńoru - *ńŭmi
довой, ведущий): Evk. ńō- 2, ńōɣū, ńōw 3, ńāw-de 1; Evn. ńōɣ, ńōw 3;
Neg. ńōɣū, ńōw 3; Ul. jo-ro-, ńo-ro- 2; Ork. nawra- 2, ńowụ 3; Nan.
mịo-rịa- 2; Orch. ńau-kä 1, ńō-ki 3; Ud. ńōɣi- 2, ńau-xe, ńou-xe 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 627, 641-642.
PMong. *ǯöb straight, right (прямой, правый): MMong. ǯuep (HY
51), ǯob (SH); WMong. ǯöb (L 1072); Kh. ʒöv; Bur. züb; Kalm. zöb, zöwl‘make straight’; Ord. ǯöb; Dag. ǯugi-, ǯewul (Тод. Даг. 143, 145); ǯuhi
‘correct’ (MD 180), ǯubšē- ‘to approve’ ( = Khalkha ʒövšȫ-); Dong. ǯo;
Mongr. ǯo, ǯwo ‘vrai, véritable’ (SM 74), uw ‘délibération’ (SM 95), ǯob.
◊ KW 477, 478, MGCD 456, 457. Mong. > Man. ǯebe-le, Jurch. ǯe-wen ‘right’.
PJpn. *màpiâ front, before (перед, впереди): OJpn. mapje; MJpn.
màfè; Tok. máe; Kyo. màê; Kag. maé.
◊ JLTT 469.
PKor. *njp side (сторона): MKor. njp; Mod. jəp(h).
◊ Nam 109, KED 1189.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297. TM reflects a form with early dissimilation: *ńṑpo >
*ńōbo; other forms point to a diphthong in PA.
-ńoru strap, rag: Tung. *ń(i)ara-, *ńiarma-; Mong. *ǯur-; Turk. *jur-.
PTung. *ń(i)ara-, *ńiarma- 1 skin (not smoked) 2 a k. of cloth 3 upper layer of meat (1 шкура (непродымленная) 2 вид одежды 3 верхний тонкий слой мяса (над ребрами медведя)): Evk. ńarahin 1, ńarmakān 2; Neg. ńanmakan 3; Ork. nalma(n) 2; Nan. nịarma, ńarma 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 635.
PMong. *ǯur- strip, strap, torn piece (полоса, оторванный кусок):
WMong. ǯurma, ǯurim, ǯurbus (L 1080); Kh. ǯurvas; Ord. ǯurwus ‘qui a la
forme d῾une ligne’, ǯurus.
PTurk. *jur- patch of cloth, rag (лоскуты, лохмотья): OTurk. jurun
(OUygh.); Karakh. jurun (MK); MTurk. jurun (Abush., Sangl.); Krm.
jurq- ‘to pinch (hair)’; Tat. joron (dial.); Bashk. jorqaq, joron; Kaz. žurɨn
(dial.); KBalk. ǯurun; KKalp. žurɨndɨ; Khak. čurux; Oyr. d’urun; Tv. čuruq; Tof. čuruq; Chuv. śorъm ‘bundle of flax or hemp’.
◊ VEWT 211, EDT 970, ЭСТЯ 4, 255-256, Ашм. XII, 270.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńŭmi to close (eyes, mouth): Tung. *ńim-; Mong. *ǯimüji-; Turk. *jüm/ *jum-.
PTung. *ńim- to close (eyes) (закрывать (глаза)): Evk. nimŋi-; Evn.
ńimru-; Neg. ńimni-; Ul. ńịmarGụ-; Ork. ńimmi-; Orch. ńimsi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 594-595.
PMong. *ǯimüji- to close (eyes, mouth) (закрывать (глаза, рот)):
WMong. ǯimüi- (L 1056: ǯimiji-); Kh. ǯimij-; Bur. žemɨ-; Kalm. ǯimī-; Ord.
ǯimī-; Mongr. imu- (SM 88).
◊ KW 111.
*ńūno - *ńūŋne
1017
PTurk. *jüm- / *jum- to close (eyes, mouth) (закрывать (глаза,
рот)): Karakh. jüm- (MK); Tur. jum-; Gag. jum-; Az. jum-; Turkm. jum-;
Sal. jum-; Khal. jim-; MTurk. jum- (Pav. C., MA, AH); Uzb. jum-; Uygh.
jum-, žum-; Krm. jum-; Tat. jom-; Bashk. jom-; Kirgh. ǯum-; Kaz. žum-;
KBalk. ǯum-, žum-; KKalp. žum-; Kum. jum-; Nogh. jum-; SUygh. jum-;
Oyr. um-; Yak. sim-.
◊ EDT 934, VEWT 210, ЭСТЯ 4, 245-246.
‖ KW 111, EAS 65, Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss. Mong. is hardly
borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 125.
-ńūno to adze, scrape off: Tung. *ńüŋ-; Mong. *ǯoma-gul; Turk. *jōn-.
PTung. *ńüŋ- 1 to make notches 2 to scrape off, adze (with an axe)
(1 делать зарубки 2 соскребать, стесывать (топором)): Evn. ńiŋ- 1;
Man. ńoŋGaǯa-, ńoŋGala- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 638, 644.
PMong. *ǯoma-gul wooden chips, shavings (щепка, стружка):
WMong. ǯomuɣul (L 1070); Kh. ʒomgol; Bur. zomgōl, zomgōhon; Kalm.
zomɣəl.
◊ KW 476.
PTurk. *jōn- to adze, plane (обтесывать, строгать): OTurk. jon(OUygh.); Karakh. jon- (MK); Tur. jon-; Gag. jon-; Az. jon-; Turkm. jōn-;
MTurk. jon- (AH, Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.), jön- (Pav. C.); Uzb. jọn-; Uygh.
jonu-; Krm. jon-; Tat. jun-; Bashk. jun-; Kirgh. ǯon-; Kaz. žon-; KBalk.
ǯon-; KKalp. žon-; Kum. jon-; Nogh. jon-; Shr. non-; Oyr. jon-, on-; Tv.
čon-; Chuv. śon-; Yak. suor-; Dolg. huor-.
◊ EDT 942; VEWT 206, ЭСТЯ 4, 221-222, Федотов 2, 136, Stachowski 112. Final -r- in
Yak. is somewhat strange - perhaps an early contamination with *jüŕ- q.v. sub *ǯuŕi (?)
‖ KW 476. A Western isogloss. Medial -m- in Mong. is probably
secondary (assimilatory here). Note that all languages reflect a derivative *ńūno-gV (in Turk. cf. *jōn-ga ‘chips, wooden shavings’ = Mong.
*ǯomu-gu-l = TM *ńüŋ(g)-).
-ńūŋne direction, sign: Tung. *ńuŋ-; Mong. *ǯöŋ; Turk. *jȫn; Jpn.
*muna-i.
PTung. *ńuŋ- 1 to direct, give directions 2 direction, instruction 3
instructor, director, master 4 council, advice (1 указывать, направлять
2 указание, направление 3 начальник, хозяин 4 совет): Evk. nuŋnī-,
ńuŋnī- 1, nuŋnīɣē, ńuŋnīɣē 2, ńuŋe 3; Evn. ńūn- 1, ńūnъn 2, ńuŋun 3,
ńuŋse-ɣъn 4; Neg. nuŋni- 1, ńuŋu 4; Ork. nuŋe, ńuŋe 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 612. Depalatalized *n- in some of the forms may be due to contamination
with PTM *nuŋ- < PA *nuŋu q.v.
PMong. *ǯöŋ omen, sign; natural course of things (знамение, знак;
естественный ход вещей): WMong. ǯöŋ (L 1075); Kh. ʒön; Kalm. zöŋ;
Ord. ǯöŋ ‘manière d῾être propre; manière d῾être constante’.
1018
*ńŋńù - *ńŋńù
◊ KW 478.
PTurk. *jȫn 1 side, direction 2 to be directed towards, head towards
3 reason, method, cause 4 regular, easy 5 cheap 6 origin (1 сторона, направление 2 направляться, поворачиваться 3 причина, способ, отношение 4 простой, правильный 5 дешевый 6 происхождение):
OTurk. jon 3 (OUygh.); Tur. jön 1, 3, jünel- 2; Az. jön 1; Turkm. jȫnel- 2;
MTurk. jön 1 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jọnal- 2, ǯọn 4 ( < Kypch. or Mong.);
Uygh. jönɛl- 2; Krm. jöne- 2; Tat. jün 3, 5, jünäl- 2; Bashk. jün 3, 4, jünɛlɛ2; Kirgh. ǯön 1, 4, 6, ǯönö- 2; Kaz. žön 1; KBalk. ǯöne- 2; KKalp. žön 1;
Nogh. jöne- 2.
◊ VEWT 208, EDT 941, ЭСТЯ 4, 232-234. Tat. > Chuv. jünə ‘cheap’ (Федотов 1,
204-205).
PJpn. *muna-i centre, essence (сущность, суть): OJpn. mune; MJpn.
múné, mùnè; Tok. muné; Kyo. múnè; Kag. múne.
◊ JLTT 488. The oblique stem is muna- (e.g. in muna-ti, muna-wake etc.) Original accent is not quite clear: modern dialects reflect *múnà-i (homophonous with *múnà-i
“breast”), but MJ fixes a variation between múné and mùnè.
‖ An interesting common Altaic root, with quite plausible phonetic
and semantic correspondences; however, some contaminations with
*nuŋu ‘chief, master’ were possible.
-ńŋńù liquid faeces: Tung. *ńōŋńa; Mong. *ǯuŋgag; Turk. *jin (/*jɨn);
Jpn. *ùmì; Kor. *nú(ŋ)-.
PTung. *ńōŋńa 1 faeces, contents of intestines 2 liquid glue (1 помет, содержимое кишок 2 жидкий клей): Evk. ńōńa 1; Evn. ńōńa,
ńōŋńa 1; Ud. ńoŋo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 643-644.
PMong. *ǯuŋgag faeces of young animals, dirt, mucus (помет молодых животных, жидкая грязь): MMong. ǯunda’ul (SH); WMong.
ǯuŋɣaɣ (L 1079); Kh. ʒungag; Bur. zungag; Kalm. zunɣəG; Ord. ǯuŋGaG;
S.-Yugh. duŋGag.
◊ KW 480, MGCD 463.
PTurk. *jin (/*jɨn) faecal masses (content of intestines) (фекальные
массы (содержимое кишок)): OTurk. jin (jiŋ) (OUygh.); Karakh. jin
(MK); Tat. ǯen dial.; Bashk. jen; Kirgh. ǯin; Kaz. žɨn; KKalp. žin; SUygh.
jin, jiŋ; Khak. nən; Oyr. jin, in; Tv. čin.
◊ EDT 941, VEWT 203, ЭСТЯ 4, 27-28, Лексика 148-149.
PJpn. *ùmì pus (гной): OJpn. umji; MJpn. ùmì; Tok. umí; Kyo. úmì;
Kag. umí.
◊ JLTT 562.
PKor. *nú(ŋ)- to defecate, urinate (испражняться, мочиться):
MKor. nú-; Mod. nu-.
◊ Liu 161, KED 356.
*ńuŕge - *ńlo
1019
‖ SKE 172, Дыбо 10, Лексика 149. In Jpn. one has to suppose either
a secondary dissimilation (*ùmì < *mùmì), or a preliminary assimilation
*ńŋńu > *ŋŋńu ( > *ùmì).
-ńuŕge a k. of weed: Tung. *nirge- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *ǯürgij; Turk. *jiŕ; Jpn.
*mərəkəsi.
PTung. *nirge- ( ~ -ü-) 1 buckwheat 2 selfheal 3 young grass 4 a k. of
swamp plant 5 burdock (1 гречиха 2 черноголовка 3 молодая трава 4
вид болотного растения 5 лопух): Evk. nirgēkte 2, 3; Evn. ńiergēt 4;
Neg. nidgēkte 5; Sol. nirgē 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 599-600. TM > Dag. nirgēs ‘grain’ (Тод. Даг. 158).
PMong. *ǯürgij knotweed, climbing buckwheat (Polygonum L.)
(ломонос сибирский, хмель белый): WMong. ǯürgij, (L 1085: ǯürgüj
‘Atragene sibirica’); Kh. ʒürgij.
PTurk. *jiŕ Artemisia abrotonon (вид полыни): OTurk. jiz ( ~ -e-)
(OUygh.); Karakh. jiz ( ~ -e-) (MK).
◊ EDT 982, VEWT 204.
PJpn. *mərəkəsi sorghum (сорго): Tok. mòrokoshi; Kyo. mórókóshí;
Kag. morokoshí.
◊ The word is not attested in OJ and MJ; it is not quite clear whether it can be
equated with OJ morokosi ‘China’.
‖ Phonetically a good match, but botanical details remain to be
clarified.
-ńlo ( ~ -u-) to pluck, pick out: Tung. *ń[u]l-; Mong. *ǯul-; Turk. *jol-;
Jpn. *mr-.
PTung. *ń[u]l- 1 to exuviate, fade 2 naked (1 линять, вылезать (о
шерсти, перьях) 2 голый): Evk. nil- / ńil-, ńīlarga- 1; Evn. nl- 1; Neg.
ńolaxn, ńelakin 2; Man. niltu- 1, ńolmoŋge 2; Ul. ńuli- 1, ńelao 2; Ork.
nllị- 1, nịlawụ 2; Nan. ńịlaqõ 2; Orch. ńulaki 2; Ud. ńuli-, ńulu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 592, 643.
PMong. *ǯul- 1 to pick, pluck 2 to lose hair, be plucked (1 срывать,
вырывать 2 терять волосы, быть выщипанным): WMong. ǯulga- 1,
ǯulbu- 2 (L 1078), ǯulmu- 1, 2 (L 1079); Kh. ʒulga- 1, ʒulba-, ʒulma- 1, 2;
Bur. zulgā- 1, zulbagar, zulmar (adj.) 2; Kalm. ǯulɣə-; Ord. ǯulGā- 1, ǯulbₙī‘avoir peu ou point de poils (peau d῾animal né avant terme’; ǯulbura- 2;
S.-Yugh. ǯulGu- 1.
◊ KW 115, MGCD 462. Mong. > Evk. ǯulgā-, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *jol- to tear out, pick out, pluck (срывать, вырывать, выщипывать): OTurk. jol- ~ jul- (OUygh.); Karakh. jol- ~ jul- (MK); Tur. jol-,
julɨ-; Gag. jol-; Az. jol-; Turkm. jol-; Khal. jilu-; MTurk. jul- (R.), julɨ(Houts.); Uzb. jul-; Uygh. jul-, žul-; Krm. jul-, julu-; Bashk. jolo-; Kirgh.
ǯul-; Kaz. žul-; KBalk. žul-; KKalp. žul-; SUygh. jul-; Khak. čul-; Shr. čul-;
Oyr. jul-, ul-; Tv. čul-; Chuv. śъₙl-; Yak. suluj-.
1020
*ńóro - *ńbV
◊ EDT 918, ЭСТЯ 4, 216; often confused with *jül- ‘shave’ (v. sub *zŭli). Turk. forms
like *julk- (VEWT 210) may be borrowed from Mong.
PJpn. *mr- to pluck, tear off (вырывать, срывать, выщипывать):
OJpn. m(w)or-; MJpn. mor-.
◊ JLTT 727. Low tone is indicated by attested Ryukyu forms.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 91-92.
-ńóro ( ~ -u-, -e) arrow, harpoon: Tung. *ńuru (~-i); Mong. *ǯoruɣa; Jpn.
*mrí (~-ua-).
PTung. *ńuru (~-i) arrow (стрела): Evk. ńur; Evn. ńụr; Neg. ńoj;
Man. niru; SMan. ńurə, jurə (820); Jurch. niru (237); Sol. niru, nụr(ụ).
◊ ТМС 1, 648. Manchu jōro ‘arrow with bone tip’ may be a variant of the same root
(hardly a loan from Mong. ǯoruɣa, because ǯ- > j- is not possible).
PMong. *ǯoruɣa arrow with bone head (стрела с костяным наконечником): WMong. ǯoruɣa (L 1072); Bur. žorxo ῾bone arrow (for dice
play)’.
◊ Mong. > Man. ǯoro id.
PJpn. *mrí (~-ua-) fish-fork, harpoon (гарпун, острога): Tok. mòri,
móri; Kyo. mórí; Kag. móri.
◊ JLTT 485.
‖ A good match denoting a hunting weapon.
-ńu- six: Tung. *ńu-ŋu-; Mong. *ǯirgu-ɣa-; Jpn. *mu-.
PTung. *ńu-ŋu-n six (шесть): Evk. ńuŋun; Evn. ńuŋъn; Neg. ńuŋun;
Man. niŋgun; SMan. niŋun, ńuŋun (2740); Jurch. niuŋ-ǯu (641); Ul.
ńuŋgu(n); Ork. nuŋgu(n); Nan. ńuŋgũ; Orch. ńuŋu(n); Ud. ńuŋu(n); Sol.
ńuŋũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 647-648.
PMong. *ǯirgu-ɣa- 1 six 2 sixty (1 шесть 2 шестьдесят): MMong.
ǯir’ua’an (HY 43), ǯirqo’an (SH) 1, ǯiran (HY 43) 2, ǯ[i]rɣān 1, ǯɛirān 2
(IM); WMong. ǯirguɣan 1 (L 1059), ǯira(n) (L 1058); Kh. ʒurgān 1, ǯar 2;
Bur. zurgā(n) 1, žaran 2; Kalm. zurɣān; Ord. ǯurGā(n) 1, ǯira 2; Dag.
dirgō(n), ǯirgō(n) 1 (Тод. Даг. 137, 144), ǯar 2 (Тод. Даг. 142 ǯara(n)),
ǯireuō 1 (MD 179); S.-Yugh. ǯiran 2; Mongr. irGōn (SM 93), iran (SM
92), ǯiran 2.
◊ KW 481, MGCD 432.
PJpn. *mu- six (шесть): OJpn. mu-; MJpn. mú-; Tok. mù-; Kyo. mú-;
Kag. mù-.
◊ JLTT 489. As with other numerals, the accent reconstruction is not clear.
‖ Poppe 28, АПиПЯЯ 78.
-ńbV entertainment: Tung. *ńōba; Mong. *ǯuɣa; Turk. *juba-.
PTung. *ńōba 1 joke, entertainment 2 to joke (1 шутка, забава 2
подшучивать): Man. jōbo 1, ńobo-, ńobu- 2; SMan. jovə ‘joke, jest’ (1299).
◊ ТМС 1, 345.
*ńugńa - *ńuk῾V
1021
PMong. *ǯuɣa amusement, entertainment (забава, развлечение):
WMong. ǯuɣa, ǯuɣaɣa (L 1077); Kh. ʒugā; Bur. zugā; Kalm. zuɣāca- ‘to
walk’ (СЯОС).
PTurk. *juba- 1 to be comforted, consoled, entertained 2 to comfort,
entertain (1 утешаться, забавляться 2 утешать, развлекать): Tur. juwat- (dial.) 2; MTurk. ǯuwat- 2 (R); Uzb. juwan- (dial.) 1; Krm. juwan-,
juwun- 1, juwut- 2; Tat. juwan- 1; Bashk. jɨwan- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 240. Some forms, like Kum. jɨban-, Uzb. jupan- reflect rather *jupa-; the
variation of *-b- and *-p- is not quite clear in this root.
‖ Владимирцов 210. A Western isogloss.
-ńugńa water bird, goose: Tung. *ńuŋńakī; Turk. *jugak; Kor. *nńí.
PTung. *ńuŋńakī goose (гусь): Evk. ńuŋńakī; Evn. nŋqị ‘баклан’,
nēŋen; Neg. ńoŋnixīn, ńoŋńaxī; Man. ńoŋńaχa; SMan. ńuŋəńahə (2248);
Jurch. niuŋ-nia-xa (646); Ul. ńụŋńa; Ork. nụŋna; Nan. ńoŋńa; Orch.
ńuŋńa; Ud. ńuŋńa῾i; Sol. nụnnaxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 611, 623, 646-7.
PTurk. *jugak a k. of water bird (diver, goose) (вид водной птицы
(гагара, гусь)): Karakh. juɣaq (MK,KB).
◊ VEWT 243, EDT 901, Лексика 171.
PKor. *nńí bustard (дрофа): MKor. nńí; Mod. nsä.
◊ Nam 104.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 171.
-ńūje warm, to burn: Tung. *ńē-; Mong. *ǯöɣe-; Jpn. *muája-.
PTung. *ńē- 1 to sweat 2 sweat (1 потеть 2 пот): Evk. ńē- 1, ńēkse 2;
Evn. ńēs 2; Neg. ńēseŋ 2; Man. nej 2; Ul. jeseŋgi 2; Ork. nēseŋgi 2; Nan.
ńeseŋgi 2; Orch. ńeseŋi 2; Ud. niheŋe- 1, ńēŋi 2; Sol. nēĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 650.
PMong. *ǯöɣe- warm, warmish, cooled (теплый, тепловатый, прохладный): MMong. ǯu’en (SH), ǯue’en (HY 6) ‘cool’; WMong. ǯögen,
ǯögeg (L 1074); Kh. ʒȫn, ʒȫg; Kalm. zȫg.
◊ KW 479. The meaning ‘cool’ may be secondarily induced by *ǯiŋ-de- (q. v. sub
*ńoŋe).
PJpn. *muája- to burn (гореть): OJpn. mwoja-; MJpn. mója-; Tok.
mòe-; Kyo. móé-; Kag. moé-.
◊ JLTT 726.
‖ A rare case of preservation of *-ua- after a labial in PJ; in fact we
may be dealing here with a contraction of a more complex underlying
form like *majU-ja- (with an original passive suffix).
-ńuk῾V ( ~ -k-) gum, juice: Tung. *ńuK-; Turk. *juk / *jok.
PTung. *ńuK- 1 birch juice 2 larch gum (1 березовый сок 2 смола
лиственницы): Evk. ńuksen 1, ńukse 2; Ud. ńuktu- ‘to wet, soak’.
◊ ТМС 1, 645.
1022
*ńuŋe - *ńt῾Ỽ
PTurk. *juk / *jok 1 resin, gum 2 residues of food on dishes, sticky
substance 3 to stick to (1 смола 2 остатки пищи на посуде; то, что
прилипло 3 прилипать): Karakh. juq 2 (MK); Tur. jok 2 (dial.); Turkm.
joq 2, joq- 3; MTurk. juq- 3 (R.); Uzb. juq 2, juq- 3; Uygh. juq- 3; Krm. juq-,
jux- 3; Tat. joq- 3; Bashk. joq- 3; Kirgh. ǯuq 2, ǯuq- 3; Kaz. žuq- 3; KKalp.
žuq 2, žŭq- 3; Kum. juq 2, juq- 3; Nogh. juq- 3; Khak. čux 1, čux- 3; Oyr.
juq-, uq- 3; Tv. čuq 1; Tof. čuq 1; Chuv. śъₙɣъₙr ‘liquid mire, sludge’
(dial.)
◊ EDT 895, VEWT 119, ЭСТЯ 4, 211, Лексика 117, Ашм. XIII, 52.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Related may be some plant names (as
‘juicy’?): cf. Yak. sugun ‘blue-berry’; Evk. ńukekte ‘mayflower’; OJ
mukagwo, nukagwo ‘bulb sprout’ (for the latter cf., however, alternatively: WMong. nakija ‘shoot of grass, leaf bud’; Man. ńaχara, ńaχari id.,
see ТМС 1, 628).
-ńuŋe thigh: Tung. *ńuŋī; Mong. *ǯoɣa; Jpn. *muàmuâ.
PTung. *ńuŋī 1 thigh 2 muscles (of arms and legs), calf (of leg) (1 голень, бедро 2 мышцы (рук и ног), икра (ноги)): Evk. ńuŋī 1; Orch.
ńuŋńa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 646.
PMong. *ǯoɣa waist part of the back (поясничная часть спины):
WMong. ǯo (МХТТТ); Kh. ǯō; Bur. zō; Kalm. zō, zōn.
◊ KW 477.
PJpn. *muàmuâ thigh, hip (бедро): OJpn. mwomwo; MJpn. mòmó;
Tok. mómo, momó; Kyo. mòmô; Kag. mómo.
◊ JLTT 485. Accent in Kagoshima and the Tok. variant momó are not quite clear.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 78.
-ńt῾Ỽ plant glue: Tung. *ńūte; Mong. *ǯutaŋ; Jpn. *mti ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *ńūte resin, pitch, gum (смола, сера (древесная)): Evk.
ńūte; Evn. ńūt; Neg. nūte; Ul. nūte; Ork. ńūte; Nan. nūte; Orch. ńute; Ud.
ńute.
◊ ТМС 1, 649.
PMong. *ǯutaŋ gruel, broth (каша, кашица): WMong. ǯutaŋ (L
1081); Kh. ʒutaŋ; Bur. zutan; Kalm. zutŋ (КРС); Ord. ǯutaŋ; S.-Yugh.
čətaŋ.
◊ MGCD 464.
PJpn. *mti ( ~ -ua-) birdlime made from holly bark (клей для ловли птиц): OJpn. m(w)oti; MJpn. mótí; Tok. móchi; Kyo. móchí; Kag. mochí.
◊ JLTT 486. The accent in Tokyo must be original, because it differentiates the word
from mòchi ‘rice cake’ ( < *mtí); elsewhere the two accent patterns have merged.
‖ The root must have denoted some kind of sticky plant substance.
*ńỺjVrV - *ńỺjVrV
1023
-ńỺjVrV ( ~ -g-, -ŕ-) gland: Tung. *ńeru / *ńiru; Mong. *nojir; Jpn.
*múrá-ua.
PTung. *ńeru / *ńiru 1 gland 2 spleen (1 железа 2 селезенка): Evk.
ńerun (dial. ńaru, ńiru) 1, 2; Evn. ńiruń 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 654.
PMong. *nojir pancreas (поджелудочная железа): WMong. nojir (L
589: “fat adhering to the intestines”); Kh. nojr; Bur. nojr; Kalm. nör
(КРС).
PJpn. *múrá-túa kidney (почка): OJpn. muratwo; MJpn. múrádó.
◊ JLTT 488.
‖ ТМС 1, 654. Mong. reflects a dissimilation *ńỺjVrV > *nVjrV. The
vocalism is not quite certain because of the variation in TM reflexes.
Ŋ
-ŋa 1st person pronoun (oblique stem?): Mong. *na-m-; Jpn. *a-; Kor. *nà.
PMong. *na-m- 1st Sg. ps. pronoun (obl. cases) (мест. 1-го лица (в
косв. пад.)): MMong. nad-, namaj (IM), nid-, nad-, namaj (MA); WMong.
nad-, namaji (Poppe, 1955); Kh. nad-, namaj(g); Bur. nam-, namā(ji); Kalm.
nan-, namǟ(g); Ord. nada, namǟ; Mog. nan-, namɛi (Acc.).; Dag. nam- (MD
194); Dong. (na)ma-, nami; Bao. nād-; Mongr. nd-.
PJpn. *a- 1st p. pron. (местоим. 1 лица): OJpn. a-.
◊ This pronoun (as shown, e.g. in Itabashi 1998) could have been used parallelly with
wa-, but differed in that it could participate in compounds (like a-se ‘my spouse’, a-duma
‘my wife’ etc.), which was impossible for wa. This may indicate that the original function
of *a was ‘oblique stem of the 1st p. pr.’.
PKor. *nà I (я): MKor. nà; Mod. na.
◊ Nam 85, KED 284.
‖ SKE 156, АПиПЯЯ 296. The root serves as oblique stem in Mong.,
which may have been its original function; traces of it may be also discovered in OJ, see above.
-ŋli hand: Tung. *ŋāla; Turk. *el, -ig.
PTung. *ŋāla hand (рука): Evk. ŋāle; Evn. ŋāl; Neg. ŋāla, ŋala; Man.
gala; SMan. Galə (68); Jurch. ŋa-la (504); Ul. ŋāla; Ork. ŋāla; Nan. ŋāla,
ŋala, nala; Orch. ŋāla, ŋala; Ud. ŋala; Sol. nāla, nāli.
◊ ТМС 1, 656-657.
PTurk. *el, -ig hand (рука): OTurk. elig (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
elig (MK); Tur. el; Gag. jeĺ; Az. äl; Turkm. el; Sal. el; Khal. äl; MTurk. el,
elig (Abush., MA, Бор. Бад., Sangl.); Uzb. ilik (arch.); Uygh. ilik (dial.);
SUygh. ɨlɨɣ; Shr. ilik (Верб.), ilgilik ‘mitten’; Tof. eldik ‘mitten’; Chuv. alъ;
Yak. ilī, elī; Dolg. ilī.
◊ VEWT 39, EDT 140-1, ЭСТЯ 1, 260-261, Лексика 251, Егоров 24, Stachowski
125-126.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 17, 47, 282; Дыбо 316, Лексика 251-252. A Turk.-Tung.
isogloss.
-ŋalma a biting insect: Tung. *ŋalma-; Jpn. *àmû.
PTung. *ŋalma- mosquito (комар): Evk. ŋanmakta; Neg. ŋanmakta;
Man. Galman; SMan. Galəmən (2259); Ul. Galmaqta, Garmaqta; Ork. nal-
*ŋnsa - *ŋăńa
1025
maqta, ŋalmaqta; Nan. Garmaqta; Orch. gamakta; Ud. ŋamakta; Sol. namakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 657.
PJpn. *àmû gad-fly (овод, слепень): OJpn. amu; MJpn. àbú; Tok. ábu;
Kyo. àbû; Kag. abú.
◊ JLTT 376.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 81. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ŋnsa debt: Tung. *nāŋsa; Turk. *asɨg; Jpn. *nàs-.
PTung. *nāŋsa debt (долг): Evn. nān; Neg. nāŋna; Man. nasχun ‘favourable occasion’; SMan. nasəhun ‘opportunity, chance’ (2652); Ul.
naŋda; Ork. naŋda; Nan. naŋda; Orch. naŋna; Ud. naŋda.
◊ ТМС 1, 582-583, 586. Man. > Dag. nasgun (Тод. Даг. 156).
PTurk. *asɨg profit (прибыль, выгода): OTurk. asɨɣ (OUygh.);
Karakh. asɨɣ (MK, KB); Tur. asɨ; MTurk. asɨ (IM), assɨɣ (Houts.); Uzb.
dial. as gör- ‘to help’; Uygh. dial. assɨ; Chuv. ozъ; Yak. as.
◊ VEWT 29, ЭСТЯ 1, 196-197, Егоров 277, Федотов 2, 290-291, Лексика 344. Turk. >
Mong. asiɣ > Man. ajsi (TMN 2, 58-59, Щербак 1997, 102).
PJpn. *nàs- to pay back a debt (возвращать долг): MJpn. nas-; Tok.
nás-; Kyo. nàs-; Kag. nàs-.
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms underwent a metathesis (frequent for
roots with two nasals): *nāŋsa < *ŋānsa.
-ŋăńa clear sky: Tung. *ńaŋńa; Turk. *ańaŕ; Jpn. *àmâi.
PTung. *ńaŋńa clear sky (ясное небо): Evk. ńaŋńa; Evn. ńanịn; Neg.
ńaŋńa; Man. ńaŋńa; Ork. nāŋna; Orch. ńaŋńa; Ud. ńaŋńa.
◊ ТМС 1, 634. Cf. also *ńaŋ-ma- ( > *ńamŋa-) ‘to become clear (of sky); to appear (of
hoar-frost)’ (ТМС 1, 632, 633).
PTurk. *ańaŕ clear sky; frost (ясное небо; мороз): OTurk. ajaz
(OUygh.); Karakh. ajas (MK); Tur. ajaz; Gag. ajaz; Az. ajaz; Turkm. ajaz;
Khal. hajāz; MTurk. ajaz (Sangl.), ajaz, ajas (CCum.); Uzb. ajɔz; Uygh.
ajaz; Krm. ajaz/s; Tat. ajaz; Bashk. ajaδ; Kirgh. ajaz; Kaz. ajaz; KBalk. ajaz;
Kum. ajaz; Nogh. ajaz; SUygh. ajas; Khak. ajas; Shr. ajas; Oyr. ajas; ajɨz
(dial.); Tv. ajas; Chuv. ojar.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 102-3, VEWT 11, TMN 2, 170, Лексика 13, Федотов 2, 298. A different suffixation is seen in Tur. (dial.) ajam, Kaz., Kirgh. ajɨq ‘clear (weather’). A derivative *ań-gɨŕ(pointing to original *-ń-) is found in Kaz. aŋɨzaq, Turkm. aŋzaq ‘cold with dry wind’ (see
ЭСТЯ ibid.).
PJpn. *àmâi sky; rain (небо; дождь): OJpn. ame; MJpn. àmè; Tok.
áme; Kyo. àmê; Kag. amé.
◊ JLTT 381.
‖ Дыбо 11. In TM one has to suppose a metathesis (typical for roots
with two nasals): *ńaŋńa < *ŋań-ŋa.
1026
*ŋńì - *ŋḕlu
-ŋńì to take smb. with (oneself): Tung. *ŋāni-; Mong. *naji-; Jpn. *ìmuà;
Kor. *nīń-.
PTung. *ŋāni- to fetch, go to take smth. or smb. (пойти, чтобы принести что-л.): Ul. ŋan-ǯụ-; Nan. ŋānị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 657.
PMong. *naji- 1 friendship 2 accord; feast 3 to be combined, unite (1
дружба 2 согласие; праздник, пир 3 объединяться): MMong.
naira-qui ‘debt, justice, right’ (HY 49); WMong. nai 1 (L 558), najir 2, najira- 3 (L 559); Kh. naj 1, najr 2, najra- 3; Bur. najr 2, najral ‘harmony’;
Kalm. nǟ 1, nǟr 2, nǟr- 3; Ord. nǟ ‘marque d’amitié’, nǟr 2, nǟra- ‘be
friends’; Dag. ńara- ‘to love, be attached’ (Тод. Даг. 156).
◊ KW 273, 274. Mong. > Man. nara- ‘to be attached’.
PJpn. *ìmuà beloved, friend (любимая, подруга): OJpn. imwo;
MJpn. ìmò; Tok. imōtó “younger sister”, imo-se “consorts”; Kyo. ímṓtó;
Kag. imōtó.
◊ JLTT 423.
PKor. *nīń- to combine, continue (соединять, продолжать): MKor.
nīń-; Mod. īt- [is-].
◊ Nam 127, KED 1369.
‖ See also Robbeets 2000, 110.
-ŋḕlu fright, be afraid: Tung. *ŋēle-; Turk. *jAl-; Jpn. *ùrà-m-; Kor.
*nōr-ra-.
PTung. *ŋēle- to be scared, frightened (бояться, пугаться): Evk.
ŋēle-; Evn. ŋēl-; Neg. ŋēle-; Man. gele-; SMan. gelə- (1886); Ul. ŋele-; Ork.
ŋēle-; Nan. ŋele-; Orch. ŋēle-; Ud. ŋele-; Sol. nēle-.
◊ ТМС 1, 667-669.
PTurk. *jAl- 1 to be afraid 2 to suspect, slander 3 slander (1 бояться
2 подозревать, клеветать 3 клевета): OTurk. jala 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
jala- 2, jala 3 (MK); Tur. jɨl- 1, Osm. jal-; MTurk. jala 3 (MKypch. CCum.); Tat. jala 3; Bashk. jala 3; Kirgh. ǯala 3, ǯala- 2; Kaz. žala 3;
KKalp. žala 3; Nogh. jala 3; Oyr. d’ala ‘fine, charge’; Yak. jula 3.
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 918-919, ЭСТЯ 4, 87, Федотов 2, 483.
PJpn. *ùrà-m- to resent, regret (обижаться, сожалеть): OJpn.
uramu-; MJpn. ùràm-; Tok. urám-; Kyo. úrám-; Kag. ùràm-.
◊ JLTT 779. Cf. also *ùriàp-, OJ urep- ‘to grieve’.
PKor. *nōr-ra- be startled, frightened, terrified (пугаться): MKor.
nōrrá-; Mod. nolla-.
◊ Liu 158, KED 348.
‖ Menges 1984, 279-280 (Kor.-TM). Despite Doerfer MT 21, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. gelme- (which, despite Poppe 25 and
АПиПЯЯ 18, is probably unrelated at all).
*ŋḗni - *ŋḗnu
1027
-ŋḗni to go (down, away): Tung. *ŋene-; Mong. *neɣü-; Turk. *ēn-; Jpn.
*ín-; Kor. *nàń(ắ-).
PTung. *ŋene- to go, walk (идти, ходить): Evk. ŋene-; Evn. ŋen-;
Neg. ŋene- / gene-; Man. genu- ‘to go together’; SMan. genə- (1171);
Jurch. ŋe-ne-xie (713); Ul. ŋene-; Ork. ŋene-; Nan. ene-; Orch. ŋene-; Ud.
ŋene-; Sol. nene-.
◊ ТМС 1, 669-671.
PMong. *neɣü- to roam, migrate, nomadize (странствовать, кочевать): MMong. ne’utke ‘to change a place’ (HY 40), ne’u-, nou’u- (SH),
nū- (IM); WMong. negü- (L 569); Kh. nǖ-; Bur. nǖ-; Kalm. nǖ-; Ord. nǖ-;
Mog. nɔu- (Weiers); Dag. neu- (Тод. Даг. 157, MD 198); S.-Yugh. nǖ-.
◊ KW 282, MGCD 520. Mong. neɣü- > Man. neo-, see Poppe 1966, 192, Rozycki 162;
Mong. neɣü-lge ‘migration’ > Evk. nulgī etc. (see ТМС 1, 609-610).
PTurk. *ēn- to go down (спускаться, идти вниз): OTurk. en- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. en- (MK); Tur. in-, dial. en-; Gag. jin-; Az. en-; Turkm.
īn-; Khal. n-; MTurk. en- (MA, IM, Pav. C.); Krm. en-; Tat. in-, iŋ-;
Bashk. in-; Kaz. en-, dial. eŋ-; KKalp. en-; Kum. in-; Nogh. en-; Khak. in-;
Shr. en-; Oyr. en-; Chuv. an-; Yak. enie.
◊ VEWT 43, ЭСТЯ 1, 353-354, Егоров 26.
PJpn. *ín- to go, leave (уходить): OJpn. in-; MJpn. ín-.
◊ JLTT 697.
PKor. *nàń(ắ)- to go, move forward (идти, двигаться вперед):
MKor. nās- (nań-), nań-, nàńắ-; Mod. nāt- [nas-], naa-ka-.
◊ Nam 89, 99, 101, KED 292, 311.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 72, 292, Дыбо 13. Mong. *neɣü- < *ŋeŋü- < *ŋenü-.
-ŋḗnu to attack, tease: Tung. *ŋen-; Mong. *naŋ-si-; Turk. *jān(u)-; Jpn.
*una-kas-.
PTung. *ŋen- to attack, fight (нападать, драться, убивать): Evk.
ŋen-či-, ńeŋ-; Evn. ńen-; Man. ne-či-; Ud. ŋeneusi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 653, 671.
PMong. *naŋ-si- to grumble; to act imprudently, foolishly (ворчать,
жаловаться; действовать глупо, опрометчиво): WMong. naŋsi- (L
564); Kh. nanši-; Kalm. naŋši- ‘to talk nonsense, twaddle’; Ord. naŋši‘gronder’.
◊ KW 272.
PTurk. *jān(u)- to threaten (угрожать): OTurk. jan- (OUygh.);
Karakh. jan- (MK); Gag. jān-; Az. janɨ- (dial.); Turkm. jān-ǯa- ‘to reproach’; Uzb. jan-; Uygh. ǯonu-; Tat. jana-, dial. janu-; Bashk. jana-;
KBalk. žan-, žaŋ-, ǯanɨ-, zanɨ-; Yak. sān-.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 942, ЭСТЯ 4, 114, Лексика 564. Turk. > WMong. ǯanu-, Kalm. zan(KW 466). The Turkm. form is related to *jenč- ‘crush’ in ЭСТЯ 185; the latter has also a
variant *janč-, and the Turkm. form may in fact reflect a contamination of these two roots.
1028
*ŋḕrá - *ŋḕrá
PJpn. *una-kas- to urge, force (заставлять, принуждать): MJpn.
ùnàgás-, únákas-; Tok. unagás-, ùnagas-; Kyo. únágás-; Kag. ùnàgàs-.
◊ JLTT 779 (Martin gives also the meaning ‘bend the neck’, obviously deriving the
form from unag- ‘hang around the neck’ - but, as far as we know, this meaning is not
attested anywhere, and the relationship is not evident at all). Accent reconstruction is not
clear (both high and low tone variants are attested).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 81 (with a different Jpn. form, see under *ánta), Дыбо 15.
-ŋḕrá day, sun, light: Tung. *ŋēr(i)-; Mong. *naran; Turk. *jạr-ɨn; Jpn.
*àrí-; Kor. *nár.
PTung. *ŋēr(i)- light (свет): Evk. ŋērī; Evn. ŋēri; Neg. ŋējin; Man.
gexun; SMan. gūxun ‘bright’ (2050); Jurch. ŋe-xun (736); Ul. ŋegǯe(n);
Ork. ŋegde-; Nan. ŋegǯẽ; Orch. ŋegǯe; Ud. ŋegǯe, ŋei.
◊ ТМС 1, 671-672.
PMong. *naran sun (солнце): MMong. naran (HY 1, SH), narăn (IM),
naran (MA); WMong. nara(n) (L 565); Kh. nar(an); Bur. nara(n); Kalm.
narn; Ord. nara(n); Mog. naran; ZM nārān (19-5a); Dag. nar (Тод. Даг.
156), nare (MD 194); Dong. naran; Bao. naraŋ; S.-Yugh. naran; Mongr.
nara (SM 257).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 500.
PTurk. *jạr-ɨn 1 morning 2 tomorrow 3 next year (1 утро 2 завтра 3
следующий год): OTurk. jarɨn 1 (Orkh.); Karakh. jarɨn 2 (MK); Tur.
jarɨn 2; Gag. jārɨn 1, 2; MTurk. jarɨn 1, 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jarɨn 3 (dial.);
Bashk. jarɨn 3 (dial.); KKalp. žarɨn 3; SUygh. jarɨn 3; Chuv. ɨran 2; Yak.
sarsɨn 1; Dolg. harsɨn 1.
◊ EDT 970, VEWT 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 147-148, Егоров 343, Лексика 80, Stachowski 97.
Räsänen derives the stem from *jar- ‘to shine, glitter’, but this is dubious both for phonetic reasons (OT has jaru- ‘to shine’, but jarɨn ‘morning’) and because of external evidence.
PJpn. *àrí- dawn (рассвет, заря): OJpn. ari-ake; MJpn. àrí-ake; Tok.
àriake; Kyo. áríáké; Kag. ariaké.
◊ JLTT 384. Kyoto accent is irregular, but all other dialects seem to point to *àrí-.
PKor. *nár sun, day, weather (солнце, день, погода): MKor. nár;
Mod. nal.
◊ Nam 95, KED 302.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 86, АПиПЯЯ 295. See SKE 159, EAS 75 (Mong.-Kor.);
one frequently links Turk. *jāŕ ‘spring’ (see SKE ibid., KW 272, VEWT
193), but the latter should be separated (see *nŕ[a]); instead it seems
plausible to compare Turk. *jarɨ-n ‘tomorrow, morning’ - see Лексика
80-81. TM *ŋēr(i)- ‘light’ is a perfect phonetic and semantic match and
should be separated from Mong. gere-l ‘light’ (especially because the
rule *ŋ- > Mong. g- is most probably false) - despite KW 134, Poppe 25,
ОСНЯ 1, 228-229, АПиПЯЯ 18, Дыбо 11; on the etymology of the latter
*ŋndó - *ŋaji
1029
see under *gari (despite Poppe 1972, 101, Doerfer MT 21, the TM form
of course cannot be borrowed from Mong. gerel).
-ŋndó dog: Tung. *ŋinda-; Turk. *ɨt / *it; Jpn. *ìnú.
PTung. *ŋinda- dog (собака): Evk. ŋinakin, ginakin; Evn. ŋịn; Neg.
ŋinaxin/ninaxin; Man. indaxun; SMan. jonəhuŋ, inəhuŋ (2177); Jurch.
ŋinda-xiun (147); Ul. ịŋda; Ork. ŋinda; Nan. ịnda; Orch. inaki; Ud. ina῾i
(Корм. 238); Sol. ninaxĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 661-662.
PTurk. *ɨt / *it dog (собака): OTurk. ɨt (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ɨt
(MK, KB); Tur. it (arch.); Az. it; Turkm. it; Sal. išt; Khal. it ; MTurk. ɨt
(Pav. C.); Uzb. it; Uygh. it; Tat. et; Bashk. et; Kirgh. it; Kaz. it; KBalk. it;
KKalp. ijt; Nogh. ijt; SUygh. ɨšt; Tv. ɨ’t; Tof. ɨ’t; Chuv. jɨdъ; Yak. ɨt; Dolg.
ɨt.
◊ VEWT 174, TMN 2, 173-4, EDT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 385, Егоров 83, Лексика 188, Stachowski 262.
PJpn. *ìnù dog (собака): OJpn. inu; MJpn. ìnù; Tok. inú; Kyo. ínù;
Kag. ínu ( = íŃ).
◊ JLTT 425.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 49, 72, 101, 274, Дыбо 9, Лексика 189.
-ŋàbi deceased, funeral: Tung. *ŋiabi; Turk. *jẹbe-; Jpn. *m ( ~ *muà).
PTung. *ŋiabi 1 deceased person 2 invisible person 3 to bury (1 покойник 2 невидимка (о шамане) 3 хоронить): Evk. ŋwi 1; Evn. ŋebi 2;
Ul. ńewu- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 658.
PTurk. *jẹbe- 1 cemetery, grave 2 soul of the deceased 3 ghost 4 funeral (1 кладбище, могила 2 душа умершего 3 дух, привидение 4
похороны): SUygh. ever 2; Khak. nebeg 1, ibərəg 4; Tv. čeveg 1; Chuv.
śъₙva 1; Yak. sibien 3.
◊ VEWT 197.
PJpn. *m ( ~ *muà) funeral, mourning (похороны, траур): OJpn.
m(w)o; MJpn. mò; Tok. mò; Kyo. mó; Kag. mó.
◊ JLTT 484. Modern dialects point rather to *m.
‖ Дыбо 15.
-ŋaji ( ~-e) lower side: Tung. *ŋia-; Turk. *ej-; Kor. *nằrí-.
PTung. *ŋia- lower, closer to the shore (нижний, близкий к берегу): Evk. ŋ-ɣū; Evn. ŋ-la; Neg. nwụ / ŋwụ; Man. wa-la; Ul. wajị; Ork.
ŋoị; Nan. waj-la, ŋoj-la; Orch. ŋǟa-la; Ud. ŋeä-la; Sol. nēx ‘shore’.
◊ ТМС 1, 658-660. Man. > Dag. wala (Тод. Даг. 129).
PTurk. *ej- lower side (нижняя сторона): Chuv. aj.
◊ A Chuvash isolate (see VEWT 38, Федотов 1, 28), but having probable external
parallels.
PKor. *nằrí- to go down (опускаться): MKor. nằrí-; Mod. näri-.
1030
*ŋàkča - *ŋŋe
◊ Nam 92, KED 320.
‖ See SKE 161 (Kor. nằrí- = TM *ŋia-la-). Vocalism is not quite certain
because of contractions.
-ŋàkča nose, part of nose: Tung. *ŋiaksa, *ŋiaksi-n; Mong. *nagčar-kaji;
Kor. *nằčh.
PTung. *ŋiaksa, *ŋiaksi-n nose (нос): Evn. ńs, ŋs; Neg. ńasin
‘bear’s nose’; Ul. waqsa; Ork. naqsa; Nan. ŋoqso (dial.); Orch. ŋikso; Ud.
ŋühö; Sol. nnča.
◊ ТМС 1, 587, 636. Cf. also Evn. ńịqlčan, Neg. ńexilče ‘nose bridge’. ТМС 1, 637.
PMong. *nagčar-kai back of nose (спинка носа): WMong. naɣčarqai;
Kh. nagčirxaj; Bur. nagsagar ‘flat-nosed’; Kalm. nakcrxǟ.
◊ KW 270.
PKor. *nằčh face (лицо): MKor. nằčh, nằs; Mod. nat [načh].
◊ Nam 100, 101, KED 313.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 293.
-ŋk῾u dog, wolf: Tung. *ŋōKe; Mong. *nokaj; Turk. *eker; Kor.
*nəkori.
PTung. *ŋōKe 1 sable 2 male (of dog, wolf, fox) 3 wolf 4 racoon (1
соболь 2 самец (собаки, волка, лисы) 3 волк 4 енот): Evk. ńēkē 1; Evn.
ŋȫke 2; Man. ńoxe 3, nuxere ‘puppy’; SMan. juxə, juxu 3 (2204); Nan.
naoto 4 ( < *ŋoke-tu); Orch. ŋöksjö 3; Ud. nautu 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 587, 651, 665, 606.
PMong. *nokaj dog (собака): MMong. noxai (HY 11), noqai (SH),
noɣaj (IM), nuqaj (MA); WMong. noqai (L 592); Kh. noxoj; Bur. noxoj;
Kalm. noxǟ, noxā; Ord. noxȫ; Mog. noqɛi; ZM noqei (21-5); Dag. nogo,
nogu, nog (Тод. Даг. 158) nohe (MD 200); Dong. noGi, noɣəi; Bao. noGui;
S.-Yugh. noxGui; Mongr. noxwə (SM 282), noxui (Huzu).
◊ KW 278, MGCD 513, TMN 1, 520.
PTurk. *eker hunting dog (охотничья собака): Khal. eger; MTurk.
iger (Буд.); Tat. igɛr (Sib.); Bashk. igɛr ‘a bastard of a wolf and a dog’;
Nogh. eger (Kum.); Shr. eger; Oyr. eger; Chuv. agar jɨtti ( > Hung. agár,
see Gombocz 1912).
◊ VEWT 38, 23.
PKor. *nəkori badger (барсук): MKor. nəkori; Mod. nəguri.
◊ Nam 103, KED 329.
‖ Lee 1958, 115, АПиПЯЯ 18; a different analysis see in ОСНЯ 2,35.
-ŋŋe fir-tree: Tung. *ŋiāŋ-ta; Jpn. *mmì (~-ua-).
PTung. *ŋiāŋ-ta fir-tree (пихта): Evk. ŋāŋte; Evn. ŋāŋt; Neg. ŋāŋta;
Man. wantaχa; Ul. waŋta; Ork. waŋta / waŋịta; Nan. waŋta, dial. ŋaŋta;
Ud. ŋaŋta.
◊ ТМС 1, 657-658. Southern languages show here a w-reflex, typical for *ŋ- before
diphthongs and back vowels, so -ā- in the Northern subgroup must be secondary (a trace
*ŋŏbu - *ŋṑk῾è
1031
of it is perhaps preserved in the Tompon dialect of Even, where the recorded form is
ńaŋta).
PJpn. *mmì (~-ua-) fir-tree (пихта): MJpn. mòmì; Tok. mómi; Kyo.
mómí; Kag. momí.
◊ JLTT 484. The accent reconstruction is not quite certain: Kyoto and Kagoshima
point aberrantly to a high tone, and both accents (mòmì and mómì are attested in RJ).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 81. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ŋŏbu to pour: Tung. *ńiabe-; Mong. *jeɣü-le-; Turk. *ju(b)-; Kor.
*nūb-.
PTung. *ńiabe- to strew, pour (рассыпать): Evn. ńū-; Ul. jeweri-;
Ork. jeweri-; Nan. jeweri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 352, 644.
PMong. *jeɣü- to pour over, strew over (наливать, переливать):
WMong. jegüle- (L 431); Kh. jǖle-; Bur. jǖle-; Kalm. jǖ-, jǖl-; Ord. jǖ-.
◊ KW 221.
PTurk. *ju(b)- to wash; to bathe, to swim (мыть; купаться, плавать): Karakh. ju- (MK); Tur. ju-; Az. ju(w)-; Turkm. juw-; Sal. ju-; Khal.
jū-; MTurk. ju- (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. juw-; Uygh. juw-, juj-; Krm.
juw-; Tat. ju-; Bashk. jɨw-; Kirgh. ǯū-; Kaz. žuw-; KBalk. ǯuw-, žuw-, zuw-;
žūn-; KKalp. žuw-; Kum. ǯuw-; Nogh. juw-; SUygh. juw-, ju-; Khak. čuɣ-;
Tv. čū-; Tof. ču-; Chuv. śu-; Yak. sū-j-; Dolg. hū-j-.
◊ EDT 870, VEWT 209, ЭСТЯ 4, 238, Stachowski 114.
PKor. *nūb- to wash in limewater, bleach (мыть в известковой воде): Mod. nūp- (nuw-).
◊ KED 365.
‖ ТМС 1, 352. It is tempting to compare also Evk. ńewte, Evn. ńewte
‘spring, well’ (*’washing or pouring place’) and perhaps also OJ mjiwo
‘water-way, seaway’ (if mji- is to be analysed as ‘water’, the -wo part
stays completely obscure).
-ŋṑk῾è ( ~ -k-) to rise, elevation: Tung. *ŋōKe ~ *ŋēKu; Turk. *jok-; Jpn.
*k-.
PTung. *ŋōKe ~ *ŋēKu hill, high shore (гора, высокий берег): Evk.
ŋēke, ŋōke, ŋēku.
◊ ТМС 1, 667. Isolated in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *jok- 1 up, above 2 hill, elevation (1 вверх, наверх 2 возвышенность, подъем): OTurk. joqaru 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. joqaru 1,
joq 2 (MK); Tur. jukarɨ 1, jokuš 2; Gag. juqar(ɨ) 1; Az. juxarɨ, dial. uxarɨ 1,
joxuš 2; Turkm. joqarɨ 1; Khal. juqqar 1; MTurk. joqaru (AH), juqar (Pav.
C.) 1, joquš (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. juqɔri 1; Uygh. juqari 1; Krm. joɣarɨ 1, joquš, joqɨš 2; Tat. juɣarɨ 1; Bashk. juɣarɨ 1; Kirgh. ǯoɣor(u) 1; Kaz. žoɣarɨ 1;
KBalk. oɣarɨ 1; KKalp. žoqarɨ 1; Khak. čoɣar 1; Yak. soɣoru, soɣurū ‘South;
centre’; Dolg. sogurū ‘South’.
1032
*ŋōle - *ŋ[u]
◊ EDT 896, 906, ЭСТЯ 4, 213-214, 215, Stachowski 211.
PJpn. *k- to rise (подниматься): OJpn. oku-; MJpn. òkù-; Tok. okí-;
Kyo. òkì-; Kag. òkì-.
◊ JLTT 740. Modern dialects point rather to *k-; *-ə- is reconstructed on the basis of
the caus. OJ oko-s-.
‖ The reconstruction of the diphthong in this root is based on PT *j-:
one should suppose an early development *ŋō- > *jo- in Turkic (which
explains the vocalic reflex). Cf. *úgu ‘up, above’ (which could also influence the Turkic form due to mutual influence of synonymous *jügand *jok-).
-ŋōle red, pink; yellow: Tung. *ŋule-; Mong. *öle; Turk. *Āl; Jpn.
*mùrà-sákì; Kor. *nùr-.
PTung. *ŋule- red, reddish, pink (алый, румяный, розовый): Evn.
ŋule-ńe.
◊ ТМС 1, 666. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *öle having grey spots, variegated (пестрый, с серыми
пятнами): MMong. ole (SH); WMong. öle, öle-gčin; Kh. öl; Bur. üle ‘сивый, сизый’; Kalm. ölə, öləkčn; Ord. ölö ‘grey’.
◊ KW 294, 295, TMN 1, 174-175. Mong. > Oyr. ölö ‘variegated’ etc. (KW ibid., VEWT
371), Man. ulu.
PTurk. *Āl red, scarlet (красный, алый): OTurk. al (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. al (MK, KB); Tur. al; Gag. al; Az. al; Turkm. āl; MTurk. al (Pav.
C., Houts.), al ‘bright red’ (CCum.); Uygh. al; Krm. al; Tat. al; Bashk. al;
Kum. al; Nogh. al.
◊ EDT 120-121, TMN 2, 94-95, ЭСТЯ 1, 125-126. A loanword in Russ. алый.
PJpn. *mùrà-sákì purple; gromwell, purple flower (фиолетовый;
Lithospermum erythrorhizon, фиолетовый цветок): OJpn. murasakji;
MJpn. mùràsákì; Tok. murásaki; Kyo. mùràsákì; Kag. murasakí.
◊ JLTT 488. A compound of *mura ‘*purple’ + saki ‘blooming’.
PKor. *nùr- yellow (желтый): MKor. nùr-; Mod. nurɨ-, norɨ-.
◊ Nam 114, KED 357.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297. Turk. > Mong. al (KW 6, Щербак 1997, 97). The
Jpn. parallel is quite convincing, despite a mismatch in tone (probably
distorted in a long compound).
-ŋ[u] three, thirty: Mong. *gu-; Turk. *otuŕ; Jpn. *mi-.
PMong. *gu- 1 three 2 thirty (1 три 2 тридцать): MMong. xurban
(HY 42), qurban (SH), qorbān (IM), ɣŭrban (MA) 1, qučin (HY 43), qučin
(IM), ɣučin (MA) 2; WMong. ɣurban 1, ɣuči(n) 2 (L 364, 369); Kh. gurav,
gurvan 1, guč(in) 2; Bur. gurba(n) 1, guša(n) 2; Kalm. ɣurwn 1, ɣučn 2;
Ord. Gurwa 1, Guči 2; Mog. ɣurbōn 1; ZM ɣorbn (25-1a) 1; Dag.
guarba(n) (Тод. Даг. 133), guarəb 1, goči (Тод. Даг. 132, MD 151) 2,
guarebe (MD 152) 1; Dong. Guron, Guran 1; Bao. Goraŋ 1, Gob-araŋ 2;
*ŋūja - *ŋŋt῾è
1033
S.-Yugh. Gurwan 1, quǯin 2; Mongr. Gurān (SM 126) 1, xoin (SM 169),
xuǯin 2.
◊ KW 156, MGCD 305. Mong. ɣučin > Evk. gutin, gučin etc. (ТМС 1, 175, Doerfer MT
79).
PTurk. *otuŕ thirty (тридцать): OTurk. otuz (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ottuz (MK); Tur. otuz; Gag. otuz; Az. otuz; Turkm. otuz; Khal.
hottuz, hottuz; MTurk. otuz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọttiz; Uygh. ottuz; Krm. otuz;
Tat. utɨz; Bashk. utɨδ; Kirgh. otuz; Kaz. otɨz; KBalk. otuz; KKalp. otɨz;
Nogh. otɨz; SUygh. otus; Khak. otɨs; Oyr. oduz, odus; Yak. otut; Dolg. otut.
◊ EDT 74, ЭСТЯ 1, 489, Stachowski 197.
PJpn. *mi- three (три): OJpn. mji-; MJpn. mi-; Tok. mí-; Kyo. mí-;
Kag. mì-.
◊ JLTT 482. As usual in numerals, the accent reconstruction is insecure.
‖ ? Cf. also Turk. *üč (*öč) ‘three’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 641-642, Stachowski 254).
The match is somewhat problematic, basically because of the absence
of the TM cognate, shortness of the root and unclear suffixation. The
basic phonological correspondence pointing to PA *ŋ- is, however, observed, and the parallel seems to be worth noting.
-ŋūja smell: Tung. *ŋō-; Turk. *jɨd (?); Kor. *nái.
PTung. *ŋō- 1 to smell 2 smell (1 пахнуть 2 запах): Evk. ŋō- 1, ŋō 2;
Evn. ŋō- 1, ŋō 2; Neg. ŋō- 1; Man. wa 2; SMan. wā ‘smell, odor,
scent’(2456); Ul. wāqolị ‘ferret’; Ork. ŋōkkị- 1; Nan. waŋqolị ‘ferret’; Orch.
ŋōkki- 1, ŋōkulǟ ‘ferret’; Ud. ŋoisi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 663-664.
PTurk. *jɨd smell (запах): OTurk. jɨd (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨδ (MK);
Tur. ij; Az. ij; Krm. ij; Khak. jɨs; Tv. čɨt; Yak. sɨt; Dolg. hɨt.
◊ EDT 883, ЭСТЯ 1, 380-382 (confused with *ɨjs), Stachowski 120.
PKor. *nái smell (запах): MKor. nái; Mod. nä.
◊ Nam 101, KED 315.
‖ The Turkic form may belong here if *-d is a result of dissimilation
(*jɨd < *jɨj) or a suffix.
-ŋŋt῾è root: Tung. *ŋǖŋte; Mong. *ündü-sü; Jpn. *mt.
PTung. *ŋǖŋte root (корень): Evk. ŋīŋte, nīŋte; Evn. ŋŋtъ; Neg.
ŋiŋte; Ul. ŋuiqte; Ork. muikte; Nan. muikte; Orch. ŋiŋte; Ud. ŋiŋte.
◊ ТМС 1, 662. PTM also has *ŋǖŋti ‘heel’ (see ibid.), which may be a historical derivative.
PMong. *ündü-sü root (корень): MMong. undus (’original’) (HY 53),
həndusun (MA); WMong. ündüsü(n) (L 1007); Kh. ündes; Bur. ündehe(n);
Kalm. ündəsn; Ord. öndös, ündüsü; Dag. undus (Тод. Даг. 171), unduse
(MD 232); Dong. undusun.
◊ KW 458, MGCD 693. Mong. > Evk. undehun, see Doerfer MT 128.
1034
*ŋ[V] - *ŋ[V]
PJpn. *mt root, foundation (корень, основание): OJpn. moto;
MJpn. mòtò; Tok. motó; Kyo. mótò; Kag. motó.
◊ JLTT 486.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 39, 92, 291.
-ŋ[V] what, who (interrog. pronoun): Tung. *ŋǖ; Mong. *jaɣu-n-,
*jaɣuma; Turk. *nē; Jpn. *nỼ; Kor. *nú-.
PTung. *ŋǖ who (кто): Evk. ŋī, nī; Evn. ńī, ŋī; Neg. nī, ŋī; Man. we;
SMan. wē (2895); Ul. ŋui, ui; Ork. ŋui; Nan. ui; Orch. ńī; Ud. nī; Sol. nīxẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 660-661.
PMong. *jaɣu-n-, *jaɣuma 1 what 2 thing (1 что 2 вещь): MMong.
ja’un (HY 803), ja’u(n) (SH), jān (IM) 1, jan 1, jamă 2 (MA); WMong. jaɣu
1, jaɣuma 2 (L 424, 425); Kh. jū 1, jm 2; Bur. jū, jūn- 1, jǖmen 2; Kalm.
jun, jūn- 1, jmn 2; Ord. jū 1, jumu 2; Mog. jem(ä) 1; ZM īmä (16-3a) 2;
Dag. jō 1, jm 2 (Тод. Даг. 147, MD 172); Dong. jan 1; Bao. jaŋ 1;
S.-Yugh. ima 2, jān 1; Mongr. jān 1, jama 2, (j)amar ‘comment’ (SM 5,
487).
◊ KW 221, MGCD 742.
PTurk. *nē- what (что): OTurk. ne (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ne (MK,
KB); Tur. ne, neme; Gag. ne; Az. nä; Turkm. nǟ, nǟmä; Sal. ne; Khal. ne;
MTurk. ne (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. ne; Uygh. nä; Krm. ne; Tat. ni, nɛrsɛ;
Bashk. ni, nämä; Kirgh. ne, neme; Kaz. ne; KBalk. ne; KKalp. ne, neme;
Kum. ne, neme; Nogh. ne; SUygh. ni; Khak. nime, ni; nō ῾which’ (*ne-gu);
Shr. nebe ῾thing’, nō ῾what’ (*ne-gu); Oyr. ne, neme; Tv. čǖ (*če-gü), čüve
(*čegü-me); Tof. čǖ, čüme; Chuv. məₙn (metathesis < *ne-me); Yak. tuox
(*suox < *če-gu+ok?); Dolg. tuok.
◊ The earliest PT form must have contained a unique initial nasal (generally nasals
were not allowed word-initially), having yielded specific reflexes in modern languages.
See VEWT 352, EDT 774-5, Stachowski 230-231, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 1, 356.
PJpn. *nỼ what (что): OJpn. nani; MJpn. nàní; Tok. náni; Kyo. nàni;
Kag. náí.
◊ JLTT 493.
PKor. *nú- who (кто): MKor. nú-; Mod. nu-gu.
◊ Nam 114, KED 356.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 55, 81, 104, 278 (with literature). Initial *n- in Jpn. is
probably due to assimilation to the following nasal (the most usual
form is *na-ni); there also exists an interrogative *i- (in *i-ka ‘how’,
*i-n-ture ‘which’ etc., reflecting nasalless *ŋi-. Vocalism in this archaic
monosyllabic pronoun is not quite clear, evidently because of different
suffixation.
*ŋṓjču - *ŋṑla
1035
-ŋṓjču thin, small: Tung. *ŋüši- (*ŋujši-); Mong. *öčü-; Turk. *ōču-; Jpn.
*úsú-; Kor. *nằč-.
PTung. *ŋüši- (*ŋujši-) small (маленький): Evk. nitkūn (dial.); Neg.
ńitkūn; Man. isuxun ‘tiny’; Jurch. osu-wan (669); Ul. ńūči; Ork. nūči; Nan.
nūči; Orch. ŋīči; Ud. ŋič῾a; Sol. nisxũ, nisūx.
◊ ТМС 1, 589-590.
PMong. *öčü- small, little (маленький): MMong. uču(e)gan (HY 52),
učugan, učuge(n) (SH), učkēn, očkeon (IM), učun, učukan, hučuken (MA);
WMong. öčüken, üčüken (L 629); Kh. öčǖxen, öcǖxen; Bur. üsȫ(n) ‘few’;
Kalm. ücǖ(kn); Ord. ečǖken, öčȫχön; Dag. učēk(en), učīken (Тод. Даг. 171)
učēke(n), učiken, ušiken (MD 230, 233); Bao. ǯigaŋ; Mongr. ćōgön.
◊ KW 432, 460, MGCD 154.
PTurk. *ōču- 1 thin, light, easy, worthless 2 youngest 3 to diminish
(1 тонкий, легкий, простой, дешевый 2 младший 3 уменьшаться):
OTurk. učuz 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. učuz 1 (MK); Tur. uǯuz 1; Gag.
uǯüs 1; Az. uǯuz 1; Turkm. uǯz 1; MTurk. uǯuz 1 (Pav. C.); Krm. uǯɨz,
uǯuz 1; Tat. ŭčɨz 1 (dial.); KBalk. učuz 1; Kum. učuz 1; Khak. očɨ (dial.) 2;
Shr. očɨ (Верб.) 2; Yak. uohun- 3.
◊ EDT 32, VEWT 509, 356, ЭСТЯ 1, 567-568, Лексика 339-340. Some Kypch. forms
(Tat. ŭčsɨz, Bashk. ŭshŭδ ‘cheap’) are probably a result of reinterpreting učuz as uč-sɨz
“edgeless” - as a result of late folk etymology.
PJpn. *úsú- thin (тонкий): OJpn. usu-; MJpn. úsú-; Tok. ùsu-; Kyo.
úsu-; Kag. úsu- [= úši-].
◊ JLTT 843.
PKor. *nằč- low, inferior (низкий, худший): MKor. nằs-kāp-, năč-;
Mod. nat- [nač-].
◊ Nam 100, 101, KED 312.
‖ EAS 148, АПиПЯЯ 18, 43, 292; SKE 162-163. Medial *-j- has to be
reconstructed to account for the peculiar vowel behaviour in Mong.
and TM.
-ŋṑla long; extend: Tung. *ŋōli-; Mong. *nolig; Turk. *ula-; Jpn. *nàn-kà-;
Kor. *nắr-.
PTung. *ŋōli- long (длинный): Evk. ŋōnim, ŋōnigdi; Evn. ŋonm;
Neg. ŋonom; Man. golmin; SMan. Goləmin (2409, 2602, 2844); Jurch.
ŋolmi-gi (690); Ul. walmị; Ork. ŋonimi; Nan. ŋonịmị, wonịmị, onịmị; Orch.
ŋońimi, ŋońmi; Ud. wanimi, wańimi; Sol. ninomi, gonóm.
◊ ТМС 1, 664-665.
PMong. *nolig long, boring (долгий, скучный): WMong. noliɣ
(МXTTT); Kh. nolig.
PTurk. *ula- 1 to extend, prolong 2 to attach, join (ends) (1 удлинять, надставлять, продлевать 2 присоединять): OTurk. ula- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. ula- 2 (MK); Tur. ula- 2; Turkm. ula- 1, 2; MTurk. ula-
1036
*ŋònŋi - *ŋṑŕa
(Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. ulä- 1, 2; Uygh. uli- 2; Tat. ŭla- (dial.); Kirgh. ula- 2;
Khak. ula- 1; Shr. ula- 1; Oyr. ula- 1, 2; Tv. ula- 1, 2.
◊ EDT 126-127, ЭСТЯ 1, 587-588. The original meaning was certainly ‘to extend, prolong’ - as seen also from the derivatives *ula-m ‘still more, continuously’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 591)
(whence Mong. *ulam id., see TMN 2, 107), *ula-ju ‘still more, as much as’, *ulag ‘order,
relay, relay station’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 588-590) (whence Mong. *ulaɣa id., see TMN 2, 106, Щербак
1997, 161; with the meaning ‘relay horse’ penetrated into some Ugric languages, despite
Sinor 1965, 312-315 who proposed an opposite direction of borrowing);
PJpn. *nànkà- long (длинный): OJpn. naga-; MJpn. nàgà-; Tok. nagá-;
Kyo. nága-; Kag. náge.
◊ JLTT 836. The Kagoshima tone is irregular.
PKor. *nắr- be extended, extend (растягивать(ся), увеличиваться):
MKor. nắrí-; Mod. nɨl-.
◊ Nam 92, KED 372.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 109, 276. The PTM form should be reconstructed with
*-l- (despite АПиПЯЯ); therefore it belongs here rather than to PT *ȫn-,
Mong. *ön-.
-ŋònŋi straight: Tung. *ŋunŋe; Mong. *üne-; Turk. *öŋ-ed-; Jpn. *ùmà-.
PTung. *ŋunŋe straight (прямой): Evk. ŋuŋne; Evn. ŋūn; Neg.
ŋuńŋe; Jurch. ŋun-du (661).
◊ ТМС 1, 666-667.
PMong. *üne- right, correct (правильный, верный): MMong. unen
(SH, HYt); WMong. ünen (L 1009); Kh. ünen; Bur. ünen; Kalm. ünn; Ord.
ünen; Dag. unen (Тод. Даг. 171, MD 232); Mongr. nem ‘prix, valeur, bon
prix’ (SM 269).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 695. Mong. > Evk. unērē etc., see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 218.
PTurk. *öŋ-ed- 1 to tune (an instrument) 2 to recuperate 3 to remedy (1 настраивать (инструмент) 2 выздоравливать 3 лечить):
OTurk. öŋed- 2, öŋedtür- (caus.) 3 (OUygh.); Kirgh. öŋde- 2; Kaz. öŋde- 2;
KKalp. öŋde- 2; Chuv. (Anatri) əner- 1.
◊ EDT 179, 182, Егоров 64, Мудрак 135. Федотов 1, 153 compares the Chuv. form
with OT oŋar- ‘to correct’, which is phonetically worse.
PJpn. *ùmà- proficient, worthy; delicious (достойный, удачный;
вкусный): OJpn. uma-; MJpn. ùmà-; Tok. umá-; Kyo. úmà-; Kag. umá-.
◊ JLTT 843.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, Дыбо 12.
-ŋṑŕa to surpass, win, contest: Tung. *ŋōr-ča-; Turk. *oŕ-; Jpn. *àràsuap-.
PTung. *ŋōr-ča- to contest, to wrestle (соревноваться, бороться):
Evk. ŋōrča-; Neg. mōjčan-; Ul. wāča-; Ork. wōto- / ŋōto-; ŋu(r)- ‘to overcome’; Nan. wāča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 665.
PTurk. *oŕ- to surpass, win (превосходить, побеждать): OTurk. oz-;
Karakh. oz- (MK); Tur. dial. oz-; Turkm. oz-; MTurk. oz- (Pav. C., Houts.,
*ŋūja - *ŋje
1037
AH, IM; Uzb. ụz-; Uygh. oz-; Krm. oz-; Tat. uz-; Bashk. uδ-; Kirgh. oz-;
Kaz. oz-; KBalk. oz-; KKalp. oz-; Kum. oz-; Nogh. oz-; SUygh. joz-; Khak.
os-.
◊ See VEWT 367, ЭСТЯ 1, 425.
PJpn. *àràsuap- to contest (состязаться, сражаться): OJpn. araswop-;
MJpn. àràsof-; Tok. arasó-; Kyo. árásó-; Kag. arasó-.
◊ JLTT 676. Kagoshima has irregular tone (àràsò- would be expected).
‖ Дыбо 15. Ozawa 170 compares the Jpn. form with Mong. arča- ‘to
quarrel, fight’, but the latter is rather a reflex of *ēŕa q.v. We should
note that the Jpn. form may also belong to a different root, PA *erV
‘seek, contest’ (a possible Mong.-Turk. isogloss, on which see under *īre
‘reach’).
-ŋūja to be able: Tung. *ŋū-; Turk. *u(j)-; Jpn. *a-.
PTung. *ŋū- 1 to win, overcome 2 to be able (1 победить, перегнать
2 уметь): Ork. ŋū- 1; Ud. ńoni- 2 (?).
◊ ТМС 1, 563, 643, 665.
PTurk. *u(j)- to be able, capable (мочь): OTurk. u- (OUygh., Orkh.);
Karakh. u- (MK); Chuv. -i-/-j-; Yak. uj-.
◊ VEWT 510, EDT 5.
PJpn. *a- to be able, capable (мочь): OJpn. a-; MJpn. a-; Tok. e-.
‖ Cf. also potential forms in Mongolian languages: Ord. -ūn ‘if it is
possible to’, Bur. -ūtaj ‘going to’.
-ŋje long hair: Tung. *ŋūjelse; Mong. *öjekeji; Turk. *öjek; Jpn. *b
(*buà).
PTung. *ŋūjelse 1 hair under the neck 2 tie, scarf (1 волосы под шеей 2 шарф, шейный платок): Evk. mujālle, mūjēlle 1; Evn. ŋöjelrъ ~
möjelrъ 1, ŋȫjeke 2; Ork. ŋīwelte 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 665.
PMong. *öjekej lower part of animal’s belly (нижняя часть живота
животного): WMong. öjekei, (L 633 öjüke); Kh. öjöxij.
PTurk. *öjek part of animal’s skin under the neck or between legs
(подгрудок): Tur. öjek (dial.); Turkm. öjek (dial.); MTurk. öjek (Pav. C.);
Tat. üjäk (R); Bashk. üjsek; Kirgh. ȫk; Khak. ȫk; Oyr. öjök; Tv. öjek; Chuv.
vaja, vaǯa.
◊ VEWT 369-370, ЭСТЯ 1, 515, Лексика 146, 423.
PJpn. *b (*buà) tail (хвост): OJpn. wo; MJpn. wò; Tok. ó; Kyo. ṑ;
Kag. ó.
◊ JLTT 503.
‖ Дыбо 10, Лексика 146, 423. In Jpn. *ua would be expected - which
would yield OJ wo (therefore undistinguishable from *bua or *bə).
*ŋju - *ŋúpu
1038
-ŋju to sleep: Tung. *ŋu(j)a; Mong. *nojir; Turk. *ū-dɨ-, *ū-dɨ-k-la-; Jpn.
*úi-.
PTung. *ŋu(j)a- to sleep (спать): Evk. ńa-sō-, nińa-; Man. nu-nǯi-bu‘to make sleepy’; Orch. ŋua-; Ud. ŋuha-.
◊ ТМС 1, 597, 611, 636, 666 (for phonology see АПиПЯЯ 50).
PMong. *nojir sleep (сон): MMong. nuir (MA), nojir (SH); WMong.
nojir (L 589); Kh. nojr; Bur. nojr; Kalm. nȫr; Ord. noör; Mog. noir, nɛir;
ZM nāʔir (6-5a); Dag. noir (Тод. Даг. 158), noire (MD 200); Dong. no;
Bao. nor; S.-Yugh. nūr; Mongr. nōr (SM 284).
◊ KW 280, MGCD 511.
PTurk. *ū-dɨ-, *ū-dɨ-k-la- to sleep (спать): OTurk. udɨ- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. uδɨ- (MK); Tur. uju-; Gag. uju-; Turkm. ūqla-; Sal.
uχla-; Khal. ū, ‘sleep’ (n.); MTurk. uju- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. uxla-;
Uygh. uxla-; Krm. juxla-; Tat. joqla-; Bashk. joqla-; Kirgh. uqta-; ujqu (n.);
Kaz. ujɨqta-; KBalk. ǯuqla-; KKalp. ujqɨla-; Kum. uju- ‘to stiffen’; Nogh.
ujkla-; SUygh. uzu-; Khak. uzu-; Tv. udu-; Tof. udu-; Chuv. ɨjɣъ ‘sleep’
(n.); Yak. utuj-; Dolg. utuj-.
◊ The form *ūdɨkla- is derived from *ūdɨk ‘sleepy’, derived from *ūdɨ- ‘to sleep’, which
in its turn is derived from *ū ‘sleep’ (preserved in Yak., Dolg. ū, Khal. ū). See VEWT 508,
EDT 2, 42-3, 46-7, 49, ЭСТЯ 1, 579-581, 586-587, Егоров 342, Stachowski 247.
PJpn. *úi- sleep, to sleep (сон, спать): OJpn. wi-na- ‘to sleep’, i
‘sleep, dream’;; MJpn. i-na- ‘to sleep’, wí-nébúri ‘sleep’; Tok. (*i-)ne-; inebúri, ineburí ‘drowsiness’; Kyo. ìnébúrì ‘drowsiness’; Kag. ineburí
‘drowsiness’.
◊ JLTT 697 (ignoring the variant wi-). OJ i and wi- obviously reflect variants of development of PJ *úi.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 50, 101, 280, Мудрак Дисс. 102.
-ŋúpu ( ~ -o-) a k. of clamp: Tung. *ŋubi; Mong. *gub-; Jpn. *úpái.
PTung. *ŋubi 1 saddlegirth 2 rowlock (as a two-pronged fork) (1
подпруга 2 уключина (в виде двурогой вилки)): Evk. ŋuwi 1; Ork.
ŋojo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 664, 666.
PMong. *gub- 1 wooden clamp put on the nose of a young camel;
stick attached to the neck of a dog 2 to put a saddlecloth on the back of
an animal 3 to catch fish with a net (1 деревянный зажим на носу молодого верблюда; палка, прикрепленная к шее собаки 2 класть попону на спину животного 3 ловить рыбу сетью): MMong. xubuči’ur
‘big net’ (HY 21); WMong. ɣubaǯi 1, ɣubči- 2, 3 (L 363); Kh. guvǯ 1, guvči2, 3; Bur. gubša- 3, gubšūr ῾net’; Kalm. ɣuvǯə 1 (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. gupči- (Poppe 1972, 97, ТМС 1, 153).
PJpn. *úpái fish-trap (ловушка для рыбы): OJpn. upe; MJpn. úfé;
Tok. ue.
◊ JLTT 560.
*ŋurV - *ŋsí
1039
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term: as seen from the reflexes, it could denote a device that could snap around some object (a
fish-trap, a clamp, a two-pronged rowlock etc.).
-ŋurV young male: Tung. *ŋur; Mong. *gura; Turk. *urɨ.
PTung. *ŋur male (of small carnivores) (самец (мелких хищников)): Evk. ŋur; Nan. mur.
◊ ТМС 1, 667.
PMong. *gura roebuck (самец косули): MMong. quraltuq ‘Damhirsch’ (SH); WMong. ɣura (L 368); Kh. gur; Bur. guran; Kalm. ɣurə.
◊ KW 155. Mong. > Oyr. quran etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 159-160), Evk. guran etc., see Doerfer MT
79, Rozycki 95.
PTurk. *urɨ male child, son (мальчик, сын): OTurk. urɨ (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. urɨ (MK, KB); Kirgh. urum ‘descendants (us. male)’;
Yak. urtūs ‘boy’ (Пек.).
◊ EDT 197, Лексика 315.
‖ SKE 177, EAS 107. A Western isogloss. See also *gúri.
-ŋsí ( ~ -o-) heel: Tung. *ŋusē-; Mong. *ösügeji; Jpn. *ùsírə.
PTung. *ŋusē- ski straps (ремни, завязки (у лыж)): Evk. ŋusāmne;
Evn. ŋusemne; Neg. musemne; Ork. wēspse; Nan. muesemse; Orch.
ŋusemse.
◊ ТМС 1, 667.
PMong. *ösügej heel (пятка): MMong. osogo (HY 47), osügei (SH),
usegei (MA); WMong. ösügei; Kh. ösgij; Bur. hüjeɨ; Kalm. ösk; Ord. ösögī.
◊ KW 301. Clark 1980, 58 proposes (with doubt) borrowing < Turk. ökče (see s.v.
*p῾ŏk῾i), which is hardly acceptable.
PJpn. *ùsírə after, behind (задняя сторона, после, позади): OJpn.
usiro; MJpn. usiro; Tok. ùshiro; Kyo. ùshírò; Kag. ushiró.
◊ JLTT 564. Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *ùsír, Tokyo - rather to *ùsír.
‖ The original meaning is probably preserved in Mongolian, with a
specialization (’heel’ > ‘heel strap, ski strap’) in TM, and a generalization (’heel’ > ‘back’) in Japanese.
O
-ó this, that (deictic particle): Tung. *u-; Mong. *on-; Turk. *o(-l); Jpn. *-.
PTung. *u- 1 this 2 that (1 этот 2 тот): Man. u-ba 1; SMan. evā (2620,
2884) 1; Ud. u-ti 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 293-294.
PMong. *on- other, different (другой): WMong. ondu, ončuɣui (L
612, 613); Kh. ondō; Bur. ondō; Ord. ondōn; Dag. enčū (Тод. Даг. 140)
‘other’, ondolō- ‘to change’ (Тод. Даг. 159); Dong. doniə; S.-Yugh. ondōn.
◊ MGCD 529.
PTurk. *o(-l) that (тот): OTurk. o-l (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. o-l
(MK); Tur. o; Gag. o; Az. o; Turkm. ol; Sal. u; Khal. , o, ụ-ra; MTurk. o-l
(AH); Uzb. ụ; Uygh. u; Krm. o; Tat. u-l; Bashk. o-šo, u; Kirgh. o-šo; Kaz.
o-l; KBalk. o-l; KKalp. o-l, u-sɨ ‘this’; Kum. o-l; Nogh. o-l; SUygh. o-l, o;
Khak. ol; Oyr. o-l; Tv. ol; Tof. ol; Chuv. vъₙ-l; Yak. ol; Dolg. ol.
◊ VEWT 360, ЭСТЯ 1, 444-445, 456, 492-494, TMN 2, 93, EDT 123-4, Stachowski 191.
The form o is attested later than ol, but it certainly does not mean that it was absent in PT
(despite Clauson).
PJpn. *- a deictic root (this) (дейктическая основа (этот)):
◊ A Ryukyu root: Nase ú-N, Shuri ú-nù, Hateruma ù-nù, Yonaguni ù-nú etc. The form
o-re is attested in OJ as ‘thou’ with a pejorative meaning, whence some modern dialectal
forms (Kagoshima wáí, Shuri ú-nǯú, ʔjā, Nase ʔjá, Hateruma D, Yonakuni ùdà). It is not
quite clear whether it is the same root as Ryukyu *o- ‘this’.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 280. A Korean match (dubious) see in SKE 176.
-obri ( ~ -e) dawn: Tung. *(x)oru-; Mong. *öwr; Turk. *ürüŋ (*örüŋ).
PTung. *(x)oru- to flame up (вспыхнуть): Evk. orumna-.
◊ ТМС 2, 25. Attested only in Evk., with possible parallels in Turk. and Mong.
PMong. *öwr dawn (рассвет): MMong. ur (MA 382); WMong. ör (L
1010: ür, 1014: üür); Kh. ǖr; Bur. ǖr; Kalm. ör; Ord. örö, ör; Dag. ur; Bao.
or; S.-Yugh. ojir; Mongr. ōr (SM 298).
◊ KW 298, MGCD 686.
PTurk. *ürüŋ (*örüŋ) 1 white 2 dawn (1 белый 2 рассвет): OTurk.
ürüŋ 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ürüŋ 1 (MK, KB); Tur. ürün ‘milk, yoghurt’; Khal. hirin, hürün 1; MTurk. ürüŋ (Sangl.) 1; Kirgh. ürüŋ baraŋ 2;
Yak. ürüŋ 1, örüös, ürüös ‘белая кайма на морде’; Dolg. ürüŋ 1.
*óče - *ṓč῾é
1041
◊ EDT 233-4, Лексика 601, Stachowski 253.
‖ KW 298, VEWT 375, АПиПЯЯ 288. A Western isogloss.
-óče late, evening: Mong. *öčüge; Jpn. *s-; Kor. *či.
PMong. *öčüge yesterday (вчера): MMong. ɛčgen (IM), učug (MA),
očigan, očigen ‘recent, shortly’ (SH), očigen ‘recent’ (HYt), hečegen (LH),
hūčken odur (Lig.VMI); WMong. öčigen, öčüg-edür (L 629); Kh. öčigdör,
öcögdör; Bur. üsegder; Kalm. öcgldr, ücgldr; Ord. üčügüdür, čügüdür, čügdür; Mog. čikaudur, uškudur (Weiers), üčkōn (Ramstedt 1906); ZM
očkädur (19-10b); Dong. učuGudu (MGCD fučuɣudu); S.-Yugh. čugdur;
Mongr. ćigu (SM 449).
◊ MGCD 551, KW 302, 460. Some (late) MMong. forms, as well as one of Dong. variants reflect *h- which must be secondary (influence of *hečü-s ‘end’?).
PJpn. *s- late (поздний): OJpn. oso-; MJpn. ósó-; Tok. òso-; Kyo.
ósò-; Kag. óso-.
◊ JLTT 839.
PKor. *či yesterday (вчера): MKor. či; Mod. əǯe.
◊ Nam 365, KED 1135.
‖ Martin 234-235. Cf. TM: Nan. wasoana ‘not long ago’ (see ТМС 2,
295). Kor. ə- is probably a result of secondary assimilation ( < *či or
*ùči).
-ṓč῾é bad, anger: Tung. *(x)uč- ( ~ -š-); Mong. *öče-; Turk. *ȫč; Jpn. *nt-.
PTung. *(x)uč- ( ~ -š-) 1 to take revenge 2 to miss, yearn (1 мстить 2
скучать, тосковать): Evk. učin- 2; Evn. ụčaŋkat- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 296, 297.
PMong. *öče- to take revenge, be inimical (мстить, быть враждебным): MMong. öčeldü- (MA).
◊ MMong. öčeldü- = Turk. *ȫčeĺ(č)- (OT öčeš-), but can hardly be a loan, despite Щербак 1997, 197.
PTurk. *ȫč revenge, anger (месть, гнев): OTurk. öč (OUygh.);
Karakh. öč (MK); Tur. öč; Az. öǯ; Turkm. ȫč; Khal. hǯäš-; MTurk. öč
(AH), öǯ (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọč; Uygh. öč; Krm. öč; Tat. üč; Bashk. üs; Kirgh.
öč; Kaz. öš; KBalk. öč; KKalp. öš; Kum. öč; Nogh. öš; Khak. üs; Oyr. öč;
Tv. öš; Chuv. vəₙǯəₙ; Yak. ös; Dolg. östȫk ‘enemy’.
◊ EDT 18, ЭСТЯ 1, 558-559, Мудрак 54, EDT 18, TMN 2, 134, Stachowski 201. Turk. >
MMong. (MA) öč (see Clark 1980, 52; but not > ös, see s.v. *se!).
PJpn. *nt- 1 to fear 2 to intimidate (1 бояться 2 запугивать): OJpn.
odu- 1; MJpn. ódú- 1, ódó-s- 2; Tok. oji- 1, odos- 2.
◊ JLTT 740, 744.
‖ Mong., Turk. and Jpn. reflect a common reciprocal derivative
*ṓč῾é-ĺV- ‘to be inimical (towards each other)’, on which see above.
1042
*odi - *ge
-odi ( ~ -e) day, time: Mong. *üd-; Turk. *öd.
PMong. *üd- 1 afternoon 2 day 3 evening (1 полдень 2 день 3 вечер): MMong. ude 1 (HY 5), udur (SH, HY 5) 2, udeši (HY 5) 3, ädär, od,
ädor (IM), udēši ‘night’, uder 2 (LH), hudeši (MA); WMong. üde 1 (L 995),
edür (L 295) 2; Kh. üd 1, ödör 2, üdeš 3; Bur. üde 1, üder 2, üdeše 3; Kalm.
üdə 1, ödr 2 (КРС); Ord. üde 1, üdür 2, üdeši 3; Mog. ɔdur, udur 2
(Weiers); Dag. udur 1, 2 (Тод. Даг. 170), üdeši ‘yesterday’, udure 2;
Dong. dur 1, udu 2; Bao. udu 1, udər 2; S.-Yugh. ude 1, udur 2; Mongr.
udur, dur (SM 464) 1, 2.
◊ MGCD 540, 687. Mong. > Manchu uden ‘rest at midday’ (see Rozycki 215).
PTurk. *öd time (время): OTurk. öd (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
öδ(leg) (MK), öδleg (KB); Tur. öjle ‘midday’; Az. öjlä ‘midday’; Turkm.
öjle ‘midday’; MTurk. öj (IM), öjle ‘midday’; Krm. üjlɛ ‘midday’; Tat. öjlɛ
‘midday’; Nogh. üjlɛ ‘midday’; Oyr. öj; Chuv. vara ‘later’.
◊ EDT 35-36, 56, ЭСТЯ 1, 516-517, VEWT 368, Лексика 68-69. Turk. > Hung. idő (<
*öd-eg), see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 1, 189.
‖ KW 455, Владимирцов 153, Лексика 68-69. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. also Mong. udaɣa, Mongor udā ‘time’ (MGCD 666). Nan. udur
‘heat’ may be borrowed < Mong.
-odi ( ~ -e) sexual passion: Tung. *uda-; Mong. *(h)uǯid; Turk. *öd-.
PTung. *uda- 1 pregnant 2 to bear calves 3 first-born child 4 birth
pains 5 placenta (1 беременная 2 телиться 3 первенец 4 родовые муки 5 плацента, послед): Evk. udaja 4, udačān 5; Evn. odandrä- 2; Neg.
odịn 1; Ork. ụdịma 3; Orch. udama 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 6, 248.
PMong. *(h)uǯid sexual passion, lust (сексуальное влечение, вожделение): WMong. uǯid (L 893); Kh. uǯid.
PTurk. *öd- 1 lust, sexual passion 2 to feel lust 3 passion 4 oestrum
(1 половое влечение 2 чувствовать влечение 3 страсть, тоска 4 течка): OTurk. ödlen- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. öδig (MK, KB) 1, öδlen- 2 (MK);
Turkm. öjer- ‘to espouse’ (caus.); MTurk. öδüg (Qutb) 1, öjge (Pav. C.) 4;
Kirgh. (ǯürögün) öjü- ‘to be worried, frustrated’; Khak. özeləs 3; Chuv.
vəₙrge 3.
◊ EDT 50, 58, VEWT 518.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ge lonely, orphan: Tung. *ugī; Mong. *ügej; Turk. *ög-; Kor. *ói.
PTung. *ugī few (мало): Evk. uɣī-kun; Neg. oɣ; Ul. oị; Ork. oji; Nan.
oị; Orch. uji.
◊ ТМС 2, 246.
PMong. *ügej not, without (не, без, не имеющий чего-л.): MMong.
ugai (HY 51, SH), uge’u ‘to be destitute, suffer’ (HY 37), ugej (IM), ugäj
(MA); WMong. ügei (L 997); Kh. ügij, ügüj, -güj; Bur. ügɨ, dial. übej;
*òje - *je
1043
Kalm. ugā, ug; Ord. ügₙī, ugₙī, ügₙē, ugₙē; Mog. ügɛi; ZM gei (27-5a);
Dag. uwei (Тод. Даг. 170), uej (MD 231); Dong. ui; Bao. gi; S.-Yugh. uɣui;
Mongr. ugwī, gwī (SM 468).
◊ KW 446, MGCD 689. Mong. > Evk. ugei, see Doerfer MT 128. The same root (but
with different suffixation) is probably reflected in *öɣe- (MMong. o’er, o’e-sun ‘self’, o’ere
‘other, different’ (SH), WMong. öber, öbesü-ben, öbere, ögere, Khalkha ȫr, ȫsȫ, ȫr, Mongr.
gōro (175)).
PTurk. *ög- 1 unrelated; step-relative 2 other, different (1 неродной;
приемный родственник (пасынок, мачеха) 2 другой, отличный):
OTurk. ögej 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ögej 1 (MK), ögün 2 (KB); Tur. üvej 1;
Gag. jüvä 1; Az. ögäj 1; Turkm. ögej, övej 1; MTurk. ögej 1 (Pav. C.), ögün
2 (Abush.); Uzb. ọgej 1; Krm. ögej 1; Tat. ügi 1; Bashk. ügäj 1; Kirgh. ögej
1; Kaz. ögej 1; KBalk. ögej 1; KKalp. ögej 1; Kum. ögej 1; Nogh. ögej 1;
Khak. ȫj 1; Shr. ȫj 1; Oyr. öj 1; Yak. egian 2; Dolg. egin-egin 2.
◊ EDT 109, 119, VEWT 369, 306, ЭСТЯ 1, 495-496, TMN 2, 159, Stachowski 43 (with
some confusion of the Yakut variants egin, egian and eŋin; on the latter see *eŋ). In Az. one
would rather expect *öjäj; -g- is probably preserved due to dissimilation.
PKor. *ói lonely, orphan (одинокий, сирота): MKor. ói, ói-rằp(-w-); Mod. we, werop- (-w-).
◊ Liu 586, KED 1220, 1222.
‖ Рясянен 1955, 106, TMN 2, 159-160.
-òje to swim: Tung. *ujV-; Mong. *üji- / *oji-mu-; Jpn. *jnk(*juànk-).
PTung. *ujV to swim (of birds) (плавать (в осн. о птице)): Evk.
uju-,uju-kta-; Neg. ojị-jan-; Ork. onnō-; Nan. ońoan-, ojana-; Ud. wujan-,
ujan-.
◊ ТМС 2, 252.
PMong. *üji- / *oji-mu- 1 to sink, to put in in a pot for boiling 2 to
swim (1 погружаться, класть в котел для варки 2 плавать): MMong.
ojna- 2 (IM); WMong. üi-, üjü- 1 (L 999), ojimu-, ojima- 2 (L 604); Kh. üj1, ojmo- 2; Bur. üj- 1; Kalm. ȫm- 2 (КРС); Ord. oömo- ‘to pass the ford’;
Mongr. (w)ī- (SM 484) 1.
◊ Mong. ojimu- > Yak., Dolg. ojmō-, see Kał. MEJ 36, Stachowski 190.
PJpn. *jnk- (*juànk-) to swim (плавать, плыть): MJpn. òjòg-;
Tok. oyóg-; Kyo. ójóg-; Kag. òjòg-.
◊ JLTT 744.
‖ EAS 98, АПиПЯЯ 79, 99, 277.
-je life, age: Tung. *uju-; Mong. *üje; Turk. *öj (?); Jpn. *j-.
PTung. *uju- alive (живой): Man. wei-xun; SMan. veixun (695); Ul.
uju(n); Ork. uju(n); Nan. ujũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 252.
*ójle - *ṓjV
1044
PMong. *üje generation, age (поколение, возраст): MMong. uje
(SH, HYt); WMong. üje (L 1001); Kh. üje; Bur. üje; Kalm. üj (КРС); Ord.
üje; Dag. uje (Тод. Даг. 170, MD 231); Mongr. uje (SM 479).
◊ MGCD 691. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. üje (Stachowski 249). The connection with üje
῾joint’ should be regarded as folk-etymological.
PTurk. *öj (?) time, age (время, возраст): Tv. öj; Yak. öjǖn (dial.).
◊ ОСНЯ 1, 242. The form is poorly attested and rather dubious (the Tuva form may
be < Oyr. öj < PT *öd q. v. sub *odi).
PJpn. *j- to grow old (стареть): OJpn. oju-; MJpn. òjù-; Tok. oí-;
Kyo. òì-; Kag. oí-.
◊ JLTT 740. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular. Final *-ə can be observed in OJ ojo-si
‘old’.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 242, Ozawa 65-66 (Mong.-Jpn.).
-ójle ( ~ -i) small fruit: Tung. *ulīn-kta; Mong. *ölir; Kor. *òijs.
PTung. *ulīn-(kta) wild apple (дикое яблоко): Evk. ulīkta ‘wild apple’, ulukta ‘bird-cherry’; Man. uli ‘pear; rowan’; Ul. unikte; Nan. uńikte;
Ud. uliŋkie; Sol. ulītte.
◊ ТМС 2, 261, 264.
PMong. *ölir wild apple (дикое яблоко): MMong. olirsun (SH)
‘wild pear’; WMong. ölir ‘small apples’ (L 633); Kh. ülir (БАМРС); Bur.
ülir.
◊ KW 300. Cf. *üril (with occasional mixture).
PKor. *òijs plum (слива): MKor. òi’js, oi’jač, oi’jas; Mod. ojat [ojas].
◊ Nam 387, KED 1202.
‖ Дыбо 10. Cf. Turkm. ülǯe ‘cherry’; Kum., KBalk. ülkü ‘bush,
shrub’, Bashk. ölköm id.? Despite Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 217, TM cannot be < Mong. or vice versa. Cf. also *èri, *ùjrV.
-ṓjV to sew, pierce: Tung. *uji-; Mong. *oja-; Turk. *ōj-.
PTung. *uji- to bind, knot together (привязывать, связывать): Evk.
uj-; Evn. uj-; Neg. uj-; Ul. ui-; Ork. uj-; Nan. ui-; Orch. uji-, uju-; Ud.
uji-pti ‘a k. of rope’; Sol. uji-.
◊ ТМС 2, 250-251.
PMong. *oja- to sew, stitch (шить): MMong. oja- (MA, LH);
WMong. oja- (L 606 oju-); Kh. ojo-; Bur. ojo-; Kalm. ujə-; Ord. ojo-; Mog.
wɔja- (Weiers), oī- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. oji-, ojo- (Тод. Даг. 159), oj(MD 201); Mongr. jō- (SM 493).
◊ KW 447, MGCD 526.
PTurk. *ōj- 1 to pick, peck 2 embroidery 3 thimble (долбить, делать
дыру, ковырять): OTurk. oj- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. oj- (MK) 1; Tur. oj- 1,
oja 2; Gag. oj- 1; Az. oj- 1; Turkm. ōj- 1, ōjmaq 3; MTurk. oj- (Sangl.) 1,
ojmaq 3; Uzb. ọj- 1; Uygh. oj- 1; Krm. oj- 1; Tat. uj- 1; Bashk. uj- 1; Kirgh.
oj- 1, ojmoq 3; Kaz. oj- 1; KBalk. oj- 1; KKalp. oj- 1; Kum. oj- 1; Nogh. oj-
*oki - *ṓki
1045
1; SUygh. oj- 1; Khak. oj- 1; Shr. oj- 1; Oyr. oj- 1; Tv. oj- 1; Chuv. ъjъ, ijə
(NW) ‘chisel’; Yak. ojuo-t- ; ojun- ‘to be split off’; ojū ‘picture’; Dolg. ojū
‘picture’.
◊ VEWT 358, 359, EDT 265, 266, ЭСТЯ 1, 425-428, 434, Лексика 98, Stachowski 190;
also a noun: *ōj ‘pit, lowland’ (Tof. (Рассадин 1995) oj ‘brook bed’ etc.; *ōj-ɨk ‘wound; pit’.
‖ EAS 143, KW 447. A Western isogloss. The Turkic and Mongolian
forms clearly point to the original meaning ‘pierce, sew’, so the attribution of the TM form (“to tie, bind”) is not quite reliable. One has to deal
with a possibility that the TM forms, despite their wide distribution,
are actually borrowed from Mong. uja- ‘to tie, bind’ (which cannot be
genetically related to Mong., since the latter goes back to PM *huja- - so
far without Altaic etymology -, with h- well preserved in Southern
Mongolian languages).
-oki to sing, recite: Tung. *(x)og- ~ *(x)ok-; Mong. *üge; Turk. *okɨ-; Jpn.
*uka-ip-; Kor. *o’ăi-.
PTung. *(x)og- ~ *(x)ok- to sing (петь): Evn. oɣt-.
◊ ТМС 2, 5. Attested only in Evn. (Evk. uɣun ‘tale’ is probably < Mong.), but having
probable external parallels.
PMong. *üge word (слово): MMong. uge (HY 34, SH), ugule- ‘say,
speak’ (SH, HYt), eule- (Lig.VMI); WMong. üge(n) (L 996); Kh. üg; Bur.
üge; Kalm. ügə (КРС); Ord. üge; Mongr. uge (SM 467), ugo (Huzu), gule‘parler’ (SM 141).
◊ MGCD 689.
PTurk. *okɨ- to call, read, recite (звать, читать, декламировать):
OTurk. oqɨ- (OUygh.); Karakh. oqɨ- (MK); Tur. oku-; Gag. oqu-; Az. oxu-;
Turkm. oqa-; Khal. họqu-; MTurk. oqɨ- (AH), oqu- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb.
ọqi-; Uygh. oqu-; Krm. oxɨ-, oqu-, oxu-; Tat. uqɨ-; Bashk. uqɨ-; Kirgh. oqu-;
Kaz. oqɨ-; KBalk. oqu-; KKalp. oqɨ-; Kum. oxu-; Nogh. oqɨ-; Yak. oguj-,
uguj-.
◊ EDT 79, VEWT 359, ЭСТЯ 1, 439-441.
PJpn. *uka-ip- to pray to gods (молиться богам): OJpn. ukep-;
MJpn. ukef-.
◊ JLTT 778.
PKor. *o’ăi- to recite (декламировать): MKor. o’ăi- ‘sailors’ song’;
Mod. wē-, weu-.
◊ Liu 577, KED 1221, 1223.
‖ Despite poor representation in TM, the root is well preserved
elsewhere and appears to be well reconstructable for PA.
-ṓki ( ~ -e) to belch, nauseate: Tung. *oKor-; Mong. *ogi-, *ogsi-; Turk.
*ȫk-.
PTung. *oKor- to nauseate (тошнить): Man. oχorša- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 10. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
1046
*k῾à - *òk῾è
PMong. *ogi-, *ogsi- 1 to nauseate 2 to belch (1 чувствовать тошноту 2 рыгать): WMong. ogi- 1 (L 603), oɣsi- 2 (L 601); Kh. ogi-, ogši- ‘to
vomit’; Bur. oxi- 2; Kalm. ogl- 1; Ord. ogši- ‘faire les efforts et produire
les bruits qui précèdent le vomissement’; S.-Yugh. ogiši-.
◊ MGCD 523. Mong. > Tel., Chag. oqɨ-; Uzb. oqči-, Tat. ukšɨ- etc.
PTurk. *ȫk- 1 to belch 2 to nauseate (1 рыгать 2 чувствовать тошноту): Tur. öjür- 1,2; Turkm. ȫge- 2; MTurk. öki- (AH) 2; Uzb. öjĭ- (dial.);
Yak. ögüj- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 503.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 503. An expressive Western isogloss.
-k῾à sharp point, notch: Tung. *ok-; Mong. *oki; Turk. *ok; Jpn.
*àkuàjaì.
PTung. *ok- 1 arrow with wooden head 2 fish fin 3 fishing hook (1
стрела с деревянной головкой 2 плавник (рыбы) 3 рыболовный
крючок): Evk. oki-kta 2; Man. oki jōro 1; Ork. ōqo 3; Ud. o῾ ‘fish gear’
(Корм. 273).
◊ ТМС 2, 9, 10.
PMong. *oki top, tip, edge (верхушка, кончик): WMong. oki (L
607); Kh. o.
PTurk. *ok arrow (стрела): OTurk. oq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oq
(MK, KB); Tur. ok; Gag. oq; Az. oχ; Turkm. oq; MTurk. oq; Uzb. ụq;
Uygh. oq; Krm. oq; Tat. uq; Bashk. uq; Kirgh. oq; Kaz. oq; KBalk. oq;
KKalp. oq; Kum. oq; Nogh. oq; SUygh. oq; Khak. ux; Shr. oq; Oyr. oq; Tv.
o’q; Chuv. oɣъ; Yak. ox.
◊ VEWT 389, ЭСТЯ 1, 437-438, TMN 2, 153, Лексика 577, Федотов 2, 296. Cf. also
Turk. *oklagu ‘rolling pin’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 441-442), Khal. họqlaɣo (derived from ok-la- ‘to roll’ (R
1 1000, Chag.), a denominative from ok ‘wheel axle’ in the Oghuz and Qarluq groups).
PJpn. *àkuàjaì pheasant’s spur (шпора фазана): OJpn. akwoje;
MJpn. àkòjè.
◊ JLTT 377.
‖ Poppe 98, 134, KW 284. The morphological structure of Jpn. is not
quite clear (perhaps some old compound is reflected); this, together
with rather scarce representation in TM, makes the reconstruction not
quite reliable. Note that the Jpn. form may also continue PA *gV q.v.
-òk῾è to grieve, be angry: Tung. *(x)ukt-; Mong. *uki-la-; Turk. *ökün-;
Jpn. *k-r-.
PTung. *(x)ukt- 1 weeping, grief 2 angry 3 to insult (1 рыдание, горе 2 сердитый 3 оскорблять): Man. uqtu 1, uqtun 2; Orch. ukta- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 254.
PMong. *uki-la- to weep, sob (плакать, рыдать): MMong. ukila(MA); WMong. ukila- (L 868); Kh. uxila-.
*ò[k῾]è - *ṓk῾è
1047
PTurk. *ökün- to repent, regret (раскаиваться, сожалеть): OTurk.
ökün- (OUygh.); Karakh. ökün- (MK); Tur. ökün-; Turkm. ökün-; MTurk.
ökün- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọkin-; Krm. ökün-; Tat. ükĭn-; Bashk. ükĭn-; Kirgh.
ökün-; Kaz. ökĭn-; KKalp. ökin-; Nogh. ökin-.
◊ EDT 111, VEWT 370, ЭСТЯ 1, 523-524, TMN 2, 154 (with a quite artificial inner
etymology: medium in -n from *ök- ‘think’? - which in fact is a noun *ȫg, derived from
*ȫ(j)-).
PJpn. *k-r- to be angry (сердиться): MJpn. òkòr-; Tok. okór-; Kyo.
ókór-; Kag. okór-.
◊ JLTT 740. The word may belong here if it is not a secondary development < *əkər‘to rise’.
‖ Cf. *uk῾e (with possible contaminations).
-ò[k῾]è wife, female: Tung. *uKu-; Mong. *oki-n / *öki-n; Turk. *ög (*ök);
Jpn. *ku.
PTung. *uKu- 1 female 2 daughter-in-law (1 самка 2 невестка): Evk.
uku-čēn 1; Evn. uki 1; Neg. uxi 1; Man. uki 1, uxen 2; Ul. we-če(n) 1; Ork.
uwe-če(n) 1; Nan. we-če 1; Orch. wēčke 1; Ud. guasa῾ 1 (Корм. 223).
◊ ТМС 2, 256, 257.
PMong. *oki-n / *öki-n girl, daughter (девушка, дочь): MMong.
okin (HY 29), oki(n) (SH), ugen (IM), ūkin/ukin (LH); WMong. okin, ökin
(L 633); Kh. oxin; Bur. üxin; Kalm. okn (КРС); Ord. oχin; Mog. ukin
(Weiers); Dag. ugin, ujin (Тод. Даг. 170), ujn (MD 231); Dong. očin (Тод.
Дн.); Bao. oken (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. fuun, śun (SM 103).
◊ TMN 1, 167.
PTurk. *ög (*ök) 1 mother 2 sister (1 мать 2 сестра): OTurk. ög
(Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Tur. öke, öge (dial.) 2; MTurk. öke (R.) 2; Uygh. uka,
hükä 2.
◊ EDT 99, ЭСТЯ 1, 519-520, Лексика 300.
PJpn. *ku wife, spouse (жена, супруга): MJpn. oku; Tok. óku-sama,
óku-san; Kyo. ókù-sàmà; Kag. oku-samá.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 31-32, Дыбо 7. Voiced -g in OT is not quite clear;
otherwise correspondences are regular.
-ṓk῾è to put, heap; to give: Tung. *oK-; Mong. *ök-, *ög-; Turk. *ȫk-; Jpn.
*k-; Kor. *ukɨr.
PTung. *oK- 1 to heap up (firewood) 2 to economize, spare (1 складывать (дрова) 2 сохранять, экономить): Ork. okpoụtčị- 1; Nan. okči- 2
(Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 10.
PMong. *ök-, *ög- to give (давать): MMong. ok- (HY 39, SH), ok-su
(IM), ug(i)- (MA); WMong. ög- (L 630); Kh. ög-; Bur. üge-; Kalm. ög-;
Ord. ög-; Mog. ögü-; ZM ug- (40-12); Dag. ug-, uk-, (Тод. Даг. 170), uke
1048
*ōk῾e - *ok῾V
(MD 232), uke-, uku-; Dong. ogi-; Bao. oke-; S.-Yugh. og-; Mongr. uGo(SM 466).
◊ KW 294, MGCD 541.
PTurk. *ȫk- 1 to heap up 2 many (*ȫküĺ) (1 накладывать, нагромождать 2 много (*ȫküĺ)): OTurk. ük- 1, üküš 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
ük- 1, üküš 2 (MK); Tur. ögüš 2; MTurk. ök- 1 (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb.
uj- 1; Tat. j- 1; Bashk. j- 1; Kirgh. üj- 1; Kaz. üj- 1; KKalp. üj- 1; Nogh.
üj- 1; Khak. üg- 1; Shr. uɣa ‘heap’; Oyr. ǖ- 1; Yak. ügüs 2; Dolg. ügüs 2.
◊ EDT 100, 118, ЭСТЯ 1, 620-621, Stachowski 249. Modern forms point rather to *-g-;
reasons for this voicing are not quite clear.
PJpn. *k- to put (класть): OJpn. ok-; MJpn. ók-; Tok. òk-; Kyo. ók-;
Kag. ók-.
◊ JLTT 741.
PKor. *ukɨr to congregate, be numerous (собираться толпой, кишеть, быть в большом количестве): Mod. ugɨl-ugɨl ha-, ugɨl kəri-, ogɨl
kəri-.
◊ KED 1236.
‖ SKE 285 (Turk. : Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 288.
-ōk῾e ( ~ -k-) deep place, place far from the shore: Tung. *(x)uK-; Turk.
*ȫkü; Jpn. *əki.
PTung. *(x)uK- 1 ice-hole, glade 2 river rift 3 river (1 полынья 2 порог на реке 3 река): Evk. uktel 1, uksi 2; Evn. oqāt 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 9, 253, 254.
PTurk. *ȫkü hole in ice (полынья): Tur. öɣü; Turkm. öjü; MTurk.
ökü; Kaz. üki; KKalp. üki; Chuv. vagъ.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 517, VEWT 370.
PJpn. *əki open sea (открытое море): OJpn. okji; Tok. òki; Kyo. ókí;
Kag. okí.
◊ JLTT 505. Original accent not clear.
‖ The parallel seems plausible; the common meaning here may be
formulated as “a place (in the sea or river) distant from the shore”.
-ok῾V coire: Tung. *oxa-; Mong. *(h)ok-.
PTung. *oxa- 1 coire 2 testicles 3 women’s genitals (1 coire 2 testiculi
3 половые органы (женские)): Evk. oko- 1; Man. uχala 2; SMan. uhalə 2
(117); Nan. uxara (dial.) 2; Ud. ua 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 10, 242, 253. Cf. also Ud. ῾oso penis (which can, however, be a borrowing <
Mong. oǯoɣai).
PMong. *(h)ok- coire (coire): MMong. uqa- (MA, IM), həka- (Leid.);
Kh. oxo- (БАМРС).
◊ Initial h- in the Leiden manuscript must be secondary.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
*ŏli - *óligV
1049
-ŏli ( ~ -e) to die; to be hungry, exhausted: Tung. *(x)olbu-; Mong. *öl-;
Turk. *öl-.
PTung. *(x)olbu- soul of the dead; shadow (душа умершего; тень):
Evk. elbu, olbu-n.
◊ ТМС 2, 445. Attested only in Evk., with probable parallels in Turkic and Mongolian.
PMong. *öl- 1 to be hungry 2 hungry (1 быть голодным 2 голодный): MMong. oles- (HY 25, SH), əleso- (IM), uläs- (MA) 1, uləs- (LH),
ulūs- (Lig.VMI); WMong. ölüs- 1, ölüŋ 2 (L 634); Kh. öls- 1, ölön 2; Bur.
üld- 1, ülen 2; Kalm. öls- 1; Ord. ölödö- 1, öl ‘hunger’; Mog. üläsu-; ZM
olaṣ (6-2a); Dag. (x)unsu- (Тод. Даг. 171 unsu-, 180 xunsu-), ulese- 1 (MD
232), ulsu- 1; Dong. oliesu- 1; Bao. olos-, oləs- 1; S.-Yugh. öl ‘hunger’;
Mongr. losə- (SM 226) 1.
◊ KW 295, MGCD 541, 542.
PTurk. *öl- 1 to die 2 (*öl-tür-) to kill (1 умирать 2 (*öl-tür-) убивать): OTurk. öl- 1 (Yen., OUygh.), ölür- 2 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. öl- 1 (MK, KB), öldür- 2 (MK, KB); Tur. öl- 1, öldür- 2; Gag. jöl- 1,
öldür- 2; Az. öl- 1, öldür- 2; Turkm. öl- 1, öldür- 2; Sal. ül- 1, üldyr- 2; Khal.
hil-/he.l-, öl- ‘to die (of animals)’ ( < Az.); MTurk. öl- 1 (Sangl.), ölür- 2
(Abush.), öltür- 2 (Abush.); Uzb. ụl-, ụldir- 2; Uygh. öl- 1, öltür- 2; Krm.
oĺ- 1, oĺder- 2; Tat. ül- 1, üter- 2; Bashk. ül- 1, ülter- 2; Kirgh. öl- 1, öltür- 2;
Kaz. öl- 1, öltir- 2; KBalk. öl- 1, öltür- 2; KKalp. öl- 1, öltir- 2; Kum. öl- 1,
öltür- 2; Nogh. öl- 1, öltir- 2; SUygh. jül- 1, jülɨr- 2; Khak. öl- 1, öder- 2;
Shr. öl- 1, ödür- 2; Oyr. öl- 1, öltür- 2; Tv. öl- 1, ölür- 2; Tof. öl- 1, ölür- 2;
Chuv. vil- 1, vəₙler- 2; Yak. öl- 1, ölör- 2; Dolg. öl- 1, ölör- 2.
◊ VEWT 371; ЭСТЯ 1, 525-527, TMN 2, 112, 162-3; EDT 125-126, 133-134, 151, Stachowski 199.
‖ A Western isogloss. See EAS 146, KW 295, Poppe 108 (but the Evk.
form that he lists is probably < Mong.), TMN 2, 112, АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 13; see further Nostratic parallels (Ural. *welV et al.) in МССНЯ, 367.
-óligV ( ~ u-) female (of animals), pig: Tung. *uligan; Mong. *ölögčin;
Turk. *Vlagŕɨn.
PTung. *uligan pig (свинья): Neg. olgịn; Man. ulǵan; SMan. vələǵan
(2195); Jurch. ulhian (162); Ul. orgị(n); Ork. orgị(n); Nan. olgịã; Ud. wagê;
Sol. ulg.
◊ ТМС 2, 259.
PMong. *ölögčin female (of animals), bitch (самка (животных), сука): WMong. ölögčin (L 634: ölügčin); Kh. ölögčin; Bur. ülegšen; Kalm.
öləgčn (КРС); Ord. ölögčin; S.-Yugh. lögčin.
◊ MGCD 543.
PTurk. *Vlagŕɨn pig, swine (свинья): OTurk. (ɨ)laɣzɨn (Orkh. - a cyclical sign), laɣzɨn (OUygh.).
1050
*olu - *ṑlu
◊ EDT 764.
‖ A Western isogloss. Somewhat dubious because of the possibly
borrowed nature of the OT word.
-olu to be startled, annoyed: Tung. *ola-; Mong. *(h)ul-, *(h)ül-; Turk.
*ol-; Jpn. *uru-sa-.
PTung. *ola- to be afraid, startled (бояться, пугаться): Evk. olo-; olbon- ‘to be bored’; Evn. ol-; olbān- ‘to be bored’; Neg. olo-ldo-; Man.
oli-χa-; Jurch. ol-ɣu-hun (673) ‘weak’; Ul. olo-; Ork. olo-; Nan. olo-,
olɣamsaq ‘fainted’; Orch. olo-; Sol. olo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 12, 15.
PMong. *(h)ul-, *(h)ül- to be weak, dizzy (слабеть, теряться, терять сознание): WMong. ulbuji-, ulbaji- (L 872), ülbüi-, ülbeji- (L 1004);
Kh. ulbaj-, ülbij-; Bur. ulū; Kalm. ulwi-.
◊ KW 449.
PTurk. *ol- 1 skilless, talentless, careless 2 simple (1 неумелый, небрежный 2 простой): Karakh. ulɨn- ‘to be bewildered’ (MK); Az. olmaja
‘an expression of warning, bewilderment’; Kirgh. oldoqson 1, oloq, oloɣoj
‘one-eyed’; Kaz. olaq 1; Khak. olaŋaj 2; Tv. olutpaj ‘lazy’; Chuv. vъₙli-žali
1; Yak. oloj- ‘to make a stupid face’.
◊ VEWT 360, ДТС 609 (EDT 149 only quotes OT ulɨn- ‘to be twisted’ which is probably a different root).
PJpn. *uru-sa- boring, annoying (скучный): MJpn. urusa-; Tok.
urusá-; Kyo. úrúsà-; Kag. urúsa-.
◊ JLTT 843. Accent is not clear: Tokyo points to low tone, Kagoshima - to high.
‖ A common derivative *olu-bV is reflected in Mong. *ul-ba-ji- and
TM *ol-ba-n-.
-ṑlu to be, become; to come: Tung. *ō-; Mong. *ol-; Turk. *ol-ur-,
*ol(u)-tur-; Kor. *ó-.
PTung. *ō- 1 to make; become 2 new (1 делать; стать 2 новый): Evk.
ōmakta 2, ō- 1; Evn. ō- 1; Neg. ō- 1; Man. o- 1; SMan. o- 1 (3018); Jurch.
o-fia (829) 1; Ul. o- 1; Ork. o- 1; Nan. o- 1; Ud. o-, ō- 1; Sol. ō- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 3-4.
PMong. *ol- to find, obtain (находить, получать): MMong. ol- (SH,
HYt), ula- (IM), ul- (MA); WMong. ol- (L 607); Kh. ol-; Bur. olo-; Kalm.
ol-; Ord. ol-; Mog. wɔl-, ɔl-, ul- (Weiers); ZM āl (24-9a); Dag. wal-, ol-, olo(Тод. Даг. 159), ole- (MD 201); Dong. olu-; Bao. ol-, olə-; S.-Yugh. ōl-;
Mongr. ōli- (SM 296), (MGCD ulə-).
◊ KW 284, MGCD 526, 527.
PTurk. *ol-ur-, *ol(u)-tur- to sit (сидеть): OTurk. oltur- (OUygh.),
olur- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oltur- (MK), ol- ‘to be’ (At., IM), ‘to become ripe’ (MK, IM, Bulgat); Tur. otur-; Gag. otur-; Az. otur-; Turkm.
otur-; Sal. oht(ɨr)-; MTurk. oltur- (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.), (?) ol- ‘to
*oĺa - *oĺi
1051
be’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. ụtir-; Uygh. oltur-; Krm. otur-; Tat. utɨr-; Bashk. ultɨr-;
Kirgh. otur-; Kaz. otɨr-; KBalk. oltur-; KKalp. otɨr-; Nogh. oltɨr-; Khak.
odɨr-; Oyr. otur-; Tv. olur-; Tof. olur-; Chuv. lar-; Yak. olor-; Dolg. olor-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 489-492. EDT 125, 331-332, VEWT 79, TMN 2, 358, Stachowski 192. See
also the comments on *bōl- ‘ to be, become’. From the forms phonetically looking like ol‘to be, become’ the only actual reflexes of PT *ol- may be Middle Uygh. (At., Tefs., IM opposed to bar, bir-) and Middle Kypchak (Bulgat, Ettuhf.), cf. ЭСТЯ 2, 186; Chag. olmay as well be < Oghuz.
PKor. *ó- to come (приходить): MKor. ó-; Mod. o-.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1196.
‖ SKE 174, Menges 1984, 281-282, АПиПЯЯ 284. Note the loss of *-lin Kor. and some Turkic forms, which may indicate the original monosyllabic nature of the verb (*ṑl).
-oĺa a k. of grass: Mong. *(h)ulalǯi; Turk. *oĺ-; Jpn. *asi.
PMong. *(h)ulalǯi sedge (осока): WMong. ulalǯi (L 871); Kh. ulalǯ;
Bur. ulalž.
PTurk. *oĺ- a k. of plant (вид растения): Khak. ozɨj ‘волчье лыко’;
Shr. ozɨj ‘волчье лыко’ (Kond.), ɨzɨ ‘чернотал’ (Mras.); Chuv. vəₙldəₙren
‘nettle’.
PJpn. *asi reed, rush (тростник): OJpn. asi; MJpn. ásí; Tok. áshi; Kyo.
àshí; Kag. ashí.
◊ JLTT 385. Original accent is not quite clear: modern dialects point to *àsí, but RJ has
ásí.
‖ A possible comparison, but the Turkic reflexes are rather sparse
and somewhat dubious.
-óĺa ( ~ u-, -) ford, shallow place: Tung. *ola-; Mong. *(h)olam; Jpn. *ásá-.
PTung. *ola- to ford, wade (переходить вброд): Evk. olo-; Evn. olā-;
Neg. olō-; Man. olo-; Ul. onị-; Ork. onno-; Nan. ono-; Orch. olo-; Ud. olo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 15-16. Forms like Evk. olom may be < Mong. (see Poppe 1966, 196).
PMong. *(h)olam ford (брод): WMong. olam (L 609: olum, oluŋ); Kh.
olom; Bur. olom; Kalm. olm.
◊ KW 285. Mong. > Turk., see ЭСТЯ 1, 452).
PJpn. *ásá- shallow (мелкий): OJpn. asa-; MJpn. ásá-; Tok. àsa-; Kyo.
ásà-; Kag. ása-.
◊ JLTT 826.
‖ Poppe 98. TMN 1, 178, Doerfer MT 25, Rozycki 167 consider Mo <
TM, which is dubious.
-oĺi ( ~ -e) chest bone, collar bone: Tung. *(x)uli-n; Turk. *öĺün.
PTung. *(x)uli-n chest, chest bone, collar bone (грудь, грудная
кость, ключица): Evk. ulin; Evn. ölken; Man. ulxun, ulku.
◊ ТМС 2, 261.
*mu - *omuŕV
1052
PTurk. *öĺün 1 shoulder joint 2 shoulder bone 3 chest 4 collar bone 5
shoulder (1 плечевой сгиб 2 плечевая кость 3 грудь 4 ключица 5 плечо): OTurk. öšün (OUygh.) ‘some body part (shoulder joint?)’; Karakh.
öšün (MK) 1; Uygh. (dial.) öšni, öšne 5; Tat. (dial.) üžün 2; KBalk. öšün 3;
Shr. öštü 5; Oyr. öžün 4; Tv. öžün ‘upper arm’; Tof. ö’ün 5.
◊ EDT 263, Дыбо 160, Лексика 241-242. Stachowski 201 compares also Yak., Dolg. öttük ‘hip’ ( < *öĺün-ik).
‖ Лексика 241-242. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-mu hip; back part, buttocks: Tung. *omga; Mong. *(h)omu-; Turk.
*omV-; Kor. *òmìnòi.
PTung. *omga upper part of hip; behind (бедро, ляжка; круп): Ul.
ombo / oŋbo; Ork. omGo; Nan. oŋbo; Orch. ombo.
◊ ТМС 2, 5. Cf. also Evk. omoŋ ‘сало’.
PMong. *omu- 1 large intestines 2 North, back side (1 толстые кишки 2 север, задняя сторона): MMong. umere (HY 50), umer- (SH) 2, umken ‘stomach’ (MA 276); WMong. umusu 1, umara (L 874) 2; Kh. ums 1,
umar 2; Bur. omho(n) 1; umara 2; Kalm. umsn, omsn 1.
◊ KW 286, 449.
PTurk. *omV- 1 bone head 2 head of hip bone 3 hip bone, thigh
bone 4 clavicle (1 головка кости 2 головка бедренной кости 3 бедренная кость 4 ключица): Tur. omaǯa, umača, uma 1; Az. omba 2; Turkm.
omača 3; MTurk. oma, omaǯa (Pav. C.), (MKypch.) 2, omaǯa kemiɣi
(At-Tuhf.) 4; Khak. omɨx ‘knee-cap’ (dial.).
◊ TMN 2, 132, ЭСТЯ 1, 453.
PKor. *òmìnòi buttocks, behind (ягодицы, задница): MKor. òmìnòi.
◊ Nam 380.
‖ PTM and PT probably reflect a common derivative *mu-kV. The
meaning ‘buttocks’ in Mong. gave rise to two widely separated semantic reflexes: a) > ‘large intestine’; b) > ‘back’ > ‘North’.
-omuŕV shoulder, collar bone: Mong. *omur-; Turk. *omuŕ.
PMong. *omur- collar bone, clavicle (ключица): MMong. omori’ut
(SH); WMong. omuruɣu(n), omuruu (L 611); Kh. omrū; Bur. omoŕū(n)
‘грудина (лошади)’; Kalm. omrūn (КРС); Ord. omorū, umurū; Mongr.
muršdaG ‘pomme d’Adam’ (SM 251).
◊ Mong. > Kaz. omɨraw, Khak. omɨrɨɣ etc., see ЭСТЯ 1, 453.
PTurk. *omuŕ shoulder (плечо): Tur. omuz; Turkm. omuz; MTurk.
omuz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọmiz; Krm. omuz; KBalk. omuz; Kum. omuz; Chuv.
ъₙmъₙr.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 453-455, Лексика 240.
‖ Poppe 68, Колесникова 1972a, 93-94, Дыбо 308; Лексика 241. A
Turk.-Mong. isogloss, but, despite Щербак 1997, 129, not a loanword
in Mong. < Turk.
*ṓni - *ṑni
1053
-ṓni high: Mong. *öndü-; Turk. *ȫn-; Jpn. *untu; Kor. *un-tu.
PMong. *öndü- 1 high 2 to rise (1 высокий 2 подниматься):
MMong. undur (HY 52, SH) undus ‘to stay vertically’ (HY 53), undur
(MA); WMong. öndür 1 (L 637), öndeji- 2 (L 636: öndüji-, öndeji-); Kh.
öndör 1, öndij- 2; Bur. ünder 1, ündɨ- 2; Kalm. öndr 1, öndē- 2; Ord. ündür
1, öndī-; Dag. xundur 1 (Тод. Даг. 179), undī- 2 (Тод. Даг. 171), hundere 1
(MD 166); Dong. undu 1; Bao. onder, under 1; S.-Yugh. uŋdur, oŋdur 1,
oŋdö- 2; Mongr. ndur, undur (SM 264, 472) 1.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 545, TMN 1, 178-179. Initial x- in Dagur is quite enigmatic. Cf. also
önör ‘numerous, populous’ (Poppe 69; L 639: önür). Also ondui-, onduɣar (KW 286, L 613);
öŋgei-, öŋgüi- ‘to overhang, jut or project over’ (L 637) ( > Man. eŋgele- id., see Rozycki
70?). Mong. > Man. enduri ‘God’ etc., see Doerfer MT 81.
PTurk. *ȫn- to grow, rise (расти, подниматься): OTurk. ön- (ün-)
(OUygh.); Karakh. ön- (ün-) (MK); Turkm. ȫn-; Khal. hin-; MTurk. ön(Pav. C.); Uzb. un-; Uygh. ün-; Kirgh. ön-; Kaz. ön-; KKalp. ön-; SUygh.
ün-; Tv. ün-; Chuv. əₙn-; Yak. ǖn-; Dolg. ǖn-.
◊ EDT 169, VEWT 372, ЭСТЯ 1, 530-532, Мудрак Дисс. 77, 137, Егоров 40-41, Clark
1977, 161, Stachowski 255.
PJpn. *untu high and respected, precious (высокий, уважаемый,
драгоценный): OJpn. udu.
◊ JLTT 566.
PKor. *un-tu height (of the side of shoes or bowls) (высота): Mod.
undu.
◊ KED 1244.
‖ Владимирцов 164; Ozawa 57-59; АПиПЯЯ 18, 290. Comparison
with Tung. (see АПиПЯЯ) should be abandoned. Ramstedt (SKE 55)
compares Kor. ənč- (MKor. jnč-) ‘to put on the top, place above’ (?),
considering Kor. undu to be a mongolism.
-ṑni ( ~ -e) angle: Tung. *ōn-; Mong. *önčüg.
PTung. *ōn- 1 angle, corner 2 to bend 3 bay 4 cross-roads (1 угол 2
гнуть 3 залив 4 развилок, распутье): Evk. ōnŋān 1; Evn. onịt- 2; Neg.
onŋị- 2; Man. oŋGolo 4; Ul. onǯo 3; Ork. onị 1, ondo 3; Nan. ondo 3; Orch.
ōŋo 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 19, 21-22.
PMong. *önčüg 1 angle 2 back (of axe) (1 угол 2 обух (топора)):
WMong. önčüg 1 (L 636); Kh. öncög 1; Bur. ünseg 2; Kalm. öncəg 1; Ord.
önčök 1; Dag. nōčoko 1.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 546.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
1054
*ṑnV - *óŋdu
-ṑnV ( ~ ū-) to fall, lie: Tung. *ōn-; Mong. *una-.
PTung. *ōn- (to fall) on one’s back (падать навзничь, на спину):
Evk. ōŋkān-; Evn. ōŋqị; Neg. ōŋka-pk; Man. ončoχon; SMan. ončəhən, ončuhun (525); Ul. ōndị; Ork. ōndon; Nan. ōnǯị.
◊ ТМС 2, 21.
PMong. *una- to fall (падать): MMong. una- (MA, SH, LH), on(IM); WMong. una- (L 875); Kh. una-; Bur. una-; Kalm. un-; Ord. una-;
Mog. unō-; Dag. wana- (Тод. Даг. 129), uane- (MD 229), uanə-; Dong.
una-; Bao. nā-, na-; S.-Yugh. nā- ‘to lie’; Mongr. unā- (SM 471).
◊ KW 450, MGCD 674.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Some of the TM forms could have been
influenced by reflexes of *òmke ‘to crawl, move’ (q.v.). In Mong. cf. also
(with a velar suffix) WMong. oŋqu, Kalm. oŋxə ‘head over heels’ (KW
287), Khalkha onxoldo- ῾to fall head over heels’.
-ṑńè ( ~ *ū-, -o) shaman, spirit: Tung. *ūńi-; Mong. *oŋgo-n; Jpn. *nì.
PTung. *ūńi- to shamanize (шаманить): Neg. ūńi-; Ork. ūnǯin-;
Nan. un-; Orch. uńi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 277.
PMong. *oŋgo-n spirit, ancestor spirit (дух, дух предков): MMong.
oŋɣun (HY 31); WMong. oŋɣon (L 614: oŋɣun); Kh. oŋgon; Bur. oŋgo(n);
Kalm. oŋɣən; Ord. oŋGon, uŋGun; Dag. oŋgore (MD 202); S.-Yugh. oŋgo.
◊ KW 287, MGCD 528, TMN 1, 179-181.
PJpn. *nì devil (черт): OJpn. oni; MJpn. ònì; Tok. oní; Kyo. ónì; Kag.
oní.
◊ JLTT 506.
‖ ? Cf. OT oŋužin ‘a k. of devil’; TM *ogiaŋä ‘evil spirit’ ( + Orok oŋdo
id.; < Mong.?).
-óŋdu a k. of small wild animal: Tung. *oŋda; Turk. *utɨŕ; Jpn. *uni; Kor.
*òńắrí.
PTung. *oŋda 1 wolverine 2 seal (1 росомаха 2 нерпа): Man. oŋniqa
1; Ul. oŋdo 1; Ork. onnorị 2; Nan. oŋdo 1; Ud. oŋdo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 20, 21.
PTurk. *utɨŕ otter (выдра): Chuv. ъₙdъₙr; Yak. ɨtɨɨ.
◊ Мудрак Дисс. 145. See under *Kạma a discussion of other possible traces of this
root.
PJpn. *uni sea urchin (морской еж): Tok. úni; Kyo. únì; Kag. uní.
◊ JLTT 563 (original accent unclear).
PKor. *òńắrí badger (барсук): MKor. òńắrí; Mod. osori.
◊ Nam 381, KED 1201.
‖ An alternative match for PT could be Evk. hatala ‘beaver’ (ТМС 1,
384).
*òŋè - *òŋi(čV)
1055
-òŋè exterior, front: Mong. *öŋge; Turk. *öŋ / *oŋ; Jpn. *m.
PMong. *öŋge exterior, colour (внешняя сторона, цвет): MMong.
uaŋgo (= oŋgo) (HY 42), əngin (IM), unke (MA); WMong. öŋge(n) (L 637);
Kh. öŋgö; Bur. üŋge; Kalm. öŋgə; Ord. öngö; Dag. ungu (Тод. Даг. 171);
Dong. ungie; S.-Yugh. öŋgö; Mongr. ngo (SM 293).
◊ KW 297, MGCD 469, 545.
PTurk. *öŋ / *oŋ 1 front, East 2 exterior, color, face (1 перед, восток
2 внешняя сторона, цвет, лицо): OTurk. öŋ 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. öŋ
1, 2 (MK); Tur. öŋ 1; Gag. jön 1; Az. öŋ 1; Turkm. öŋ 1; Khal. ej; MTurk.
öŋ (Abush.) 1, (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. ọŋ 1; Uygh. öŋ 1, 2; Krm. öŋ 1; Tat. uŋ 1;
Bashk. uŋ 1; Kirgh. öŋ 2; Kaz. oŋ 1, öŋ 2; KKalp. öŋ 1, 2; Kum. oŋ 1;
Nogh. öŋ 1; Khak. öŋ 1, 2; Oyr. öŋ 1, 2; Tv. oŋ ‘shape’, öŋ 2; Chuv. um
‘breast’ (if different from om ‘front’, q.v. sub *āl); Yak. öŋ ‘inside of
clothes’, 2.
◊ EDT 167-168, VEWT 362, 372, ЭСТЯ 1, 532-535, Stachowski 199-200, Ашм. III, 232.
The words for ‘front’ and ‘colour, face’ are usually treated as different roots (e.g. in EDT,
ЭСТЯ), but it is hardly possible to separate them phonetically (the variants *oŋ and *öŋ
do not seem to be semantically distributed); the semantic shifts (*’front’ > ‘face’ > ‘colour’)
are quite natural.
PJpn. *m exterior, surface, face (внешняя сторона, поверхность,
лицо): OJpn. om(w)o; MJpn. òmò-tè; Tok. omoté; Kyo. ómòtè; Kag. omoté.
◊ JLTT 506.
‖ EAS 154, Poppe 107 (Turk.-Mong.). Щербак 1997, 131 treats the
Mong. word as borrowed from Turk., which is hardly the case. In the
Turk.-Mong. area the root could have interacted with *ŋo ῾right’
(sometimes also acquiring the meaning ‘front’) q.v.; note also the common Mong. derivative eŋge-sge ῾rouge, red paint’ ( < ῾face skin’).
-òŋi(čV) windpipe, part of neck: Tung. *uŋ-se, *uŋnu-; Mong. *öŋgül-;
Turk. *öŋüč; Jpn. *ùnà(-nsi).
PTung. *uŋ-se, *uŋnu- 1 palate 2 sinew in deer’s neck 3 aorta, breast
bone 4 Adam’s apple, craw 5 region under the shoulderblade (1 небо 2
жила в шее оленя 3 аорта, выемка у грудной кости 4 кадык, зоб 5
место под лопаткой): Evk. uŋrēn 2, unŋun 1; Evn. önŋъlъk, uŋne 3; Neg.
ūŋele 4; Ork. uŋele 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 275, 30, 279, 280, Дыбо 138-139.
PMong. *(h)öŋgül- hollow under Adam’s apple (ямка под кадыком): WMong. öŋgölegür (L 638: öŋgelegür); Kh. öŋgölǖr, öŋgölʒǖr; Kalm.
öŋgəlǖr, öŋgllǖr, üŋgəlǖr.
◊ KW 297.
PTurk. *öŋüč larynx, windpipe (гортань, дыхательное горло):
OTurk. öŋüč (OUygh.); MTurk. öŋü-lük ‘нагрудное украшение’ (R);
Uzb. ɔŋgač; Uygh. öŋgäč; Tat. üŋäč; Bashk. üŋäs; Kirgh. öŋöč; Kaz. öŋeš;
1056
*ŋke - *oŋne
KKalp. öŋeš; Khak. ögös; Shr. ȫs ‘грудная клетка’; Oyr. öč, diL. ȫč (Leb.);
Tv. ȫš; Yak. öŋüs, üŋüs.
◊ VEWT 373, EDT 172, ЭСТЯ 1, 536, Лексика 233.
PJpn. *ùnà(-nsi) back of head, nape (затылок, задняя часть головы): OJpn. una, unazi; MJpn. ùnàzì; Tok. ùnaji; Kyo. únájí; Kag. unají.
◊ JLTT 563.
‖ KW 297, Лексика 233.
-ŋke (abundant) food, pasture: Tung. *oŋka; Mong. *(h)öŋ; Jpn.
*nk-r-.
PTung. *oŋka pasture, grass food (пастбище, подножный корм):
Evk. oŋko; Evn. oŋq; Neg. oŋko; Man. oŋqo; Ul. oŋqo; Ork. oqqo; Nan.
oŋqo-; Orch. oŋko- ‘to graze’; Ud. oŋkosi- ‘to graze’.
◊ ТМС 2, 21. Evk. > Dolg. oŋko (see Stachowski 194).
PMong. *(h)öŋ abundant, plentiful (season, place) (обильный, богатый (сезон, место)): WMong. öŋ (L 637); Kh. ön(g); Kalm. öŋ.
◊ KW 297. Yak. öŋ, Kirgh. üŋgü, Kaz. öŋköj are rather borrowed < Mong. than related,
despite VEWT 373.
PJpn. *nk-r- to live abundantly (жить в роскоши, изобилии):
OJpn. ogor-; MJpn. ógór-; Tok. ògor-; Kyo. ógór-; Kag. ogór-.
◊ JLTT 740.
‖ Jpn. ógór- ‘be arrogant’ = Mong. oŋgira- (a variant of the same
root?).
-oŋne same, self; lonely: Mong. *önü-; Turk. *öŋ; Jpn. *ənə.
PMong. *önü- 1 that (very), the same 2 orphan (1 тот самый 2 сирота): MMong. onočit, onečit ‘Waisen(kinder)’ (SH 124, 125), önečin 2
(MA 215); WMong. önüki 1, önüčin 2 (L 639); Kh. önȫx 1, önčin 2; Bur.
ünȫxi 1, ünšen 2; Kalm. önčn 2 (КРС); Ord. önöčin 2; Dag. unčun 2 (Тод.
Даг. 171 unčin); Dong. oniečɨn 2 (Тод. Дн.); S.-Yugh. önčin 2; Mongr.
noćin (SM 284), unčin (Huzu) 2.
◊ MGCD 546. Mong. > Man. unučun, see Doerfer MT 138, Rozycki 219.
PTurk. *öŋ desolate, uninhabited (пустынный, необитаемый):
OTurk. öŋ (Orkh., OUygh.); Uygh. oŋčɛ ‘одинокий, уединенный’.
◊ EDT 168.
PJpn. *ənə 1 self 2 the same (1 сам 2 одинаковый, такой же): OJpn.
ono, ono-re 1, onazi 2; MJpn. ónó-rè 1, ònàzí 2; Tok. ònore 1, ònaji 2; Kyo.
ónóré 1, ònàjí 2; Kag. onoré 1, onají 2.
◊ JLTT 506, 507. The original accentuation is not quite clear; it may point to a confusion of different original roots (cf. OJ ojazi ‘the same’, for which the accent is unfortunately not attested).
‖ Ozawa 62-63. The original meaning should be probably reconstructed as “self”, with a further development > “lonely” (Mong. “or-
*ṓp῾à - *op῾á(rV)
1057
phan”), typologically a frequent case (cf. Polish sam - samotny etc.),
whence Old Turkic “desolate, deserted”.
-ṓp῾à to drink, inhale: Mong. *uw(u)-; Turk. *ōp-; Jpn. *apa-ik-.
PMong. *uw(u)- to drink (пить): MMong. u- (IM, MA), ū-, u’u- (SH),
au- (LH); WMong. u-, uu- (L 864: uu-, aɣu-, uuɣu-); Kh. ū-; Bur. ū-; Kalm.
ū-; Ord. ū- ‘to drink, to smoke’; Dag. ō- (Тод. Даг. 159, MD 201); Dong.
o-; Bao. ū-, ō-, u-; S.-Yugh. ū-; Mongr. - (SM 462), u-, ōći- ‘boire, prendre
(repas du midi)’ (SM 299).
◊ KW 454, MGCD 664, 665.
PTurk. *ōp- to suck, swallow (сосать, глотать): OTurk. op- (Orkh.);
Karakh. op- (MK); Krm. op-; Tat. up-; Bashk. up-; Kaz. op-; Nogh. op-;
Oyr. op-; Yak. uop-; Dolg. uobu ‘Bissen, Happen’.
◊ EDT 4, VEWT 363, ЭСТЯ 1, 464-465, Stachowski 243.
PJpn. *apa-ik- to breathe heavily, gasp, pant (тяжело дышать, задыхаться): OJpn. apek-; MJpn. áfék-; Tok. aég-; Kyo. áég-; Kag. àèg-.
◊ JLTT 674. A compound with *-ik- ‘breathe’. Accent is difficult to reconstruct: RJ has
high tone, but modern dialects point rather to low.
‖ EAS 78, Владимирцов 211. An expressive root. Cf. also Turk. *öp‘to kiss’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 539); Mong. *aɣa-ki-la- (L 25 akila-, Khalkha āxila-) ‘to
gasp for breath, pant’; Evn. ābu- ‘to kiss’ (ТМС 1, 6).
-op῾á(rV) to wear out, be wasted, have a bad appearance: Tung.
*(x)upara-; Mong. *(h)obur; Turk. *op-ra-; Jpn. *ampu-.
PTung. *(x)upara- to neglect, mistake (ошибаться, упускать из виду): Man. ufara-; SMan. ufarə- (1761).
◊ ТМС 2, 295. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *(h)obur (bad) appearance, arrogance ((плохой) внешний
вид): WMong. obur; oburda- ‘to be arrogant’ (L 599); Kh. ovor ‘appearance’, ovorǯi- ‘to look as an old man’; Bur. obor ‘bad, uncomely’; Kalm.
owr ‘appearance’; Ord. owor.
◊ KW 292.
PTurk. *op-ra- to wear out (intr.), decay (изнашиваться, стареть):
OTurk. apra- 1 (OUygh. ?); Karakh. opra- 1 (MK, KB); MTurk.
opra-/opran-, ofra-/ofran 1 (Sangl.).
◊ VEWT 515, EDT 14.
PJpn. *ampu- 1 to waste, discard, throw away 2 to suffer a loss,
roam in a wasted state (1 выкидывать, выбрасывать 2 терпеть неудачу, потерянно бродить): OJpn. abu-s- 1; MJpn. abura- 2; Tok. aburé- 2;
Kyo. ábúré- 2; Kag. aburé- 2.
◊ The accent is difficult to reconstruct. The attestations of abu-ra- in OJ and MJ (RJ
ábúra-) appear to mean ‘to overflow’ and probably represent a different root.
‖ Cf. *apo, *ebi.
1058
*p῾ìkV - *op῾V
-p῾ìkV lung(s): Tung. *upVkte; Mong. *owuski ~ *awuski; Turk. *öpke;
Jpn. *pùkùpùkùsi; Kor. *púhóa.
PTung. *upVkte 1 lung(s) 2 down, light feather(s) 3 spleen (1 легкие 2 пух, легкие перья 3 селезенка): Evn. öbdъ 3; Man. ufuxu 1;
SMan. ufuxu 1 (85); Ul. upte 2; Ork. upukte 2; Nan. upulte 2, upke 3
(Kur-Urm.); Orch. upukte 2; Ud. ofokto 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 29, 281.
PMong. *owuski ~ *awuski lungs (легкие): MMong. a’ušigi (SH);
WMong. ouski, aɣuski (L 18: aɣušgi(n)); Kh. ūšgi(n), ūšig; Kalm. ōškə; Dag.
aurḱ; Bao. ośgi; S.-Yugh. ūšigən; Mongr. ōsgu.
◊ KW 292, MGCD 664.
PTurk. *öpke lung; anger (легкое; гнев): OTurk. öpke (OUygh.);
Karakh. öpke (MK, IM), öfke (KB); Tur. öfke ‘anger’, öjken ‘lung’ (interdial.? Türki?); Gag. üfke; Az. öxbä (dial. Nuxa); Turkm. öjken; Sal. öhhen
(ССЯ); Khal. hikkä; MTurk. öpke, öfke (Sangl.); Uzb. ọpka; Uygh. öpkä;
Krm. öpke; Tat. üpkä; Bashk. üpkä; Kirgh. öpkö; Kaz. ökpä; KBalk. öpke;
KKalp. ökpä; Kum. öpke; Nogh. öpke; SUygh. ökpe; Khak. ökpe; Shr. ökpe;
Oyr. ökpö; Tv. ökpe (ö’kpe - Бичелдей 2001); Tof. ö’kpe; Chuv. öpke (NW),
üpke.
◊ VEWT 373, EDT 9, ЭСТЯ 1, 540-541, Лексика 276-277.
PJpn. *pùkùpùkùsi lung(s) (легкие): OJpn. pukupukusi; MJpn.
fùkùfùkùsi.
PKor. *púhóa lung (легкое): MKor. púhóa; Mod. pua.
◊ Nam 266, KED 817.
‖ Дыбо 5, Лексика 277.
-op῾V powder: Tung. *upa; Mong. *(h)ow; Turk. *opa.
PTung. *upa flour (мука): Neg. opa; Man. ufa; SMan. ufā (294); Jurch.
wu-fa (531); Ul. upa; Ork. upa; Nan. opa; Orch. upa; Ud. ufa; Sol. ụɣ, uon
‘bread’.
◊ ТМС 2, 247.
PMong. *(h)ow white lead, powder (белый свинец, порошок):
WMong. ou (L 625); Kh. ō; Kalm. ō; Ord. ō.
◊ KW 292, TMN 1, 182.
PTurk. *opa white powder, white lead (белый порошок, свинцовые белила): OTurk. opo (OUygh.); Karakh. opo (MK); MTurk. opa (Ettuhf.); Uzb. upa; Uygh. upa; Kirgh. upa; Kaz. opa; KKalp. opa; Shr. oba;
Oyr. obo.
◊ VEWT 363, EDT 6, ЭСТЯ 1, 465-466.
‖ EAS 90, Владимирцов 210. A Western isogloss. Despite TMN 1,
182, Doerfer MT 142, Rozycki 215-216 not borrowed in Mong. from
Turk. or in TM from Mong.
*ṓp῾V - *ṓre
1059
-ṓp῾V hill, heap of stones: Mong. *obuɣa; Turk. *ōpuŕ.
PMong. *obuɣa heap, heap of stones, grave hill (куча, куча камней,
могильный холм): MMong. obo’o (SH, HY 4); WMong. obuɣa(n) (L
598); Kh. ovō; Bur. obō; Kalm. owā; Ord. owō; Dag. obō (Тод. Даг. 159,
MD 201); S.-Yugh. owō; Mongr. ōbō (SM 296).
◊ KW 291, MGCD 523, TMN 1, 153-155. Mong. > Koman oba, Oyr. obō etc. (ЭСТЯ 1,
398-400), TMN 1, 154-155, 2, 132, Щербак 1997, 207; Evk. oba etc., TMN 1, 156, Doerfer
MT 103, Rozycki 165.
PTurk. *ōpuŕ rough, uneven ground (возвышение, неровность
почвы): Karakh. opuz (MK); Tur. obuz; Turkm. ōbur ‘precipice’.
◊ EDT 17. Cf. also Chuv. juba ‘pillar’ (in particular, ‘grave pillar’) - unlike other forms
like Khak. obā, hardly borrowed from Mong. obuɣa.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 199; Лексика 323. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-ṓp῾V clan, family: Mong. *obug; Turk. *ōpa.
PMong. *obug clan, family (род, семья): MMong. obox (SH);
WMong. obuɣ (L 598); Kh. ovog; Bur. obog; Kalm. obug (СЯОС).
PTurk. *ōpa village, clan (деревня, род): Karakh. oba (MK Oghuz);
Turkm. ōba; MTurk. oba.
◊ EDT 5, ЭСТЯ 1, 400-401.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss - but hardly borrowed in Mong. < Turk.,
despite TMN 2, 133.
-ṓre to plait, weave: Mong. *ör-; Turk. *ȫr-; Jpn. *r-; Kor. *ōr.
PMong. *ör- 1 soft woollen cloth 2 to plait (1 мягкая шерстяная
ткань 2 плести): MMong. ormege (SH) 1, öre- 2 (MA); WMong. örmöge,
ermüge 1 (L 331); Kh. örmög; Bur. ürmege ‘mat’; Kalm. örməG 1; örmči
‘weaver’; Ord. örmögö; Mongr. merge ‘espèce de tissu grossier fait de
poils ou de laine’ (SM 236).
◊ KW 300.
PTurk. *ȫr- to plait (плести): Karakh. ör- (MK); Tur. ör-; Gag. jör-;
Az. hör-; Turkm. ȫr-; Khal. hiri-; MTurk. ör- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọr-; Uygh.
ö(r)-; Krm. ör-; Tat. ür-; Bashk. ür-; Kirgh. ör-; Kaz. ör-; KKalp. ör-; Nogh.
ör-; Khak. ür-; Oyr. ör-; Chuv. var ‘best sort of flax’; Yak. ör-; örǖ ‘plaiting’; Dolg. örǖ ‘plait’.
◊ EDT 195, VEWT 374, 375, ЭСТЯ 1, 544-546, Лексика 394, Stachowski 200. Cf. also
*örken ‘smth. plaited’, *ör-mek ‘Stoff aus Kamelhaar, Spinngewebe’ (cf. also Yak. örböx
‘тряпка’). Turk. *ör-čüg > Hung. orsó ‘spindle’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *r- to weave (ткать): OJpn. or-; MJpn. ór-; Tok. ór-; Kyo. òr-;
Kag. òr-.
◊ JLTT 742. For accent cf. RJ ór- (modern dialects have merged phonetically ór-ù ‘to
weave’ and wòr-ù ‘to bend’, which are well distinguished in early sources).
PKor. *ōr strands of rope (пряди веревки): MKor. ōr; Mod. ōl.
◊ Liu 579, KED 1207.
1060
*ṑr(e)kV - *ri
‖ Poppe 110 (Turk.-Mong.). Mong. *ör-mege may be < Turk. (cf.
TMN 2, 47, Щербак 1997, 197), but may also reflect a common
Turk.-Mong. derivative. The Turk. form can be alternatively compared
with TM *poro-, *pori- ‘turn round, spin’, Mong. hor-či- id. (see *p῾áru),
but the Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. comparison seems closer semantically.
-ṑr(e)kV to be frightened, startled: Tung. *(x)ūrkan-; Mong. *ürgü-; Turk.
*ürk-; Jpn. *ntrk-.
PTung. *(x)ūrkan- to lose consciousness, be knocked out (терять
сознание, быть оглушенным): Evk. ūrkan-; Evn. rqn-; Neg. ojkan-;
Ud. ukana-.
◊ ТМС 2, 286.
PMong. *ürgü- to be afraid, frightened (бояться, пугаться):
MMong. urgu- (SH), orgo- (IM), urgu- (MA); WMong. ürgü-; Kh. ürgü-,
ürge-; Bur. ürge-; Kalm. ürgə-; Ord. ürgü-; Dag. xurgi-; Bao. hergə; Mongr.
furgudi-, xargudi- (SM 110, 162).
◊ KW 459, MGCD 696. Mong. > Man. urxu- (ТМС 2, 286). Initial x- in Dagur is not
quite clear and may reflect a merger with a different root; MMong. forms clearly have 0(Poppe 1983, 115 cites hürgü-, but the source is unknown),
PTurk. *ürk- to be afraid (бояться): OTurk. ürk- (OUygh.); Karakh.
ürk- (MK); Tur. ürk-; Gag. jürük-; Az. ürk-; Turkm. ürk-; Khal. hirk-;
MTurk. ürk- (Pav. C.), ürük- (AH); Uzb. hürk-; Uygh. ürkü-; Krm. ürk-;
Tat. rk-; Bashk. rk-; Kirgh. ürk-; Kaz. ürkĭ-; KBalk. ürk-; KKalp. ürk-;
Kum. ürk-; Nogh. ürk-; SUygh. örk-; Khak. ürük-; Oyr. ürkü-; Yak. ürg-üt‘to frighten’; Dolg. ürg-üt- ‘to frighten’.
◊ EDT 221, VEWT 522, ЭСТЯ 1, 635-637, Stachowski 253.
PJpn. *ntrk- to be startled, horror-struck (пугаться): OJpn.
od(w)or(w)ok-; MJpn. òdòròk-; Tok. odorók-; Kyo. ódórók-; Kag. odorók-.
◊ JLTT 740. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ EAS 122, Poppe 80, 83, 111. Mong. may be < Turk., see Щербак
1997, 162. There is also a possibility of confusion of this root with *p῾uri
q.v. - in Turkic their reflexes could have merged, and in Mong. some
dialects (cf. the Dagur form) may reflect *hürgü-.
-ri ( ~ -e) to cover: Tung. *ura- / *ur-ke; Mong. *örü-; Turk. *ört-; Kor.
*òrái.
PTung. *ura- / *ur-ke 1 become covered by top (of milk) 2 (milk)
top, cream 3 door (1 подергиваться пенкой (о молоке) 2 пенки, сливки 3 дверь): Evk. urke 3; Evn. urkъ 3; Neg. ujke 3; Man. oro- 1, oroqu 2,
uče 3; SMan. učī 3 (451); Ul. uče 3; Ork. ute 3; Nan. ujke 3; Orch. ukke 3;
Ud. uke 3; Sol. ukke, urke 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 286, 288.
PMong. *örü- 1 top of milk 2 cover of roof-window (1 сливки 2 покрышка дымохода в юрте): MMong. eruge, oruge 2 (SH), uremä 1, uruke
*ŏri - *óru
1061
2 (MA 329, 278); WMong. örüme 1 (L 644), erüke, örke 2 (L 332); Kh. öröm
1, örx(ön) 2; Bur. ürme(n) 1, ürxe 2; Kalm. örm 1, örkə 2; Ord. örmö 1, öröχö
2; Dag. urum 1 (Тод. Даг. 171), urume ‘ a k. of cheese’ (MD 233);
S.-Yugh. öröm 1; Mongr. jermen (SM 492), rmēn 1.
◊ KW 299, 300, MGCD 549. Mong. örüme > Man. oromo, Evk. urumu (Doerfer MT 103),
Yak. örümä; örüke > Oyr. örökö etc. (see Лексика 517); > Sol. örxȫ (ТМС 2, 286), see Doerfer
MT 21 (but hardly > PTM *urke ‘door’ which seems rather to be a genuine cognate).
PTurk. *ört- to cover (покрывать): OTurk. ört- (OUygh.); Karakh.
ört- (MK); Tur. ört-; Gag. jört-; Az. ört-; Turkm. ört-; Sal. öxt-; MTurk. ört(AH), örüt- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ört- (dial.); Krm. ört-; Chuv. vit-.
◊ EDT 202, VEWT 375, ЭСТЯ 1, 551-552, Егоров 55, Федотов 127. The suffixless root
*ör- may be found (see ЭСТЯ ibid.) in Chag. ör- ‘be covered’ (Abush.); cf. also Tur. dial.
örek ‘blanket, covering’.
PKor. *òrái door, gate (дверь, ворота): MKor. òrái; Mod. orä (arch.).
◊ Nam 380, KED 1198.
‖ Lee 1958, 118 (TM-Kor.), Константинова 1972, 240-241, ТМС 2,
288, Rozycki 215.
-ŏri ( ~ -e) to dig: Tung. *urī-; Mong. *örüm; Turk. *or-.
PTung. *urī- to scoop, dig out (черпать, вытаскивать): Evk. urī-;
Evn. uri-; Neg. ojị-; Man. wara-; Ork. uri-; Nan. orịčị-; orị ‘scoop’; Ud. ui-;
Sol. orū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 23, 284.
PMong. *örüm drill, gimlet (сверло, бурав): MMong. jorəm (IM);
WMong. örüm (L 644); Kh. öröm; Bur. ürem; Kalm. örm; Ord. ürüm, öröm;
S.-Yugh. urəm; Mongr. urəm.
◊ KW 300, MGCD 549. Mong. probably > Man. eruwen ‘drill, auger’ (Rozycki 72).
PTurk. *or- 1 to dig 2 hole, pit 3 to tear out, drag out (1 копать 2 дыра, яма 3 вырывать, вытаскивать): Karakh. oru 2 (MK); Turkm. or- 1, or
2; Chuv. var 2; Yak. orō- 3; Dolg. orō- 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 466-468, TMN 2, 144, Stachowski 196. Turk. > Kalm. ur ‘hole, pit’. The
Chuv. form may point to a variant *ōr (?).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-óru to cry, shout: Tung. *or-; Mong. *ori- / *uri-; Turk. *orɨ; Jpn.
*úru-tápa-.
PTung. *or- 1 roaring (of a tiger) 2 echo 3 to sound, resound 4 to
rave 5 to shout 6 to roar (of a bear) 7 shout (of an aurochs) 8 to call (1
рев (тигра) 2 эхо 3 звучать, отдаваться (об эхе) 4 бредить 5 кричать 6
реветь (о медведе) 7 крик (изюбра) 8 звать): Evk. or- 5, 6, 7; Man. or
1, ori- 4, ura- 3; Nan. oral 2, orịqo 7; Sol. oŕ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 23.
PMong. *ori- / *uri- to shout, call (кричать, звать): MMong. uri ‘to
call’ (HY 34), uri- ‘to invite’ (MA); WMong. orila-, uri- (L 619, 881); Kh.
orilo-; uri- ‘to invite’; Bur. oril- ‘to weep’, oriloldō(n) ‘shouting, howling’;
1062
*rù - *rù
Ord. uri- ‘to invite’; Dag. ori- (Тод. Даг. 160, MD 203); Bao. ure- ‘to invite, call’ (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. uri- (SM 476).
PTurk. *orɨ 1 shout, outcry 2 to make a noise, shout 3 to shout together (1 крик, выкрик 2 шуметь, кричать 3 кричать вместе): OTurk.
orla- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. orɨ 1, orlaš- 3 (MK); MTurk. orɨ (IM); Khak.
orlas- 3; Oyr. orla- ‘to moo’, orlas- 3.
◊ EDT 197, 230.
PJpn. *úru-tápa- to complain, sue (жаловаться): OJpn. urutapa-;
MJpn. uttáf-; Tok. ùttae-, uttaé-; Kyo. úttáe-; Kag. ùttàè-.
◊ JLTT 781. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ МССНЯ 345 (Mong.-Tung.). An expressive root. Mong. may be <
Turk. Cf. also notes to *lo.
-rù inner side: Tung. *(x)urī-; Mong. *oro-; Turk. *or-; Jpn. *ùrà.
PTung. *(x)urī- station, dwelling place (стойбище, жилище): Evk.
urī-kīt; Evn. örikit; Sol. urīlẽ.
◊ ТМС 2, 285. Cf. perhaps also TM *ura ‘behind, buttocks’ ( < ‘back part’), see ТМС 2,
282.
PMong. *oro- to enter (входить): MMong. oro- (HY 36, SH), ur- (IM),
wora- (Lig.VMI), ur- (MA); WMong. oro- (L 620: oru-); Kh. oro-; Bur. oro-;
Kalm. or-; Ord. oro-; Mog. ɔru- (Weiers); Dag. war(a)- (Тод. Даг. 129),
ore-, uare- (MD 202, 230) warə-; Dong. oro-; Bao. orə-; S.-Yugh. orō-;
Mongr. uro- (SM 477).
◊ KW 288-289, MGCD 532. Cf. also Mong. urača ‘hut’ ( > Turk. orača, Yak. uraha, see
Лексика 501).
PTurk. *or- 1 place 2 palace 3 lair, den 4 middle 5 place of staying
(of the army, ruler etc.) 6 army (1 место 2 дворец 3 берлога, логово 4
середина 5 место стоянки (армии, правителя) 6 армия): OTurk. orun
1 (OUygh.), ordu 2, 5, ortu 4 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. orun 1, ordu 2, 3,
otra ~ ortu (MK) 5; Tur. orun 1, ordu 6, orta 4; Gag. orta 4; Az. ordu 6, orta
4; Turkm. orun 1, orta 4, orda 6; MTurk. orun 1, ordu, orda 5, orta 4 (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ọrin 1, ọrda 5, ọrta 4; Uygh. orun 1, o(r)da 5, orta 4; Krm. orun 1,
ordu 6, orta 4; Tat. urɨn 1, urda 5, urta 4; Bashk. urɨn 1, urda 5, urta 4;
Kirgh. orun 1, ordo 5, orto 4; Kaz. orɨn 1, orda 4, 5, orta 4; KBalk. orun 1,
orta 4; KKalp. orɨn 1, orda 5, orta 4; Kum. orun 1, orda 5, 6, orta 4; Nogh.
orɨn 1, orda 5, orta 4; SUygh. orɨn 1, orta, orto, otra 4; Khak. orɨn 1, orda 5,
ortɨ 4; Oyr. orɨn 1, ordo 5, orto 4; Tv. orun 1, ortu 4; Chuv. vɨrъn 1, vъda 4;
Yak. ordū 1, 3, 5, oron 1, orto 4; Dolg. onnu 1.
◊ EDT 203-204, 233, VEWT 364, 365, TMN 2, 141, ЭСТЯ 1, 470-472, 474-479, Лексика
495, 563, 569, Stachowski 193, 196. Turkic is the source of Mong. oron ‘place’, ordo(n) ‘palace’ (cf. TMN 1, 164-165, 2, 38-39, Щербак 1997, 130), whence Man. oron etc., see Doerfer
MT 116. The PT *ordu ‘place of staying’ may need to be separated from other forms here:
it contains a very untypical *-rd- cluster (as opposed to *or-tu ‘middle’) and may reflect
*orusi - *ŏrV
1063
an ancient borrowing from some unknown source. Cf. in that respect WMong. örte- ‘to
change post horses’, örtegen ‘postal relay station’, also somewhat obscure in origin.
PJpn. *ùrà inside; back side (внутренняя сторона; задняя сторона,
изнанка): OJpn. ura; MJpn. ùrà; Tok. urá; Kyo. úrà; Kag. urá.
◊ JLTT 563.
‖ Murayama 1962, 110 (Jpn.-TM). Cf. *ōŕi (the two roots are liable to
mergers).
-orusi river, to flow: Mong. *urus-; Turk. *örs, *örsen.
PMong. *urus- to flow (течь): MMong. oros- (LH); WMong. urus- (L
886); Kh. ursa-; Bur. urda-; Kalm. ursə- (КРС); Ord. urus-; Dag. orsu-,
(Тод. Даг. 160), orese- (MD 203), orso-; Dong. usuru-, urusu-; S.-Yugh.
urus-, urusu-, usuru-; Mongr. urosə- (SM 478).
◊ MGCD 296, 681.
PTurk. *örs, *örsen 1 river, river bed 2 to flow (1 река, русло реки 2
течь): Karakh. özen (AH) 1; Az. öz- 2; Turkm. özen 1; Chuv. vazan 1; Yak.
örüs 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 510-511.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Phonetically a good match would be Jpn.
*úrúsí ‘lacquer’ ( < *’liquid’?), but semantics raises doubts. Poppe 102
compares *urus- with Evk. urigden ‘backwater’ - the same comparison
see in ОСНЯ 1, 240-241. Cf. also Yak. ürex, Dolg. ürek ‘river’ (Stachowski 253) - suggesting that *-si might be an original suffix.
-orV deer, antelope: Tung. *oran; Mong. *(h)oroŋgo; Turk. *orga.
PTung. *oran reindeer (олень): Evk. oron; Evn. orn; Neg. ojon; Man.
oron; Ul. oro(n); Nan. orõ; Orch. oro; Ud. oro.
◊ ТМС 2, 24-25.
PMong. *(h)oroŋgo a k. of antelope (вид антилопы): WMong.
oroŋɣu (L 623: oruŋɣu); Kh. oroŋgo; Bur. oroŋgo; Kalm. orŋgə ‘rhinoceros’
(КРС 403); Ord. oroŋgo.
PTurk. *orga female or young maral (самка или детеныш марала):
Tat. orɣacaq (Sib.); Khak. orɣa, orɣača (Kyz.); Shr. orɣa.
◊ Борг. 629.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ŏrV to mow, hay: Tung. *orā-kta; Turk. *or-.
PTung. *orā-kta grass (dry), hay (сухая трава, сено): Evk. orokto,
orōkto; Evn. orāt; Neg. ojokto; Man. orχo; SMan. orəhə ‘grass’ (2130);
Jurch. or-ɣo (116); Ul. orχoqta; Ork. oroqto; Nan. oroqta; Orch. ōkto; Ud.
ōkto; Sol. orōkto.
◊ ТМС 2, 24.
PTurk. *or- to mow (косить): Karakh. or- (MK); Tur. ora-; Turkm.
or-; Chuv. vɨr-.
*ŏŕe - *ṓŕì
1064
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 468, Лексика 469.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ŏŕe ( ~ -i) other, one of two: Tung. *urē-; Mong. *öre-; Turk. *öŕ-ge.
PTung. *urē- 1 to be similar, resemble 2 similar (1 быть похожим,
напоминать 2 похожий): Evk. urē- 1; Evn. urēč 2; Ork. urexe 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 289.
PMong. *öre- 1 to set in order, put in line, arrange in a row 2 half of
a carcass; hobble for legs on one side of a horse 3 one of two (objects) (1
приводить в порядок, располагать в ряд 2 половина туши; односторонние путы 3 один из двух (предметов)): MMong. ore’elesun (HY 44)
2, ore’ele 3 (SH), urele 2 (MA); WMong. örü- (L 643), öre- 1, örügel 2 (L
643); Kh. örö- 1, örȫl 2; Bur. ürȫhe(n), ürȫle 3; Kalm. ör- 1 örēsn 3; Ord. örȫl
2; Dag. ergūlen 2 (Тод. Даг. 140); Bao. rɛji 3; S.-Yugh. örlölöd 2, örlȫ 3.
◊ KW 298, 299 MGCD 548, 549. Mong. > Chag. örük etc. ‘foot hobbles’ (VEWT 375).
PTurk. *öŕ-ge other (другой): OTurk. özge (OUygh.); Karakh. özge
(MK - Tefs.); Tur. özge; Az. özgä; Turkm. özge; MTurk. özge (AH, Pav.
C.); Uzb. ọzgä; Uygh. özgä; Krm. özge; Tat. üzgä; Kirgh. özgö; Kaz. özge;
KBalk. özge; KKalp. özge; Kum. özge; Nogh. özge; SUygh. üzge; Shr. öske;
Oyr. öskö; Tv. öske.
◊ EDT 285, VEWT 377, ЭСТЯ 1, 508.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ṓŕì middle, inside: Tung. *uri; Mong. *örü; Turk. *ȫŕ; Jpn. *útì.
PTung. *uri 1 stomach, belly 2 breast collar 3 inner fat 4 maw 5 upper layer of yukola (1 живот, желудок 2 нагрудник 3 внутренний
жир 4 сычуг 5 верхний слой юколы): Evk. ur, uri-gde 1; uri-ptun 2; orik
4; Evn. ur 1, orъqъn 3; Neg. uji-pun 2; Ul. uru-ptu(n) 2; Ork. uritte ‘fish
belly’; Nan. orịχta 5; Sol. orxĩ 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 23, 24, 30, 281. Evk. > Dolg. örögö(tö) ‘fish belly’ (Stachowski 200).
PMong. *örü inside, breast (внутренность, грудь): MMong. oro (HY
46), ore (SH); WMong. örü (L 643); Kh. ör; Bur. üre; Kalm. örə; Ord. örö,
ör; Mog. ZM ourä ‘heart, mind’ (4-4a); Dag. erecū ‘chest, bosom, breast’
(MD 145).
◊ KW 298.
PTurk. *ȫŕ inside, the essential part (середина, внутренность, сущность): OTurk. öz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öz (MK); Tur. öz; Gag. jöz;
Az. öz; Turkm. ȫz ‘self’; Khal. z; MTurk. öz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọz; Uygh. öz;
Krm. öz; Tat. üz; Bashk. üδ; Kirgh. öz; Kaz. öz; KKalp. öz; Kum. öz;
Nogh. öz; SUygh. üz; Oyr. üs; Chuv. var; Yak. üös; Dolg. üös.
◊ EDT 278, VEWT 376-7, ЭСТЯ 1, 506-512, Лексика 90, 117, Stachowski 252. The
word and its derivatives have a wide scope of meanings: ‘middle’ > ‘heartwood, central
crossbeam, pole’ (*ȫŕek).
*ṓŕi - *se
1065
PJpn. *útì middle, inside (середина, внутренность): OJpn. uti;
MJpn. útì; Tok. ùchi; Kyo. úchí; Kag. úchi.
◊ JLTT 565. The Kyoto and Tokyo forms point to a variant *útí.
‖ EAS 112, KW 298, Poppe 81, АПиПЯЯ 74, Лексика 90. Despite
TMN 2, 146, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk. Cf. *òru.
-ṓŕi to rise, up: Mong. *ergü- (*örgü-); Turk. *ǖŕ (/*ȫŕ); Jpn. *ura(i); Kor.
*òrắ-.
PMong. *ergü- (*örgü-) to lift, raise (поднимать): MMong. ergu(HY 33, SH), wärgo- (IM), urg(i)- (MA); WMong. ergü-, örgü- (L 325); Kh.
örgö-; Bur. ürge-; Kalm. örgə-; Ord. ürgü-; Dag. erewē- (MD 146), ergue-;
Dong. uGu-; S.-Yugh. orgomǯilī; Mongr. urgu- (SM 475).
◊ MGCD 548. Cf. also WMong. örni- ‘to grow, increase’. Derived is WMong. örgüge,
ergüge, Khalkha örgȫ ‘tent, palace’ > Khak. örge etc., see KW 299. Note that the root should
be kept distinct from *öre- ‘to arrange, put in a row’ (v. sub *ŏŕe).
PTurk. *ǖŕ (/*ȫŕ) on top, high above (наверху, высоко над): OTurk.
üze / öze (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. üze (MK); Tur. üzer ‘upper part’; Az.
üzäri; MTurk. üze (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); SUygh. üze, üzi; Oyr. üzeri; Chuv.
vir (<*öŕ); Yak. ǖhe, üöhe; Dolg. ühe, üöhe.
◊ A common Turkic derivative is *üŕ-t (with secondary vowel shortening): OT üst,
Turkm. üst, Tat. ös, Khal. ist etc. ‘upper part’. See EDT 280-281, VEWT 523, 524, ЭСТЯ 1,
622-623, 638-639, Stachowski 249, 251, 255.
PJpn. *ura(i) end of a branch, top of a tree (конец ветки, верхушка
дерева): OJpn. ura, ure; Tok. ura.
◊ JLTT 563. PJ accent is unclear.
PKor. *òrắ- to rise (подниматься): MKor. òrắ-, òr-; Mod. orɨ-.
◊ Nam 380, KED 1199.
‖ SKE 178, EAS 107, ОСНЯ 1, 254. Despite Щербак 1997, 131 the
Mong. stem cannot be regarded as a Turkic loanword. The root is
sometimes difficult to distinguish from *p῾ōre q.v. See also notes to
*p῾ŏlge.
-se to be bad, guilty: Tung. *us(a); Mong. *ös; Turk. *osa-; Jpn. *sr-.
PTung. *us(a) 1 bad 2 to become sad 3 hate 4 guilt, crime 5 to be sick
6 to be unable, not want (1 плохой 2 огорчаться 3 ненависть 4 вина,
преступление 5 болеть, чувствовать недомогание 6 не мочь, не хотеть): Evk. usa 1, usē- 5, usē-če- 6; Evn. ụs 1,4, öse- 5, 6; Neg. osa 1; Man.
osχa 1, usa- 2; SMan. usa- ‘to be sad, to grieve’ (1933); Jurch.
usu-ɣa-buren (384) 3; Ul. osisi- 6; Nan. osisi- 6.
◊ ТМС 2, 290-293.
PMong. *ös revenge, hate (месть, ненависть): MMong. osül, oš(i)
(SH); WMong. ös, ösige (L 645: ös, ösije); Kh. ös; Bur. ühȫ(n), üšȫrxe-;
Kalm. ös, öš; Ord. ös, öšȫ.
◊ KW 301.
1066
*ti - *ti
PTurk. *osa- 1 careless, dilatory 2 bad, evil 3 to be careless, negligent 4 negligence, harm (1 небрежный, медлительный 2 плохой,
злой 3 быть небрежным, беспечным 4 небрежность, беспечность,
увечье): OTurk. osal 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. osal 1, osan- 3 (MK); Tur. osal 2
(dial.), usan- 3; Az. osal 1 (dial.), usan- 3; Turkm. osal 1; MTurk. osal 1
(Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ọsal 2; Uygh. osal 2; Krm. osal 1, 2, usan- 3; Tat.
usal 2; Bashk. usal 2; Kirgh. osol 2; Kaz. osal 2; KBalk. osal 2; KKalp. osal
2; Kum. osal 2; Nogh. osal 2; Chuv. osal 2; Yak. ohol 4.
◊ VEWT 365-366, EDT 247, 248, ЭСТЯ 1, 479-481, 608 (distinguishes osal and usan- but the narrowing osan- > usan- is a local Oghuz phenomenon and probably secondary,
due to interdialectal loans), Егоров 277, Федотов 2, 290. Turk. > Mong. osal (MMong.
(SH) osolda-), see TMN 2, 149, Clark 1980, 39, not vice versa - despite Щербак 1997, 207.
PJpn. *sr- to be scared, afraid (бояться): OJpn. os(w)or-; MJpn.
òsòr-; Tok. osoré-; Kyo. ósóré-; Kag. òsòrè-.
◊ JLTT 743.
‖ EAS 102, Poppe 65, Finch 1987, 58. Despite TMN 2, 135, Щербак
1997, 131, Clark 1980, 51, Mong. ös cannot be borrowed from Turk. *ȫč
(see *ṓč῾e). Attempts to disprove the Turk.-Tung. match in TMN 2,
149-150 are unsuccessful.
-ti ( ~ -t῾-) to move, change place: Tung. *(x)utur-; Mong. *oči-; Turk.
*öt-; Jpn. *ùtù-r-; Kor. *tɨ-.
PTung. *(x)utur- to reel, turn round (вертеться): Evk. utur-.
◊ ТМС 2, 295. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *oči- to walk, move, go (идти, двигаться): MMong. očira
‘before, along’ (SH); WMong. oči- (L 599); Kh. oči-; Bur. ošo-; Dag. vaǯire‘to come in’, vāǯi ‘track’; Dong. ečɨ- (Тод. Дн.); Bao. šǯe-, hǯe- (Тод. Бн.);
Mongr. śi- (SM 387).
◊ WMong. has also a not quite clear variant eči- id. (possibly also reflected in some
South Mong. languages). Without palatalization cf. MMong. (SH, HY) ot-, (MA) udu-,
WMong. od(u)-, Kalm. od- ‘be on one’s way’ (KW 283).
PTurk. *öt- to pass by, pass through (проходить мимо, проходить
через): OTurk. öt- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öt- (MK); Az. öt-; Turkm.
öt-; Sal. öt-; MTurk. öt- (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ọt-; Uygh. öt-; Krm. öt-;
Tat. üt-; Bashk. üt-; Kirgh. öt-; Kaz. öt-; KBalk. öt-; KKalp. öt-; Kum. öt-;
Nogh. öt-; SUygh. jüt-; Khak. öt-; Oyr. öt-; Tv. öt-; Chuv. vit-; Yak. öt-.
◊ EDT 39, VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 554-555.
PJpn. *ùtù-r- to move, change place (двигаться, менять место):
OJpn. utu-r-; MJpn. ùtù-r-; Tok. utsúr-; Kyo. útsúr-; Kag. ùtsùr-.
◊ JLTT 781.
PKor. *tɨ- to move, change one’s place (двигаться, менять место):
Mod. tɨ-.
◊ SKE 264 (NKor.).
*ōt῾a - *ṓt῾è
1067
‖ The Kor. form (attested only in SKE) has a frequent loss of initial
vowel.
-ōt῾a ( ~ -t-) fire; hot, warm: Tung. *(x)utinŋe; Mong. *(h)očki-n; Turk.
*ōt; Jpn. *àtà- / *àtù-; Kor. *tằ-.
PTung. *(x)utinŋe wood fire (лесной пожар): Evk. utinŋe; Evn.
utöŋŋö.
◊ ТМС 2, 294.
PMong. *(h)očki-n spark (искра): WMong. oči(n) (L 599); Kh. oč;
Bur. ošo(n); Kalm. očn; Ord. oči; Mog. ukin; ZM očkä (18-3b); Dong. očin;
Bao. oken; Mongr. śun, fuun.
◊ KW 291. Mong. > Turk. učqun ‘spark’ (see Лексика 368-369; not attested in
OTurkic).
PTurk. *ōt fire (огонь): OTurk. ot (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ot (MK);
Tur. ot ‘flame, fire’ (arch.); Az. od; Turkm. ōt; Sal. oht; Khal. ht; MTurk.
ot (Pav. C., Abush., MA); Uzb. ụt; Uygh. ot; Tat. ut; Bashk. ut; Kirgh. ot;
Kaz. ot; KBalk. ot; KKalp. ot; Nogh. ot; SUygh. ot; Khak. ot; Oyr. ot; Tv.
ot; Tof. ot; Chuv. vot; Yak. uot; Dolg. uot.
◊ VEWT 366, EDT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 483-484, Лексика 356, 361, Федотов 1, 133, Stachowski 245. OT ot-čuq was borrowed in MMong. as očaq ‘hearth’ (see Щербак 1997, 196).
PJpn. *àtà- / *àtù- 1 warm 2 hot (1 теплый 2 горячий): OJpn. atatake- 1, atu- 2; MJpn. àtàtáka 1, atu- 2; Tok. atataká- 1, atsú- 2; Kyo. átátáka1, átsù- 2; Kag. atataká- 1, atsú- 2.
◊ JLTT 387, 826.
PKor. *tằ- warm, hot (теплый, горячий): MKor. tằ-sằ-; Mod.
t:at:ɨt-ha- [t:at:ɨs].
◊ Nam 136, KED 381.
‖ KW 291, ОСНЯ 2, 104, АПиПЯЯ 70, 97, 102, 278, Martin 234, Лексика 356. The Mong. form may belong here if *očkin < *očikin < *oti-kin;
however, it may also reflect PA *p῾ōči ‘spark’ q.v. Korean has a frequent
loss of initial vowel. Tone in Jpn. is irregular.
-ṓt῾è old: Tung. *(x)ut-; Mong. *öte-; Turk. *ȫtü-; Jpn. *t-nà.
PTung. *(x)ut- 1 old 2 earlier, before 3 old age (1 старый 2 раньше,
прежде 3 старость): Evk. utakān 3; utu 1, utēle 2; Evn. ute 1, ȫtel 2; Neg.
utēle 2; Ud. uteli 2; Sol. utaci ‘grandfather’.
◊ Cf. also Evn. ụta-qan ‘old woman’. See ТМС 2, 293, 294, 295.
PMong. *öte- 1 to be old, old 2 old man (1 быть старым, старый 2
старик): MMong. otogu (HY 27, SH), utɛgu (IM), utägu (MA) 2; WMong.
ötel- 1, ötegü 2 (L 646); Kh. ötöl 1, ötgös 2; Bur. ütelhe(n) 1, ütȫ 2; Kalm. ötl
1, ötəgə 2; Ord. ötöl- ‘to get old’; Mog. ütäɣǖ 2; ZM otäl (10-3a) 2; Dag.
utel ‘constantly, traditionally’; utule- 1, utāči 2 (Тод. Даг. 171); Dong.
očien 2, očielu- 1; Mongr. sdōli- (SM 337) 1, sdōgu 2.
◊ KW 302, MGCD 551, TMN 1, 160.
1068
*t῾è - *t῾è
PTurk. *ȫtü- 1 old 2 old, abandoned house 3 everything old 4 name
of the homeland of the Turks (“old country”) (1 старый 2 старое, заброшенное жилище 3 старье 4 назв. местности): OTurk. ötüken 4
(Orkh.); Karakh. ötüken 4 (MK); Tv. ötükän ῾name of a mountain ridge
in Tuva’ (ФиЛ 215); Tof. ötükän ῾ровное широкое место на белках,
удобное для пастьбы оленей’ (ФиЛ 215); Chuv. vadъ 1; Yak. ötöx 2;
Dolg. ötök 3.
◊ Лексика 85; ДТС 393; Stachowski 201. Chuv. va- points only to PT *ȫ-. Turk. > Bur.
ütügen ῾shaman word for earth’ > Yak. ütügen ‘неизвестная даль; преисподняя’ (Пек. III
3195).
PJpn. *t-nà grown-up man, aged person (взрослый): MJpn. otona;
Tok. òtona; Kyo. òtónà; Kag. òtónà.
◊ JLTT 513.
‖ EAS 146, KW 302, Poppe 51, 107 (Mong.-Chuv.-Tung.), Дыбо 11,
Лексика 85. Despite Doerfer MT 46, TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong.
-t῾è (~-t-) sound: Tung. *(x)ot-; Mong. *öči-; Turk. *öt-; Jpn. *t.
PTung. *(x)ot- to shout, cry (кричать): Evk. otutka-.
◊ ТМС 2, 29. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *öči- 1 to report; to pray 2 to sing a song (1 докладывать,
сообщать; молиться 2 петь песню): MMong. oči- (SH, HYt) 1;
WMong. öči- 1; Kh. öč- 1; Kalm. öčə- 1; Ord. öčö- ‘réciter à haute voix
(prière)’; Dag. učule- 2 (Тод. Даг. 172).
◊ KW 302. Mong. (cf. the Dag. form) > Man. učule- ‘sing’, Man., Sol. učun ‘song’ (see
ТМС 2, 297).
PTurk. *öt- 1 to sing (of birds) 2 to say 3 to ask, request (1 петь (о
птицах) 2 сказать, говорить 3 просить): OTurk. öt- 1 (OUygh.), ötün- 3
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öt- 1, ötün- 3 (MK); Tur. öt- 1; Turkm. ötün- 3;
Sal. edi- 2; MTurk. öt- 2 (Pav. C.); Uygh. ötün- 3; Tat. üten- 3; Tv. e’t- 1;
Tof. e’t- 1; Chuv. avъt- 1; Yak. et- 2; Dolg. et- 2.
◊ VEWT 52, ЭСТЯ 1, 556, 557-558, EDT 39, 62, Егоров 21, Stachowski 48. The Chuv.
form is somewhat aberrant phonetically: it is possible that the actual Chuv. reflex of this
root is vitən- ῾to ask’ - while Chuv. avъt- (together with avtan, atan ῾cock’, Tat. ätäč ῾cock’)
goes back to a separate PT root *ebt-, possibly going back to PA *ip῾i (~-p-,-e) ῾to say,
speak’ q.v.
PJpn. *t sound (звук): OJpn. oto; MJpn. ótò; Tok. otó; Kyo. ótò; Kag.
óto.
◊ JLTT 513.
‖ KW 302, Владимирцов 323, Poppe 51, АПиПЯЯ 286. Despite
TMN 2, 134, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk.
*ŏt῾k῾V - *t῾ù
1069
-ŏt῾k῾V grass: Tung. *okta; Mong. *(h)otul; Turk. *ot.
PTung. *okta medicine, powder (лекарство, порошок): Neg. okto;
Man. oqto; SMan. oqətə ‘medicine, drug’ (723); Ul. oqto; Ork. oqto; Nan.
oqto; Orch. okto; Ud. okto.
◊ ТМС 2, 11.
PMong. *(h)otul reed down; reed used for making mats (тростниковый пух; тростник для циновок): WMong. otul (L 625); Kh. otol.
PTurk. *ot grass (трава): OTurk. ot (OUygh.); Karakh. ot (MK); Tur.
ot; Gag. ot; Az. ot; Turkm. ot; MTurk. ot (AH, Pav. C.); Uygh. ot; Krm. ot;
Tat. ut; Kirgh. ot; Kaz. ot; KBalk. ot; KKalp. ot; Kum. ot; Nogh. ot;
SUygh. ot, ut; Khak. ot; Oyr. ot; Tv. o’t; Chuv. udъ, vudъ (dial.) ‘hay’;
Yak. ot; Dolg. ot.
◊ EDT 34-35, ЭСТЯ 1, 481-483, Лексика 119-120, Федотов 2, 294-295, Stachowski 197.
‖ KW 191, Poppe 98, Дыбо 10. A Western isogloss.
-ót῾ó(rV) bushes, low trees: Tung. *utu-n / -r; Turk. *otrug; Jpn. *ntr.
PTung. *utu-n / -r 1 swamp 2 tundra 3 low bushes (1 болото 2 тундра 3 стланик): Evk. utun 1, 2; Ork. uterikte 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 294, 295.
PTurk. *otrug island (остров): OTurk. otruɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. otruɣ
(MK); MTurk. (MKypch.) otrač (dim.) (AH, CCum.); Krm. otrac, otrač,
oturaš; Tat. utraw; Bashk. utraw; Oyr. ortolɨq.
◊ VEWT 367, EDT 65. In some languages the original form was folk-etymologically
reinterpreted as *orta-lɨk ‘located in the middle’. The latter form was borrowed in Mong.,
with regular liquid metathesis, as WMong. olturiɣ, Khalkha oltrig ‘small island, archipelago’ (whence again Khak. oltɨrɨx, Kum. ottɨraɣ (VEWT) ‘island’).
PJpn. *ntr thickly growing bushes (заросли, кусты): OJpn.
od(w)or(w)o; MJpn. ódóró; Tok. odoro.
◊ JLTT 504.
‖ The meanings ‘island’ and ‘forest, bushes’ are frequently associated in Altaic, so the etymology on the whole seems quite plausible.
Note the common derivative *ót῾ó-rV reflected in PT *ot-ru-g, Orok
ute-ri-kte and PJ *ntr.
-t῾ù ( ~ -t-, -i) tent, house: Tung. *utē-n; Turk. *otag; Jpn. *ùtàina ( ~
-ia-).
PTung. *utē-n house, dwelling (чум, жилище): Evk. uten; Evn.
ūtēn; Neg. ūtēn; Ork. utemi; Orch. ūtečeken; Ud. utuli, utulu.
◊ ТМС 2, 295.
PTurk. *otag 1 tent 2 room (1шалаш 2 комната): Karakh. otaɣ (MK)
1; Tur. otak 1, oda 2; Gag. oda 1; Az. otaG 2; Turkm. otaG 2; MTurk. oda
(Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. ọtɔw 1; Uygh. otaq 1; Krm. oda 2; Kirgh. otō 1; Kaz. otaw
1; KBalk. otow 2; KKalp. otaw 1; Kum. otaw 2; Nogh. otaw 1; SUygh. otaɣ,
otax 1; Khak. otax 1; Shr. odaɣ 1; Oyr. odū 1; Tv. odaɣ 1; Yak. otū 1.
1070
*òǯa - *òǯa
◊ EDT 46, VEWT 366, ЭСТЯ 1, 484-487, TMN 2, 66-67, Лексика 496. Turk. > Mong.
otaq (see TMN 2, 67, Щербак 1997, 130). Some forms (like Tur. oda) suggest *ōtag - a secondary form, probably originally meaning “hearth” and derived from *ōt ‘fire’ and easily
confused with *otag ‘tent, dwelling place’. The latter, however, is very well attested (often
in the shape *otagu) and certainly containing a short vowel.
PJpn. *ùtàina ( ~ -ia-) a high building (высокое здание, чертог):
OJpn. utena; MJpn. ùtènà; Tok. utena.
◊ JLTT 565 (with an incorrect translation as ‘earthen mound/platform’).
‖ It is not quite clear whether PTM *utē-n and PJ *ùtàina point to a
common derivative *t῾ù-nV; because of the diphthong in the second
syllable Jpn. may rather reflect a compound with some obscure second
element.
-òǯa to play: Tung. *(x)oǯu; Mong. *oǯu-; Turk. *oj-; Jpn. *àjà-.
PTung. *(x)oǯu oestrum (течка): Evn. oǯụ.
◊ ТМС 2, 7. Cf. perhaps also Oroch uǯaǯina- ‘to play on a wooden instrument’ (if the
original meaning was ‘play’ (’playfulness (of animals)’ > ‘oestrum’).
PMong. *oǯu- 1 to kiss 2 penis (1 целовать 2 penis): MMong. oǯu- 1,
aǯoɣa 2 (IM), uǯa- 1, uǯaɣaj 2 (MA), uǯa- 1, uǯoqa, uǯəqai 2 (LH); WMong.
oǯu-, oǯi- 1, oǯuɣui, oǯuɣu 2 (L 626); Kh. oʒo- 1; Bur. ozogoj 2; Kalm. ozā,
ozəɣǟ 2; Ord. oǯoGo, oǯoGȫ 2; Dag. oǯi- (Тод. Даг. 159, MD 201) 1; Mongr.
oǯoGw, ǯoGw, iGw (SM 72) 2.
◊ KW 292. Mong. > Man. oǯo- etc., see Doerfer MT 142, Rozycki 166.
PTurk. *oj- 1 play 2 to play 3 to jump (1 игра 2 играть 3 прыгать):
OTurk. ojun 1, ojna- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. ojun 1, ojna- 2 (MK); Tur. ojun
1, ojna- 2; Gag. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Az. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Turkm. ojun 1, ojna- 2;
Uzb. ọjin 1, ọjna- 2; Uygh. ojun, ojan 1, ojni- 2; Krm. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Tat.
ujɨn 1, ujna- 2; Bashk. ujɨn 1, ujna- 2; Kirgh. ojun 1, ojno- 2; Kaz. ojɨn 1,
ojna- 2; KBalk. ojun 1, ojna- 2; KKalp. ojɨn 1, ojna- 2; Kum. ojun 1, ojna- 2;
Nogh. ojɨn 1; SUygh. oin, ujin 1; Khak. ojɨn 1, ojna- 2; Shr. oin 1; Oyr. ojɨn
1, ojno- 2; Tv. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Chuv. vъₙjъₙ 1; Yak. ōnńū 1, ōnńō- 2, oj- 3;
Dolg. oj- 3, ōnńō- 2.
◊ EDT 274, 275, ЭСТЯ 1, 435-436, Stachowski 190, 198. The verb also has sexual connotations, preserved in Kirgh., Oyr., Bashk. and Yak. (where it also means ‘to flirt, be in
love’) and in the common Turkic derivative *ojnaĺ ‘lover’ (see ЭСТЯ ibid.) - important for
establishing external connections.
PJpn. *àjà- 1 to manipulate by strings (dolls etc.) 2 to nurse (1 манипулировать при помощи веревок (куклами и т.п.) 2 нянчить):
MJpn. àjà-túr- 1; Tok. ayatsúr- 1, ayas- 2; Kyo. áyátsúr- 1; Kag. ayatsúr- 1.
◊ JLTT 679. The Tokyo accent is aberrant; otherwise all sources point to low tone.
‖ Poppe 64, TMN 2, 225 (“semantisch möglich, nicht mehr”).
P
-pábVrV (~ p῾-, -p-, -ŕ-) to swim, flow: Tung. *pabri-; Jpn. *pápúr-.
PTung. *pabri- 1 to swim 2 to bathe (1 плыть, плавать 2 купаться):
Neg. xajwi- 1; Ul. pawrụwụ 1; Ork. paụrị- 2; Nan. faọr’i- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 458.
PJpn. *pápúr- to overflow (переливаться): OJpn. papur-; MJpn.
áfúr-; Tok. afuré-; Kyo. áfúré-; Kag. afuré-.
◊ JLTT 675, 683. The word is rather peculiar phonetically (with both irregular preservation of -p- > -f- and loss of p- > 0-), but there is hardly reason to separate the OJ and the
modern Jpn. forms.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pắdà to spread; flag, standard: Tung. *pad-; Mong. *bad-; Turk.
*bAd-rak / *bAd-ruk; Jpn. *pátà.
PTung. *pad- 1 to spread out (animal’s skin) 2 name of a game
(spreading a rope between fingers) 3 to arrange (in a row) (1 растягивать, распяливать (шкуру животного) 2 натягивание шнура между
пальцами (назв. игры) 3 расставлять, раскладывать): Evk. hadarga 2;
Man. fajda- 3, fajdan ‘row’; SMan. faidən ‘row’ (1624); Ork. pādda- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 297, 308.
PMong. *bad- 1 to spread, expand, develop 2 flag, standard (1 распростирать, распространяться 2 флаг, знамя): WMong. badara- 1,
badaŋ 2 (L 66); Kh. badra- 1, badan 2; Bur. badar- 1; Kalm. badr- 1; Ord.
badara- 1; Dag. badara- 1 (Тод. Даг. 123), badare- (MD 117); Dong. patara1.
◊ KW 27, MGCD 130. Mong. > Evk. badara-, Man. badara- etc., see Doerfer MT 69.
Sukhebaatar suggests a loan Mong. badaŋ < Tib. badan ‘flag’, but the case is not quite clear:
the Tibetan word itself is clearly borrowed, but the source is not really known (it is
hardly Sanskr. patākā id.), and may be actually Mongolian.
PTurk. *bAd-rak / *bAd-ruk banner, flag (знамя, флаг): OTurk.
badruq (OUygh.); Karakh. batraq (MK: ‘a lance with piece of silk at its
head’); Tur. bajrak; Gag. bajraq; Az. bajraG; Turkm. bajdaq; MTurk. bajraq
(Pav. C.); Uzb. bajrɔq, (dial.) bajdaq; Uygh. bajraq, vajraq, (dial.) bajaq;
Krm. bajraq; Tat. bajraq; Bashk. bajraq; Kaz. (dial.) bajraq; KBalk. bajraq;
KKalp. bajraq; Kum. bajraq; Nogh. bajraq.
1072
*pằgdì - *pjbu
◊ EDT 307, VEWT 55, TMN 2, 385-387, ЭСТЯ 33-34, 36, Лексика 565. Turk. (Chag.) >
Pers., Arab. Clauson’s hypothesis about borrowing from Sanskr. is unfounded because
Sanskrit lacks anything similar.
PJpn. *pátà flag, banner (флаг, знамя): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátà; Tok.
hatá; Kyo. hátà; Kag. háta.
◊ JLTT 401.
‖ Cf. *bdi.
-pằgdì ( ~ p῾-) to moisten, dip: Tung. *pagda-; Jpn. *pìtà-; Kor. *pt-.
PTung. *pagda- to smear (мазать): Evk. hagda-; Evn. hāda-; Ul.
paGda-; Nan. pāGda-.
◊ ТМС 2, 308.
PJpn. *pìtà- 1 to be dipped, become wet 2 to dip, soak (1 окунаться,
увлажняться 2 окунать, мочить): OJpn. p(j)itas- 2; MJpn. fìtàr- 1; Tok.
hitár- 1, hitás- 2; Kyo. hítár- 1, hítás- 2; Kag. hìtàr- 1, hìtàs- 2.
◊ JLTT 690. Tokyo has also irregular accent variants: hìtar-, hìtas-.
PKor. *pt- to float (плавать): MKor. pt-; Mod. t:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 172, KED 523.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Turk. *bat- may be a contamination of this
root with *pat῾a q.v. The Korean match is somewhat dubious semantically, unless one presumes a semantic development ‘float’ < ‘be wet,
flow’; this may be corroborated by apparently related (dialectal?) variants MKor. pàthắ- ‘to strain, filter’ and MKor. phjtì- ‘to overflow’.
Ramstedt (SKE 191) compares the TM forms with MKor. pằrằ- ‘to plaster, smear’, which is dubious (see *píla ).
-pàjá ( ~ p῾-) to shine, glitter: Tung. *paja-; Jpn. *pàjá-.
PTung. *paja- 1 to glitter (of snow) 2 blinded by bright light (1 блестеть (о снеге) 2 ослепленный (ярким светом)): Evk. hajakat- 1; Ud.
pajaktu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 308. Ud. p- points to a borrowing from some unattested Nan. or Ul. form.
PJpn. *pàjá- 1 to be bright, glitter, shine 2 to eclipse (1 блестеть,
сверкать 2 наступать (о солнечном или лунном затмении)): OJpn.
paja- 1, 2; MJpn. faja- 1, 2; Tok. haé- 1; Kyo. hàè- 1; Kag. hàè- 1.
◊ JLTT 682.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pjbu ( ~ p῾-) to add, increase: Tung. *pāb-; Jpn. *pùjà- (~-w-); Kor.
*phó.
PTung. *pāb- to add (добавлять): Evk. hāw-; Evn. hāw-; Neg. xāw-;
Ul. pajị-; Ork. poị-; Nan. poaị-; Sol. āwi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 306-307.
PJpn. *pùjà- (~-w-) to increase, grow (увеличиваться, возрастать):
Tok. fué- (caus. fujá-s-); Kyo. fùè-; Kag. fùè-.
◊ JLTT 693, 696.
*pàje - *pàjò
1073
PKor. *phó 1 many, several, quantity 2 to pile up (1 много, несколько, количество 2 нагромождать): MKor. phó (adv.) 1, phằ- ‘do
smth. repeatedly’ , pho-kai- 2; Mod. pho 1, pho-gä-da 2.
◊ Liu 720, 725, KED 1753.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Aspiration in Korean may be due to secondary affixation (*phó < *po-h- < *pVbV-g-); however, a reconstruction
*pāgu- is not excluded for PTM, and therefore the PA form may be as
well reconstructed as *pājgu (*-j- is needed anyway to explain fricativization in Japanese).
-pàje ( ~ p῾-) a k. of grass: Tung. *pajī-kta; Jpn. *p ( ~ *puà).
PTung. *pajī-kta grass (dry) (трава (сухая)): Evk. hajīkta; Evn. hajt;
Neg. xajta; Man. fojō; Ul. pajqta; Ork. paịqta; Nan. pajaqta; Ud. xaikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 309.
PJpn. *p ( ~ *puà) spike, ear (of grain) (колос): OJpn. p(w)o; MJpn.
fò; Tok. hó; Kyo. hṓ; Kag. hó.
◊ JLTT 413. RJ and Tokyo point to low tone, but Kyoto and Kagoshima are aberrant.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pjkù owl: Tung. *pige ( ~ *piage); Mong. *beg-; Turk. *bĀjk-; Jpn.
*pùkù-; Kor. *púhuŋ.
PTung. *pige ( ~ *piage) kite (коршун): Evk. hiɣen; Evn. huhen,
hösen; Neg. xiɣē-čēn; Ul. piču(n); Ork. pčandi; Nan. pīčuẽ; Orch. xiwočo;
Sol. igēs.
◊ ТМС 2, 322-323.
PMong. *beg- barred owl (сыч): WMong. beg-; Kh. beg-batār,
beg-bātar; Bur. begserge; Kalm. böksə šowūn ‘eagle-owl’.
◊ KW 55.
PTurk. *bĀjk- owl (сова): Tur. bajkuš; bajkara ‘hawk’; Turkm. bājGuš;
MTurk. bajquš, bajqɨz; Kaz. bajɣɨz; Shr. pajoq ‘a k. of bird’.
◊ VEWT 57, ЭСТЯ 2, 32-33. Turk. > MMong. (ZM) beiquš.
PJpn. *pùkù- owl (сова): MJpn. fùkùròfù, fùkùrókù; Tok. fukurō.
◊ JLTT 417.
PKor. *púhŋ owl; kite (сова; коршун): MKor. púhŋ, púhuŋ,
púhuŋ’í; Mod. puəŋi.
◊ Nam 266, KED 817.
‖ An expressive root with somewhat violated correspondences. Cf.
some similar bird names: Khak. pegem ‘wood-hen’, Bur. bug-bātar ‘owl’
(if the analysis ‘demon-hero’ is a folk etymology); Oroch bajakuli ‘name
of a bird’, Man. bajbula ‘magpie’.
-pàjò ( ~ p῾-) spring or autumn wind: Tung. *pajī-; Jpn. *pàjàtì.
PTung. *pajī- 1 freezing weather (in spring or autumn) 2 Northern
or Eastern wind 3 to blow (of spring wind) 4 frost (1 заморозки (весной или осенью) 2 северный или восточный ветер 3 дуть (о весен-
1074
*pko - *pák῾[ò]
нем ветре) 4 иней): Evk. hajī 1, 2, hajī- 3; Nan. χatqa (Kur-Urm.) 1;
Orch. xaika 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 309.
PJpn. *pàjàtì wind storm (сильный ветер): OJpn. pajati, pajate;
MJpn. fàjàtì, fajate; Tok. hàyate, hayáte; Kyo. háyàtè; Kag. hayaté.
◊ JLTT 402. The Tokyo accent is unclear.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. In Turkic cf. perhaps either Karakh. (MK)
ojuq ‘mirage’ or *bej > Chuv. paj ῾frost’.
-pko ( ~ p῾-, -k῾-, -e) rock, cliff: Tung. *pākta; Jpn. *pəki.
PTung. *pākta 1 hill, mound 2 precipice 3 sand bank (1 бугор, возвышенность 2 обрыв 3 берег (песчаный)): Neg. pakta 1 ( < South.); Ul.
pāqta 2; Ork. paqtaị 3; Nan. pāqta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 32.
PJpn. *pəki steep rock (крутая скала): MJpn. foki.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; MKor. pàhói could also be related (if separated from *búge q.v.).
-pák῾à ( ~ *p῾-) to insert, shut in, sew in: Tung. *paKū-; Jpn. *pák-; Kor.
*pàk-.
PTung. *paKū- to close in, buckle, shut up (закрывать, замыкать,
запирать): Evk. hakū-; Evn. haq-; Neg. xaxụ-; Sol. axụ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 311. TM > Dag. xaku ‘closed’ (Тод. Даг. 172); Evk. hakuma ‘closed circle’ >
Dag. xakimā ‘circle dance’ (ibid).
PJpn. *pák- to put on (shirts, trousers) (надевать (рубашку, штаны)): OJpn. pak-; MJpn. fák-; Tok. hàk-; Kyo. hák-; Kag. hàk-.
◊ JLTT 684. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (under lit. influence?).
PKor. *pàk- to insert; to sew with a double stitch (вставлять; сшивать двойным швом): MKor. pàk-; Mod. pak-.
◊ Liu 364, KED 710.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-pák῾[ò] a k. of fish or sea animal: Tung. *paxan; Turk. *buka ( = *boka);
Jpn. *púká; Kor. *pòk.
PTung. *paxan bream (лещ): Ul. paχa(n); Nan. paχã.
◊ ТМС 2, 32.
PTurk. *buka perch (окунь): Tat. ala-boɣa; Kaz. ala-buɣa; Khak.
ala-buɣa.
◊ VEWT 15, Лексика 178 (traditionally regarded as a compound *āla ‘variegated’ +
*buka ‘bull’, which is dubious because of the parallelism in Tat.: ala-balɨq ‘crucian’ :
ala-boɣa ‘perch’ - suggesting that the second part of both compounds is originally a fish
name).
PJpn. *púká shark (акула): MJpn. fúká; Tok. fùka, fuká; Kyo. fúká;
Kag. fúka.
◊ JLTT 417.
*pala - *pằlgà
1075
PKor. *pòk porpoise, (KED) globefish, swellfish, puffer (дельфин):
MKor. pòk; Mod. pog-ə, pok-čäŋi.
◊ Liu 388, KED 798.
‖ Лексика 178. The vocalism reflects a variation between *pak῾o (in
most languages) and *pak῾u ( > Jpn. *púká), perhaps under the influence
of a similar fish name *bek῾u q.v.
-pala ( ~ *p῾-) tooth: Tung. *palV; Jpn. *pa; Kor. *par.
PTung. *palV molar (коренной зуб): Ul. palị; Nan. paloa.
◊ ТМС 2, 313.
PJpn. *pa tooth (зуб): OJpn. pa; MJpn. fa; Tok. há; Kyo. h; Kag. há.
◊ JLTT 394. The PJ accent is not quite clear: Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *pà, but
Kyoto has h (pointing rather to *pá), and RJ has a special tone mark (fá, but with the
upper dot to the right).
PKor. *par tooth (in comp. with *ni-) (зуб (в слож. с *ni-)): MKor.
ni-s-par; Mod. ip:al.
◊ Nam 127, KED 1369.
‖ EAS 55-56, AKE 14, ОСНЯ 3, 95, АПиПЯЯ 109, 278. An Eastern
isogloss. Jpn. reflects a suffixed form *pal(a)-gV (cf. Nan. paloa).
-plčà to be ashamed: Tung. *pālǯe-; Mong. *balči-; Jpn. *pàntù-i.
PTung. *pālǯe- to be ashamed (стыдиться): Evk. hālǯe-; Evn. halǯụ-;
Neg. xalǯa-; Man. anči-aša-; Ork. xalǯē-; Nan. χalǯa-; Orch. xagǯa-; Ud.
xagǯa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 313.
PMong. *balči- to be ashamed (стыдиться): WMong. balači- (L 78);
Kh. balči-; Bur. balšɨsa bari-.
PJpn. *pàntù-i shame (стыд): OJpn. padi; MJpn. fàdì; Tok. hají; Kyo.
hájì; Kag. hàjí.
◊ JLTT 403. For -u- cf. padukasi ‘shameful’.
‖ PA length is responsible for the preservation of b- in Mong. (otherwise *halči- would be expected).
-pằlgà foot: Tung. *palga-n; Turk. *bAlak; Jpn. *pànkì; Kor. *pár.
PTung. *palga-n 1 foot 2 sole (1 нога 2 подошва): Evk. halgan 1;
Evn. halgn 1; Neg. xalgan 1; Ul. palǯa(n) 1; Ork. palǯa(n) 1; Nan. palgã 2;
Orch. xaga ‘paw’; Ud. xaga ‘paw; bear’s trace’; Sol. alɣã 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 312.
PTurk. *bAlak 1 ankle 2 trouser leg 3 foot sole (1 щиколотка 2 штанина 3 стопа): Tur. balaq 2 (dial.); Az. balaG 2; Turkm. balaq 2; MTurk.
balaq 2 (Pav. C.); Krm. balaq 2; Tat. balaq 1, 2; Bashk. balaq 2; Kaz. balaq 2;
‘bird’s foot’; KBalk. balaq 2, 3; KKalp. balaq 2; Kum. balaq 2; Nogh. balaq
2.
◊ VEWT 59, TMN 2, 312, ЭСТЯ 2, 51, Лексика 478. Turk. > Russ. Siber. baláki (pl.)
(Аникин 114). [The latter contains a mistake: balaq ‘пахи’ is not attested in Kirgh. - it is
*pli - *pli
1076
found in Radloff marked as Kirgh., which means Kazakh. Modern Kazakh dictionaries
do not note this meaning; according to the КТТС (1, 86) it means ῾a trouser leg from the
knee downwards; horse’s ankle; part of bird’s leg from the knee down to the ankle’. In
Kirgh. a related stem may be balak-ta- ‘to hang loose (of clothes, particularly of wide trouser legs)’.]
PJpn. *pànkì shin (голень): OJpn. pagji; MJpn. fàgì; Tok. hagí; Kyo.
hágì; Kag. hagí.
◊ JLTT 395. In Ryukyu dialects the word means ‘foot, leg’: cf. Nase hágì, Hateruma
páN, Yonaguni háN ‘foot, leg’ etc.
PKor. *pár foot (нога): MKor. pár; Mod. pal.
◊ Nam 245, KED 722.
‖ EAS 52, Цинциус 1984, 29-30, ОСНЯ 3, 67-70, Menges 1984, 284,
АПиПЯЯ 13, 43, 68, 96, 279.
-pli a k. of fish: Tung. *palu; Mong. *bilaɣu; Turk. *bālɨk; Jpn. *pírámái
(~-miá); Kor. *par-.
PTung. *palu a k. of fish (similar to bream) (вид рыбы (похожей на
леща)): Man. falu.
◊ ТМС 2, 298. Cf. also Evk. pulwāne, palwāne ‘язь’ ( borrowed from some
South.-Tung. form); huldi ‘pike’.
PMong. *bilaɣu 1 carp 2 a k. of salmon (1 карп 2 таймень, язь, сорога): WMong. bilaɣu; buluu, buluɣu 1 (БАМРС); Kh. bulū cagān 1; Bur.
bulūsxai 2.
◊ Cf. also Bur. Okin. baĺuɣan < *baliɣugan, Darkh. baĺus ‘гольян, мелкий хариус’ (see
Аникин 115, but hardly borrowed < Turkic), with a usual vowel variation of the type
milaɣa / maliɣa.
PTurk. *bālɨk fish (рыба): OTurk. balɨq (OUygh.); Karakh. balɨq
(MK); Tur. balɨk; Gag. balɨq; Az. balɨG; Turkm. bālɨq; Sal. baluχ; MTurk.
balɨq, balɨɣ (MA, Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. baliq; Uygh. beliq; Krm. balɨx;
Tat. balɨq; Bashk. balɨq; Kirgh. balɨq; Kaz. balɨq; KBalk. balɨq; KKalp. balɨq;
Kum. balɨq; Nogh. balɨq; Khak. palɨx; Shr. palɨq (R.); Oyr. balɨq; Tv. balɨq;
Tof. balɨq; Chuv. polъ; Yak. balɨk; Dolg. balɨk.
◊ EDT 335, ЭСТЯ 2, 59-60, Лексика 177, Федотов 1, 443, Stachowski 52.
PJpn. *pírámái (~-miá) fluke, plaice (камбала): OJpn. p(j)iram(j)e;
Tok. hìrame; Kyo. hìràmé; Kag. hiráme.
◊ Tokyo and Kagoshima point unambiguosly to high tone, while Kyoto accent is irregular.
PKor. *par- carp (карп): MKor. parkaŋ’i; Mod. palgaŋi.
◊ Liu 368, KED 724 (the word is attested in MKor. with -a-, not -ă-, thus Martin’s
derivation: “a red one” cannot be correct).
‖ VEWT 61, KW 31 (but Kalm. balɣă zaɣăsn ‘a k. of fish’, also compared by Ramstedt, is a Turkism), SKE 185, АПиПЯЯ 282, Дыбо 8,
Лексика 177.
*pli - *pằluk῾V
1077
-pli to be separated, divided: Tung. *pālan; Mong. *belčir; Turk.
*bẹldir; Jpn. *pìràk-; Kor. *pr-.
PTung. *pālan bifurcation, fork (развилина): Evk. hālān; Neg. xalan;
Ul. xala(n); Nan. pālã; Orch. xāla(n); Ud. xala(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 312.
PMong. *belčir cross-road; joint of two rivers (перекресток; соединение двух рек): MMong. belčir (SH); WMong. belčir (L 97); Kh. belčir;
Bur. belšer; Kalm. belčr.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bẹldir cross-roads, separation of two roads or rivers (перекресток, развилка двух дорог или рек): OTurk. beltir (OUygh.);
Karakh. beltir (MK); Tat. pilter ‘вода, скапливающаяся около болота’
(КСТТ); Khak. piltər; Shr. peltir; Oyr. beltir; Tv. beldir; Yak. bilir.
◊ VEWT 69, EDT 334, Лексика 98.
PJpn. *pìràk- to open (открывать): OJpn. pjirak-; MJpn. fìràk-; Tok.
hirák-; Kyo. hírák-; Kag. hìràk-.
◊ JLTT 689.
PKor. *pr- to be opened, separated (быть широко открытым, разделенным): MKor. pr-; Mod. pl-, plli-, palɨ- (trans.).
◊ Nam 256, KED 706, 765, 766.
‖ KW 42, SKE 150, Лексика 98. Mong. may be borrowed from Turk.
(see TMN 1, 238, Щербак 1997, 104).
-pằluk῾V hammer: Tung. *paluka; Mong. *haluka; Turk. *bAlka.
PTung. *paluka hammer (молоток): Evk. halka; Evn. halq; Neg.
xalka; Man. folχo; Ul. palawụ(n); Ork. palo; Nan. paloa; Orch. xalua,
xaluwa; Ud. xaluga; Sol. alxa.
◊ ТМС 2, 313.
PMong. *haluka hammer (молоток): MMong. hol[o]ɣa (IM);
WMong. aluqa(n) (L 34); Kh. alx(an); Bur. alxa; Kalm. alxə; Ord. aluxu;
Mog. aluqa (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xallogu (MGCD 106), xaldugu (Тод.
Даг. 173).
◊ KW 7.
PTurk. *bAlka hammer (молоток): Uzb. balɣa (Chag.); Tat. balɣa
(Sib.); Kirgh. balɣa.
◊ VEWT 61, ЭСТЯ 2, 57-58. Turk. > Mong. balɣu, balig (KW 31).
‖ KW 7, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 30-31, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 78
(although, despite the two latter authors, in this case one can hardly
think of a loanword). A Western isogloss. May be an old “Wanderwort” (cf. PIE *pelek’u-). Low tone and shortness reconstructed because
of Mong. *h-.
1078
*pàńé - *pap῾ó
-pàńé ( ~ p῾-) shadow: Tung. *pańa-; Jpn. *pn ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *pám.
PTung. *pańa-n shadow (тень): Evk. hańan; Evn. hịńān; Neg. xańan;
Man. fajaŋGa ‘soul, spirit’; SMan. faiŋə ‘soul’ (771); Ul. pańa(n); Ork.
pana(n); Nan. pańã; Orch. xańa(n); Ud. xańa(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 315.
PJpn. *pn ( ~ -ua-) dim (тусклый): OJpn. p(w)on(w)o(-ka); MJpn.
fònó(-ka); Tok. hónoka; Kyo. hònókà; Kag. honoká.
◊ JLTT 414.
PKor. *pám night (ночь): MKor. pám; Mod. pam.
◊ Nam 248, KED 733.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 31. An Eastern isogloss. The Korean etymology in
SKE 187 - to TM *pak- ‘dark’ - is hardly plausible). Cf. perhaps also TM
*pāŋ-sa- ( < *pań-ŋsa?) ‘black’.
-pańi ( ~ p῾-) ornament, attire: Tung. *pani-; Jpn. *pìnâ; Kor. *pìń-.
PTung. *pani- 1 to attire 2 attire (1 наряжаться 2 наряд): Evk.
hani-sin 2; Evn. hānị 2, hānị- 2; Neg. xānị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 314.
PJpn. *pìnâ ornamental doll (кукла (как украшение)): MJpn. fíná
(fínà), fifina, fiina; Tok. hína; Kyo. hìnâ; Kag. hiná.
◊ JLTT 407.
PKor. *pìń- to attire; to blossom (наряжать(ся); цвести): MKor. pìs(pìń-).
◊ Nam 280.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-pap῾ó ( ~ p῾-, -b-) work, order: Tung. *paba ( ~ -p-); Mong. *(h)eb; Jpn.
*pampi-.
PTung. *paba ( ~ -p-) 1 work 2 skilful, diligent 3 to work (1 работа 2
работящий, умелый, усердный 3 работать): Evk. hawā 1, hawal- 3;
Evn. hawa 1, hawad- 3; Neg. xawadịjin 2, xawādakta- 1; Man. fafuri 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 307.
PMong. *(h)eb system, order, co-operation (система, порядок, сотрудничество): WMong. eb (L 284); Kh. ev; Bur. eb; Kalm. eb; Ord. eb.
◊ KW 116. Mong. > Chag. ep etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 286-287, see VEWT 46). Cf. perhaps also
(with back vocalism) WMong. aburi ‘conduct, behaviour’ (L 7), aɣali, aɣasi id. (L 12).
PJpn. *pampi- to serve, to be (pol.) (служить, быть (вежл.)): MJpn.
faberi (MJ); Tok. haber-.
◊ JLTT 682.
‖ A rather abstract common Altaic root. Note WMong. abu-ri which
can probably be identified with Man. fafu-ri < *pap῾ó-rV (but MJ faberi is
rather < *pampi ari, with a Jpn. auxiliary verb.
*parki - *pằsi
1079
-parki mighty, brave: Tung. *parga; Mong. *berke; Turk. *berk.
PTung. *parga 1 brave 2 silly 3 scoundrel (1 храбрый 2 глупый 3
негодяй): Man. ada 3; Ul. parGa(n) 1; Ork. parGa ‘miserly; harmful’;
Nan. farGa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 34.
PMong. *berke difficult; competent, skilled (трудный, тяжелый;
сведущий в чем-л., компетентный): MMong. berke (HY 51, SH, IM),
berket- ‘to become firm’ (MA); WMong. berke (L 99); Kh. berx; Bur. berxe;
Kalm. berkə (КРС 95); Ord. berχe.
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. berke ( but hardly > Chuv. parga, despite Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
PTurk. *berk mighty (мощный, крепкий): OTurk. berk (OUygh.);
Karakh. berk (MK); Tur. berk; Az. bärk; Turkm. berk; MTurk. berk (Pav.
C.); Bashk. birĭk; Kaz. berĭk; SUygh. perik; Chuv. parga; Yak. bert; Dolg.
bert.
◊ EDT 361-362, ЭСТЯ 2, 116-120, Stachowski 58.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-pró ( ~ p῾-, -ŕ-) to buy, sell: Tung. *pār-; Jpn. *pàrá-p-; Kor. *pắrh-.
PTung. *pār- to buy, sell (покупать, продавать): Evn. hārat-.
◊ ТМС 2, 317. Attested only in Evn., with probable parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *pàrá-p- to pay (платить): OJpn. parap-; MJpn. fàráf-; Tok.
hará-; Kyo. hárá-; Kag. hàrà-.
◊ JLTT 684. Kyoto reflects a variant *pàràp-.
PKor. *pắrh- to sell (продавать): MKor. phắr-; Mod. phal-.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1736.
‖ EAS 56. An Eastern isogloss.
-pằsi to press, pinch: Tung. *pasu-; Turk. *bas-; Jpn. *pìsà- / *ps-; Kor.
*ps-kí-.
PTung. *pasu- to press, pinch (давить (пальцами, рукой)): Evk.
hasu-; Evn. as asqlan (Ol.) ‘handful’; Neg. xas-; Ul. pasala-; Nan. pasoala-;
Sol. asụ-xụ ‘handful’.
◊ ТМС 2, 318.
PTurk. *bas- to press (давить): OTurk. bas- (OUygh.); Karakh. bas(MK); Tur. bas-; Gag. bas-; Az. bas-; Turkm. bas-; Sal. pas-; MTurk. bas(Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔs-; Uygh. bas-; Krm. bas-; Tat. bas-; Bashk. baϑ-; Kirgh.
bas-; Kaz. bas-; KBalk. bas-; KKalp. bas-; Kum. bas-; Nogh. bas-; SUygh.
pas-; Khak. pas-; Oyr. bas-, pas-; Tv. bas-; Tof. ba’s-; Chuv. pos-; Yak.
battā-; Dolg. battā-.
◊ EDT 370-371, VEWT 64, TMN 2, 245-6, ЭСТЯ 2, 74-77, Лексика 393, 571, Федотов
1, 448, Stachowski 55. Turk. > Mong. basu- > Man. basu-, see TMN 2, 246, Doerfer MT 135.
PJpn. *pìsà- / *ps- thin (тонкий): OJpn. p(w)oso-; MJpn. fòsò-; Tok.
hosói; Kyo. hósò-; Kag. hosó-.
1080
*pasi - *pàt῾á
◊ JLTT 828. Ryukyu dialects reflect a variant *pìsà-, cf. Shuri Fís-, Hateruma pìšà-,
Yonaguni xìtč-.
PKor. *ps-kí- to press, hold tight, compress (давить, сжимать):
MKor. pskí-; Mod. k:ī-.
◊ Nam 80, KED 262.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 68, 280, Дыбо 13. In Jpn. ‘thin’ < ‘pressed, compressed’.
The root is actively interacting with *psa and *p῾úsa q. v. The vowel
variation in Japanese dialects may point to a variant *pằse.
-pasi ( ~ p῾-) to run, hurry: Tung. *pasi-; Mong. *hesüre-; Kor. *pàs- /
*pàč-.
PTung. *pasi- 1 to hurry, scurry 2 commotion, hurry (n.) (1 торопиться, суетиться 2 торопливость, смятение): Evn. hasụl- 1; Man.
fači-xin, faču-xun 2, fačiaša- 1; SMan. fačuhun ‘disordered’ (1065); fačuhuru- ‘to fall into disorder’ (1066); Sol. paig 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 36. The root has some peculiarities: p- in Sol. probably means that the word
is borrowed < Manchu. Manchu -č- : Evn. -s- is quite strange: it may point to a derivation
fači- < *pasi-či- in Manchu. TM > Dag. pačgurā- ‘to become confused’ (Тод. Даг. 160).
PMong. *hesüre- to jump, leap (прыгать, скакать): WMong. üsür(L 1014); Kh. üsre-; Bur. hür-; Kalm. ösr- (КРС); Ord. üsür-; Mog. üsürü(Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xesre- (Тод. Даг. 176), xesure-; hesere- (MD 161);
S.-Yugh. sur-.
◊ MGCD 697.
PKor. *pàs- / *pàč- 1 to be hurried, urgent 2 to make hurry (1 быть
срочным, поспешным 2 торопить, спешить): MKor. pàspằ- 1, pàčh- 2;
Mod. pap:ɨ- 1, pap:i-ha- 2.
◊ Liu 371, 373, KED 707.
‖ The root should be distinguished from *bàšo q.v. (cf. the distinction in Manchu), although some contaminations were possible. Note a
peculiar alternation *-s-/*-č- both in TM and Kor., possibly indicating
an old suffixed variant *p῾asi-č῾V. PJ *pasir- ‘run’, because of its vocalism, is rather to be attributed to PA *p῾eĺo q.v.
-pàt῾á to get, get into: Turk. *bat-; Jpn. *pàtàr-; Kor. *pàt-.
PTurk. *bat- 1 to sink 2 to fit into, get into (1 погружаться 2 попадать): OTurk. bat- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. bat- 1 (MK); Tur. bat- 1; Gag. bat1; Az. bat- 1; Turkm. bat- 1; Sal. pat- 1; MTurk. bat- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔt1; Uygh. bat-, pat- 1; Krm. bat- 1; Tat. bat- 1; Bashk. bat- 1; Kirgh. bat- 1, 2;
Kaz. bat- 1; KBalk. bat- 1; KKalp. bat- 1; Kum. bat- 1; Nogh. bat- 1;
SUygh. pat- 1; Khak. pat- 1; Shr. pat- 1; Oyr. pat- 1, 2; Tv. ba’t- 1; Tof. ba’t1; Chuv. pot- 1; Yak. bat- 2, batarɨ ‘into, deep into’; Dolg. batarɨ ‘into,
deep into’.
◊ EDT 298, VEWT 65, ЭСТЯ 2, 78-80, TMN 2, 230-231, Stachowski 55, Федотов 1, 455.
*pt῾e - *peč῾i
1081
PJpn. *pàtàr- to collect (taxes etc.) (собирать (налоги), взимать):
OJpn. patar-; MJpn. fàtàr-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *pàt- to get, obtain (получать): MKor. pàt-; Mod. pat-.
◊ Nam 244, KED 721.
‖ Poppe 89. Korean has a usual “verbal” low tone. See also *pagdi,
*p῾etV.
-pt῾e louse, biting insect: Tung. *pānta- / *pēnte-; Mong. *batagana;
Turk. *bɨt; Kor. *pátắrí.
PTung. *pānta- / *pēnte- 1 rainworm 2 flea (1 дождевой червь 2
блоха): Evk. hānteku 2; Nan. pēnte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 47, 315.
PMong. *batagana fly (муха): WMong. bataɣana (L 91); Kh. batgana;
Bur. bataganā(n); Kalm. batxənə; Ord. bataGana.
◊ KW 36.
PTurk. *bɨt louse (вошь): OTurk. bit (OUygh.); Karakh. bit (MK);
Tur. bit; Gag. bi ; Az. bit; Turkm. bit; Sal. bišt; Khal. bit; MTurk. bit (Pav.
C.); Uzb. bit; Uygh. pit; Krm. bit; Tat. bet; Bashk. bet; Kirgh. bit; Kaz. bit;
KBalk. bit; KKalp. bijt; Kum. bit; Nogh. bijt; SUygh. bɨšt; Khak. pət; Shr.
pit; Oyr. bijt; Tv. bɨ’t; Tof. bɨ’t; Chuv. pɨjdъ; Yak. bɨt.
◊ VEWT 76, EDT 296, ЭСТЯ 2, 151-152, Лексика 182.
PKor. *pátắrí a k. of bee (вид пчелы): MKor. pátắrí; Mod. pādəri.
◊ Nam 237, KED 704.
‖ Лексика 182. Mergers with *p῾unte were possible (which may explain the non-etymological -n- in TM). Cf. also Kor. pindä ‘bedbug’?
-pát῾ò ( ~ *p῾-) loom, detail of a loom: Tung. *pata-n; Jpn. *pátà; Kor.
*pằtằi.
PTung. *pata-n part of a weaving machine (ткацкое бердо): Man.
fatan.
◊ ТМС 2, 318.
PJpn. *pátà loom (ткацкий станок): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátà; Tok.
hatá; Kyo. hátà; Kag. háta.
◊ JLTT 401.
PKor. *pằtằi comb of a loom (гребень ткацкого станка): MKor.
pằtằi; Mod. padi.
◊ Nam 240.
‖ Lee 1958, 109. An interesting Eastern isogloss.
-peč῾i ( ~ p῾-) to be ashamed: Tung. *pečke-; Mong. *hiče-; Kor. *pskrì-.
PTung. *pečke- 1 to be surprised 2 strange, wonderful; base, vile (1
удивляться 2 странный, причудливый; подлый, низкий): Man. fečexun, fečuxun 2, fečiki (n.); Ul. peksi-, peske- 1; Ork. peske- 1; Nan. pekse- 1;
Orch. peksi-, pekse- 1.
1082
*pédá - *pegò
◊ ТМС 2, 48, 305.
PMong. *hiče- to be ashamed (стыдиться): MMong. xiǯe- (HY 36),
xiče- (SH), hič[e]- (IM), (h)iči- (MA); WMong. iče-, iči- (L 397-8); Kh. iče-;
Bur. eše-; Kalm. ič- (КРС); Ord. iča-, eči-; Dag. xiči- (Тод. Даг. 184), šiči(Тод. Даг. 184, MD 215); Dong. šɨǯə-, šəǯe-; Bao. ǯe-, šiče-; S.-Yugh. hǯe-;
Mongr. śē- (SM 389), śiǯē-.
◊ MGCD 415.
PKor. *pskrì- to be ashamed (стыдиться): MKor. pskrì-; Mod.
puk:ɨri-.
◊ Nam 274, KED 810.
‖ SKE 203. MKor. pskrì- = pčkrì- (-s- and -č- are usually neutralized in this position).
-pédá spot, ornament: Tung. *pede-; Mong. *beder; Turk. *bEdiŕ; Jpn.
*pantara.
PTung. *pede- 1 to ruddle, mark (deer, by cutting its ear) 2 dirty (1
метить (оленя, надрезая ухо) 2 грязный): Evk. pedenē- 1 (Kamn.); Evn.
hedenin 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 360. The dialectal Evk. form must be a borrowing from some unattested
Southern Tungus form (as suggested by initial p-).
PMong. *beder stripe, spot (полоса, пятно): WMong. beder, bider (L
103); Kh. bider, beder; Bur. büder; Kalm. bedr; Ord. beder ‘ornaments on
metal or stone’.
◊ KW 41. Mong. > Manchu bederi id. (see Rozycki 27).
PTurk. *bEdiŕ painted ornamentation (рисованное украшение):
OTurk. bediz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. beδiz (MK).
◊ EDT 310, VEWT 67.
PJpn. *pantara in spots, scattered about (пятнистый, лежащий
пятнами): OJpn. padare; MJpn. fadara.
◊ JLTT 395.
‖ EAS 112, KW 41, Poppe 53 (Turk.-Mong.). Despite Щербак 1997,
163, Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk. High tone reconstructed because of Mong. *b-. See also notes to *méru.
-pegò ( ~ p῾-, -e) wart: Tung. *pegu(-ŋkte) ( ~ -b-); Mong. *heɣü; Jpn.
*pəkurə ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *pegu(-ŋkte) ( ~ -b-) 1 wart 2 callosity (1 бородавка 2 мозоль): Evk. hewum 2, heŋte 1; Evn. heŋtъ 1; Neg. xewu-kte 2, xeŋte 1; Man.
fuxu 1; SMan. fuxə, fuxu ‘wart, knot’ (150, 2136); Ul. pukte 1; Ork. peukte
1; Nan. pūkte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 359, 367. Evk. > Dolg. heŋte (see Stachowski 101).
PMong. *heɣü wart (бородавка): WMong. egüü (L 303); Kh. ǖ(n);
Bur. ǖ(n); Kalm. ǖn; Ord. ǖ; Dag. xueči; Dong. xeuʒɨ; Bao. xəuʒɨ; Mongr.
xūrʒə.
*pek῾a - *pḗk῾ò
1083
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685.
PJpn. *pəkurə ( ~ -ua-) mole (родинка): Tok. hokuro.
‖ Poppe 61, Цинциус 1984, 45; Miller 1985, 147-148.
-pek῾a to be embarrassed: Tung. *peku-; Mong. *bakar-da-.
PTung. *peku- to be embarrassed, troubled (смущаться, досадовать, стесняться): Evk. hekir-; Evn. hekuruŋči-; Man. foχodo-, foχoto-, fexere-; fuqǯiša-; Jurch. fe-xi-lar (373); Ul. peken-.
◊ ТМС 2, 302, 362-363.
PMong. *bakar-da- to be embarrassed (беспокоиться, смущаться):
WMong. baqarda-; Kh. baxarda-; Bur. baxarda-; Ord. baxarda-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-pk῾i big, solid, firm: Tung. *pegdi; Mong. *hike; Turk. *bek; Kor.
*phək ( < *pəkh) / *pak.
PTung. *pegdi 1 big, large 2 important (1 большой 2 важный): Evk.
hegdi 1; Man. fuǯun 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 302, 359.
PMong. *hike big (большой): MMong. jeke (HY 52, SH), ike, ikä
(IM), jik (MA); WMong. jeke (L 431); Kh. ix; Bur. jexe; Kalm. ikə; Ord.
iχe; Mog. ikä, (j)ẹkä, ZM īkä (6-2b); Dag. xige, xig (Тод. Даг. 176), šige
(Тод. Даг. 183), šihe (MD 215); Dong. fugie; Bao. hgo, fgo, (MGCD) fguo;
S.-Yugh. šge, (MGCD) šige; Mongr. šge (SM 378).
◊ KW 205-206, MGCD 415, TMN 1, 553. Initial *h- here is quite certain, but is rendered as j- in MMong. because of early palatalization (*hike > *hjeke > jeke). Mong. > Manchu jekeŋge ‘noble, grand’ (see Rozycki 224).
PTurk. *bek firm, solid, stable (крепкий, прочный): OTurk. bek
(OUygh.); Karakh. bek (MK); Tur. pek; Gag. pek; Turkm. bek; MTurk. bek,
pek (Pav. C.); Krm. bek; Tat. bik; Bashk. bik; Kirgh. bek; Kaz. bek; KBalk.
bek; KKalp. bek; Kum. bek; Nogh. bek; SUygh. poq, pɨq; Khak. pik; Shr. pek;
Oyr. bek, pek; Tv. be’k; Chuv. pak ‘suddenly, abruptly’; Yak. bige; Dolg.
bige.
◊ EDT 323, VEWT 68, ЭСТЯ 2, 117-120, Stachowski 60. Closed -i- in Yak. is probably
secondary.
PKor. *pəkh / *pak 1 very 2 vigorously (1 очень 2 сильно, крепко):
MKor. phək; Mod. phək 1, pak 2.
◊ Liu 723, KED 710, 1743.
‖ SKE 62 (Mong.-Tung., incorrectly criticized in TMN 1, 554), 213.
Turk. > WMong. beki, bekü > Evk. beki (see Doerfer TMN 1, 238, MT 101).
Low tone and shortness reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. Cf. also
*p῾àka ‘mighty’ (the two roots could interfere because of similarity).
-pḗk῾ò ( ~ b-) to wish, plan: Mong. *baka-; Turk. *bken-; Jpn. *pàkàr-.
PMong. *baka- to covet, wish (желать, желание, стремление):
WMong. baqa-, baqa (n.) (L 92); Kh. bax (n.); Bur. baxa-; Kalm. baxə (n.);
1084
*pek῾V - *pélaba(nV)
Ord. baxa ‘satisfaction’; Mongr. baGa-, paGa- ‘atteindre, combattre’ (SM
18, 301).
◊ KW 28.
PTurk. *bken- 1 to feel joy, appreciate 2 to strive, hope (1 радоваться, быть благодарным 2 стремиться, надеяться): Karakh. biken- 1;
Tur. beɣen- 1; Az. bäjän- 1; Turkm. begen- 1; Kirgh. bekǖ ‘big joy, feast’;
Chuv. pigen- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 101.
PJpn. *pàkàr- to plan, decide, measure (планировать, решать, измерять): OJpn. pakar-; MJpn. fàkàr-; Tok. hakár-; Kyo. hákár-; Kag. hàkàr-.
◊ JLTT 683.
‖ Cf. *bàka which could have influenced some of the reflexes (in particular, the accentological irregularity of Jpn. *pàkàr- may be explained
by a secondary analogy with *bàkàr-).
-pek῾V ( ~ p῾-) hot, warm: Tung. *peku-; Kor. *pukh ( ~ -ɨ-).
PTung. *peku- hot (горячий): Evk. heku; Evn. hök; Neg. xeku-gdi;
Man. aḱa-n ‘heat’, aqu- ‘to warm, dry’; Ul. pukeuli ‘hot’, pkki- ‘to bake’
( > Ud. piki-le- id.); Ork. xekkuli, xekusi ( < Oroch.); Nan. peku ‘hot’, pịqị‘to warm, heat’; Orch. xeku, xekusi; Ud. xekuhi; Sol. exūgdi.
◊ ТМС 2, 362, 322. The root should be distinguished from *pigi- (v. sub *p῾agV).
PKor. *pukh ( ~ -ɨ-) warm (of weather) (теплый (о погоде)): Mod.
phuk-ha-.
◊ KED 1762.
‖ EAS 53. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-pélaba(nV) a figure made of stone or clay: Tung. *pelbu; Mong.
*barimal; Turk. *bAlbal; Jpn. *páníwá, *panipai, *panima.
PTung. *pelbu antropomorphic pendant for women’s hair (подвеска (женское украшение в виде изображения человека)): Evk. helbu.
◊ ТМС 2, 363. Attested only in Evk., but having interesting external parallels.
PMong. *barimal sculpture (скульптура): WMong. barimal (L 88);
Kh. baŕmal.
PTurk. *bAlbal a stone pillar erected on a grave (каменная колонна на могиле, истукан): OTurk. balbal (Orkh., Yen.).
◊ EDT 333. Borrowed (possibly from an unattested Bulgar source) in Old Russ.
bolvanъ, Hung. bálvány ‘stone idol’ (suggestion of Melioranski, evidently preferable to the
hypothesis of Korsch-Dmitriev < Pers. pahlavān, see Шипова 84-85, Аникин 114).
PJpn. *páníwá, *panipai, *panima figures of men and animals
made of clay (фигурки людей и животных из глины): OJpn. paniwa,
panipe, panima; MJpn. fáníwá; Tok. hàniwa; Kyo. háníwá; Kag. haníwa.
◊ JLTT 398.
‖ The comparison is very tempting, although one has to suppose
secondary folk-etymological reanalysis in Mong. (where barimal /a
*pma - *prV
1085
regular development < *balima-r/) is associated with bari- ‘to build’, and
in Jpn., where all the variants are associated with pani ‘red clay’.
-pma ( ~ p῾-) lip; to munch, eat: Tung. *pemu-; Jpn. *pàm-.
PTung. *pemu-n lip (губа): Evk. hemun; Evn. hemъn; Neg. xemun;
Man. femen; SMan. femən ‘lips’ (28); Ul. pemu(n); Ork. pemu(n); Nan.
pemũ; Orch. xemu(n); Ud. xemu(n); Sol. emme.
◊ ТМС 2, 365.
PJpn. *pàm- eat (есть): OJpn. pam-; MJpn. fàm-.
◊ JLTT 684.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps Khalkha omgono- ‘to chew with
a toothless mouth’. On another possibility of finding Turkic and Mongolian matches see under *emV.
-peńo ( ~ *b-, *p῾-, -o-) flame, light: Jpn. *pənə; Kor. *pằńắ-.
PJpn. *pənə 1 flame 2 dawn (1 пламя 2 рассвет): OJpn.
p(w)ono-p(w)o 1, ake-b(w)ono 2; MJpn. fónó-fó, fònò-fò 1, áké-bónó 2; Tok.
hónoo, honóo 1, àkebono 2; Kyo. hònóò 1, ákébónó 2; Kag. honoó 1, akebóno 2.
◊ JLTT 379, 414. Original accent is not quite clear, because the root is attested only in
compounds.
PKor. *pằńắ- to shine brightly, glare (сверкать, сиять): MKor. pằńắ-;
Mod. nun-pusi-.
◊ Nam 242, KED 362.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pép῾à dust, ashes: Tung. *pepke-; Mong. *baɣa-su; Jpn. *páp(u)í; Kor.
*pap.
PTung. *pepke- grey (серый): Evk. hepkeme; Evn. hēwkēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 368.
PMong. *baɣa- 1 dirt, excrements 2 to defecate (1 грязь, навоз 2 испражняться): MMong. bāsun (IM), bāṣun (IM), basun (MA); WMong.
baɣasu(n) 1, baɣa- 2 (L 67, 68); Kh. bās(an) 1, bā- 2; Bur. bāha(n) 1, bā- 2;
Kalm. bāsn 1, bā- 2; Ord. bās(u) 1; Dag. bāse 1, bā- 2 (MD 116), bās 1;
Dong. basun 1, ba- 2; Bao. basoŋ 1, ba- 2; S.-Yugh. pāsən 1, pā- 2; Mongr.
bāsə (SM 23) 1, bā- 2 (SM 18).
◊ KW 37, MGCD 128, 129. Cf. also *baɣa-la- ‘to suppurate’ (KW 37).
PJpn. *páp(u)í ashes (зола): OJpn. pap(j)i; MJpn. fáfí; Tok. hài; Kyo.
háí; Kag. hé.
◊ JLTT 396.
PKor. *pap refuse, scraps, dust (мусор, пыль): Mod. pap.
◊ KED 734.
‖ SKE 189.
-prV gland, callus: Tung. *peri; Mong. *ber-seɣü; Turk. *ber.
PTung. *peri abrasion, chafe (on horse’s back) (ссадина, стертая
кожа на спине лошади): Man. feri.
1086
*pŕe - *psá
◊ ТМС 2, 305. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *ber-seɣü callus, hard growth (мозоль, твердый нарост):
WMong. bersegüü (L 100); Kh. bersǖ; Bur. ber ‘bump’; Kalm. bersǖ; Ord.
bersǖ.
◊ KW 43.
PTurk. *ber swelling, gland (железа, желвак): Turkm. berč; Kaz.
berišek ‘thick pus’ (R); Khak. mir; Chuv. par; Yak. bert / berge.
‖ KW 43. A Western isogloss. For Turkic cf. alternatively Mong.
marma- ‘be covered with scars’ (cf. traces of nasalization in Turkic languages).
-pŕe ( ~ -i) to feel discomfort, trouble: Tung. *peru-; Mong. *berbeji-;
Turk. *bẹŕ-.
PTung. *peru- to despair, be troubled (отчаиваться, тревожиться):
Evk. herū-; Evn. heri-; Man. furu ‘angry’; Nan. peurekpen-.
◊ ТМС 2, 303, 370.
PMong. *berbeji- to chill, grow numb from cold; to be frightened,
shy (затекать (от холода), зябнуть; пугаться, стесняться): WMong.
berbeji- (L 99); Kh. bervij-; Bur. birba- ‘to feel aversion’; Kalm. berw-;
Ord. berwī-.
◊ KW 43. Cf. *berele-, with a possibility of contamination.
PTurk. *bẹŕ- to shiver, tremble; to hate, be bored, feel aversion ( дрожать; ненавидеть, скучать, чувствовать отвращение): OTurk. bez(Orkh.); Karakh. bez- (MK); Tur. bez-; Az. bez-, bezik-; Turkm. bezik-;
MTurk. bez- (Qutb, CCum.); Uzb. bez-; Uygh. bäz-; Krm. bez-; Tat. biz-;
Bashk. biδ-; Kirgh. bez-; Kaz. bez-; KBalk. bez-; KKalp. bez-; Kum. bez-;
Nogh. bez-; Yak. biskī-.
◊ EDT 389, ЭСТЯ 2, 103-105, TMN 2, 387, Мудрак Дисс. 172 (~--, -ĕ-).
‖ A Western isogloss. High tone reconstructed because of Mong.
*b-.
-psá ( ~ -o) handle: Tung. *pesin; Mong. *hesi; Turk. *basu-; Jpn.
*pàsú-i.
PTung. *pesin handle (рукоятка, ручка): Evk. hesin; Evn. hesъn;
Neg. xesin; Man. fesin; SMan. fešən, fesən (594); Ul. pesi(n); Ork. pesi(n);
Nan. pesĩ; Orch. xesi(n); Ud. xehi.
◊ ТМС 2, 371.
PMong. *hesi handle, stem (ручка, стебель): MMong. hɛši (IM), niši
[with a secondary n- and a usual loss of *h- before s] (MA 299);
WMong. esi (L 334); Kh. iš; Bur. eše; Kalm. išə; Ord. eši, iši; Dag. xeši
(Тод. Даг. 176), heši (MD 161); Bao. jɛśi; S.-Yugh. šə.
◊ KW 210, MGCD 413.
PTurk. *basu- sledge-hammer, mallet (молот, колотушка): Karakh.
basu (MK); Uzb. baska; Khak. pasxa; Oyr. masqa.
*psu - *pḕǯo
1087
◊ VEWT 64.
PJpn. *pàsú-i chopsticks (палочки для еды): OJpn. pasi; MJpn. fàsí;
Tok. háshi; Kyo. hàshí; Kag. hashí.
◊ JLTT 400. The reconstruction *pàsú-i is based on the old Ainu loanword pasuy id.
‖ EAS 54, 102, Poppe 11, 65, , ОСНЯ 3, 77-78, Цинциус 1984, 71-72,
АПиПЯЯ 79. Despite Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 76, TM is not < Mong.
-psu hoar-frost, cold: Mong. *(h)osu-; Turk. *bes; Kor. *psắ-.
PMong. *(h)osu- to freeze, to suffer from cold weather (мерзнуть,
страдать от холода): WMong. osu- (L 624); Kh. oso-, osgo-.
PTurk. *bes hoar-frost (иней): Tur. dial. besim, peseɣü, pesen; Tat. bɛs;
Bashk. bäϑ; Chuv. pas.
◊ Лексика 37-38.
PKor. *psắ- hail (град): MKor. psắ-nūn.
◊ Nam 289. Connection with psắr ‘rice’ (“rice-snow”) cannot be excluded, cf. also the
modern form s:aragi-nūn.
‖ Shortness and low tone reconstructed because of Mong. *(h)-. The
etymology is somewhat questionable because of late attestation in
Turkic and a possibility of an alternative analysis of the Korean form
(see above).
-pètá ( ~ *p῾-, -t῾-) to drop, fall: Tung. *pet-ke-; Jpn. *pàtá-; Kor. *ptr-.
PTung. *pet-ke- to fall, drop (падать, валиться): Evn. hetkъŋči-.
◊ ТМС 2, 371. Attested only in Evn., with possible parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *pàtá- to finish; anchor (кончаться; ставить на якорь): OJpn.
pata-; MJpn. fata-; Tok. haté-; Kyo. hàtè-; Kag. hàtè-.
◊ JLTT 686.
PKor. *ptr- to drop, fall; finish (падать, валиться; кончаться):
MKor. ptr-tí-; Mod. t:ərə-ǯi-.
◊ Nam 151, KED 449.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. also Kor. ptr- ‘shake’.
-pḕǯo to dance: Tung. *pēǯe-; Mong. *böǯi-; Jpn. *pàjà-s-.
PTung. *pēǯe- to dance, roundelay (танцевать, водить хоровод):
Evk. hēǯe-; Evn. hēǯe-; Neg. xēǯen-; Ork. xede (n.).
◊ ТМС 2, 361.
PMong. *böǯi- to dance (танцевать): MMong. boǯi (HY 35), buǯo(IM), buǯi- (MA); WMong. böǯi- (L 153: büǯi-); Kh. böǯi-, büǯi-; Bur. büžeg;
Kalm. böǯi-, büǯi-; Ord. böǯök ‘elégant, joli’, böǯöglö-.
◊ KW 54.
PJpn. *pàjà-s- to accompany, sing and dance in unison (аккомпанировать, танцевать и петь в унисон): MJpn. fajas-; Tok. hayás-; Kyo.
háyás-; Kag. hàyàs-.
◊ JLTT 686.
1088
*píla - *pĺǯi
‖ PA length is responsible for the preservation of b- in Mong. (otherwise *höǯi- would be expected).
-píla to rub, plaster: Tung. *pilki-; Mong. *bila-; Jpn. *pár-; Kor. *pằrằ-.
PTung. *pilki- to rub, smear (натирать, гладить): Evk. hilki-; Ork.
pikki-; Nan. pịlqị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 324.
PMong. *bila- to smear, plaster (мазать, лепить): WMong. bila- (L
103); Kh. ala-; Bur. bila-; Ord. bila-.
PJpn. *pár- to plaster (лепить, наклеивать): OJpn. par-; MJpn. fár-;
Tok. hàr-; Kyo. hár-; Kag. hár-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *pằrằ- to plaster, stick on (штукатурить, намазывать): MKor.
pằrằ-; Mod. parɨ-.
◊ Nam 241, KED 706.
‖ Martin 238 (Kor.-Jpn.). Irregular vowel in Korean (*parV- would
be expected) can be probably explained by vowel assimilation, as well
as by secondary adjustment of this root to părăm ‘wall’ q.v.
-ple a k. of hawk: Tung. *pilakta; Mong. *heliɣe; Turk. *bElin.
PTung. *pilakta 1 a k. of hawk 2 a k. of woodpecker (1 вид ястреба
2 вид дятла): Evk. hilakta 1, 2; Ul. pịlaqta, plaqta 2; Nan. pịlaqta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
PMong. *heliɣe hawk, kite (ястреб, коршун): MMong. xele’e (HY
13), iläs (MA), həlē- (LH); WMong. elije (L 310); Kh. elē; Bur. eĺē; Kalm.
el; Ord. elē, ilē; Dong. helie; Bao. heloŋ.
◊ KW 119, MGCD 257. Mong. > Yak. elia, ? > Bulg. *ileg > Hung. ölyú, ölyuv (see Gombocz 1912, VEWT 40).
PTurk. *bElin hawk (ястреб): Az. beli-baGlɨ; Uzb. belin (Chag.); Krm.
beliŋ.
◊ VEWT 69.
‖ Shortness and low tone reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. A
Western isogloss; cf. perhaps OJ p(j)e- in p(j)è-wò ‘foot-cord for a falcon’
(wo ‘cord, rope’), although the word pe is not attested separately. PJ
*pìa < *pl(e)-gV would be a very good match for Mong. *heliɣe.
-pĺǯi to become overripe, pickled: Tung. *pil(b)-; Mong. *(h)ilǯi-; Turk.
*biĺč-; Jpn. *pìsì-kuá; Kor. *pìrí-.
PTung. *pil(b)- 1 slime 2 to eat raw fish, meat 3 ear pus (1 слизь 2
есть сырое (мясо, рыбу) 3 ушной гной): Evk. hilbi 1, hilbikā- 2, dial.
pila 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 38, 324. A rather rich group of derivatives - attested, however, only in Evk.
PMong. *(h)ilǯi- to become rotten, overboiled (перевариться, сгнивать): WMong. ilǯira-, ilǯire- (L 408: ilǯara-, ilǯira-, ilǯire-); Kh. jalʒra-;
Bur. ilzar-; Kalm. ilǯr-.
*píńŋe - *píńŕa
1089
◊ KW 206. Mong. > Dolg. ilǯi, ilǯirij- (see Stachowski 125).
PTurk. *biĺč- to become boiled, ripe (свариваться, созревать):
OTurk. biš- (OUygh.); Karakh. biš- (MK, KB); Tur. piš-; Gag. piš-; Az.
biš-; Turkm. biš-; Khal. bɨš-; MTurk. biš- (Sangl.); Uzb. piš-; Uygh. piš-;
Krm. biš-, piš-; Tat. beš-, peš-; Bashk. beš-; Kirgh. bɨš-; Kaz. pis-; KBalk.
biš-; KKalp. pis-; Kum. biš-; SUygh. pɨs-; Khak. pɨs-; Shr. pɨš-; Oyr. bɨš-;
Tv. bɨš-; Tof. bɨš-; Chuv. piś-; Yak. bus-.
◊ VEWT 76, EDT 376-377, ЭСТЯ 2, 161-164. Mong. bišlaq, basilaɣ ‘a k. of home cheese’
< Turk. *bɨĺ-lak (Clark 1980, 42, Щербак 1997, 107).
PJpn. *pìsì-kuá anchovy (анчоусы): MJpn. fìsìkó.
◊ JLTT 409.
PKor. *pìrí- to smell (of raw fish, blood) (пахнуть (сырой рыбой,
кровью)): MKor. pìrí-; Mod. piri-.
◊ Liu 412, KED 852.
‖ JOAL 119.
-píńŋe scar, pimple: Tung. *pinŋa; Mong. *beɣere; Turk. *bẹńŕ; Kor.
*pńrm.
PTung. *pinŋa scar (шрам): Evk. hinŋa; Evn. hịnŋn; Neg. xịnŋan;
Man. fiχa ‘ulcer’; Ork. pịna.
◊ ТМС 2, 299, 325.
PMong. *beɣere pus (гной): WMong. begere (MXTTT); Kh. bēr.
◊ Man. berxe ‘eye pus’ (ТМС 1, 127) < Mong.
PTurk. *bẹńŕ 1 swelling 2 scar, ulcer (1 железа 2 шрам, язва):
Karakh. bez (MK, IM) 2; Tur. bez 2; Az. bäz, väz; Turkm. mǟz 2; MTurk.
bez (Sangl.), mez (Sangl.) 1, 2; Uzb. bez 2; Uygh. bäz; Tat. biz 1, 2; Bashk.
biδ; Kirgh. bez 1, 2; Kaz. bez 1, 2; KBalk. bez 1, 2; KKalp. bez 1, 2; Kum.
bez 1, 2; Nogh. bez; Tv. bes 1; Tof. bes 1; Chuv. pür ‘pus’.
◊ VEWT 72, EDT 388, Егоров 142, Федотов 1, 384, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *pńrm pimple, blotch (прыщ): MKor. pńrm; Mod.
pusɨrəm, pūrəm.
◊ Nam 271, KED 813, 816.
‖ Егоров 171 (Chuv.-Mong.), Лексика 209 (with a different Turkic
parallel), Robbeets 2000, 111.
-píńŕa needle: Tung. *pi[ńr]a; Mong. *birim; Turk. *bińŕ (*biŋŕ); Jpn.
*pàrí; Kor. *pànắr (/-r-).
PTung. *pi[ńr]a 1 thick needle 2 fish-hook (1 толстая игла 2 удочка, рыболовный крючок): Evk. hinna (dial. hinda, hindra) 2; Nan. bịnǯā.
◊ ТМС 1, 83, 2, 325. Phonology is somewhat irregular (perhaps due to a rare medial
cluster): in Nan. *pịnǯã would be expected.
PMong. *birim awl (шило): WMong. birim; Kalm. birm.
◊ KW 46.
PTurk. *bińŕ (*biŋŕ) awl (шило): Tur. biz; Az. biz; Turkm. bijz/bīz;
MTurk. biz (MA), bigiz (Pav. C.); Uzb. bigiz; Uygh. biz; Krm. biz; Tat. bez;
1090
*pŋa - *prò
Bashk. beδ; Kirgh. miz; Kaz. biz, dial. bigiz; KBalk. miz; KKalp. biz; Kum.
biz; Nogh. biz; SUygh. pɨz-, puz-; Khak. pəs; Shr. pis; Oyr. mis; Tv. bis;
Tof. bis.
◊ VEWT 75, ЭСТЯ 2, 130-131, TMN 2, 311. The Chag. form bigiz is quite strange: perhaps it is a result of denasalization of *biŋiz < *biŋŕ (this would then suggest a velar nasal
in the root).
PJpn. *pàrí needle (игла): OJpn. pari; MJpn. fàrí; Tok. hári; Kyo. hàrí;
Kag. harí.
◊ JLTT 399.
PKor. *pànắr (/-r-) needle (игла): MKor. pànắr, parăr; Mod. panɨl.
◊ Nam 236, 238, KED 703.
‖ KW 46, Martin 237. Despite Doerfer’s skepticism (TMN 2, 311),
Ramstedt’s comparison still holds. Low tone in Jpn. is perhaps due to
contraction (it does not match either Kor. or *b- in Mong.).
-pŋa ( ~ *p῾-) to separate, emit: Tung. *piŋta-; Jpn. *pànà-.
PTung. *piŋta- to separate (from the herd, flock) (отделять(ся) (от
стада)): Evk. hiŋtal-; Evn. hntl-.
◊ ТМС 2, 326.
PJpn. *pànà- to emit, separate (испускать, отделять(ся)): OJpn.
pana-t-, panara-; MJpn. fànà-t-, fana-s-, fànàra-; Tok. hanát-, hanás-,
hanaré-; Kyo. hánát-, hánás-, hánáré-; Kag. hànàt-, hànàs-, hànàrè-.
◊ JLTT 684.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-prò (~ b-) beak, nose: Turk. *burun (*burɨn); Jpn. *kútí-(n)-pírù; Kor.
*pūrì.
PTurk. *burun (*burɨn) 1 nose 2 front part 3 before (1 нос 2 передняя часть 3 перед, впереди): OTurk. burun 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. burun 1, 3 (MK, KB); Tur. burun 1; Gag. burnu 1; Az. burun 1; Turkm. burun 1; Sal. purnɨ 1; Khal. burɨn 1; MTurk. burun 1, 3 (Sangl.); Uzb. burun
1; Uygh. burun 1; Krm. burun 1; Tat. borɨn 1; Bashk. moron 1, boron 3;
Kirgh. murun 1; Kaz. murɨn 1; KBalk. burun 1; KKalp. murɨn 1; Kum.
burun 1; Nogh. burɨn 1; SUygh. p’urɨn 3; Khak. purun 1, 3; Shr. purnu,
(Верб.) purun 1, 3; Oyr. burun 3; Tv. murnu 2; Tof. murnu 2; Yak. murun
1; Dolg. munnu 1.
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 366-367, ЭСТЯ 2, 269-273, Лексика 214-215, Stachowski 182. Cf.
*bur- ‘to smell’ (VEWT 89).
PJpn. *kútí-(n)-pírù lips, beak (губы, клюв): OJpn. kuti-pjiru; MJpn.
kútí-bírù; Tok. kùchibiru; Kyo. kùchìbírù; Kag. kuchibíru.
◊ JLTT 467. A compound with *kútí ‘mouth’.
PKor. *pūrì beak (клюв): MKor. pūrì; Mod. pūri.
◊ Nam 265, KED 814.
*psa - *páge
1091
‖ Whitman 1985, 191, АПиПЯЯ 283, Лексика 215. Turk. *bur- must
be a secondary assimilation < *bɨr-.
-psa ( ~ p῾-) to insert, press between: Tung. *pisa-; Jpn. *pàsàm-; Kor.
*ps-kì’ú-.
PTung. *pisa- to insert a wedge, to patch (вставлять клин, латать):
Evk. hisā-; Neg. xịsa-; Ul. pịsa-; Nan. pịsa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 328.
PJpn. *pàsàm- to press between, to wedge into (зажимать между,
вклинивать): OJpn. pasam-; MJpn. fàsàm-; Tok. hasám-; Kyo. hásám-;
Kag. hàsàm-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *ps-kì’ú- 1 to insert into a rim 2 to butt, stick in (1 вставлять в
оправу 2 вставлять, вкалывать): MKor. ps-kì’ú- 1, ps-tìr- 2; Mod. k:iu1, č:irɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 80, 181, KED 271, 1530.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Mergers of this root with *pằsi and *p῾úsa q.v.
were possible.
-pisV ( ~ p῾-, -a-) seed, grain: Tung. *pise-; Kor. *psí.
PTung. *pise- 1 seed, offspring; kin 2 millet (1 семя, приплод; племя 2 просо): Evn. hese-n 1 (Okh.); Man. fise-n 1, fisi-ke 2; Ul. pikse 2;
Nan. pikse, Kur-Urm. fisxe 2.
◊ See ТМС 2, 38 (where the Nan. and Ul. forms are qualified as borrowed from Manchu, which is hardly justified; Oroch pikse is < Ul.), 300, 371. One should probably unite
the Manchu stems ‘breed, offspring’ and ‘millet’ (*’seed’). The -e-vowel in Even is not
quite clear.
PKor. *psí seed (семя): MKor. psí; Mod. s:i.
◊ Nam 326, KED 1032.
‖ EAS 54, 82, SKE 231, Цинциус 1984, 40, Lee 1958, 110, АПиПЯЯ
296. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Since the TM forms meaning “millet” go
back to the same root, the second of Ramstedt’s etymologies (SKE 214,
comparison with Kor. phi ‘millet’) should be rejected. In Kor. cf. also
psắr ‘(fine) rice’ (see Lee 1958, 109).
-páge ( ~ p῾-) a k. of weed, panicum: Tung. *pig-; Jpn. *píjái; Kor. *phí.
PTung. *pig- 1 nettle, hemp 2 to peel fibre (from nettle) 3 to spin
threads (1 крапива, конопля 2 снимать волокно с крапивы (для изготовления ниток) 3 сучить нитки): Evk. hiɣa- 3; Neg. xīkte 1; Man. e
1; Ul. pīkte 1; Ork. pīkte 1; Nan. pīkte 1; Orch. xīkte 1, xig-du- 2; Ud. sikte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 322.
PJpn. *píjái panicum Crus-Galli (куриное просо): OJpn. pjije;
MJpn. fíjé; Tok. hìe; Kyo. híé; Kag. híe.
◊ JLTT 405.
PKor. *phí millet (просо): MKor. phí; Mod. phi.
1092
*pki - *pắlagV
◊ Nam 465, KED 1771.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Kor. phí < *pìhí (with vowel reduction).
-pki liver: Tung. *pākin; Turk. *biagɨr.
PTung. *pākin liver (печень): Evk. hākin, hakin; Evn. hāqn; Neg.
xākịn; Man. faxun; SMan. fahun (91); Ul. pā; Ork. pāɣa / pāqa; Nan. pā;
Orch. pāɣa, pāqa; Ud. xa῾i (Корм. 304); Sol. āxĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 310.
PTurk. *biagɨr liver (печень): OTurk. baɣɨr (OUygh.); Karakh. baɣɨr
(MK); Tur. baɣɨr ‘breast, bosom’; Az. baɣɨr; Turkm. baGɨr; Sal. baɣɨr;
MTurk. baɣɨr (Бор. Бад., MA); Uygh. beɣir; Krm. baɣɨr; Tat. bawɨr; Bashk.
bawɨr; Kirgh. bōr; Kaz. bawɨr; KBalk. bawur; KKalp. bawɨr; Nogh. bawɨr;
SUygh. baɣɨr; Khak. pār; Tv. bār; Tof. bār; Chuv. pəₙver; Yak. bɨar; Dolg.
bɨar ‘belly; liver’.
◊ VEWT 55, EDT 317, ЭСТЯ 2, 17-19, 22-23, Лексика 278, Stachowski 69.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 45, 286, Мудрак Дисс. 196-197, Лексика 278. A
Turk.-Tung. isogloss, demonstrating again the rule of monophthongization in PTM after *p- (see *palagV, *pari).
-pắlagV fortress, group of houses: Tung. *palVga; Mong. *balaga-sun;
Turk. *bialɨk; Jpn. *pái.
PTung. *palVga a group of houses (группа домов): Man. falGa.
◊ ТМС 2, 298. Attested only in Manchu, but probably archaic.
PMong. *balaga-sun city, fortress (город, крепость): MMong. balaxasun (HY 4), balaqasun (SH), bal(a)ɣaṣun (IM), balɣasun (MA); WMong.
balaɣasun (L 80: balɣasu(n)); Kh. balgas; Bur. balgāha(n), balgān ‘hovel’;
Kalm. balɣəsn; Ord. balGasu, balGus; Dag. balga, balag ‘house, dwelling
place’ (Тод. Даг. 124); Mongr. ba(r)Gāsə, warGāsə (SM 21, 481).
◊ KW 31. Mong. > Evk. balaɣan, balgahun etc., see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 73;
Аникин 113-114 proposes rather Mong. > Russ. balagán ; Russ. > Yak., Evn. balaɣan.
PTurk. *bialɨk city, fortress (город, крепость): OTurk. balɨq (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. balɨq (MK); Khal. baluq ‘деревня’; MTurk. balɨq (Pav.
C.); SUygh. balɨq, paluq; Chuv. püler.
◊ TMN 2, 257, EDT 335-336, ЭСТЯ 2, 59, ОСНЯ 3, 91, Лексика 485, Мудрак Дисс.
194.
PJpn. *pái hearth; household (очаг; домашнее хозяйство): OJpn.
pe; MJpn. fé.
◊ JLTT 403.
‖ EAS 56, KW 31, Владимирцов 147-148, ОСНЯ 3, 91-92, Sinor
1981 (listing all forms but considering the Turkic word to be borrowed
from Ugric), Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 194. Despite TMN 1, 216, 2, 258,
Щербак 1997, 104 the Mong. form is hardly borrowed from Turk. Jpn.
*pá-i presupposes a form *pắl(a)-gV = TM *palVga etc. Note that this is a
case of monophthongization after *p- in TM (cf. similarly *pari, *pāki).
*pànà - *pàri
1093
-pànà ( ~ *p῾-) face (colour), colour: Tung. *pian-; Kor. *s-pám.
PTung. *pian- 1 appearance, face, colour 2 face side (1 внешность,
лицо, цвет 2 лицевая сторона): Man. an 1; Ud. ṕäńia (Bik.) 2 ( <
South.).
◊ ТМС 2, 36-37.
PKor. *s-pám cheek (щека): MKor. spám; Mod. p:jam.
◊ Nam 248, KED 758.
‖ A TM-Kor. isogloss. One of the cases of prefixed *s- in body parts
in Korean (cf. *s-pj ‘bone’, *s-pr ‘horn’, *s-kòrí ‘tail’).
-papi ( ~ *p῾-) a k. of small bird: Tung. *piabi; Jpn. *pipa; Kor. *pjp-sāi.
PTung. *piabi a k. of sparrow (вид воробья): Evk. hiwi, Yerb. hwi
‘клест, снегирь, дрозд ореховый’; Man. abqu, afiqu ‘воробей-конопляник’.
◊ ТМС 2, 321.
PJpn. *pipa siskin (чиж): Tok. hiwa.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *pjp-sāi jenny wren, Korean crow-tit (крапивник): MKor.
pjp-sāi (-sāi ‘bird’); Mod. pǟpsä.
◊ Nam 258, KED 756.
‖ An onomatopoeic Eastern isogloss.
-pàri finger, finger width (measure): Tung. *pargan; Turk. *biarŋak; Jpn.
*pia; Kor. *pắr.
PTung. *pargan 1 ski bedding for the foot 2 a measure of length
(one centimeter) (1 подстилка на лыже для ступни 2 мера длины
(один сантиметр)): Evk. hargan 1, 2; Nan. pajGa 1; Ud. xaga 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 317.
PTurk. *biarŋak finger, thumb (палец, большой палец): Karakh.
barmaq (Tefs., IM); Tur. parmak, dial. barnak; Gag. parmaq; Az. barmaG;
Turkm. barmaq; Sal. parmax; Khal. barmaq; MTurk. barmaq (Sangl., MA);
Uzb. barmɔq; Uygh. barmaq; Krm. barmaq; Tat. barmaq, dial. barnaq;
Bashk. barmaq, (Pallas) parnaq; Kirgh. barmaq; Kaz. barmaq; KBalk. barmaq; KKalp. barmaq; Kum. barmaq; Nogh. barmaq; Chuv. pürne.
◊ VEWT 63, ЭСТЯ 2, 66-68, Дыбо 319-320, Лексика 253-255.
PJpn. *pia layer (слой): OJpn. pje; MJpn. fe.
◊ JLTT 403.
PKor. *pắr 1 layer 2 set (1 слой 2 набор): MKor. pắr 1, 2; Mod. pəl 2.
◊ Liu 353, KED 764.
‖ Whitman 1985, 153-154, 210 (Kor.-Jpn.). Jpn. *pia < *pàr(i)-ga (cf.
TM *par-ga-) or < *pàr(i)-ŋa (cf. PT *biar-ŋa-k). For the reflex *-a- in TM
see notes to *palagV. The original meaning is ‘finger, finger width’,
whence ‘bedding, layer (“one finger thick”)’. Such a combination of
1094
*pằt῾è - *pt῾e
meanings is still clearly seen in TM (without which the Turkic and
Jpn.-Kor. forms would be hardly comparable).
-pằt῾è to suffer: Tung. *pita-; Mong. *hataɣa-; Turk. *b(i)at; Jpn. *ptp/ *pùtùk-.
PTung. *pita- 1 to worry 2 to suffer (1 беспокоиться 2 страдать):
Evk. hitačil- 1; Evn. ht- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 328.
PMong. *hataɣa- to envy, jealousy (завидовать, ревность): WMong.
ataɣa(n) (L 58); Kh. atā(n); Bur. atā(n); Kalm. atān; Dag. xatarkā- (Тод.
Даг. 175).
◊ KW 17.
PTurk. *b(i)at bad, unworthy (плохой, негодный): OTurk. bat
(Orkh., OUygh.); Tv. pat.
◊ EDT 296, VEWT 65.
PJpn. *ptp- / *pùtùk- to be angry, disturbed (сердиться, тревожиться): OJpn. putukum-; MJpn. futuk-, fòtòfòr-, fùtùkùm-.
◊ JLTT 693, 695. OJ potopor- and putuk- are hard to separate; the vocalism in putukmay have been influenced by putukurwo / put(w)ok(w)orwo ‘breast’ (or else the vocalism in
potopor- may have been influenced by a homonymous potopor- ‘to emit heat’).
‖ OJ pətə-pə-r- and PM *hata-ɣa- may reflect a common derivative
*pằt῾è-p῾V.
-pt῾e tough; swift: Tung. *pit(a); Mong. *bat-; Turk. *biāt; Kor. *patɨk /
*potɨk.
PTung. *pit(a) hard, tough (крепко, плотно): Evk. pit ( < South.);
Man. fita; Ul. pịtam ‘near, close’; Ork. pịtamǯi; pit ‘just, soon’.
◊ ТМС 2, 39.
PMong. *bat- 1 hard, tough 2 urgent (1 прочный, надежный 2
срочный, поспешный): MMong. batu (SH, HYt), bāṭu (IM), batu (MA)
1; WMong. batu 1 (L 91), bačim 2 (L 65); Kh. bat 1, bačim 2; Bur. bata 1,
bašam 2; Kalm. batə 1, bačm 2; Ord. batu 1 bačimda- ‘to hurry’; Dag. bate 1
(MD 120), batu 1; Dong. putu 1; Bao. batə; S.-Yugh. batə 1; Mongr. padu
(SM 300), padə 1.
◊ KW 36, MGCD 146.
PTurk. *biāt swift, quick (быстрый): OTurk. bat (OUygh.); Karakh.
bat (MK); Tur. pat ‘suddenly’; Turkm. bāda ‘at once’; MTurk. bat
(Sangl.); Uzb. bɔt; Uygh. pat; Kirgh. bat; Tv. pat ‘extremely’; Chuv. pidə (
< *püdə?) ‘most, very’.
◊ VEWT 65, EDT 296, Егоров 162, Федотов 1, 437.
PKor. *patɨk / *potɨk persistently, obstinately (упрямо, настойчиво): Mod. padɨk-padɨk, podɨk-podɨk.
◊ KED 704.
*pka - *pltorV
1095
‖ Poppe 51, KW 36, PKE 146-147. The Kor. form is expressive and
not quite regular.
-pka a k. of weed: Tung. *puka; Mong. *(h)agi; Turk. *bakɨr; Jpn.
*pàkuá-; Kor. *phá ( ~ *páh).
PTung. *puka 1 henbane 2 fern 3 dry grass for fire (1 белена 2 папоротник 3 сухая трава для растопки): Man. fuqtala 2, fuxen 3; Ul.
poqo 1; Nan. poqaqã 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 40, 301, 302.
PMong. *(h)agi wormwood (полынь): WMong. agi (L 19); Kh. aǵ;
Bur. aja; Ord. agi ‘artemisia maritima Bess.’.
◊ S.-Yugh. ajī id. (MGCD 96) may be a literary loan.
PTurk. *bakɨr cockle (куколь): Tat. baqra; Chuv. poxra.
◊ Федотов 1, 441-442. Cf. Oyr. pagɨr ‘allium nutans’, ‘слизун’.
PJpn. *pàkuá- a k. of weed (Stellaria media Cyr.) (мокричник): Tok.
hàkobe; Kyo. hàkóbè; Kag. hakobé.
PKor. *phá ( ~ *páh) onion (лук): MKor. phá; Mod. pha.
◊ Nam 461, KED 1728.
‖ Дыбо 11. Kor. *phá < *puhá ~ *păhá with usual vowel reduction.
The Turkic forms are very scantily attested and somewhat dubious
(one would rather expect *bagɨr).
-póko buttock: Tung. *pika; Mong. *bögse.
PTung. *pika 1 rear, buttocks 2 naked, with naked buttocks (1 зад,
ягодицы 2 голый, без штанов): Evk. hikańa 1; Neg. xịxańa 1; Man. aqu
2; SMan. aku 2 (207); Ul. pịqa 2 (Суник 1985, 225); Nan. piqa 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 323, 299.
PMong. *bögse rump, buttock (зад, ягодицы): MMong. bokse (SH),
bukse (MA 123); WMong. bögse(n) (L 126); Kh. bögs; Bur. bügse; Kalm.
böksə; Ord. bögsö ‘buttock, vulva’; Dag. bursu, burse (Тод. Даг. 128), burs;
Dong. bursu, burse, bugsu (Poppe); S.-Yugh. bəgse.
◊ KW 55, MGCD 161. Usually considered to be borrowed < Turk. bögsek (see Щербак
1997, 109, Лексика 278, EDT 329), but the Turkic word means “upper part of chest”
which makes the loan theory extremely dubious. Mong. > Kirgh., Kaz. böksö ‘buttocks’
(see EDT 329), Evk. buksu etc., see Doerfer MT 130, Rozycki 37.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. High tone can be reconstructed because
of Mong. *b-.
-pltorV (/-ld-) a k. of small bird: Tung. *pilti-; Mong. *bolǯir- /
*boldur-; Turk. *bɨldur- (*buldɨr-); Jpn. *pàtuâ; Kor. *pìtùrí.
PTung. *pilti- a k. of wild duck (утка-свиязь): Evk. hiltiwir, hiltiɣir.
◊ ТМС 2, 324. Attested only in Evk., with probable external parallels.
PMong. *bolǯir- / *boldur- lark (жаворонок): MMong. bildu’ur,
bilǯi’ur ‘lark’ (SH); WMong. bulduraɣun, (L 119) bolǯimar, bolǯimur; Kh.
1096
*pṓro - *pṓro
bolǯmor, boǯrogo; Bur. bulžamar, bulžamūr; bolžūxaj, bulžūxaj ‘young of a
bird’; Kalm. bolǯūxǟ ‘young of a bird’, buldərūn; Ord. bilǯūxǟ ‘little bird’.
◊ KW 50, 59. Mong. > Manchu baldargan ‘a k. of bird’.
PTurk. *bɨldur- (*buldɨr-) a bird smaller than a grey partridge,
quail (рыжая куропатка, степной рябчик): Tur. bɨldɨrǯɨn; Az. bɨldɨrčɨn
(dial.); MTurk. bɨldɨrčɨn (Sangl., Houts., Bulgat); Uzb. bulduriq ‘Steppenhuhn’; Kirgh. bulduruq; Kaz. buldɨrɨq; KKalp. buldɨrɨq; Chuv. pъₙldъₙrǯan
(dial.); Yak. bɨlǯɨrɨt, bɨllɨrɨt ‘snipe’.
◊ EDT 309, TMN 2, 312, VEWT 73-74, ЭСТЯ 2, 305-306, Лексика 173. Turk. > Russ.
Siber. buld’ur’uk (Аникин 140).
PJpn. *pàtuâ pigeon (голубь): OJpn. patwo; MJpn. fato; Tok. háto;
Kyo. hàtô; Kag. ható.
◊ JLTT 402.
PKor. *pìtùrí pigeon (голубь): MKor. pìtùrí, pitărki, pitori, pituroki;
Mod. pidulgi.
◊ Nam 276, KED 851.
‖ Martin 228, Лексика 174. An expressive root with not quite precise correspondences (like in many bird names). Vocalism is rather
hard to reconstruct: in PT we have to assume a secondary delabialization (*buldɨr- > *bɨldur-). Note velar suffixation in several Turkic and
Mongolian forms; the PJ form also may go back to *poltor-ga > *poltoɣa
> *patua.
-pṓro a k. of plant: Tung. *piregde; Mong. *burga-; Turk. *bōr-.
PTung. *piregden a k. of plant (вид кустарника): Ul. piragda
‘чубушник’; Nan. piregdēn сирень крупная (Сем Ю.А.-Сем Л.И. 1988,
14).
◊ ТМС 2, 39.
PMong. *burga-, *buraɣa 1 willow 2 (willow) bushes (1 ива 2 кусты, заросли (ивы)): WMong. burɣasu(n) 1, buraɣa, burɣa 2 (L 137); Kh.
burgas(an), burgās(an) 1, burgana ‘a k. of maple’, burā 2; Bur. burgāha(n) 1,
2; Kalm. burɣəsn 1, burā 2; Ord. burGasu 1; Dag. bargās (Тод. Даг. 124),
baregase (MD 119); Mongr. burGāsə.
◊ KW 61,62, MGCD 170. Cf. also borolǯi ‘кедровник на болотах’. TMN 1, 225. Mong
> MTurk. burɣasun, see Щербак 1997, 201 (whence Russ. Siber. burgás, see Аникин
143-144); > Evk. burgan etc. (ТМС 1, 111, Rozycki 39).
PTurk. *bōr- a k. of plant or tree (вид дерева или растения):
Turkm. bōrǯaq ‘эфедра’; Kirgh. boruq ‘small reed’; Oyr. borsuq ‘yew’;
Yak. borū ‘хвощ’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
*póro(-k῾V) - *pósò
1097
-póro(-k῾V) ( ~ -u-) wrinkle, callosity: Tung. *pirki- ( ~ -ü-); Mong.
*boruɣa; Turk. *burkɨ.
PTung. *pirki- ( ~ -ü-) to obtain a callosity (натирать мозоль): Evk.
hirki-; Evn. ịrq-.
◊ ТМС 2, 327. Cf. perhaps also Man. furu ‘pustule (in mouth); knag (on a tree)’, ТМС
2, 303.
PMong. *boruɣa bone callosity (мозоль на кости): WMong. boruu;
Kh. borō; Bur. bordigor ‘с наростами ( о коре дерева’; bordij- ‘быть
шероховатым’; Kalm. borā(n) ‘Fehler in der Haarbekleidung des Pferdefusses’.
◊ KW 51.
PTurk. *burkɨ wrinkled (сморщенный): OTurk. burqɨ; Karakh.
burqɨ, burqɨɣ ‘wrinkle’.
◊ EDT 360.
‖ A Western isogloss. High tone may be reconstructed because of
Mong. *b-. Reflected are forms with different suffixes (*poro-k῾V and
*poro-gV).
-pósò stairway, step (of stairs): Tung. *pise-; Mong. *bosuga; Turk.
*bAs-kɨč; Jpn. *pásì.
PTung. *pise- 1 to make a penthouse 2 penthouse 3 opposite walls
from roof to ceiling (1 делать навес 2 навес 3 стены напротив друг
друга от крыши до потолка): Man. fise- 1, fiseku, fiseŋge 2; Nan. pisoa 3
(Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 300.
PMong. *bosuga threshold (порог): MMong. bosoxa (HY 16), bosoqa
(SH) ῾threshold’, bosaqa, bosaɣa ‘door-post’ (MA 141, 143); WMong.
bosuɣa (L 122); Kh. bosgo; Bur. bohogo, bogoho; Kalm. bosəɣə, bosxə; Ord.
bošoGo; Dag. basarga, basarag (Тод. Даг. 125) (MGCD basrag); Mongr.
bosGo (SM 29), (MGCD pusGo).
◊ KW 52, MGCD 158. Mong. > Chag. bosaɣa etc. (VEWT 85, TMN 1, 227, Щербак
1997, 201, ЭСТЯ 2, 197-198, Лексика 512), Chuv. pusaxa ‘stirrup, threshold, ladder’
(Róna-Tas 1971-1972). A variant form must have been *basu(r)ga, cf. Dag. basrag and TM
loanwords: Evk. basurga etc. (ТМС 1, 76, Doerfer MT 101).
PTurk. *bAs-kɨč stairway (лестница): Uzb. basqɨǯ (Chag.); Khak.
pasxɨs; Tv. basqɨš.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 77 (usually derived < *bas- ‘to press, trample’).
PJpn. *pasi bridge, ladder (мост, лестница): OJpn. pasi; MJpn. fásì;
Tok. hashí; Kyo. háshì; Kag. háshi.
◊ JLTT 400.
‖ In PT *bos- would be expected; the root had changed to *basprobably because of the folk-etymological resemblance to *bas- ‘press’.
Cf. *bási ‘penthouse’.
1098
*poǯi - *pbi
-poǯi ( ~ p῾-, -u-) root: Tung. *puǯuri; Mong. *hiǯaɣur.
PTung. *puǯuri root, beginning (корень, основание): Man. fuǯuri.
◊ ТМС 2, 302. Attested only in Manchu - but cf. perhaps PTM *puǯurga- ‘to contort,
twist (an arm, leg)’ ( < ‘uproot’?) (ТМС 2, 337).
PMong. *hiǯaɣur 1 root, stalk, stem 2 origin 3 back (1 корень, стебель, ствол 2 происхождение 3 задняя сторона): MMong. uǯu’ur
‘stalk, stem’ (HY 50), xuǯa’ur (’root’ HY 7, SH), uǯawur, hiǯauri (MA) 1,
xuǯa’ur 2 (HYt), hūǯāwur (LH), hūǯaūr (Lig.VMI); WMong. uǯuɣur,
iǯaɣur 1 (L 418); Kh. joʒōr 1, uʒūr 3; Bur. uzūr 1, 2; Kalm. jozūr 1; Ord.
iǯūr 1, 2; Dag. xoǯōr (Тод. Даг. 176) 1, 2; hoǯore 1 (MD 163); Mongr. sʒūr,
śūr (SM 340, 392), (MGCD śiǯūr).
◊ KW 220, MGCD 732, TMN 1, 535. Mong. > Evk. (Kamn.) iʒagur, Sol. oǯōr, see Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 80 (but not Man. fuǯuri!).
‖ Владимирцов 187, Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 53. A Mong.-Tung.
isogloss.
-pbi to mince, saw: Tung. *pubu-; Mong. *(h)üji-; Turk. *bij-; Jpn.
*piwa-; Kor. *pjàpắi-.
PTung. *pubu- 1 to saw 2 saw (1 пилить 2 пила): Evk. huwu- 1, hūwun 2; Evn. h-na-; Neg. xo-; Man. fufu- 1, fufun 2; Ul. p- 1, pụpụ(n) 2;
Ork. pụpụ-la-, ppụ(n) 2; Nan. pō- 1, popõ 2; Orch. xū 2; Ud. xu 2; Sol. ōgĩ,
gĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 336. The existing form reflect the verbal stem *pubu- and the derived noun
*pubu-pu(n) (with some later confusion because of the loss of *-b-).
PMong. *(h)üji- to crush, pulverize (ломать на мелкие куски, крошить): WMong. üi-le-, üi-re- (L 1001); Kh. üjre-; Bur. üjre-.
PTurk. *bij- sharp edge, knife (острый край, нож): OTurk. bi
(OUygh.); Khak. pi-ze- ‘to whet, sharpen’; Yak. bī; Dolg. bī.
◊ EDT 291, VEWT 75, Лексика 398, 399-400, Stachowski 61.
PJpn. *piwa- to mince, cut into small slices (размельчать, резать на
мелкие куски): OJpn. pjiwa-.
◊ JLTT 688.
PKor. *pjàpắi- to mince, rub (in hands) (крошить, растирать (в руках)): MKor. pjàpắi-; Mod. pibi-.
◊ Liu 374, KED 854.
‖ Correspondences are basically regular, with the following comments: in Turkic one has to suppose secondary delabialization *bij- <
*büj- ( < *büb-); the Kor. form pjàpắi- must be denominative, derived
from a noun *pjàpắ- < *pibV-pu- < *pubi-p῾u- ( = PTM *pubu-pu-). Cf.
*p῾ōpo : the two roots are sometimes hard to distinguish.
*pč῾à - *pk῾í
1099
-pč῾à to tear, split, cut: Tung. *puče- ( ~ -š-); Mong. *biči-; Turk. *bɨč-;
Jpn. *pàtùr-; Kor. *pčč-.
PTung. *puče- ( ~ -š-) 1 to split, burst 2 to pierce through (1 лопаться, рваться, раскалываться 2 протыкать, продирать): Evk. huče-rge- 1;
Ud. pusege- 1 ( < unattested Nan. or Ulch.).
◊ ТМС 2, 358 (the Manchu and Orok forms are included incorrectly).
PMong. *biči- 1 small 2 to demolish, crush (1 маленький 2 уничтожать, разламывать): WMong. biči-qan 1 (L 102), bič-al- 2 (L 101); Kh.
acxan 1, acla- 2; Bur. bišɨxan 1, bisal- 2; Kalm. bičkn 1; Ord. bičaxan 1;
Dag. piči ‘into small pieces’; Bao. beǯiGən 1 (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. paǯilə
‘into small pieces’.
◊ KW 47, MGCD 154. Mong. > Yak. bɨčɨk etc. (VEWT 75).
PTurk. *bɨč- / *bič- to cut (резать): OTurk. bɨč- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bɨč- (MK); Tur. bič-; Gag. bič-; Az. bič-; Turkm. bič-; MTurk. bič(Pav. C.); Uzb. bič-; Uygh. pič-; Krm. bič-; Tat. pĭč-; Bashk. bĭs-, bɨs-;
Kirgh. bič-; Kaz. pĭš-; KBalk. bič-; KKalp. piš-; Kum. bič-; SUygh. pɨš-;
Khak. pɨs-; Oyr. bɨč-; Tv. bɨš-; Tof. bɨ’š-; Chuv. pəₙś-; Yak. bɨs-; Dolg. bɨs-.
◊ EDT 292-293, VEWT 73, ЭСТЯ 2, 158-160, Stachowski 71. Turk. > Hung. biczak
‘knife’ ( Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *pàtùr- to pare, whittle, remove the skin (подрезать, срезать,
сдирать): OJpn. patur-; MJpn. fàtùr-.
◊ JLTT 686.
PKor. *pčč- to tear (раздирать): MKor. pčč-; Mod. č:it- (-č-).
◊ Nam 441, KED 1559.
‖ EAS 144, KW 47, ОСНЯ 1, 178. In Turk. also OT biče ‘small’, Tuva
biče id. Cf. also MKor. pčằ- ‘to wring out, squeeze’ (SKE 18); MKor. pči‘to cut’ (SKE 32); mod. pit-ta (piǯ-) ‘cut, slice’. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 427)
doubts are hardly justified - the semantic development in Mong. is perfectly well explainable. One should note, however, that low tone in Jpn.
does not correspond to Mong. *b- here (one would rather expect *h-);
either this is an incorrect tone notation (the Jpn. word is attested in RJ,
but not accented in Hirayama’s dictionary), or an irregularity in an expressive etymon.
-pk῾í a k. of insect: Tung. *peKe ( < *puKe ?); Mong. *böküne; Turk.
*bökelek; Jpn. *pínkúrásí.
PTung. *peKe ( < *puKe ?) nit (гнида): Evk. heke.
◊ ТМС 2, 362. Attested only in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *böküne 1 gad-fly 2 mosquito (1 овод 2 комар): MMong.
boko’una (HY 12); WMong. böküne (L 127), bökügene 1; Kh. böxnö 1; Kalm.
bökǖnə 2; Ord. böχöŋ 2; Mongr. pugunoG (SM 307).
◊ KW 55.
1100
*pk῾ì - *púŋu
PTurk. *bökelek gad-fly (овод): Az. böjäläk; Turkm. bökelek; Yak.
bügülex, bügüje.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 212-213, Лексика 185.
PJpn. *pínkúrásí a k. of cicada (вид цикады): OJpn. pjigurasi; MJpn.
fígúrásí; Tok. hìgurashi; Kyo. hígúráshí; Kag. higuráshi.
◊ JLTT 406.
‖ Лексика 185.
-pk῾ì ( ~ p῾-) short: Tung. *poKa-; Mong. *hokar; Jpn. *pìkù-.
PTung. *poKa- 1 short 2 sacrum (anat.) (1 короткий 2 крестец):
Evk. hokopčo 2; Man. foxolon ‘short’, faqari ‘short-legged’, faqača ‘short
one’; SMan. ohələn, ohulun 1 (2412); Jurch. fo-xo-lo (691) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 331.
PMong. *hokar short (короткий): MMong. okor (HY 52), oqor (SH),
hoqar (IM), aqar (MA); WMong. oqor, aqar; Kh. oxor, axar; Bur. oxor;
Kalm. oxər; Ord. axur, uxur; Mog. uqar; ZM waqar (11-6a); Dag. uakar
(Тод. Даг. 178), huakare (MD 165); Dong. oqo; Bao. Gor; S.-Yugh. xoGor;
Mongr. xuGor (SM 179), xoGor.
◊ KW 4, 284, MGCD 524. Some variants with 0- are probably secondary (although it
is somewhat strange to find them in MMong.). Mong. > Russ. Siber. oxar, oxára, axara
‘шерсть, наросшая после первой стрижки овцы’, see Аникин 103.
PJpn. *pìkù- low (низкий): OJpn. p(j)ik(j)i ‘low, short’; Tok. hikú-;
Kyo. híkù-; Kag. hikú-.
◊ JLTT 828.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 292 (without the Jpn. parallel). See Poppe 11, 55, Цинциус 1984, 42. Despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 132,
Rozycki 78 the TM forms are hardly borrowed from Mong.
-púnri ( ~ p῾-) fish scales, fin: Tung. *ponda; Jpn. *pírái; Kor. *pìnr.
PTung. *ponda footwear made of fish skin (обувь из рыбьей кожи): Ul. pondo; Ork. pondo; Nan. pondoqto.
◊ ТМС 2, 41.
PJpn. *pírái fin (плавник): MJpn. fíré; Tok. hìre; Kyo. híré; Kag. híre.
◊ JLTT 408.
PKor. *pìnr (fish) scales ((рыбья) чешуя): MKor. pìnr; Mod. pinɨl.
◊ Nam 276, KED 850.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-púŋu a k. of fish: Tung. *poŋdV; Mong. *boŋčiliki; Turk. *bɨŋɨt
(~-ń-,-d); Jpn. *pùnâ; Kor. *pì’út.
PTung. *poŋdV 1 gudgeon 2 grayling (1 пескарь 2 хариус): Ul.
puŋgu 1; Nan. pendē 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 47 (Evk. punnu, pundu, Oroch pende and Ud. poŋehä are borrowed).
PMong. *boŋčiliki plaice (камбала): WMong. boŋčilgi (Kow.); Kh.
bončilgo.
*pga - *pgí(-rV)
1101
◊ Mong. > Manchu poŋčilki id. (despite Sukhebaatar, not vice versa).
PTurk. *bɨŋɨt (~-ń-,-d) Salmo lenoc (ленок): Khak. mind-ər ‘burbot’;
Tv. mɨjɨt; Tof. miit; Yak. bɨjɨt.
◊ VEWT 336, Лексика 177.
PJpn. *pùnâ crucian (карась): OJpn. puna; MJpn. fùná; Tok. fúna;
Kyo. fùnâ; Kag. funá.
◊ JLTT 418.
PKor. *pì’út mackerel, (KED) herring (скумбрия, макрель): MKor.
pì’út; Mod. piut [pius].
◊ Nam 278, KED 856.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 177-178.
-pga to tie up, strangle: Tung. *poga-; Mong. *boɣo-; Turk. *bog-.
PTung. *poga- to choke, pant (задыхаться): Evk. hoɣo-; Neg. xoɣo-;
Man. fo-do-; Ud. xō-.
◊ ТМС 2, 330.
PMong. *boɣo- to tie up, wrap; to hinder (завязывать, заворачивать; препятствовать): MMong. bo’o- (SH), bo’am (HY 4) ‘dam, barrage’; WMong. boɣu-; Kh. bō-; Bur. bō-; Kalm. bō-; Ord. bō-; Bao. boGəldə-;
Mongr. bō- (SM 26).
◊ KW 53. Mong. > Evk. boɣoli, Neg. bōla- (Poppe 1966, 190, ТМС 1, 87).
PTurk. *bog- 1 to tie up 2 to strangle 3 to hinder 4 bundle (1 завязывать 2 душить 3 препятствовать): OTurk. boɣ- 2, boɣ 4 (MK); Karakh.
boɣ- 2, boɣ 4 (MK); Tur. bō- 2, dial. boɣ 4, boɣa- 1; Gag. bū- 2; Az. boɣ- 1, 2;
Turkm. boɣ- 1, 2; MTurk. boɣ- 2, boɣ 4 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bọɣ- 1, 2; Uygh.
boɣ- 2; Krm. boɣ- 2; Tat. bu- 2; Bashk. bɨw- 2; Kirgh. bū- 1, 2; Kaz. bu- 2;
KBalk. buw- 1, 2; KKalp. buw- 1, 2; Kum. buw- 2; Nogh. buw- 2; SUygh.
poɣ- 1, 2; Khak. poɣ- 1, 2; Oyr. pō-, po-, bū-, pu- 1, 2; Tv. boɣ- 1, 2; Chuv.
pъv- 2; Yak. buoj- 3; Dolg. buoj- 3 (’to pacify, appease’).
◊ EDT 311, VEWT 78, ЭСТЯ 2, 164-167, Stachowski 66.
‖ EAS 58, KW 53, Владимирцов 277, Poppe 21 (although words for
‘slave’ should be kept apart, see *bŏga); Дыбо 15 (compares TM *bōki-,
see *bṑki). A Western isogloss. Shortness and high tone are reconstructed because of Mong. *b-; note, however, that Mong. can be borrowed from Turk. (see TMN 2, 346, Щербак 1997, 108). If this is the
case, the real Mong. reflex could be *bög-si- ‘choke’, *böɣe-lǯi- ‘vomit’,
suggesting a reconstruction *pge or *pgi.
-pgí(-rV) kidneys, testicles: Tung. *pugi- / *puki-; Mong. *böɣere; Turk.
*bögür, *bögrek; Jpn. *púnkúri; Kor. *pɨr / *pur.
PTung. *pugi- / *puki- intestines, stomach (внутренности, желудок): Evk. huɣi-te / huki-te; Evn. huktъ; Neg. xuxi-n; Ul. puku(n); Ork.
puxi(n); Nan. puxĩ; Orch. xūki; Ud. xuɣi.
◊ ТМС 2, 339.
1102
*pgV - *pgV
PMong. *böɣere kidney(s); testicle(s) (почки; testiculi): MMong.
bo’ere (HY 47, SH); WMong. bögere (L 124); Kh. bȫr; Bur. bȫre; Kalm. bȫrə;
Ord. bȫrö; Mog. böärä; ZM bürä (4-4b); Dag. būr; Dong. bore, boro; Mongr.
bōro (SM 28).
◊ KW 56-57.
PTurk. *bögür, *bögrek kidney(s) (почки): OTurk. bögür (OUygh.);
Karakh. bögür (MK); Tur. böjrek, böbrek; Gag. bǖr, bȫrek, bǖrek; Az. böjür,
böjräk; Turkm. bevrek, bövrek; MTurk. bögrek (Pav. C.); Uzb. bujrak; Uygh.
böräk; Krm. bögrek, bivrek; Tat. büjer, bjĭräk; Bashk. bjr; Kirgh. böjrök;
Kaz. büjĭr, büjrek; KBalk. börek; KKalp. büjir, büjrek; Kum. büjrek; Nogh.
büjrek; Khak. pügürek, pürek; Shr. pǖrek; Oyr. börök; Tv. bǖrek; Tof. bȫrek;
Chuv. püre; Yak. büör.
◊ EDT 328, VEWT 83, TMN 2, 353, ЭСТЯ 2, 205-207, Лексика 278, Stachowski 68.
PJpn. *púnkúri testicles (testiculi): MJpn. fúgúri; Tok. fuguri (dial.).
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *pɨr / *pur kidney; testicle (почка; testiculus): MKor. pɨr / pur;
Mod. pul.
◊ Liu 399, 407, KED 832.
‖ KW 57, Владимирцов 195, Martin 250, АПиПЯЯ 68, Дыбо 6,
Лексика 278. Despite TMN 2, 353, Щербак 1997, 108, there is no need
at all to suppose Mong. < Turkic. The variant *puki- in TM is assimilative ( < *pugi-). Cf. also MKor. pùri ‘fish bladder’.
-pgV ( ~ -u-) deer (male): Tung. *pegu(le)-; Mong. *bojir; Turk. *bugu,
-ra.
PTung. *pegu(le)- ( / *po-) young of elk, elk (лосенок, лось): Evk.
hoglokān, heglen, hewlen.
◊ ТМС 2, 360. An Evk. word with probable external parallels; its relationship to a
homophonous TM name of a constellation (Ursa Major or Minor) is not quite clear.
PMong. *bojir male (of animals: elk, otter etc.) (самец животных
(лося, выдры и др.)): WMong. bojir (L 113); Kh. bojr; Kalm. bȫlcən ‘otter’ (КРС 114).
PTurk. *bugu, -ra 1 deer (male) 2 camel stallion (1 олень 2 самец
верблюда): OTurk. buɣu 1 (13th c.), buɣura 2 (Orkh.); Karakh. buɣra 2
(MK); Tur. buɣur 2, dial. buɣu 1; Az. buɣur 2; Turkm. buɣra 2; MTurk.
buɣu 1, buɣra, buɣur 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. buɣu 1; Uygh. buɣu 1, (dial.) buɣra,
boɣra 2; Kirgh. būra 2; Kaz. bura 2; KBalk. bū 1; KKalp. buwra 2; Nogh.
bora 2; SUygh. pɨrɣa 2; Oyr. bura 2; Tv. būra 2, būr ‘male elk’; Yak. būr
‘male reindeer, male’; Dolg. būr ‘male reindeer’.
◊ EDT 317-318, ЭСТЯ 2, 235-238, Лексика 152, Лексика 446-447, Stachowski 67.
Turk. buɣura > Mong. buɣura (see TMN 2, 296, Щербак 1997, 110). Щербак 1997, 201
considers Turkic *bugu to be borrowed from Mongolian buɣu ‘male deer’ (which may be
true for some Kypchak forms: Kirgh. buɣu, Kaz. bŭɣɨ, Nogh., KKalp. buɣɨ), but in fact one
can also think of a loan in the opposite direction: Turk. > Mong. buɣu (KW 58, MGCD
*pòjńỺ - *póki
1103
166), further > Evk. buɣu etc., see Doerfer MT 78. Turk. > Russ. Siber. burá ‘female camel’;
Mong. (Bur.) būra > Russ. Siber. búra id., see Аникин 142.
‖ KW 58, Лексика 152. A Western isogloss. High tone reconstructed
because of Mong. *b-.
-pòjńỺ ( ~ p῾-) vessel; boat: Mong. *haji-ǯagan; Jpn. *pùná-i; Kor. *pắi.
PMong. *haji-ǯagan ship (корабль): MMong. haiǯaɣa (IM).
PJpn. *pùná-i boat, vessel (лодка, сосуд): OJpn. pune; MJpn. fùné;
Tok. fúne; Kyo. fùné; Kag. funé.
◊ JLTT 418. puna- in OJ compounds (puna-pjito etc.).
PKor. *pắi boat (лодка): MKor. pắi; Mod. pä.
◊ Nam 251, KED 743.
‖ Martin 226, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ 67, 288 (with a different
Turk. parallel, see *eńa). Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss (the Mong. form
is poorly attested and has a somewhat obscure suffixation; besides, one
would rather expect *huji- or *heji-). Jpn. > MKor. pòńắ, mod. posigi ‘basin, bowl’ (on the other hand, Kor. pắi may be the source of OJ pé ‘bow,
front of boat’, see JLTT 403).
-póju ( ~ *p῾-) child, young (of animals): Tung. *puj(u)-, *puj-kte; Jpn.
*pít; Kor. *pùthj.
PTung. *puj(u)-, *puj-kte 1 small 2 child 3 junior (1 маленький 2
ребенок 3 младший): Evk. hujukūn 1, hute 2, huju-digi 3; Evn. hut 2;
Neg. xute 2; Man. aŋGu, fijaŋu 3; Ul. pikte 2, pụjaŋGụ 3; Ork. putte 2;
Nan. pikte 2, poja(ŋGo) 3; Orch. xītke, xiteke 2; Ud. site 2; Sol. ute 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 37, 338, 357-358. TM > Dag. xutām ‘child’ (Тод. Даг. 180).
PJpn. *pít person (человек): OJpn. pjito; MJpn. fítò; Tok. hitó; Kyo.
hítò; Kag. híto.
◊ JLTT 410. The root *pí- may be also observed in OJ pjí-kwo ‘great-grandson; prince’,
pjí-mje ‘princess’.
PKor. *pùthj pupil of the eye (зрачок глаза): MKor. núns-pùthj;
Mod. nun-pučhə.
◊ Nam 116, KED 363. -pùthj, originally “child” (with a widely spread metaphor
“pupil of the eye” = “child of the eye”) is folk-etymologically perceived as = puthjə “Buddha”.
‖ Murayama 1962, 110, АПиПЯЯ 80, 107, 277. An Eastern isogloss.
Jpn. has a contraction (like in *kík- < *k῾ūjlu-k῾-).
-póki ( ~ -k῾-, -e) to run, run away: Tung. *pukti-; Mong. *bög-si-.
PTung. *pukti- to run, gallop (бежать, мчаться): Evk. hukti-; Evn.
hȫtu-; Neg. xukti-; Man. feksi- / fekče-; SMan. fekəši- (1232); Ul. pukti-; Ork.
pukči-; Nan. pukči-; Orch. xukti-; Ud. xukti-; Sol. uktelī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 340-341. Cf. also Evk. hukulwa- ‘to ride (along a path)’.
PMong. *bög-si- to run (slowly), trot; run (as a hare) (бежать, трусить, скакать): WMong. bögsi-; Kalm. bökšə-.
*pōki - *pk῾è
1104
◊ KW 55. Cf. also Ord. bögö- id.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; high tone can be reconstructed because
of Mong. *b-. Cf. perhaps also Jpn. coll. fuke- ‘to run away, flee’ (dubious because of very late fixation).
-pōki ( ~ p῾-) (?) deep: Mong. *(hü)gün; Jpn. *pùkà-.
PMong. *(hü)gün deep (глубокий): MMong. gun (HY 52, SH);
WMong. gün (L 391); Kh. gün, dial. gǖn; Bur. gün; Kalm. gün; Ord. gün;
Dag. guen (MD 153); Dong. gun; Bao. guŋ (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. guŋ;
Mongr. fugwən (SM 104).
◊ KW 139, MGCD 308.
PJpn. *pùkà- deep (глубокий): OJpn. puka-; MJpn. fùkà-; Tok. fuká-;
Kyo. fúkà-; Kag. fuká-.
◊ JLTT 828.
‖ Cf. perhaps -pók in MKor. pắi-s-pók ‘navel’ (*’belly cavity’?); TM
*pokV-n (ТМС 1, 469) ‘corner of the eye’. In Turkic cf. perhaps OUygh.
boɣaj (boɣań?) ‘low’, borrowed in Mong. as WMong. boɣoni (see EDT
322). This all seems rather uncertain; but for Mong. the reconstruction
*hügün (based on the archaic Mongor form fugun) seems probable, and
the Mong.-Jpn. parallel at least seems satisfactory.
-pk῾è ( ~ -k-) to dig, cut off; a cutting instrument: Tung. *poK-; Mong.
*hoktal-, *(h)okčira-; Turk. *bügde ( ~ -ö-); Jpn. *pk.
PTung. *poK- 1 to pound, crush, mince 2 to break (1 толочь, размельчать 2 ломать): Evk. hoko- 2; Evn. hokak- 2; Ork. poqpụ- 1; Nan.
poqpị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 40, 330-331.
PMong. *hoktal- 1 to chop, cut off 2 to be broken off (1 отрубать,
отрезать 2 отламываться): MMong. xoxtol- (SH), uqtal- (MA), hotqal(LH) 1; WMong. oɣtal-, oɣtul- (L 602) 1, oɣčira- (L 601: oɣčura-) 2; Kh.
ogtlo- 1, ogcro- 2; Bur. otol- 1; Ord. ogtol- 1; Dag. ogtolo- 1 (Тод. Даг. 159) (
< lit.); Dong. otolu-; Bao. hdolə-; Mongr. sdoli- (SM 338).
◊ Mong. > Manchu oktala- ‘to cut off the nose (an ancient punishment)’ (see Rozycki
167).
PTurk. *bügde ( ~ -ö-) dagger (кинжал): OTurk. bü/ögde (OUygh.);
Karakh. bü/ögde (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 325, TMN 2, 294-295, Лексика 566. Turk. > Pers. bogda ‘big knife’.
PJpn. *pk pole-axe, battle-axe, halberd (алебарда): OJpn. p(w)oko;
MJpn. fòkò; Tok. hóko; Kyo. hókò; Kag. hóko.
◊ JLTT 413. Accent in both Tokyo and Kagoshima is irregular, suggesting a loan from
the Kyoto area.
‖ Cf. other similar roots: *p῾ùjge, *bk῾ù, *p῾ge, *p῾ago.
*póńe - *pru
1105
-póńe ( ~ p῾-) smoke: Tung. *puń-; Mong. *huni-; Kor. *pńk.
PTung. *puń- to smoke (дымить(ся)): Ul. punǯiči-, puńambu-; Ork.
pun-; Nan. poŋqị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 43-44. Ul. or Nan. > Oroch puńa ‘smoky’, Ud. puŋkisi- ‘to smoke out’.
PMong. *huni- 1 smoke 2 mist (1 дым 2 мгла, дымка): MMong.
xunin (HY 1, SH) 1, honi (IM) 1, hunin (MA) 1; WMong. unijar, ünijer 2
(L 877, 1010); Kh. uniar 2; Bur. uńār 2; Kalm. uńār, ünǟr 2; Ord. unār(i) 2;
Mog. ZM honaɣ (3-8b) ‘smell, odour’; Dag. xoni (Тод. Даг. 177), xoń,
xonētu 1; onir (Тод. Даг. 159) 2 ( < lit.), honi 1 (MD 163); Dong. funie 1;
Bao. fənə 1; Mongr. funi (SM 107), xuni (Minghe) 1, 2.
◊ KW 449, 458, MGCD 676, 682.
PKor. *pńk kitchen (кухня): MKor. pńk, pɨńəp; Mod. puək [puəkh].
◊ Nam 271, KED 817.
‖ ТМС 2,43-44, Цинциус 1984, 54-55, АПиПЯЯ 295. In Korean one
has to presume a semantic shift “smoking place” > “kitchen”.
-pòŋa ( ~ *p῾-) bud: Tung. *poŋga; Jpn. *pànà; Kor. *poŋ’ori.
PTung. *poŋga bud, cone (бутон, головка цветка, шишка): Man.
boŋGu, boŋqo; Ul. poŋGorpị; Nan. poŋgo ‘bush’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 41. Manchu has an assimilative (expressive) voicing *p- > b-.
PJpn. *pànà flower (цветок): OJpn. pana; MJpn. fànà; Tok. haná; Kyo.
hánà; Kag. haná.
◊ JLTT 398.
PKor. *poŋ’ori bud (бутон, головка цветка): MKor. poŋ’ori; Mod.
poŋori.
◊ Liu 391, KED 807.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-pru to snow, rain: Tung. *pur-; Mong. *boruɣa; Turk. *bora-; Jpn.
*pùr-; Kor. *pora.
PTung. *pur- 1 to drizzle 2 slush 3 to fall (of first snow) 4 wind
(changing its direction) (1 моросить (о дожде) 2 шуга, слякоть 3 выпадать (о первом снеге) 4 ветер (меняющий направление)): Evn.
horụ- 3, hrqa 4; Man. furana- ‘запылиться’; Ork. purē- 1; Nan. puruekme
2.
◊ ТМС 2, 44, 334, 349, 353.
PMong. *boruɣa 1 heavy rain 2 to snow, sleet (1 ливень 2 идти (о
снеге, дожде со снегом)): MMong. boro’an (SH); WMong. boruɣa(n) 1 (L
121), burɣana- 2 (L 137: burɣani-); Kh. borō(n) 1, burgana- 2; Bur. borō 1,
burga- 2; Kalm. borān 1; Ord. borōn 1; Mog. bɔrɔn (Weiers) 1; S.-Yugh.
boroŋ; Mongr. burōn (SM 36) ‘little rain’.
◊ KW 51, MGCD 158. Mong. > Chag. boraɣan etc. (TMN 1, 219-220); Evk. būrga etc.
(ТМС 1, 111).
1106
*pótirkV - *pōto
PTurk. *bora- 1 North wind 2 to snow heavily (1 северный ветер 2
обильно падать (о снеге)): Tur. bora(k) 1; Turkm. bora- 2; Kaz. bora- 2.
◊ VEWT 80, ЭСТЯ 2, 189-192, Лексика 45.
PJpn. *pùr- to rain, snow (идти (о дожде, снеге)): OJpn. pur-; MJpn.
fùr-; Tok. fúr-; Kyo. fùr-; Kag. fùr-.
◊ JLTT 694.
PKor. *pora snow-storm (снежная буря): Mod. nun-pora, nun-pore.
◊ KED 362.
‖ Poppe 21, Ozawa 288-289, ОСНЯ 1, 188-189, АПиПЯЯ 69. Cf.
*boru, a contamination with which should explain Mong. *b- (one
would expect *h- with low tone and shortness).
-pótirkV breast, breast bone: Tung. *putukā; Mong. *büdürkei; Jpn.
*pútúkr.
PTung. *puturkā 1 heartwood 2 spine (1 сердцевина 2 спинной
хребет, спинной мозг): Evk. hutukā, dial. hurka 1, 2; Evn. hụtqa 2; Neg.
xojkān 1, 2; Ud. xutiga 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 353, 356-357. Evk. > Dolg. hutuka, hutukā (Stachowski 114).
PMong. *büdürkei breast bone, breast handle (грудная кость):
WMong. büdürkei (L 144); Kh. büderxij; Kalm. büderkə (KPC 125); Ord.
büdürχī.
PJpn. *pútúkr breast, bosom (грудь, пазуха): OJpn. putukuro;
MJpn. fútókóró; Tok. fùtokoro; Kyo. fútókórò; Kag. futokóro.
◊ JLTT 419.
‖ Cf. also Yak. bötüön ‘грудная кость’; Az. pötänä ‘потроха’.
-pōto ( ~ -ū-, -ū-) to think, intend: Tung. *pōt[e]-; Mong. *bodu-; Jpn.
*ptua; Kor. *pt-t.
PTung. *pōti- 1 sense 2 to pay attention (1 смысл 2 обращать внимание): Evk. hōtiwūn 1; Evn. hotịčịw- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 335.
PMong. *bodu- to think (думать): WMong. bodu- (L 109); Kh. bodo-;
Bur. bodo-; Kalm. bodə-; Ord. bodo-; Dag. bodo- (Тод. Даг. 127), bode(MD 124), bodu-; Dong. bodo-; S.-Yugh. bodo-.
◊ KW 48, MGCD 156.
PJpn. *ptua measure, degree (мера, степень): OJpn. p(w)otwo;
MJpn. fodo; Tok. hodó, hòdo; Kyo. hódó; Kag. hódo.
◊ JLTT 413. Original accent is not quite clear. Modern dialects point to *ptuá or
*ptuà (? *ptuà), and MJ accentuation is not attested.
PKor. *pt-t will, intention (воля, намерение): MKor. ptt; Mod. t:ɨt
[t:ɨs].
◊ Nam 174, KED 544.
‖ Lee 1958, 119 (Kor.-Mong.). Cf. also MKor. pthk ‘reason’; without
vowel reduction perhaps also MKor. pùr, mod. purə ‘intentionally, on
*puč῾ù - *pgò
1107
purpose’. Mong. > Evk. bodo- etc. (see ТМС 1, 88, Doerfer MT 78). The
Jpn. reflex is not quite certain, being somewhat distant semantically
and aberrant accentologically (TM length should correspond to low
tone in Jpn.). The voicing in modern dialects (Tok. hodo etc.) also contradicts *-t- in *pōto. One should consider a possibility of relating Kor.
pthk and PJ *pətua (*pə(n)tua) to PA *p῾ēt[e] ‘name, to call’ (’name’ as the
essence or reason of the called object?) which would be phonologically
more plausible (assuming Gruntov’s rule about *C῾VCV > *CVC῾V in
early PJ).
-puč῾ù ( ~ b-,-u-o,-a-u) two, pair; half: Turk. *buč-uk; Jpn. *puta-; Kor.
*pča-k.
PTurk. *buč-uk half (половина): Karakh. bɨčuq (MK, IM); Tur. bučuk; MTurk. bučuq (Sangl., MKypch. - AH).
◊ VEWT 85, EDT 294, ЭСТЯ 2, 283-284. Usually regarded as derived from *bɨč- ‘to
cut’, which is dubious in the light of external evidence.
PJpn. *puta- two (два): OJpn. puta-; MJpn. fútà-, fútá-; Tok. fùta-;
Kyo. hùtá-; Kag. fúta-.
◊ JLTT 419. Original accentuation, as with other numerals, is hard to reconstruct.
PKor. *pča-k 1 pair 2 one of a pair (1 пара 2 один из пары): MKor.
pčàk 1, 2; Mod. č:ak 2.
◊ Nam 415, KED 1386.
‖ EAS 96, Martin 249-250, АПиПЯЯ 109, 278. Korean has a frequent
vowel reduction between a stop and an affricate, which makes the precise vowel reconstruction difficult.
-pgò distressed, restive: Tung. *pūg-; Mong. *bug; Jpn. *pk(a)-.
PTung. *pūg- 1 mad, crazy 2 to have a troubled, disquiet sleep 3 angry bear (not sleeping during hibernation) (1 сумасшедший 2 переворачиваться с боку на бок, плохо спать 3 медведь-шатун): Evk. hūɣī 1,
hūɣ 3; Evn. hökъčen 3; Neg. xūɣēčēn 3; Man. fuχa-ša- 2; foqǯian
‘hot-tempered’; Nan. pue-se- 2; Orch. xui-si- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 301, 337.
PMong. *bug demon (черт, демон): WMong. buɣ (L 131); Kh. bug;
Bur. bug; Kalm. bug ‘demon of mist’; Ord. buGu.
◊ KW 58. Also WMong. buɣ-sa- ‘to be angry, irritated’ ( > Chag. buxsa- etc.).
PJpn. *pk(a)- to be distressed, restive (волноваться, быть в смятении): MJpn. fòk(a)-; Tok. boké-; Kyo. bòkè-; Kag. boké-.
◊ JLTT 680. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular. One of the few cases of secondary expressive initial voicing in modern Japanese.
‖ See SKE 207. An expressive root; cf. *buk῾V.
1108
*pk῾a - *púla
-pk῾a craw, crop: Tung. *pukēn; Mong. *bakawu, *bakalaɣur; Turk.
*bokak.
PTung. *pukēn crop, craw (зоб): Evk. hukēn; Neg. xūxēn; Man. fuqa
‘navel of animals, musk bag’; Ul. poko; Nan. poqõ ‘tear follicle’ (On.);
Ud. xuguńä.
◊ ТМС 2, 342.
PMong. *bakawu, *bakalaɣur 1 crop, craw, goiter 2 throat (1 зоб 2
горло): WMong. baqaɣu, baqau, baquu (L 92, 93) 1, baqalaɣur 2; Kh. baxū
1, baxlūr 2; Bur. baxalūr, baxalzūr 2; Kalm. baxəlūr, baxəlzūr 2; Ord. baxu,
baxū 1.
◊ KW 28. Mong. > Oyr. paqɨlūr. The forms meaning ‘throat’ have undergone a partial
contamination with *bagalǯaɣur (v. sub *bku).
PTurk. *bokak crop, craw (зоб): Karakh. boqaq (MK); Tur. boɣak; Az.
buxaG; Turkm. buqaw; MTurk. boqaɣu (AH); Uzb. buqɔq; Uygh. poqaq;
Bashk. boɣaq; Kirgh. boɣoq; Kaz. buɣaq; KBalk. boɣaq; KKalp. buɣaq; Kum.
buɣaq; Khak. poɣo; Oyr. boɣoq; Yak. moɣox.
◊ VEWT 79, TMN 2, 349, ЭСТЯ 2, 202, Лексика 150.
‖ Дыбо 10, Лексика 150. A Western isogloss. High tone is reconstructed because of Mong. *b-. The root is actively contaminating with
*bku ‘throat’ q.v.
-púk῾V all, complete: Tung. *puK-; Mong. *bük-; Kor. *pukh.
PTung. *puK- completely, all (все, совсем, вполне): Man. fuχali.
◊ ТМС 2, 302. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *bük- all, everything (все, целиком): MMong. bugude
(HYt), bügde (IM), bogde (LH); WMong. bükü, büküli, bügüde (L 145); Kh.
büx, büxel, bügd; Bur. büxɨ; Kalm. bügdə (КРС); Ord. bügüde, büxül,
büxüli; Dag. bugede (MD); Mongr. pugilī (SM 306).
◊ Mong. > Evk. bukuli, Sol. buxuli (see ТМС 1, 105).
PKor. *pukh completely, exhaustively (полностью, целиком):
Mod. phuk, phok.
◊ KED 1762.
‖ ТМС 2, 302. The root is not preserved in Turkic - but cf. perhaps
the isolated Yak. buka barɨ ‘all together’, buka ‘perhaps’, buka-tɨn ‘completely’ (Dolg. buka ‘exactly’, bukatɨn ‘completely’, see Stachowski 64).
-púla ( ~ -o-) to swell: Tung. *pul-; Mong. *bul-; Jpn. *párá-.
PTung. *pul- 1 hump 2 swelling, convexity (1 горб 2 опухоль, выпуклость): Evk. hulin 1, hulka 2; Evn. hụln 1; Ork. pulu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 345.
PMong. *bul- swelling, lump (опухоль, выпуклость): MMong. bulu
‘hob’ (HY 18); WMong. buluw, bulduruw (L 134, 136: bulu, bulduru); Kh.
bulū, buldrū; Bur. bula, bulū; bulxaj- ‘be convex’; Kalm. bulə; Dag. bol, bolo
‘bolster’ (Тод. Даг. 127).
*puli - *plo
1109
◊ KW 59. An expressive root with numerous derivatives (bul-t-, bul-č-, bül-t- etc.);
there also exist variants with -a- (bal-t-, bal-č- etc.). Most of these forms can also be found
borrowed in modern Turkic and Tungus languages (see, e.g., Doerfer MT 73). Bur. >
Russ. Siber. buldurun ‘кочка’ (Аникин 140).
PJpn. *párá- to swell (пухнуть, опухать): OJpn. para-; Tok. hàre-;
Kyo. háré-; Kag. haré-.
◊ JLTT 685.
‖ An expressive root, but seems to be a good match between Mong.,
TM and Japanese.
-puli ( ~ p῾-,-ĺ-, -o-e) red: Tung. *pula-; Mong. *hulaɣan; Kor. *prk-.
PTung. *pula- red (красный): Evk. xula-ma,-rin; Evn. hụlańā; Neg.
xolajin; Man. fulǵan; SMan. fələǵan, fulǵan (2419); Jurch. fula-gian (617);
Nan. folǵǟ(n); Ud. xulaligi; Sol. ụl.
◊ ТМС 2, 343-344.
PMong. *hulaɣan red (красный): MMong. xula’an (HY 41, SH),
holām (IM), hula’an, hulan (MA); WMong. ulaɣan (L 869); Kh. ulān; Bur.
ulān; Kalm. ulān; Ord. ulān; Mog. ulōn; ZM uln (13-8); Dag. xulān (Тод.
Даг. 179), hulān (MD 166); Dong. xulan; Bao. felaŋ, fulaŋ; S.-Yugh. łān;
Mongr. fulān (SM 105).
◊ KW 448, MGCD 671, TMN 1, 540.
PKor. *prk- red (красный): MKor. prk-; Mod. puk- [pulk].
◊ Nam 274, KED 844.
‖ AKE 14, Lee 1958, 110, EAS 53, 143, KW 448, Poppe 12, 74, Цинциус 1984, 54, Menges 1984, 287, АПиПЯЯ 40, 291, Rozycki 80-81. Despite Poppe 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong (and vice versa, as suggested in TMN 1, 540); borrowing in Kor.
from TM is also highly improbable.
-plo last year; to become old, wear out: Tung. *polo-kta; Mong. *boli-;
Turk. *bɨldur (/*buldɨr); Jpn. *pr-(m)pə-.
PTung. *polo-kta 1 old, worn out 2 last year’s (1 старый, изношенный 2 прошлогодний): Evk. holokto 1; Neg. xolokto 2; Nan. polōqto 2
(On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 332.
PMong. *boli- to become old, weak, cease (стареть, слабеть, прекращать(ся)): MMong. b[o]li- (IM), buli- (MA); WMong. boli- (L 117);
Kh. boli-; Bur. boli-.
PTurk. *bɨldur (/*buldɨr) past time, last year (прошлое, прошлый
год): Karakh. bɨldɨr (MK); Gag. bɨldɨr; Az. bildir; Turkm. bildir; MTurk.
bɨltɨr (AH), bɨlɨr (Pav. C.); Uzb. bultɨr; Uygh. bultu(r); Krm. bɨltɨr; Tat.
bɨltɨr; Bashk. bɨltɨr; Kirgh. bɨltɨr; Kaz. bɨltɨr; KBalk. bɨltɨr; KKalp. bɨltɨr;
Kum. bɨltɨr; SUygh. pɨtɨr; Khak. pɨltɨr; Yak. bɨlɨr; Dolg. bɨlɨr.
◊ EDT 334, VEWT 74, ЭСТЯ 2, 139-140, Лексика 71, Stachowski 70.
1110
*pne - *pùnV
PJpn. *pr-(m)pə- to perish (погибать): OJpn. p(w)orobu-; MJpn.
fóróbu-; Tok. hòrobi-; Kyo. hóróbí-; Kag. horobí-.
◊ JLTT 692. Final *-ə- is reconstructed on the basis of the caus. OJ p(w)orob(w)os-.
‖ The suffixless form is preserved only in Mong. boli-; PT and PTM
may reflect a common derivative *plo-ktV.
-pne to ride: Tung. *punŋe-; Mong. *hunu- ( / *unu-); Turk. *bǖn(/*bīn-); Jpn. *pana-; Kor. *pòm-nór-.
PTung. *punŋe- 1 to drive (deer) 2 running deer (1 гнать (оленей) 2
олень-бегун): Evn. hunik 2; Ul. puŋne- 1; Ork. puŋne- 1; Nan. puŋne- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 44, 348.
PMong. *hunu- / *unu- to ride, mount (ехать верхом, сидеть верхом): MMong. uno- (SH), unu- (MA), unu- (LH); WMong. unu- (L 877);
Kh. una-; Bur. una-; Kalm. un-; Ord. unu-; Mog. uni-; ZM onu-; Dag.
ono-, on- (Тод. Даг. 160), one- (MD 201); Dong. huntra-, unu-; Bao. fune-,
honə-; S.-Yugh. funa-; Mongr. funi-, xuni-, xoni- (SM 107, 171, 183).
◊ KW 450, MGCD 674. The variation of *h- and *0- within Mong. is unclear: a contamination with the root reflected in PM *unagan ‘foal’ (v. sub *ènŋù) is not excluded.
PTurk. *bǖn- (/*bīn-) to ride on, to mount, to rize (ехать верхом):
OTurk. bin- (Orkh.), mün- (OUygh.); Karakh. mün- (MK, KB); Tur. bin-;
Gag. pin-; Az. min-; Turkm. mün-; mīn- (dial.); Sal. min-, mim-, miŋ(ССЯ); MTurk. min- (Sangl.); Uzb. min-; Uygh. min-; Krm. min-; Tat.
men-; Bashk. men-; Kirgh. min-; Kaz. min-; KBalk. min-; KKalp. min-;
Kum. min-; Nogh. min-; SUygh. min-; Khak. mün-; Shr. mün-; Oyr. min-;
Tv. mun-; Tof. mun-; Chuv. minder ‘pillow’; Yak. mīn-; Dolg. mīn-.
◊ VEWT 338, TMN 4, 34, EDT 348, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 180. Shortness in Turkm. is
not clear. On the derivative *bin-ig- > *binge-ĺ- ‘to ride behind someone else on the same
horse’ see EDT 771, Stachowski 178. Chuv. minder may be < Kypch., cf. Turk., Gag.,
Turkm., Nogh. minder, Kum. minnir, Tat., Bashk. mendär - see Федотов 1, 359.
PJpn. *pana- to run, trot, jump (бежать, скакать, прыгать): MJpn.
fana-; Tok. hané-; Kyo. hànè-; Kag. hané-.
◊ JLTT 684. Tone unclear: Kyoto and Tokyo point to *pàná-, Kagoshima - to *páná-.
PKor. *pòm-nór- to ride swiftly (быстро ехать, мчаться): MKor.
pòm-nór-.
◊ Nam 263.
‖ The Mong. form has a strange variation of *h- and *0-, so far unexplained.
-pùnV ( ~ p῾-, -o-) year, spring / summer: Tung. *pune-; Mong. *hon;
Kor. *póm.
PTung. *pune 1 time, period 2 South (1 время, период 2 юг): Man.
fon 1; SMan. fon ‘occasion’ (2649); Jurch. fowan (fom-wan) do (81) 1,
fAn-ti (592) 2; Ul. punele 2; Nan. fõ (Kur-Urm.) 1 ( < Man.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 300. Ul. or Nan. > Oroch punele, Ud. puńalanǯini ‘South’. The original
meaning may be reconstructed as *’summer’ ( > a) ‘South’; b) season, time).
*puŋga - *púre
1111
PMong. *hon year (год): MMong. xon (HY 5, SH), hun (IM), hun
(MA); WMong. on (L 611); Kh. on; Bur. on; Kalm. on; Ord. on; Dag. xōn
(Тод. Даг. 177), hōn (MD 164); Dong. xon; Bao. xoŋ, hoŋ (Tunren);
S.-Yugh. hon, χon; Mongr. fən, xwən (SM 98), fen, fon (Huzu), xön, xon
(Minghe).
◊ KW 286, MGCD 444, 528.
PKor. *póm spring (весна): MKor. póm; Mod. pom.
◊ Nam 263, KED 804.
‖ EAS 53, 141, SKE 205, KW 286, 295, Poppe 11, 69, Цинциус 1984,
43. Despite Doerfer MT 143, Rozycki 78-79, the TM forms meaning
‘time’ are hardly < Mong. Cf. perhaps also Jpn. *pàrû ‘spring’ (if -ru is
regarded as a suffix < *pUn-ra); see Whitman 1985, 188, 202, 211.
-puŋga ( ~ p῾-, -u-) musk smell, bad smell: Tung. *poŋga; Mong.
*huŋga-su; Kor. *pāŋkui.
PTung. *poŋga 1 musk deer 2 musk (1 кабарга, мускусный олень 2
кабарговая струя, мускус): Evk. hoŋgo 2; Evn. hoŋgačan 1; Man. fońo 1;
Ul. poŋGol 2; Nan. poŋGol 2; Orch. xoŋgolo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 333.
PMong. *huŋga-su fart (кишечный газ): MMong. xuŋši’ut (pl.)
(SH), hun[u]s (IM), honɣū- ‘to fart’ (LH), ənqu- ‘to fart’ (MA 98);
WMong. uŋɣasu(n), uŋɣusu(n) (L 876); Kh. uŋgas(an); Bur. ungaha(n);
Kalm. oŋgъ-, uŋgъ-; Ord. uŋgusu; Mog. uŋɣu- ‘to fart’ (Weiers); ZM onɣu
‘flatus’ (3-8b); Dag. xongə-, xongos; Dong. hunGu-, -sun; Bao. hoŋGə-, soŋ; S.-Yugh. hoŋgo-, -sən; Mongr. uŋGwāsə, ŋGwāsə (SM 292, 472),
uŋGusə (SM 472), ŋGosə (Huzu).
◊ KW 450, MGCD 675.
PKor. *pāŋkui flatulence, wind in the bowels (кишечные газы):
MKor. pāŋkui; Mod. paŋgwi.
◊ Nam 250, KED 736.
‖ Poppe 72 (Mong.-Kor.). The stem may be derived from *p῾úńe
‘smell’ q.v.
-púre leaf, bud: Mong. *bor-; Turk. *bür; Jpn. *pá.
PMong. *bor- cone (шишка): WMong. borɣučuj, borɣučuɣ (L 121);
Kh. borgocoj; Bur. borbōsgoj.
◊ Cf. also bordo- ‘to feed (with grain)’ (S.-Yugh. bordo-, MGCD 157), possibly derived
from the same root.
PTurk. *bür 1 bud 2 leaf 3 grain (1 почка 2 лист 3 зерно): OTurk.
bür 1 (OUygh.); Tur. bürčük 1, bürtük 3 (dial.); Krm. bürtük 3; Tat. börö 1;
Bashk. börö 1; Kirgh. bür 1; KBalk. bürtük 3; KKalp. bürtik 3; Kum. bürtük
3; Nogh. bürtik 3; Khak. pür 2; Tv. bürü 2; Tof. bür 2; Chuv. pəₙrǯe ‘grain,
particle’; Yak. burduk ‘flour’; Dolg. burduk ‘flour’.
1112
*pure - *pŕi
◊ VEWT 92, EDT 354, Лексика 114-115, Stachowski 67. Turk. > WMong. bür, Kalm.
bür (KW 67).
PJpn. *pá leaf (лист): OJpn. pa; MJpn. fá; Tok. hà; Kyo. h; Kag. há.
◊ JLTT 394.
‖ Jpn. *pá presupposes a suffixed form *púr(e)-gV ( = Mong.
*bor-gu-).
-pure pipe: Mong. *bürije-n; Turk. *burgu; Jpn. *patiku.
PMong. *bürije-n trumpet, trumpet horn (труба): WMong. bürije(n)
(L 149), bürege; Kh. bürē(n); Bur. büŕē; Kalm. bürē; Ord. bürē; Dag. burē
(Тод. Даг. 128); Mongr. būraG (MGCD 177).
◊ KW 67. Mong. > Man. buren.
PTurk. *burgu 1 trumpet 2 pipe (of a plant) (1 труба 2 трубка (растения)): OTurk. burɣu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. borɣuj (MK) 1; Tur. boru 1;
Gag. boru 1; Az. boru 1; MTurk. burɣu 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. burɣu 1; Krm.
borɨ 1; Tat. bɨrɣɨ (Tob.) 1; Bashk. borɣo 1; KBalk. bɨrɣɨ 1; Kum. bɨrɣɨ 1;
SUygh. pɨra 1; Khak. pɨrɣɨ 1, 2, mɨrɣɨ 1; Shr. pɨrɣɨ 1; Tv. murɣu 1, 2; Tof.
murɣu 1, 2; Chuv. pъrъx 1.
◊ EDT 361, TMN 2, 286, ЭСТЯ 2, 194-195. Turk. > Mong. : Khalkha burguj ‘wire for
pipe cleaning’, Bur. burgɨ ‘drill’. Turk. > Russ. Siber. borga (Аникин 134-135).
PJpn. *patiku bamboo (used for making trumpets) (бамбук (используемый для изготовления труб)): MJpn. fatiku; Tok. hachiku.
◊ Accent unknown.
‖ Laufer 1919, 575 (Doerfer: “lautlich unmöglich”). Cf. perhaps Nan.
furgẽ ‘loud, bass’ (ТМС 2, 303). The final velar element is suffixed, and
the suffixes are different here (Jpn. -k- pointing to *-k῾- or -k-, but
Turcic and Mongolian - to *-g-).
-pŕi ( ~ -e) to wink, wrinkle: Tung. *puri-; Mong. *hür-; Turk. *büŕ- /
*bür-.
PTung. *puri- to wink (мигать, моргать): Evk. hurim-; Evn. hụrm-;
Neg. xojịm-; Nan. porịa ‘scowling’.
◊ ТМС 2, 352.
PMong. *hür- to wrinkle (морщиться): MMong. hurni- (MA 187);
WMong. ürčiji-, ürči- (L 1011); Kh. ürčij-; Bur. ürzɨ-; Ord. ürčī-, örčī-.
PTurk. *büŕ- / *bür- to wrinkle (морщиться): Karakh. bür- (MK,
KB), büz- (IM); Tur. bür- (dial.), büz-; Az. büz-, bürüš-; Turkm. bür-, büz-;
MTurk. bür- (Sangl.); Uzb. buriš-; Uygh. pü(r)-; Krm. bürüš-; Tat. bör-;
Bashk. bör-; Kirgh. bür-; Kaz. bür-; KKalp. bür-; Kum. bürüš-; Nogh. bür-;
Khak. pür-; Chuv. pəₙr-.
◊ VEWT 92, EDT 355, ЭСТЯ 2, 294-296 (contaminates with *bür- ‘to cover’). Егоров
157, Федотов 1, 421.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 56. A Western isogloss. Low tone is reconstructed
because of Mong. *h-.
*pūsa - *puse
1113
-pūsa outside, exterior: Tung. *pūski-; Mong. *busu-; Jpn. *pásí; Kor.
*pàsk.
PTung. *pūski- counter, opposite (напротив): Evk. hūskī; Evn. huwuski; Neg. hosk.
◊ ТМС 2, 355.
PMong. *busu- other (другой): MMong. busi ‘foreigner’ (IM), busu
(SH, HYt), būši ‘foreigner’ (Lig.VMI); WMong. busu (L 140); Kh. bus;
Bur. busa; Kalm. busə; Ord. busu; Mog. biši (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. bišin
(Тод. Даг. 126), biši(n); Dong. puse; Mongr. buśi.
◊ KW 46, 63.
PJpn. *pásí outer edge (внешний край): OJpn. pasi; MJpn. fásí; Tok.
hàshi; Kyo. háshí; Kag. hashí.
◊ JLTT 400. The Kagoshima accent is unexpected (a regular reflex would be háshi).
PKor. *pàsk outside, exterior; other (внешний; другой): MKor. pàs,
pàsk; Mod. pak [pak:].
◊ Nam 248, 250, KED 713.
‖ Turk. *baĺ(č)ka ‘other’ is very similar, but phonetically unclear.
Another irregularity is the tonal discrepancy between TM and
Kor.-Jpn. (note that the TM reconstruction is not quite certain: one
should perhaps reconstruct *pubuski because of the Even form, and either separate the TM form from the rest or suppose a form with a cluster like *pubsa). On the whole, a tempting but not quite secure etymology.
-púsa ( ~ -o-) a k. of fish: Tung. *puse-; Mong. *basiŋga; Jpn. *pansai.
PTung. *puse- 1 trout 2 black amur (fish) 3 a k. of fish (1 форель 2
черный амур 3 вид рыбы): Evn. hēsъmki 1; Man. fuseli 3; Nan. fusuli 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 304, 371.
PMong. *basiŋga a k. of roach (вид рыбы (плотва, вобла)):
WMong. basiŋɣa (L 90); Kh. bašinga; Kalm. bašŋgə ‘вобла (мелкая)’.
◊ KW 36.
PJpn. *pansai goby (бычок): Tok. háze; Kyo. házè; Kag. háze.
◊ JLTT 403. Original accent unclear (high-low, to judge from Kyoto and Kagoshima,
but low-high - from Tokyo).
‖ High tone is reconstructed because of Mong. *b-; voicing in Jpn. is
unclear.
-puse to break through, break out: Tung. *pos-; Turk. *bös-; Jpn. *pansa-.
PTung. *pos- 1 to burst, break out 2 through (1 лопаться, раскалываться 2 насквозь): Man. fusxu- 1; Ul. pos 2; Ork. pos 2; Nan. pos, fos 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 42, 358.
PTurk. *bös- 1 to break through 2 rupture, hernia (1 прорываться 2
прободение, грыжа): Uygh. bös- 1; Tat. büs- 1, büser 2.
◊ VEWT 84.
1114
*pti - *pt῾ò
PJpn. *pansa- to burst open, split (лопаться, раскалываться): Tok.
hazé-; Kyo. hàzè-; Kag. hazé-.
◊ JLTT 686. The PJ accent is not quite clear.
‖ Reason for voicing (prenasalization) in Jpn. is not quite clear.
-pti ( ~ -u-, -e) to quilt, weave: Mong. *hüde-; Turk. *büt-.
PMong. *hüde- to quilt, tuft (простегивать): MMong. hüdesü (SH)
‘lanière servant à fixer un objet en le perҫant d’outre en outre’; WMong.
üde- (L 995); Kh. üde-; Bur. üde-; Kalm. üd- (КРС); Ord. üdēri ‘little
strap’; Dong. xudu-; Mongr. sdē- ‘rapiécer’ (SM 334), šdē- (Huzu).
◊ MGCD 688.
PTurk. *büt- 1 to join, intertwine, adhere 2 to wind, weave (1 присоединяться, переплетаться, примыкать 2 плести, ткать): Karakh.
bütüš- (MK) 1; Tur. bitiš- 1; Az. bitiš- 1; Turkm. bitiš- 1; Uzb. bitiš- 1; Tat.
böter- ‘крутить, свертывать’; Bashk. bötörgös ‘деталь ткацкого станка’;
Kaz. bitis- ‘мириться’; Chuv. pəₙdəₙr- 2.
◊ EDT 309-310. Федотов 1, 427
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Low tone and shortness may be reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. The root is similar to *p῾út῾a and *bòt῾e
q.v., but still should be probably reconstructed as a separate etymon.
-put῾i[m]uk῾V a k. of berry: Tung. *putumukte; Kor. *ptárkì.
PTung. *putumukte 1 honeysuckle, woodbind 2 strawberry (1 жимолость 2 земляника): Evk. hutumukte 1, 2; Evn. hutъmtъ 1; Neg.
hutumte 1; Ud. xutumukte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 357. Oroch utumukte and Nan. kutumiekte are quite irregular (a possible different etymology of the Nan. word see under *korteme).
PKor. *ptárkì raspberry, strawberry (малина, земляника): MKor.
ptárkì; Mod. t:algi.
◊ Nam 140, KED 402.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-pt῾ò poplar, branch, stick: Tung. *pota; Mong. *buta; Turk. *būta-; Jpn.
*pəta; Kor. *ptr.
PTung. *pota willow (тальник, верба): Ork. potoqto; Nan. fotoχa.
◊ ТМС 2, 45. The TM forms are certainly not borrowed from Mong., despite Rozycki
77 (who additionally follows ТМС in confusing the root with *pude- q. v. sub *p῾ude, and
*puči- q.v. sub *p῾úč῾í).
PMong. *buta bushes (кусты): MMong. buta (SH); WMong. buta,
butu (L 141); Kh. but; Bur. buta; Kalm. butə; Ord. buta; Dag. boto (Тод.
Даг. 128); Dong. puda; S.-Yugh. but; Mongr. budā ‘herbes ou plantes
croissant en touffes, touffe (herbes)’ (SM 31), butā (Huzu).
◊ KW 63, MGCD 171.
PTurk. *būta- 1 to cut branches 2 branch 3 nail (1 срезать ветви 2
ветвь 3 гвоздь): OTurk. butɨq 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. butɨq, butaq 2 (MK);
*pỼt῾ok῾V - *pỼt῾ok῾V
1115
Tur. buda- 1, budak 2; Gag. buda- 1, budaq 2; Az. buda- 1, budaG 2; Turkm.
pūda- 1, pūdaq 2; Sal. pu/ūtax 2 (ССЯ); Khal. (buta ‘bush’ - a backloan
from Pers.?); MTurk. buda- 1 (Pav. C.), (MKypch.) buda- 1 (AH); Uzb.
buta- 1, butɔq 2; Uygh. puta- 1, putaq; Krm. buta- 1, butaq 2; Tat. bota- 1,
botaq 2; Bashk. bota- 1, botaq 2; Kirgh. buta- 1, butaq 2; Kaz. buta- 1, butanaq 2 (buta ‘bush’ < Iran.); KBalk. buta- 1, butaq 2; KKalp. puta- 1, putaq
2; Kum. buta- 1, butaq 2; Nogh. bɨta- 1, butaq 2; Khak. pɨdɨra- 1; Oyr. buda1, budaq 2; Tv. bu’duq 2; Chuv. pъₙda 3; Yak. bɨtā- 1, butuk 2 (Пек.); mutā1, mutuk 2; Dolg. mutuk 2.
◊ EDT 301, 302, VEWT 90, TMN 2, 330, Лексика 103, Stachowski 183. Turk. >
WMong. butaq ‘branch’ (see Щербак 1997, 111) (but Mong. buta can be hardly explained
as a loan).
PJpn. *pəta log (полено): MJpn. fota; Tok. hota.
◊ Accent unknown.
PKor. *ptr poplar, willow (тополь, ива): MKor. ptr; Mod. pədɨl.
◊ Liu 375, KED 759.
‖ KW 446, Poppe 12, 52, Цинциус 1984, 52-53, Дыбо 10, Лексика
104. Despite some confusion between *pōt῾o and *p῾ude, the two roots
are clearly distinguishable. Kor. *ptr must be delabialized < *pòtr.
-pỼt῾ok῾V ( ~ p῾-, b-) cuckoo: Jpn. *pttkí-su; Kor. *pkúk-.
PJpn. pttkí-sù cuckoo (кукушка): OJpn. p(w)ototogjisu; MJpn.
fòtòtógísù; Tok. hototógisu; Kyo. hótótógìsù; Kag. hototogísu.
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *pkúk- cuckoo (кукушка): MKor. pkúk-sāi; Mod. p:ək:ugi.
◊ Nam 254, KED 758.
‖ An onomatopoeic Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
P῾
-p῾ač῾V to open, split up: Tung. *pač-; Mong. *(h)ača; Turk. *ač-.
PTung. *pač- crack, split, interval (щель, промежуток): Evn. hačịq.
◊ ТМС 2, 319. Attested only in Evn., but having probable Turkic and Mongolian parallels.
PMong. *(h)ača bifurcation (развилка, разветвление): MMong.
āčiba ‘развилина’ (MA); WMong. ača(n) (L 7); Kh. ac; Bur. asa; Kalm.
acə; Ord. ača.
◊ KW 18. Mong. > Man. ačan, Kirgh. ača etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 210).
PTurk. *ač- to open (открывать): OTurk. ač- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ač- (MK); Tur. ač-; Gag. ač-; Az. ač-; Turkm. ač-; MTurk. ač(Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔč-; Uygh. ač-; Krm. ač-; Tat. ač-; Bashk. as-; Kirgh. ač-;
Kaz. aš-; KBalk. ač-; KKalp. aš-; Kum. ač-; Nogh. aš-; SUygh. ač-; Khak.
as-; Shr. aš-; Oyr. ač-; Tv. a’š-; Tof. a’š-; Chuv. uś-; Yak. as-.
◊ EDT 18-19, VEWT 3, ЭСТЯ 1, 209-210, Федотов 2, 292.
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 18, Poppe 63, Цинциус 1984, 36-37 (with
somewhat different TM data), TMN 2, 14 (: “semantisch unwahrscheinlich”).
-p῾ač῾V ( ~ -č-) blessing, favour: Mong. *hači; Turk. *ačɨ-.
PMong. *hači favour, service (милость, услуга): MMong. xači ‘favour, rewards’ (HYt), xači qari’un ‘thanks’ (HY 40), xači (SH); WMong.
ači (L 7); Kh. ač; Bur. aša; Kalm. ačə; Ord. ači; Dag. ači ( < lit.) (Тод. Даг.
122, MD 111); S.-Yugh. haǯig (MGCD).
◊ KW 18, MGCD 125. WMong. ačiguri (Kalm. ačūr, KW 19) > Nan. ačeuri.
PTurk. *ačɨ- 1 precious gift; wellbeing 2 to tend, make comfortable,
be favourable 3 to pity, have compassion (1 драгоценный дар; благосостояние 2 быть благоприятным, благосклонным, ухаживать 3 жалеть, иметь сострадание): OTurk. ačɨɣ 1, ačɨn- 2; Tur. aǯɨ- 3; Az. aǯɨ- 3;
KBalk. ačɨ- 3; Yak. ahɨn- 3; Dolg. ahɨn- 3.
◊ EDT 22, 29, ЭСТЯ 1, 92 (together with *iāčɨ- ‘bitter’), Stachowski 29. Turk. >
WMong. ačuɣ ‘wages, rent’ (L 8). In modern languages the root tends to be confused with
*iāčɨ- ‘bitter, bitterness’ (v. sub *p῾č῾o ), thus the Oghuz voicing may be a result of secondary contamination and not due to original vowel length; but the two roots are rather
well distinguished in Old Turkic, see EDT ibid.
*p῾āda - *p῾dì
1117
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; cf. perhaps Nan. pāčila- ‘жечь багульник
во время камлания’.
-p῾āda to separate, some, other: Tung. *pādi; Turk. *adɨ-; Jpn. *pá(n)tú-;
Kor. *ptắ-n.
PTung. *pādi separate(ly) (отдельный, отдельно): Evk. hādi ‘some,
part of’; Evn. hādị-n ‘some, other’; Man. faǯu ‘space between’; Ul. pāǯị;
Ork. padị; Nan. pāǯị; Sol. adĩ ‘some’.
◊ ТМС 2, 305-306. TM *pā ‘part’ (ibid.) is probably a different root (there is no
-di-suffix in TM), so Doerfer’s (MT 239) doubts about TM *pādi- = Turk. *ad- have no
ground.
PTurk. *adɨ-r- to separate (отделять): OTurk. adɨr- (Orkh., OUygh.);
adɨn (OUygh.) ‘other’; Karakh. aδɨr- (MK); aδɨn (MK) ‘other’; Tur. ajɨr-;
Gag. ajɨr-; Az. ajɨr-; Turkm. ajɨr-; Khal. hadru-, hadur-; MTurk. ajɨr(Abush.); Uzb. ajir-; Uygh. ajra-, ajri- (dial.); Krm. ajɨr-; Tat. ajɨr-; Bashk.
ajɨr-; Kirgh. ajɨr-; Kaz. ajɨr-; KBalk. ajɨr-; KKalp. ajɨr-; Kum. ajɨr-; Nogh.
ajɨr-; SUygh. azɨr-; Khak. azɨr-; Shr. azɨr-; Oyr. ajrɨ-; Tv. adɨr-; Chuv. ojъr-;
Yak. atɨr-; atɨn ‘other’; Dolg. atɨn ‘other’.
◊ VEWT 6, EDT 60, 66-67, ЭСТЯ 1, 93, 114-116, Федотов 2, 270, Stachowski 39. Turk.
> MMo, WMong. aǯira- (see Щербак 1997, 94), whence again Uzb. aǯra- etc. (see ЭСТЯ
ibid.).
PJpn. *pá(n)tú- 1 to separate 2 some, only (1 отделять 2 некоторый,
только): OJpn. patu-ka 2; MJpn. fádú-s- 1; Tok. hàzus- 1; Kyo. házús- 1;
Kag. hazús- 1.
◊ JLTT 686.
PKor. *ptắ-n other (другой): MKor. ptắ-n; Mod. t:a-n.
◊ Nam 138, KED 393.
‖ Korean has a frequent vowel loss between two stops (which occurred before *-d- > -r- and thus explains medial -t-). Correspondences
are regular except for the aberrant high tone in Jpn.
-p῾dì a k. of vessel: Tung. *padu; Turk. *diĺ; Jpn. *pítú, *pítú-ki.
PTung. *padu bag, pouch (сумка): Man. fadu; SMan. fadə (248); Ul.
padụ(n); Ork. padụ; Nan. pado.
◊ ТМС 2, 31.
PTurk. *diĺ vessel (сосуд): OTurk. ediš (OUygh.); Karakh. ed/δiš
(MK), ijiš (IM); Turkm. īdiš (dial.); Khal. hidš; MTurk. ediš (Abush.,
Sangl.), iδiš (Qutb); Kirgh. idiš; Kaz. ɨdɨs; KKalp. ɨdɨs; Khak. dial. edis; Tv.
idiš; Yak. ihit.
◊ VEWT 36, EDT 72, ЭСТЯ 1, 328-329. Turk. > Mong. idiš (see Щербак 1997, 119).
Yak. ihit < isit < itis; most of the other modern forms are probably backloans < Mong.
PJpn. *pítú, *pítú-ki 1 box 2 coffin (1 ящик 2 гроб): OJpn. pjitu 1,
p(j)ituk(j)i 2; MJpn. fítú 1, fítúki 2; Tok. hìtsu, hìtsugi; Kyo. hítsú, hítsúgí;
Kag. hitsú, hitsúgi.
◊ JLTT 411. Accent in Kag. hitsú is aberrant.
1118
*p῾ádo - *p῾ágdi
‖ PTM *padu and PJ *pítú may reflect a common derivative like
*padi-bV (otherwise final -u is hard to explain).
-p῾ádo wall: Tung. *padira-; Mong. *(h)adar; Kor. *pằrằm.
PTung. *padira-n wall (стена): Man. faǯiran; SMan. faǯərəhən (463);
Jurch. fa-dar-an (64); Ul. padịra(n); Nan. paǯirã.
◊ ТМС 2, 31.
PMong. *(h)adar 1 ceiling 2 shelves (1 потолок 2 полки): WMong.
adajir, adar 1, 2 (L 9); Kh. adar 1; Bur. adajir, aār 2.
PKor. *pằrằ-m wall (стена): MKor. pằrằ-m; Mod. param.
◊ Nam 241, KED 705.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Chuv. pora ‘сруб’. See Redei 4,347. The Kor. form
can be formally analysed as derived from pằrằ- ‘to plaster’, but this is
probably a result of secondary reinterpretation (see under *pila).
-p῾dV sober, attentive: Mong. *hada- / *haǯi-; Turk. *ād-.
PMong. *hada- / *haǯi- 1 to beware, be careful 2 worth attention, attention (1 быть осторожным, внимательным 2 заслуживающий внимания, внимание): MMong. xada’u- 1 (SH); WMong. aǯi- 1, aǯig 2 (L
61); Kh. aǯig 2; Bur. aǯig, adag 2; Kalm. aǯig 2; Ord. aǯigla- ‘observer avec
attention’.
◊ KW 2.
PTurk. *ād- 1 to sober up 2 sober, conscious (1 трезветь 2 трезвый,
сознательный): OTurk. adɨn- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aδɨl- (MK,KB), aδɨn(MK, KB) 1, aδɨɣ (MK) 2; Tur. ajɨl-, dial. aj(ɨh)-, Osm. ajɨn- 1, ajɨk 2; Az.
ajɨl- 1, ajɨG 2; Turkm. ājɨl- 1, dial. ajɨq 2; MTurk. ajɨl- (Sangl.) 1, ajɨq
(Houts., Pav. C., IM) 2, ajɨɣ (IM, Qutb) 2; Uzb. dial. ajɨq 2; Tat. dial. ajɨl1, ajɨq 2; Bashk. ajɨq- 1, ajɨq 2; Kirgh. ajɨq- 1; Kaz. ajɨq- 1, ajɨq 2; KKalp.
ajɨq- 1, ajɨq 2; Nogh. ajɨq- 1; Khak. ajɨɣ 2; Chuv. orъl- 1, orъ 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 113-114, EDT 46, 61, Федотов 2, 285.
‖ KW 2. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-p῾ágdi foot, foot sole: Tung. *pagdi(-kī); Mong. *(h)adag; Turk. *adak;
Jpn. *pí(n)túmai ( ~ -ia).
PTung. *pagdi(-kī) sole, foot sole (ступня, подошва): Evk. hagdikī;
Neg. xakkị; Ork. paGǯe; Nan. χaGdịkị (dial.); Orch. xagdi; Ud. xagdiɣi.
◊ ТМС 2, 308.
PMong. *(h)adag end, lower part of stream (конец, устье, низ течения): WMong. adaɣ (L 9); Kh. adag; Bur. adag; Kalm. adəg; Ord. adaq.
◊ KW 1.
PTurk. *adak foot (нога): OTurk. adaq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
aδaq (MK); Tur. ajak; Gag. ajaq; Az. ajaG; Turkm. ajaG; Sal. aja(:)χ; Khal.
hada:q, hadaq; MTurk. ajaq (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. ɔjɔq; Uygh. ajaq; Krm.
ajax; Tat. ajaq; Bashk. ajaq; Kirgh. ajaq; Kaz. ajaq; KBalk. ajaq; KKalp. ajaq;
*p῾àgò - *p῾ágò
1119
Kum. ajaq; Nogh. ajaq; SUygh. azaq; Khak. azax; Shr. azaq; Oyr. aaq; Tv.
adaq ‘bottom part’; Tof. adaq ‘сошки; нижняя часть’; Chuv. ora; Yak.
ataq; Dolg. atak.
◊ VEWT 5, EDT 45, ЭСТЯ 1, 103-105, Лексика 288, Федотов 2 283, Stachowski 38.
PJpn. *pí(n)túmai ( ~ -ia) hoof (копыто): MJpn. fítúme; Tok. hìzume,
hízume; Kyo. hízúmé; Kag. hizumé.
◊ JLTT 413. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ KW 1, Poppe 52, VEWT 5 (Turk.-Mong.; but the Kor. parallel
listed there - patak ‘bottom, foundation’ - should be rather compared
with TM *pata ‘id.’, see *p῾át῾a(-kV)), АПиПЯЯ 282, Лексика 288. Despite TMN 4, 266 Mong. cannot be < Turk. Further Nostr. parallels (PIE
*ped- ‘foot’ etc.) see in МССНЯ, 368.
-p῾àgò ( ~ -e-, -a, *p῾ùgà) to dig, cave: Mong. *haɣur; Jpn. *pàkà; Kor.
*phằ-.
PMong. *haɣur cave, mine (яма, пещера): MMong. haur, huur
‘grave’ (MA); WMong. aɣurqai, uɣurqai (L 18), urqai; Kh. ūrxaj; Bur.
ūrxaj; Kalm. ūrxǟ; Ord. ūrgǟ.
◊ KW 454.
PJpn. *pàkà grave, tomb (могила): OJpn. paka; MJpn. fàkà; Tok. haká;
Kyo. hákà; Kag. haká.
◊ JLTT 396.
PKor. *phằ- to dig (копать): MKor. phằ-; Mod. pha-.
◊ Nam 461, KED 1729.
‖ SKE 212, EAS 56. Kor. phằ- is a result of usual reduction < *pVhằ-.
-p῾ágò ( ~ p-) box, vessel: Tung. *paga, -ča, -kī; Jpn. *pákúa; Kor.
*phắkái.
PTung. *paga, -ča, -kī 1 box, birch vessel, scoop 2 window, window
frame (1 короб, чуман (берестяной) 2 окно, оконная рама): Evk.
haɣa, haɣakī, haɣačan; Neg. xa-čaw, xa-vụn 1; Man. fa 2; SMan. fā 2 (466);
Jurch. fah-ha (209) 2; Ul. pača(n) 1, pawa 2; Ork. pawa 2; Nan. pāčã 1, pāwa
2; Ud. xasa῾a 1 (Корм. 305).
◊ ТМС 2, 31, 308.
PJpn. *pákúa box (ящик): OJpn. pakwo; MJpn. fákó; Tok. hàko; Kyo.
hákó; Kag. háko.
◊ JLTT 397.
PKor. *phắkái scoop, dipper (черпак): MKor. phắkái, phắkà; Mod.
phagä.
◊ Nam 461, KED 1728 (derivation from phắ- ‘to dig’ is implausible both phonetically
and semantically).
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *buk῾[e]. Kor. *phắkái < *pago-kai ( = PTM
*pagakī), which explains seemingly irregular tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn.
1120
*p῾āji - *p῾là
-p῾āji part: Tung. *pā; Mong. *hejil-; Jpn. *pia.
PTung. *pā part (часть): Evk. hā, hā-n; Evn. hānị; Neg. xā; Man. fa-li;
Jurch. far far (far-ar far-ar) ‘separately’ (781); Ul. pa-sị; pānị ‘some, others’; Ork. pō; Nan. pa-sị; poani ‘some, others’; Orch. xa; Ud. xa(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 305-306.
PMong. *hejil- to separate (отделять): MMong. xejil- (SH); Bur. īle‘to churn butter’ (? *’separate’); Dag. xeile- (Тод. Даг. 175).
PJpn. *pia part (часть, доля): OJpn. -bje (in compounds); MJpn. -be.
◊ JLTT 390. Cf. also OJ pje-datar- ‘to become separated’.
‖ Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p῾-.
-p῾ajo to rub off, wipe off, cut off: Tung. *pajū-; Mong. *haɣu-; Turk.
*ajɨt-; Jpn. *pajas-; Kor. *pūi-.
PTung. *pajū- to break, tear (ломать, разрушать, рвать): Evk. hajūp-; Evn. hājụ-; Neg. xajị-, xajụ-; Orch. xāju-; Ud. xai-.
◊ ТМС 2, 309.
PMong. *haɣu- to scoop out, drain (вычерпывать, осушать):
MMong. xa’u-, xa’ut- (SH); WMong. aɣu- (L 15).
PTurk. *ajɨt- to rub off, peel off (стирать, сдирать шкуру): Tur.
ajɨt-la-, ajɨk-la-; Uygh. ajt-.
◊ VEWT 12, Radloff 1, 48, 222. Cf. also Khak. ajɣɨ ‘smooth, polished’ (VEWT 11).
PJpn. *pajas- to cut in small pieces (резать на мелкие куски):
MJpn. fajas- ‘to cut’; Tok. hayas- (dial.).
PKor. *pūi- to rub (тереть): MKor. pūi-.
◊ Nam 269.
‖ One of the common Altaic “Verba des Schlagens”, with a rather
uncertain semantics. The basic meaning seems to be “rub off, peel off”,
whence “break, tear into small pieces” etc. MMong. xa’ut- may reflect
the same derivative as PT *ajɨt-, PA *p῾ajo-t῾V.
-p῾là field, level ground: Tung. *pāla-n; Turk. *ala-n / *ala-ŋ; Jpn. *pàrà;
Kor. *pr(h)-.
PTung. *pāla-n 1 meadow, open ground 2 floor (1 поляна, ровное
место 2 пол): Evn. hālinr 1; Neg. palan 2 ( < South.); Man. fala(n) 2;
SMan. falən 2 (454); Ul. pala(n) 2; Ork. pālla(n) 2; Nan. palã 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 32, 313. Shortness in Nan. palã is probably secondary (or a misrecording).
PTurk. *ala-n / *ala-ŋ level ground, plain (равнина): Karakh. alaŋ
(MK); Tur. alan, dial. ala; Turkm. alaŋ, āla; MTurk. alaŋ (Pav. C.); Krm.
alaŋ; Tat. alan; Kaz. alaŋ; KKalp. alaŋ; Nogh. alaŋ; Tv. alāq, alandɨ; Chuv.
olъx; Yak. alās, al; Dolg. alɨn, al.
◊ EDT 147, ЭСТЯ 1, 134-135, Федотов 2, 277, Stachowski 32, 33. Length in the Turkm.
variant āla is not clear. Yak. alās > Russ. Siber. alás (Аникин 80-81).
PJpn. *pàrà level ground, plain (равнина): OJpn. para; MJpn. fàrà;
Tok. hára; Kyo. hára; Kag. hàrá.
*p῾aĺi - *p῾ĺŋa
1121
◊ JLTT 399. Tokyo reflects rather *pàrá.
PKor. *prh- fields, meadows (поля, луга): MKor. phrí; Mod. pəl,
phəl.
◊ Nam 463, KED 764, 1744.
‖ Martin 238, АПиПЯЯ 67.
-p῾aĺi relationship, friendship: Tung. *pal- ( ~ -ā-); Turk. *ĺ.
PTung. *pal- ( ~ -ā-) 1 to have relations with 2 relationship, friendship 3 quarrel, contest 4 to quarrel (1 заводить связи, сближаться 2
связь, дружба 3 ссора, спор 4 ссориться): Man. fali- 1, falin 2; Ul. pālị
3; Ork. pālị 3; Orch. palimači- 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 33.
PTurk. *ĺ friend, companion, mate (друг, товарищ): OTurk. eš
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eš (MK); Tur. eš; MTurk. eš (Sangl.); Tv. eš;
Tof. eš; Chuv. jɨš ‘family’.
◊ EDT 253-254, ЭСТЯ 1, 313-314, Егоров 83, Лексика 314.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Original vowel length is not quite clear: in
Turkic the reconstruction is based only on the absence of pharyngealization in Tuva-Tof., while in TM critical evidence is lacking from Evk.
and Nan.
-p῾ĺŋa ( ~ -e) palm (of hand): Tung. *palŋa; Mong. *haliga(n); Turk. *āja
( ~ -ń-); Kor. *pār.
PTung. *palŋa palm (of hand) (ладонь): Evk. hanŋa; Evn. hanŋ;
Neg. xańŋa; Man. falaŋGu; SMan. faləŋə (71); Ul. pańa; Ork. xaŋŋa / xaŋa;
Nan. pajŋa; Orch. xaŋa, xaŋŋa; Ud. xań῾a.
◊ ТМС 2, 312, 314. All languages, except Manchu, reflect *pańŋa; Manchu probably
reflects a more archaic variant *pal(i)ŋa, simplified to *pańŋa elsewhere.
PMong. *haliga(n) palm (of hand) (ладонь): MMong. xalaqan (HY
46, SH), alaqan (MA); WMong. alaɣa(n) (L 26); Kh. alga; Bur. aĺga(n);
Kalm. aĺxən; Ord. alaga; Mog. olaqɛi (Ramstedt 1906); ZM alaqa (2-9b);
Dag. xaləg, (Тод. Даг. 173) xalaga, halehe (MD 156); Dong. hanGa; Bao.
halgə; S.-Yugh. halaʁan; Mongr. (x)arGa (SM 13), xalGa (MGCD).
◊ KW 7, Дыбо 231. Mong. > Kirgh. alaqan, Uygh. aliqan etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 133), Evk. aliga,
Sol. aĺga (ТМС 1, 312).
PTurk. *āja ( < *āŋa) palm (of hand) (ладонь): OTurk. aja (OUygh.);
Karakh. aja (MK, KB); Tur. aja; Turkm. āja; MTurk. aja (Sangl.;
MKypch.- Houts., AH); Bashk. aja ‘мера длины - пальма; гребень для
чесания пуха’; Kaz. aja ‘center of a palm’; KBalk. ajaz (< формы 3 л.);
Kum. aja; Nogh. aja; SUygh. χaja, χajan; Khak. aja.
◊ VEWT 10, ЭСТЯ 1, 100-101, Дыбо 179-181, Лексика 252.
PKor. *pār armful (охапка): MKor. pār; Mod. pāl.
◊ Nam 245, KED 723.
1122
*p῾nŋi - *p῾ăp῾a
‖ EAS 107, KW 7, Poppe 95, Цинциус 1984, 27-28, ОСНЯ 3, 94-95,
Дыбо 317, Лексика 252, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 73 (but note that TM
forms meaning ‘foot, sole’ should be certainly kept apart, see *pằlka).
The Mong.-Tung. match here seems impeccable, and (despite MT and
Rozycki) borrowing is excluded. The Turkic form presents problems
with a unique cluster development *-ĺŋ- > *-lń- > -ń-, but still is probably the reflex of the same root. The Korean form may belong here if we
suppose a secondary semantic development ‘palm’ > ‘handful’ > ‘armful’.
-p῾nŋi to trace, investigate: Tung. *panŋū-; Mong. *hana-; Turk. *ēŋe-;
Jpn. *pima-.
PTung. *panŋū- 1 to ask 2 to investigate 3 to follow smb. (1 спрашивать 2 исследовать 3 следовать за кем-л.): Evk. hanŋū- 1, hanŋi- /
hāŋī- 3; Man. fonǯi- 1, 2; SMan. onǯi- ‘to ask, to question, to ferret out’
(1288); Jurch. fanǯu-mij (775) 2; Ul. pan-sị- 1; Ork. panụ-; Ud. xauntasi- 1;
Sol. aŋ- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 314-315.
PMong. *hana- to trace, follow, be in wait for (следить, следовать,
поджидать): WMong. ana- (L 42); Kh. ana-; Mongr. xana- ‘se guérir’
(SM 8).
◊ The Mongor variant ana- is < lit. Mong.
PTurk. *ēŋe- to look after smb. (смотреть за кем-л.): Turkm. ǟŋet-;
Kirgh. ene- ‘обращать внимание, замечать (при отр.)’; Yak. eŋej-.
PJpn. *pima- to keep smth. in secret (держать что-л. в тайне):
MJpn. fima-; Tok. hime-.
◊ JLTT 689. Original accent is not clear: in RJ the form is not attested, Tokyo and
Kyoto point to *pìmá-, but Kagoshima - to *pímá-.
‖ The original meaning, still well traceable in Mong. and Jpn., must
have been ‘to follow (smb.) secretly, investigate stealthily’.
-p῾ăp῾a shaman, sorcery: Tung. *pap-; Mong. *hab; Turk. *apačɨ, *apakɨ;
Jpn. *papur-.
PTung. *pap- 1 to yell (of a shaman) 2 to divine 3 shaman, sorcerer
(1 кричать (о шамане во время камлания) 2 гадать 3 шаман, колдун): Evk. haptaj 3; Neg. xaptụ- 1; Man. fada- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 297, 316. Evk. has both aptaj and haptaj, of which the former may be < Yak.
or Bur., but the latter preserves the old root ( = Neg., Manchu); an example of Wortmischung.
PMong. *hab sorcery (колдовство): MMong. xab (SH), hab (IM);
WMong. ab (L 1); Bur. ab; Kalm. ab KW 1, avə КРС 20; S.-Yugh. fawa
‘shaman’ (MGCD 160).
*p῾ap῾o - *p῾árà
1123
◊ Mong. > Oyr., Yak. ap (see KW 1, VEWT 21); Mong. *habtaj (Bur. abtaj) > Evk. aptaj,
Yak. aptā-, Dolg. aptā-k (Kał. MEJ 129, Stachowski 35); Mong. ab-galdai ‘shaman mask’ >
Evk. awagaldai, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *apačɨ, *apakɨ 1 bogy 2 figure set up to avert the evil eye 3
idol (1 бука 2 фигурка для отвода сглаза 3 идол): Karakh. abačɨ 1,
abaqɨ 2 (MK); Tur. apaq, abaq ‘jinn, ghoul’ (dial.), ‘fool’; MTurk.
(MKypch.) abaq ‘doll’ (Houts., At-Tuhf.); Uzb. ɔpa-lar ‘female evil
ghosts’ (lit. “elder sisters”); Krm. abaq, abax 3; KBalk. abačɨ 1; Yak. abāhɨ
‘evil ghost’.
◊ VEWT 1, 2, EDT 6, 8. Quite dubious is the hypothesis (see Аникин 71, TMN 4,
307-310, Clark 1977, 127) of the Turkic forms being borrowed from Mong. abuɣаči ‘receiver’ (all the more so because the Bur. form is not abāša, but abagša, i. e. reflecting -g-,
not -ɣ-). See a detailed discussion in Stachowski 2001.
PJpn. *pápúri priest (жрец, священник): OJpn. papuri; MJpn. fáfúri.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 31-32. See also Miller-Naumann 1991, Miller 1998
(connecting it with Old Chinese *pap ‘law’), and recently Stachowski
2001 (although Yak. aba ‘gift’ should be rather kept apart).
-p῾ap῾o to attack: Mong. *hawl-; Turk. *op-.
PMong. *hawl- surprise attack (внезапное нападение): MMong.
xa’ul-, xau’ul- (SH 75) ‘to attack, capture’; WMong. uulɣa (L 889); Kh.
ūlga; Bur. ūla-gar ‘hot-tempered’; Kalm. ūlɣa ‘vanguard’, ūlɣa-la- ‘to belong to the vanguard, rob’; Mongr. xli- ‘courir’ (SM 180).
◊ KW 454.
PTurk. *op- 1 to attack 2 to rob (1 нападать 2 грабить): OTurk.
op-la- 1 (Orkh.); MTurk. op- 2 (R - ShS); Krm. op- 2; Kirgh. ob-dul- 1; Kaz.
op- 2 (R); Tv. opla- 1.
◊ EDT 11, ЭСТЯ 1, 464 (together with *ōp- ‘suck’), R I 1155.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. In TM cf. perhaps Evn. hapkon- ‘to sit in
ambush’ (ТМС 2, 316).
-p῾árà cross-beam, constructing piece: Tung. *para(n); Mong. *(h)aran-ga;
Turk. *ara-n; Jpn. *párì.
PTung. *para(n) 1 place for the hut, floor 2 perch 3 lattice(d) (1 площадка для чума, пол 2 насест 3 решетчатый): Evk. haran 1; Evn. harān
1; Neg. hajān 1; Man. fargi ~ farki 2, faraŋga 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 299, 317. Evk. > Dolg. haran (see Stachowski 97).
PMong. *(h)aran-ga balcony, verandah, platform, shed (балкон, веранда, платформа, сарай): WMong. araŋɣa (L 49); Kh. araŋga; Bur.
araŋga; Kalm. arŋga.
◊ KW 14. Bur. > Russ. Siber. aranga (Аникин 93).
PTurk. *ara-n 1 shed 2 stable 3 fold 4 store-room (1 хлев 2 скотный
двор 3 загон 4 кладовая, лабаз): Karakh. aran 1 (MK); Turkm. aram
(dial.) 3; MTurk. aran 1 (Sangl.); Krm. aran 3; Tat. aran 1; Bashk. aran 1;
1124
*p῾ra - *p῾ra
Kaz. aran 3; Kum. aran 1; Nogh. aran 3; Yak. araŋas (< *aran-gač, Dimin.)
4, dial. arān ‘место, на котором стоит чум, палатка’; Dolg. araŋas 4.
◊ VEWT 23, 66, EDT 232, Лексика 523-524. Turk. > Russ. Siber. arán (Аникин 92).
Yak. > Evk. araŋas > Russ. Siber. arangas (Аникин 93). Despite Stachowski 36, the Yak.
and Dolg. word is not borrowed < Mong. araŋga - which could not explain the derivation
suffix - but is rather a productive derivative from the common Turkic root, with a meaning variant “auxiliary building”.
PJpn. *párì cross-beam (балка): MJpn. fárì; Tok. harí; Kyo. hárì; Kag.
harí.
◊ JLTT 399. The Kagoshima accent is irregular (*hári would be expected).
‖ Lee 1958, 109 compares the TM forms also with Kor. dial. paradi,
paraǯi ‘a window in the wall’.
-p῾ra to be tired: Tung. *paru-; Mong. *(h)ari-; Turk. *r-; Jpn. *pátá-;
Kor. *parh-.
PTung. *paru- to faint, feel giddy (кружиться (о голове), терять
сознание): Evk. harū-; Evn. hārụ-; Man. fara-; Nan. farịnda-; Ud. xau-ne-.
◊ ТМС 2, 317-318. Despite Poppe 1972, 98 not a loan < Mong.
PMong. *(h)ari- to be tired, exhausted (уставать, истощаться):
WMong. ari-, ar-ɣu- (L 52: argi- ‘to grow old, to become senile’); Kh.
argi-; Kalm. ar-ɣə-; Ord. argi- ‘говорить ошибочно, выжить из ума (от
старости)’.
◊ KW 13. For *h- Poppe (1972, 98) cites (MA) harun ‘stubborn (horse)’ - but this is
translated by Chag. harun id. and may well be a loan < Chag.
PTurk. *r- 1 to be tired, exhausted 2 to become lean (1 уставать 2
худеть): OTurk. ar- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. ar- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. ar1; Az. arɨG (Adj.) 1; Turkm. ār- 1; Khal. harqān, harqan (Ger.) 1; MTurk.
ar- (Sangl., Abush., Pav. C., AH, Qutb, IM) 1; Uzb. hɔri- 1, (Khor.) hār- 1;
Uygh. ar- 1; Tat. ar- 1; Bashk. arɨ- 1; Kirgh. arɨ- 1; Kaz. arɨ- 1; KBalk. arɨ1; KKalp. harɨ- 1; Kum. arɨ- 1; Nogh. arɨ- 1; Khak. ar- 2; Shr. ar- 2; Oyr.
arɨ- 1; Tv. ar- 2; Chuv. ɨr- 1; Yak. ɨr- 2.
◊ VEWT 22, ЭСТЯ 1, 160-162, EDT 193, Егоров 343.
PJpn. *pátá-ra-k- to work (работать): MJpn. fatarak-; Tok. hàtárak-;
Kyo. hátárák-; Kag. hataráḱ-.
◊ JLTT 685. Cf. also *pátá- / *pàtá- ‘to end, be exhausted’ (with accent variation, see
АПиПЯЯ 139; but this form may be alternatively compared with MMong. hečüs ‘end’
(HY), WMong. ečüs, Khalkha eces, Bur. eses, Kalm. ecəs (КРС), Dag. heči- ‘get thin, waste
away’ etc.).
PKor. *parh- to be lean, emaciated (быть тощим, истощенным):
Mod. phari-ha-.
◊ KED 1730.
‖ AKE 15, EAS 139, KW 13, Poppe 96, АПиПЯЯ 73, Цинциус 1984,
34, Мудрак Дисс. 182.
*p῾are - *p῾ărV
1125
-p῾are ( ~ -e-) man, people: Mong. *haran; Turk. *Eren.
PMong. *haran people (народ): MMong. haran (SH, HYt), harān
(IM), harən (Lig.VMI), harān (MA); WMong. aran (L 49); Kh. aran, pl.
arad; Bur. arad; Kalm. ardə (КРС); Ord. arat.
PTurk. *Eren man, mankind (человек, человеческий род): OTurk.
eren (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eren (MK); MTurk. eren (Pav.C.); Uygh.
ejen (Lob.); S.-Uygh. eren; Krm. eren; Tat. irɛn (dial.); Kirgh. eren; Kaz.
eren; Khak. iren. ◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 290-291.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-p῾arkV excrement: Tung. *parga- ( ~ -rk-); Mong. *hargal; Turk. *ark.
PTung. *parga- ( ~ -rk-) excrement, to defecate (помет, испражняться): Man. faǯan, faǯa-; SMan. faǯən (104, 497, 2327).
◊ ТМС 1, 50. Attested only in Manchu (with -ǯ- regularly < *-rg- or -rk-), with probable parallels in Turkic and Mongolian; despite Rozycki 72-73 borrowing from Mong. is
extremely unlikely.
PMong. *hargal dung, excrement (навоз, кизяк): MMong. horɣ[a]l
(IM), hărɣal (MA); WMong. arɣal, arɣasu(n) (L 52); Kh. argal; Bur. argal;
Kalm. arɣəsn; Ord. argal; Dag. xargal (Тод. Даг. 174); S.-Yugh. harʁal;
Mongr. xarGar (SM 161), (MGCD: xarGal).
◊ KW 14, MGCD 118. Mong. > Chag. arɣasun, see Щербак 1997, 203; > Evk. argahun
(see Doerfer MT 130 - but not Man. faǯan!), Russ. dial. argál, argasún (Аникин 94, 95).
PTurk. *ark excrement (навоз, экскременты): Karakh. arq (MK);
Turkm. arq (А-Б); Khal. harq; MTurk. Kypch. arq (Houts.); Khak. arɨx.
◊ EDT 213, VEWT 26.
‖ EAS 53, 125, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 33. A Western isogloss.
-p῾ărV thill: Tung. *para; Mong. *(h)aral; Turk. *arɨĺ; Kor. *parko.
PTung. *para 1 saddle arc 2 sleigh 3 thill (1 лука седла, клин (посреди лука) 2 сани 3 оглобля): Evk. hara, dial. hāren 1; Man. fara 2, 3;
SMan. farə ‘shaft’ (1252); Ul. para 2; Ork. paụra ‘полозья’; Nan. para 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 316-317. TM > Dag. pār ‘sleigh’ (Тод. Даг. 160).
PMong. *(h)aral thill (оглобля): MMong. aral ‘axle, pivot’ (HY 18);
WMong. aral (L 48); Kh. aral; Bur. aral ‘carriage; thills’; Ord. aral; Dag.
aral (MGCD 116); S.-Yugh. aral (MGCD 116); Mongr. rāl (MGCD 116).
◊ TMN 2, 40. Note that both HY and Southern Mong. forms point to *0- (if we are not
dealing with later loans). Mong. > Sol., Oroch aral id.
PTurk. *arɨĺ thill (оглобля): Tur. dial. arɨš; Turkm. arɨš; MTurk. arɨš
(Pav. C.); Uzb. dial. ariš; Krm. arɨš; Tat. arɨš; Bashk. arɨš; Kaz. arɨs; KBalk.
arɨš; KKalp. arɨs; Kum. arɨš; Nogh. arɨs.
◊ VEWT 26, TMN 2, 40-41, ЭСТЯ 1, 189-191, Лексика 555. Turk. > Kalm. arš ‘thill’
(KW 15). The word is attested late, and Clauson 1965, 166 proposes a loan < Arab. ʕariṣ.
PKor. *parko a k. of horse-drawn sleigh (вид саней, запрягаемых
лошадьми): MKor. parko; Mod. palgu.
◊ Nam 245, KED 724.
1126
*p῾ắsi - *p῾átà(kV)
‖ Poppe 11, 77, 78-79, Цинциус 1984, 32-33, Ramstedt 1916, 3, Lee
1958, 108, Лексика 555, Rozycki 74. The root is frequently quoted, but
indeed rather problematic (cf. TMN 2, 40-41). If the Mong. form is *aral
(accounting for the HY and South Mong. evidence), and the Turkic
form is borrowed from a different source, all we are left with are the
Tungus and Korean forms - which, however, are difficult to explain as
loans.
-p῾ắsi to hang: Tung. *pasi-; Mong. *(h)asa-; Turk. *as-; Jpn. *písà(n)k-.
PTung. *pasi- to hang (повисать, повесить): Man. fasi-; Ork. pasị-;
Nan. pasị-; Orch. xasi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 464.
PMong. *(h)asa- to climb up; to stick, cling to (ползти вверх; цепляться к чему-л.): WMong. asa- (L 55); Kh. asa-; Bur. aha; Kalm. as-.
◊ KW 16.
PTurk. *as- to hang (висеть): OTurk. as- (OUygh.); Karakh. as(MK); Tur. as-; Gag. as-; Az. as-; Turkm. as-; Khal. has-; MTurk. as(Sangl., Houts.); Uzb. ɔs-; Uygh. as-; Krm. as-; Tat. as-; Bashk. aϑ-; Kirgh.
as-; Kaz. as-; KBalk. as-; KKalp. as-; Kum. as-; SUygh. as-; Tv. a’s-; Chuv.
us-, os-.
◊ VEWT 28, EDT 240, ЭСТЯ 1, 192-193, Егоров 277, Федотов 2, 289.
PJpn. *písà(n)ka- to hold in hands (держать в руках): OJpn.
p(j)isaga-; MJpn. físàga-; Tok. hisage-.
◊ JLTT 690 (but the derivation < *piki-sanka-, based on the modern expressive variant
hissage-, is wrong; the word is attested as p(j)isaga- in OJ).
‖ KW 5, 16, Poppe 65, Цинциус 1984, 34-35. The Mong. parallel is
somewhat dubious semantically.
-p῾átà(kV) ( ~ -t῾-) fish fin; gills: Tung. *pati(ke); Turk. *atkak; Jpn. *pátá.
PTung. *pati(ke) 1 tail fin 2 fish tail (1 хвостовой плавник 2 хвост
рыбы): Neg. xepkī 2; Man. fetxe 1, fetxeku 2; Ul. patị 2; Ork. pačị, pačịkke
1,2; Nan. pač 1, pačqị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 482; 2, 35.
PTurk. *atkak gills (жабры): Khak. atpax; Shr. attaq; Oyr. atqaq.
◊ VEWT 31. A local Siberian word; should be kept distinct from *ạt(kɨ)- ‘pinch, pinchful, handful’ (q.v. sub *p῾ắt῾à(-kV)).
PJpn. *pátá fish fin (рыбий плавник): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátá.
◊ JLTT 401.
‖ The root is very similar phonetically to *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) ‘bottom, lower
side’ and the two roots could in fact have influenced each other in
Turkic and Japanese. The TM languages, however, clearly oppose
them. The TM evidence may indeed point to a different second vowel
in ‘fish fin’ - perhaps a reconstruction like *p῾átì(kV) would be more
*p῾át῾à - *p῾t῾à
1127
plausible; in the latter case the -a-vocalism in Jpn. would be secondary,
under the influence of *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) ‘bottom’.
-p῾át῾à uncultivated land, field: Mong. *(h)atar; Turk. *Atɨŕ; Jpn. *pátà /
*pàtá; Kor. *pàt(h).
PMong. *(h)atar uncultivated land (необработанная земля):
WMong. atar (L 58); Kh. atar; Bur. atar; Mongr. atər (MGCD 124) < lit..
PTurk. *Atɨŕ watered field, boundary (орошаемое поле, межа):
Karakh. atɨz ‘any strip of land between two dikes’ (MK); Turkm. atɨz;
Uygh. etiz; Kirgh. adɨr ‘холмистая местность, увалы’; Kaz. atɨz; Shr.
adɨs ‘загон 1/18 десятины’.
◊ VEWT 31, EDT 73. Turk. > Mong. atiz (Щербак 1997, 102). Cf. also *ātag ‘island’.
PJpn. *pátà / *pàtá field (поле): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fàtá; Tok. hatá,
háta; Kyo. hátà; Kag. hátà.
◊ JLTT 401. Reflexes reveal a variation between *pátà (Tokyo hatá, Kagoshima hátà)
and *pàtá (RJ fàtá, Tokyo háta, Kyoto hàtá).
PKor. *pàt(h) field (поле): MKor. pàt, pàth; Mod. pat [path].
◊ Nam 244, 250, KED 741.
‖ EAS 53, SKE 192-193, Poppe 51, 82, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ
16, 67, Martin 231.
-p῾t῾à to strike, hit: Tung. *pāt(i)-; Mong. *(h)atalga; Turk. *ạt-; Jpn.
*pàtà-k-; Kor. *pat-.
PTung. *pāt(i)- 1 to strike, hit 2 clapper, beetle 3 to hew off (1 бить,
ударять 2 колотушка 3 отделять, разделывать тушу): Evk. hatal- 3
(Sakh.); Neg. pātị 2 ( < South.); Ul. pātị-čị-, pātị-la- 1, pātị 2; Ork. pāt-čụ- 1;
Nan. pāčị-čị- 1, pačị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 57, 2, 35. Shortness in the Evk. form (attested only in the innovative Sakh.
dialect) is evidently secondary.
PMong. *(h)atalga adze (долото): WMong. atalɣa; Kh. atlaga; Bur.
atalga; Kalm. atlɣə.
◊ KW 18. Mong. > Yak. adalɣa, Kirgh. atalɣɨ etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 201-202).
PTurk. *ạt- to throw, shoot (бросать, стрелять): OTurk. at(OUygh.); Karakh. at- (MK); Tur. at-; Gag. at-; Az. at-; Turkm. at-; Khal.
hat-; MTurk. at- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔt-; Uygh. at-; Krm. at-; Tat. at-;
Bashk. at-; Kirgh. at-; Kaz. at-; KBalk. at-; KKalp. at-; Kum. at-; Nogh.
at-; SUygh. at-; Khak. at-; Shr. at-; Oyr. at-; Tv. at-; Chuv. ɨvъt-, dial. ut-;
Yak. ɨt-; Dolg. ɨt-.
◊ EDT 36, VEWT 31, ЭСТЯ 1, 199-200, 203, 204, Егоров 342, Федотов 2, 469, Stachowski 262.
PJpn. *pàtà-k- to flap, clap, slap (хлопать, выбивать): MJpn. fatak-;
Tok. haták-; Kyo. háták-; Kag. hàtàk-.
◊ JLTT 685.
1128
*p῾ắt῾à(-kV) - *p῾ắt῾à(-kV)
PKor. *pat- to strike against, push, gore with the horns (ударять,
толкать, бодать): Mod. pat- (-d-).
◊ KED 721.
‖ SKE 194, 247, PKE 147, Цинциус 1984, 36.
-p῾ắt῾à(-kV) bottom, lower side: Tung. *pata, *pataka; Mong. *hatku;
Turk. *ạt(kɨ-); Jpn. *pátá; Kor. *pàtók.
PTung. *pata, *pataka 1 feet pads 2 fetlock 3 sole 4 bottom 5 paw,
hoof 6 sledge runner 7 butt (of tree) (1 подушечки на лапе 2 щетка
под копытом 3 подошва 4 дно, низ 5 лапа, копыто 6 полоз нарты 7
комель, дерево, погруженное в воду): Evk. hata 1,2; Evn. hat 3,4, hatịqa
2; Neg. xata 1,2; Man. fatan 3,4, fatχa 5; SMan. fatəhə, fatəqə ‘hoof’ (2289);
Ul. pata 6; Ork. patta 7; Nan. pata 5; Ud. xedi 6.
◊ ТМС 2, 318. Some languages reflect a variant *piakta (*piatka) - see ТМС 2, 320.
PMong. *hatku handful; to clutch (горсть; сжимать в руке):
MMong. xatqu (SH); WMong. adqu, adqu- (L 12); Kh. atga; Bur. adxa;
Kalm. atxə, adəg; Ord. adxu, adxu-; Dag. xatku (Тод. Даг. 175; MGCD:
xataku); S.-Yugh. atGə-, atGəm ( < lit.).
◊ KW 1, 17, MGCD 124.
PTurk. *ạt(kɨ-) 1 handful 2 pinch(ful) 3 barb of the fish-fork hook (1
горсть, пригоршня 2 щепотка 3 бородка, зазубрина крючка остроги): Tur. atɨm 2, atkɨ ‘weft; wooden fork; strap on footwear, scarf’; Az.
atGɨ ‘cross-bar’, atɨm 2; Turkm. atɨm 2; Uzb. ɔtim 2; Tat. atqɨrɨ (dial.)
‘cross-beam’; Kirgh. atɨm 2; Oyr. atqaq 3; Tv. adɨm 1, atqaq 3, atpaq
‘hanger for horse harness’, atpaq-ta-l- ‘to hitch on to smth.’, atpaŋna‘grasp (of a child)’; Chuv. ɨdam ‘armful’.
◊ Егоров 344, Мудрак Дисс. 85, VEWT 31. If we exclude obvious loans from Mong.
adqu-, all the other forms clearly fall into two types. 1) PT *ạtɨm ‘handful, pinchful’ 2) PT
*Atkɨ- ‘smth. hitched, clutching, clinging’. The latter (Tuva atkak) is linked in EDT 47 with
OUygh. atqaq ‘vikalpa’. There is a number of OUygh. Buddhist terms that can be derived
from a stem meaning ‘grasp, hitch’: atqaq ‘1) vikalpa, attachment to the material world
(whence borrowed in Mong. atqaɣ ‘illusion, prejudice’), 2) viṣaya, ‘idea, notion, subject’,
atqaq-lɨɣ ‘appertaining to smth.’, atqa-n- ‘be connected, clinging to (the material world)’,
atqa-nč-sɨz ‘devoid of sense perceptions’, atqanɣu ‘viṣaya’, atqanɣu-luɣ ‘correlated’ (cf.
(alquqa) atqanɣuluɣ tutǯaqlɨɣ ‘correlated (with everything) (and) grasping (everything)’),
see ДТС 68, EDT 47. This all seems to indicate a primary root *ạt- meaning both ‘to cling,
hitch on to smth., grasp’ and ‘a grasp, handful’ (also ‘armful’ if we take into account the
Chuv. meaning). Note that in Siberian languages this root (*ạt-ka-k) is additionally confused with the local word for ‘gills’ - which has a quite separate Altaic origin (see under
*p῾átà(kV) ‘fish fin’).
PJpn. *pátá side (край, сторона): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátá; Tok. hàta;
Kyo. hátá; Kag. hatá.
◊ JLTT 401. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *pàtók bottom, lower part (дно, нижняя часть): MKor. pàtók,
pàtáŋ; Mod. padak.
*p῾t῾i - *p῾ḗč῾V
1129
◊ Nam 237, KED 703.
‖ EAS 52, KW 1, Poppe 11, 50, Цинциус 1984, 35, 36, Lee 1958, 109,
АПиПЯЯ 70, Дыбо 317, Лексика 252-253, Rozycki 75. In Kor. cf. perhaps also MKor. pthŋ ‘step (of stairs)’, ptr ‘staircase’, ‘yard’. The
original meaning was no doubt ‘bottom’, ‘bottom side’, with a subsequent development > ‘bottom of hand or foot’ > ‘sole, palm’ in the
Western Altaic region. In Turkic and Mongolian such a semantic
change was probably favoured by a contamination with yet another PA
root, *p῾et῾V ‘to pinch’ (q.v.), so that the final meaning resulted in ‘take a
handful, clutch’.
-p῾t῾i trousers, boots: Tung. *pati; Turk. *ētük; Kor. *pàtì.
PTung. *pati winter boots (унты): Evk. hati.
◊ ТМС 2, 318-319.
PTurk. *ētük boot (ботинок, сапог): OTurk. etük (OUygh.); Karakh.
etük (MK); Tur. edik; Turkm. ǟdik; Sal. ītix, itix; MTurk. etük (Pav. C.),
ötük (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. (dial.) ädik, ötik, ötük; Uygh. ötük; Tat. itĭk;
Kirgh. ötük; Kaz. etik; KKalp. etik; Kum. etik; Nogh. etik; Khak. ödək; Oyr.
ödük; Tv. idik; Chuv. adъ; Yak. eterbes; Dolg. eterbes.
◊ EDT 50, VEWT 52, ЭСТЯ 1, 319-321, Егоров 36, Лексика 479, Stachowski 48.
PKor. *pàtì trousers (брюки): MKor. pàtì; Mod. paǯi.
◊ Nam 237, Liu 360, KED 709.
‖ The Evk. word, albeit isolated in TM, builds a good bridge between the Turkic and the Korean forms.
-p῾ē to be unable: Tung. *pē-; Mong. *jada-; Jpn. *piá-r- ( ~ -ai-).
PTung. *pē- to be unable, not dare (не мочь, не решаться): Evk. hē-;
Evn. hē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PMong. *jada- to be unable, have no power (не мочь): MMong.
jada- (SH, HY 54, IM); WMong. jada- (L 422); Kh. jada-; Bur. jada-; Kalm.
jadə- (КРС); Ord. jada-; Mongr. jadā-, idā- ‘se fatiguer, être épuisé’ (SM
188).
◊ Mong. > Oyr. jada- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 67-68), Dolg. ǯadaŋɨ (Stachowski 88); > Manchu
and South Tung. jada- ‘to be poor, weak’ (Rozycki 222).
PJpn. *piá-r- ( ~ -ai-) to humble oneself; become less (унижаться;
уменьшаться): OJpn. p(j)er-; MJpn. fér-; Tok. hèr-; Kyo. hér-; Kag. hér-.
◊ JLTT 687.
‖ One of the common Altaic monosyllabic verbal roots; Mong. and
Jpn. reflect suffixed forms.
-p῾ḗč῾V to be tired, defeated: Tung. *peče-; Mong. *heče-; Turk. *ēč- (~ī-).
PTung. *peče- to be tired (уставать): Evk. heče-; Evn. heč-.
◊ ТМС 2, 372-3.
1130
*p῾edí - *p῾ḕjk῾V
PMong. *heče- to be exhausted, tired (уставать): MMong. xiǯe- ‘to
be confused’ (HY 36), hiči- (MA), həče- (LH); WMong. eče- (L 291); Kh.
ece-; Bur. ese-; Kalm. ecə-; Ord. eči- ‘to become lean’; Mog. ečä- (Ramstedt
1906); Dag. xeče- (Тод. Даг. 176: xee-), xeči-; Dong. heče-; S.-Yugh. χǯē-.
◊ KW 129, MGCD 273.
PTurk. *ēč- (~ī-) to submit (подчинять): OTurk. ičik- (Orkh.,
OUygh.), ečik- (Yen.); Karakh. ečik- (MK); Turkm. eǯīz ‘weak, fenceless’;
Uygh. ečin- ‘to repent, regret’; Khak. is- ‘to obey’.
◊ EDT 25.
‖ EAS 96, PKE 32, Цинциус 1984, 72. A Western isogloss. Despite
Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 98, TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong. A Western isogloss: the Korean parallel mentioned in PKE 32
(č:i- ‘be inferior to, weakened’) is unreliable - probably a misreading of
či- id.
-p῾edí energetic: Tung. *pede; Mong. *(h)ide; Turk. *ide (/*ede); Jpn.
*pintua-.
PTung. *pede swift, energetic (быстрый, энергичный): Neg. xeden;
Nan. pede; Orch. xidus (adv.).
◊ ТМС 1, 480.
PMong. *(h)ide 1 energy, force, craft 2 energetic, young (1 энергия,
сила 2 энергичный, юный): WMong. ide 1 (L 398), ider 2 (L 400); Kh. id
1, ider 2; Bur. edi 1, edebxi ‘activity’; Kalm. idə 1 (КРС); Ord. ẹde 1;
S.-Yugh. idir 2 ( < lit. ider).
◊ MGCD 406. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. eder (Kał. VIII, Stachowski 43).
PTurk. *ide (/*ede) very, of course, emphatic adverb (очень, усилительное наречие): OTurk. idi (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. iδi (KB); iδrig
‘anything hard’ (MK - Argu); Tat. eje; Bashk. eje; Kirgh. iji; Kaz. ije;
Khak. əze; Shr. eze; Tv. ide; Chuv. ara; Yak. iti.
◊ EDT 41, 65, ЭСТЯ 1, 335. Tat., Chuv. ije ‘yes’, erroneously related here in ЭСТЯ,
have different connections, cf. Khak. ja ‘yes’, Tof. ijen, ijne, MTurk. Xwar., Kypch., Osm.
ineŋ, inen (EDT 42); the Kypchak forms above, because of the merger of *-d- and *-j-, can
have either origin.
PJpn. *pintua- horrible; extreme (ужасный, чрезвычайный): MJpn.
hido-; Tok. hidó-; Kyo. hídò-; Kag. hído-.
◊ The word is attested late (since Edo) and the accent reconstruction is not clear;
however, its Chinese origin (suggested in JLTT 848) is dubious.
‖ The meaning ‘horrible’ in Japanese must be secondary, going back
to < ‘extreme’ < ‘powerful, energetic’, reflected elsewhere.
-p῾ḕjk῾V brain, head: Tung. *pējKe; Mong. *heki; Kor. *pákì.
PTung. *pējKe 1 brain 2 forehead 3 top of the head (1 мозг 2 лоб 3
темя, макушка): Evk. hējē, heje 2; Evn. hēje 3; Neg. xējē 2; Man. fexi 1;
SMan. fixe (5) 1; Ul. pēje 2; Ork. pēje 2; Nan. pēje 2.
*p῾ḕjló - *p῾èjńé
1131
◊ ТМС 2,304, 361.
PMong. *heki 1 head 2 front (1 голова 2 начало, перед): MMong.
xeki (SH, HYt), hikin (MA) 1; WMong. eki(n) 2 (L 305); Kh. ex 2; Bur.
exi(n) 1; Kalm. ekn 2; Ord. eχe 1, 2; Mog. ekin 1; ZM ekin (2-1a); Dag. xeki
(Тод. Даг. 175), heki 1 (MD 159); S.-Yugh. šəgən 1; Mongr. xəgi ‘source,
commencement’ 2 (SM 166).
◊ KW 118, MGCD 274.
PKor. *pákì top of the head (темя, верхушка головы): MKor.
tjŋ-pákì (tjŋ- < Chin.).
◊ Nam 155.
‖ KW 118, АПиПЯЯ 294, Poppe 56, Lee 1958, 109. Despite Doerfer
MT 236, TM is not borrowed from Mong. Mong. *h- (not b-) before a
long vowel indicates PA *p῾.
-p῾ḕjló belly, liver: Tung. *pēlbu-; Mong. *helige; Jpn. *pàrà; Kor. *pắi.
PTung. *pēlbu- to be pregnant (быть беременной): Evk. hēlbu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 363. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *helige liver (печень): MMong. xeligan (HY 47), xelige(n)
(SH), hilgä (IM), iligän (MA); WMong. elige (L 309); Kh. eleg, elgen; Bur.
eĺge(n); Kalm. elkn, elgn; Ord. elege; Mog. ilkan ‘Herz’ (Weiers), elkän; ZM
elkan (4-2a); Dag. xeleg (Тод. Даг. 175), helehe (MD 159); Bao. helgə, xelge;
S.-Yugh. heleɣe; Mongr. xalege (SM 152), xelige, xalige (Huzu), xelge
(MGCD).
◊ KW 119, MGCD 257.
PJpn. *pàrà belly (живот): OJpn. para; MJpn. fárà; Tok. hará; Kyo.
hárà; Kag. hará.
◊ JLTT 399. Modern dialects (especially Kagoshima) point to *pàrà, but the attested RJ
form is fárà.
PKor. *pắi belly (живот): MKor. pắi; Mod. pä.
◊ Nam 251, KED 743.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 68, 90 (with literature), 274, Martin 243. See also notes
on *boga. Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of -l- in Korean; Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p῾-.
-p῾èjńé bone: Tung. *peń-ŋen; Mong. *ja-su; Turk. *(j)n-čik; Jpn.
*pnià; Kor. *s-pj.
PTung. *peń-ŋen knee (колено): Evk. henŋen; Evn. henŋen; Neg.
heńŋen; Ul. peńe(n-); Ork. pene, peŋe(n-); Nan. peiŋẽ; Orch. heŋŋe, heŋen;
Ud. heŋe; Sol. eŋẽ.
◊ ТМС 2, 366.
PMong. *ja-su bone (кость): MMong. jasun (HY 15, 48, SH), jāṣon
(IM), jasun (MA); WMong. jasu(n) (L 430); Kh. jas(an); Bur. jaha(n); jangarxaj ‘shin-bone’; Kalm. jasn; Ord. jasu; Mog. jōsun; KT jsun (6-4b);
1132
*p῾èk῾à - *p῾èk῾à
Dag. jas (Тод. Даг. 147), jase (MD 169); Dong. jasun; Bao. jasoŋ; S.-Yugh.
jasən; Mongr. jasə (SM 490).
◊ KW 217, MGCD 737, TMN 1, 553. Cf. also Kalm. jan-dəɣər ‘bony’, Bur. jandagar
‘bony’.
PTurk. *(j)n-čik 1 shin, shank 2 shin bone 3 boot-top strap 4 heel (1
голень 2 кость голени 3 ремешки для подтягивания голенищ 4 пятка): Karakh. jinǯik 2 (IM); Tur. inǯik 1; Turkm. īnǯik 1, 2; Sal. inǯix голень (ССЯ); MTurk. inǯik ‘cou de pied’ (Pav. C.); Krm. inčik, inǯik 1; Tat.
jinǯik 1 (КСТТ); Bashk. jensek 1; KBalk. inčik 2; Shr. enǯik 4; Oyr. enčik 4
(Leb.); Tv. inčik 3; Yak. inńiäx 1 (Пек. 1941).
◊ VEWT 172, 203, Лексика 286.
PJpn. *pnià bone (кость): OJpn. p(w)one; MJpn. fònè; Tok. honé;
Kyo. hóne; Kag. honé.
◊ JLTT 414.
PKor. *s-pj bone (кость): MKor. spj; Mod. p:jə.
◊ Nam 258, KED 774.
‖ Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 12, 13, 39-40, 67, 92, 274, Лексика 286. The
irregular tone correspondence between Turk. and Kor.-Jpn. here
should be probably explained by a secondary contraction *-ej- > *-- in
PT. The medial *-j- is also responsible for the loss of *-ń- in Kor. and for
the emergence of *j- in Mong. (*ja-su < *jan-su < *p῾ejńe-sV). Kor. has
here the *s-prefix (cf. also *s-kòrí ‘tail’, *s-pr ‘horn’).
-p῾èk῾à to emit, throw: Tung. *peK-; Mong. *haka-la-; Turk. *ek-; Jpn.
*pàk-; Kor. *ph-.
PTung. *peK- 1 to throw 2 to scatter, strew (1 бросать, кидать 2 сыпать): Man. faχa- 1; Ork. pektikke- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 46, 297.
PMong. *haka-la- to throw, abandon (бросать, выкидывать, покидать): Mongr. χaGala-, šGala- (SM 149).
PTurk. *ek- 1 to sow 2 to scatter (1 сеять 2 разбрасывать): OTurk.
ek- (Late OUygh.) 1; Karakh. ek- (MK, KB) 1, 2; Tur. ek- 1; Gag. ek- 1; Az.
äk- 1, 2; Turkm. ek- 1; Sal. ex- 1; Khal. häk- 1; MTurk. ek- (Abush., Sangl.)
1; Uzb. ek- 1; Uygh. ek- 1; Krm. ek- 1; Tat. ik- 1; Bashk. ik- 1; Kirgh. ek- 1;
Kaz. ek- 1; KKalp. ek- 1; Nogh. ek- 1; Chuv. ak- 1.
◊ EDT 100, ЭСТЯ 1, 251-252. Turk. > Hung. eke ‘plough’ (< *äkäɣ), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *pàk- to spit out; to emit (выплевывать; испускать): OJpn.
pak-; MJpn. fàk-; Tok. hák-; Kyo. hák-; Kag. hàk-.
◊ JLTT 684.
PKor. *ph- to emit, spread (испускать, распространять): MKor.
ph-; Mod. phi-.
◊ Nam 464, KED 1772.
‖ SKE 184. See also notes to *bura ῾abandon’.
*p῾ĕk῾V - *p῾ĺo
1133
-p῾ĕk῾V acid, astringent: Tung. *pekču-; Mong. *(h)ekeɣü; Turk. *ek-ĺči-.
PTung. *pekču- acid, astringent (терпкий, вяжущий, острый (на
вкус)): Man. fekčuxun.
◊ ТМС 2, 304. Cf. perhaps Evk. hepkeripču ‘bitter’ (ТМС 2, 368) < *pek-pe-ripču ?
PMong. *(h)ekeɣü acid, bitter (кислый, горький): WMong. ekegün
(L 305); Kh. exǖ; Bur. exǖn; Kalm. egǖn, ekǖn; Ord. ekǖn.
◊ KW 117, 118.
PTurk. *ek-ĺči- 1 sour, acid, bitter 2 to be sour, bitter (1 кислый,
горький 2 быть кислым, горьким): Karakh. ekšig (MK) 1; Tur. ekši 1,
ekši- 2; Gag. īši 1, īši- 2; Az. äkši 1; Turkm. egšit- 2; MTurk. ekši 1, ekši- 2
(Pav. C.); Krm. ekši 1, ekši- 2; Chuv. jəksü ( < *jəkśü) 1.
◊ EDT 118, ЭСТЯ 1, 259-260, Мудрак Дисс. 199.
‖ ТМС 2, 304. A Western isogloss.
-p῾éle ( ~ -o) to mock; to feel mocked at, be shy, distracted: Tung. *pel-;
Mong. *hel-; Turk. *elük; Jpn. *prá-.
PTung. *pel- 1 to insult, mock 2 not dare (1 оскорблять, издеваться
2 не сметь): Evk. hel- 2; Man. fele- 1; SMan. felə- ‘to murder a superior
person’ (741).
◊ ТМС 2, 304.
PMong. *hel- 1 to be sad, anguish 2 to decline (of mental facilities),
be dumbfounded 3 wild, ignorant (1 быть печальным, тосковать 2
отупеть, остолбенеть 3 дикий, невежественный): MMong. xelumu- 1
(HY); WMong. elemeg 3 (МХТТТ); Kh. elmere- 2 (Gomb.), elmeg 3.
PTurk. *elük mockery, ridicule (насмешка, издевательство):
Karakh. elük (MK); Turkm. ilgezik ‘glib, jaunty’ (?); Krm. elik; Khak. elək.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 264-265, EDT 142. Turk. > WMong. eleg, ileg, Khalkha eleg (KW 119).
PJpn. *prá- 1 to be distracted 2 to fall in love, lose one’s head (1
смущаться, быть сбитым с толку 2 влюбляться, терять голову):
OJpn. p(w)ora- 1, 2; MJpn. fóra- 1, 2; Tok. hòre- 2; Kyo. hóré- 2; Kag. horé2.
◊ JLTT 692.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 68.
-p῾ĺo to walk, to run: Tung. *peli- (/*puli-); Mong. *hülde-; Turk. *ẹĺ-;
Jpn. *pàsìr-; Kor. *prb-.
PTung. *peli- (/*puli-) 1 to walk 2 to hurry (1 ходить 2 спешить,
торопиться): Evk. helde- (dial.) 1, helin-(če)- 2; Evn. höl- 1, helīŋ-(či)- 2;
Neg. xul- 1, xenindu- ‘in a hurry’; Man. feĺe- 1; Jurch. ful-ĉwi (421) 1; Ul.
pulikte- 1; Ork. puli- 1, pelin- 2; Nan. pul-si- 1, penin- 2; Orch. xuli- 1; Ud.
xuli(hi)- 1, xelin-e- 2; Sol. ul-.
◊ ТМС 2, 363-364. A probable derivative is *pelbu- ‘to lead, take with oneself’ (ТМС 2,
363).
1134
*p῾émi - *p῾éŋi
PMong. *hülde- to chase (гнать): MMong. xulde- (SH); WMong.
ülde- (БАМРС); Kh. ülde- / öldö-; Bur. ülde-.
PTurk. *ẹĺ- to walk, trot, amble (ходить, брести, ехать иноходью):
OTurk. eš- (Orkh.); Karakh. eš- (MK); Tur. eš-; Gag. ieš-; Tat. äšt- (dial.);
Oyr. eš- (dial.); Chuv. iš-; Yak. is-; Dolg. is-.
◊ EDT 255, ЭСТЯ 1, 316, Stachowski 129.
PJpn. *pàsìr- to run (бежать): OJpn. pasir-; MJpn. fàsìr-; Tok. hashír-;
Kyo. háshír-; Kag. hàshìr-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *prb- to tread, trample (ступать, топтать): MKor. prp(-w-); Mod. pāp- [pālp-].
◊ Nam 247, KED 732.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 46-47, JOAL 119, Street 1985, 646.
-p῾émi thread, twist a thread: Tung. *pem- / *pim-; Mong. *himer-; Jpn.
*pím.
PTung. *pem- / *pim- 1 to wind, be twisted 2 loop on a thread, rope
(1 скручиваться 2 петля (на конце аркана или веревки), кольцо (для
аркана)): Evn. hemъr- 1, hịmqan 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 325, 366.
PMong. *himer- to spin, twist (a thread) (сучить, вить (нить)):
WMong. imer- (L 409); Kh. imre-; Bur. emir-; Kalm. imr-; Ord. ẹmere-,
emere-, imere-; S.-Yugh. xemeri-.
◊ KW 208, MGCD 410.
PJpn. *pím lace, thread, rope (шнурок, нить, веревка): OJpn.
pjim(w)o; MJpn. fímó; Tok. hìmo; Kyo. hímó; Kag. hímo.
◊ JLTT 407.
‖ Cf. notes to *p῾ujme for possible reflexes in Manchu, Jurchen and
Korean.
-p῾eńu a k. of edible root: Tung. *peńe-kte; Mong. *(h)ojimu; Turk. *Ań.
PTung. *peńe-kte name of an edible root (вид съедобного корня):
Evk. heńekte; Evn. hntъ ‘лилия даурская, сарана’.
◊ ТМС 2, 325, 367.
PMong. *(h)ojimu fern (папоротник): WMong. ojimu, (L 604) ojima;
Kh. ojim; Kalm. ojm (КРС 393).
PTurk. *Ań onion, edible root (сарана): Kaz. āj, aj (Katanov); Khak.
aj (Koib.); Tv. a; Tof. a.
◊ VEWT 10.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾éŋi to gape, hole: Tung. *peŋ-; Turk. *eŋ-; Jpn. *pímá; Kor. *pŋ-.
PTung. *peŋ- 1 hole in ice or snow 2 to laugh, chuckle (1 полынья,
проталина 2 смеяться, хохотать): Evk. heŋke 1, heŋne- 2; Evn. heŋke 1.
*p῾ép῾a - *p῾ḗra
1135
◊ ТМС 2, 367. On the possibility of uniting the meanings ‘hole’ and ‘laugh’ see below.
PTurk. eŋ- 1 to be perplexed 2 stupid 3 bashful, gauche 4 to torture,
pester (1 быть в недоумении 2 глупый 3 застенчивый, робкий 4 измучить, привести в состояние растерянности): Karakh. eŋ- 1; (caus.)
eŋit-, eŋtür- (MK); endik 2 (MK); Tur. (dial.) endik 3; MTurk. (Xwar.) entik
2 (Qutb); Uzb. enka-tenkasini čiqar- 4; Kirgh. enȫ ‘ротозей’, ente- ‘to become confused’, eŋke ‘stupid person’; Khak. iŋde-t- ‘to flounder (of
thoughts)’; Chuv. ankъ-minkə ‘stupidity, madness’ (but may be < Tat.,
see *aŋ-); Yak. ? eŋej- ‘to look greedily on food, wait for a sop’.
◊ EDT 168, 179, 181, ЭСТЯ 1, 155, 156-157 (sub *aŋ- ‘perplexed, silly’).
PJpn. *pímá gap (промежуток, щель): OJpn. p(j)ima; MJpn. fímá;
Tok. hìma; Kyo. hímá; Kag. híma.
◊ JLTT 406.
PKor. *pŋ- 1 to open up, spread open (slightly) 2 to smile, grin,
chuckle (1 раскрываться, приоткрываться 2 улыбаться, смеяться, хохотать): MKor. pŋ’-, pŋkr- 1; Mod. paŋgɨ-, pəŋgɨ-, paŋgɨt [paŋkɨs] ha-,
pəŋgɨt [pəŋkɨs] ha- 1, 2.
◊ Liu 381, KED 736, 772.
‖ SKE 197-198. Most languages reveal a variation of meanings ‘gap’
> ‘to gape’ ( > ‘laugh, smile, be perplexed’). On a possible trace of this
root in Mong. see *àŋa.
-p῾ép῾a a k. of insect: Tung. *pep-; Mong. *haba-kai; Turk. *apa-; Jpn.
*pápái.
PTung. *pep- 1 locust 2 earth-worm (1 саранча 2 земляной червь):
Man. febsexe 1, febǵe 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 304. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *haba-kai spider (паук): WMong. abaqai, (L 3) abaɣaqai (Bur.
and Kalm.); Kh. avgaldaj; Bur. abāxaj; Mongr. xāx (SM 151), xāxai.
◊ See also notes to *araɣalǯin (sub *ara).
PTurk. *apa- grasshopper (кузнечик): Shr. abačaq; Oyr. abačɨjaq;
Chuv. oba ləₙbəₙžəₙ ‘бабочка совка’, oba nъrri ‘медведка (насекомое)’.
◊ VEWT 1. Contaminations with abačɨ ‘чучело’, aba ‘father > bear’.
PJpn. *pápái fly (муха): OJpn. pape; MJpn. fáfé; Tok. hàe; Kyo. háé;
Kag. háe.
◊ JLTT 395.
‖ An expressive root (possibly denoting originally some kind of locust or grasshopper), with some tabooistic changes in Turkic and Mongolian.
-p῾ḗra bee: Tung. *perē-; Mong. *herbekei; Turk. *ārɨ; Jpn. *pátí; Kor.
*pr-.
PTung. *perē- bumble-bee (шмель): Evk. herēptin (Вас.).
1136
*p῾èrì - *p῾èrì
◊ Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *herbekei butterfly (бабочка): MMong. xerbegai (HY 12),
hirbäkäi (MA); WMong. erbekei, erbeɣekei (L 319); Kh. ervēxij; Bur. erbēxej;
Kalm. erwk; Ord. erwēkī; Dong. həbəɣəi; Mongr. xalege (SM 152), xelige,
xalige (Huzu), xerbuge (MGCD).
◊ KW 127, MGCD 264.
PTurk. *ārɨ wasp, bee (пчела, оса): Karakh. arɨ (MK); Tur. arɨ; Gag.
ārɨ; Az. arɨ; Turkm. arɨ, ārɨ (ЭСТЯ); Khal. hārɨ; MTurk. arɨ (Sangl., Pav.
C., Qutb), aru (AH); Uzb. ari, tukli ari ‘humble-bee’; Uygh. hɛrɛ; Kirgh.
ārɨ; Kaz. ara, tükti ara ‘humble-bee’; KKalp. hɛrre; Khak. ār, tüktig ār
‘hornet’; Oyr. arū; Tv. arɨ, Todzh. harɨ; Chuv. təgəld-ora ‘humble-bee’ ?
(təgəl ‘shaggy’); Yak. ɨŋɨrɨa.
◊ VEWT 25, EDT 196-197, TMN 2, 47, ЭСТЯ 1, 186-187, Лексика 186, Ашм. XV, 23,
Федотов 2, 213-214. Turk. > Mong. ari (not vice versa, despite Щербак 1997, 100).
PJpn. *pátí bee (пчела): OJpn. pati; MJpn. fátí; Tok. hàchi; Kyo. háchí;
Kag. háchì.
◊ JLTT 401.
PKor. *pr- bee (пчела): MKor. pr, pri; Mod. pl.
◊ Liu 375, 379, HMCH 50, Nam 254, KED 764.
‖ Martin 226, АПИПЯЯ 67, Лексика 186.
-p῾èrì edge: Tung. *pere; Mong. *hir-; Turk. *Erneg; Jpn. *piàrì.
PTung. *pere bottom, floor (дно, пол): Evk. here; Evn. her; Neg. xeje;
Man. fere; SMan. ferə (2594); Ul. pere(g); Ork. pereɣ, perel; Nan. pereg,
perel; Orch. xē; Ud. xē; Sol. eri.
◊ ТМС 2, 368-371 (PTM *per-gī ‘bottom’ and *pere-mǖ ‘sole’ are derived from the
same root).
PMong. *hir- 1 floor, ground 2 bottom 3 blade, edge (of knife) 4
edge, border, shore (1 пол, почва 2 дно 3 лезвие, острие (ножа) 4 острый край, берег): MMong. xiru’ar (HY 51), xira’ur (SH), hiruar, hirur
(MA) 1; WMong. iruɣar, iruɣal 1 (L 415), ir 3 (L 412), irmeg 4 (L 415); Kh.
jorōl 2, ir 3, irmeg 4; Bur. ojōr 2, eŕ 3, erimeg 4; Kalm. jorāl 2; Ord. irōl 2,
īrmek; Dag. xigōr 1, xir 3 (Тод. Даг. 146: ir < lit.), šowōre, šigōre 2, šire 3
(MD 215); Dong. širo 1; Bao. holər 1; S.-Yugh. horūl 1, hir 3, ermeg 4 ( <
lit.); Mongr. ir 3 ( < lit.).
◊ KW 219, MGCD 411, 412, 740.
PTurk. *Erneg edge (of a dish) (край, кромка (посуды)): Tur. ernek
(dial.); Turkm. erŋek; MTurk. ernek (Pav. C.); Tat. irnäw; Bashk. irne- ‘to
border’; Kirgh. erdȫ; Kaz. ernew; KKalp. ernek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 301. The root is attested late and may be theoretically derived from *Erin
‘lip’ (v. sub *ằré); however, the latter can also mean ‘edge (of a dish)’ in some languages
and one can suspect that PT actually merged *Erin ‘lip’ and *Erin ‘edge’, while the form
*Erneg was derived only from the latter.
*p῾erkV - *p῾ro
1137
PJpn. *piàrì edge, brink (край): MJpn. fèrì; Tok. herí; Kyo. hérì; Kag.
herí.
◊ JLTT 404.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 69-70, АПиПЯЯ 12, 281, ЭСТЯ 1, 301. Jpn. *piari
instead of *piri probably under the influence of *pia ‘edge, border’ q.v.
(or else it may indicate a reconstruction *p῾èjrì). Cf. *p῾ire.
-p῾erkV to tie round, surround: Tung. *perke-; Mong. *hergi-.
PTung. *perke- to bind, tie round (связывать, перевязывать, обвязывать): Evk. herke-; Evn. herkъ-; Neg. xejke-; Ork. pitu- ‘man’s girdle’;
Sol. ekke-.
◊ ТМС 2, 369-370. Note that Ud. xeke-, Ul. xerke- and Nan. xerke- are rather borrowed
< Man. xergi- < PTM *kerge- (v. sub *kèra).
PMong. *hergi- to go round (кружиться, вертеться): MMong. xergi(SH), hirgi- (MA); WMong. erge-, ergi- (L 323); Kh. ergi-; Bur. erje-; Kalm.
ergi-; Ord. erge-; Mog. irga- ‘to spin a spindle’ (Weiers); Dag. ergi- ( <
lit.), xergi-, xorgi- (Тод. Даг. 140, 177); S.-Yugh. heregdī-; Mongr. xərgi(SM 167), xargi- (Huzu).
◊ KW 124, MGCD 267. Mong. > Man. erguwe- etc., see Doerfer MT 72; > Yak. ergij-,
Dolg. ergij- (see Kał. MEJ 67, Stachowski 47).
‖ Poppe 103, Цинциус 1984, 70. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾ro to wish, desire: Tung. *per-; Mong. *(h)eɣe-re- ( < *here-re-?);
Turk. *er-; Jpn. *pər-; Kor. *pắrá-.
PTung. *per- 1 to esteem 2 to wait (1 уважать 2 ждать): Evk. heriče1, herū- 2; Evn. her- 1, herut-/-č- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 369-370. Cf. also *perge- ‘to try; to wonder’ (ТМС 2, 45-46; not reflected in
Evn. and Evk.).
PMong. *(h)eɣe-re- ( < *here-re-?) to seek, wish, hope (стремиться,
желать, надеяться): WMong. eɣere- (L 298); Kh. ēre-.
◊ Mong. > Yak. eren- ‘to hope’, erel ‘hope’ (Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 46).
PTurk. *er- 1 coquetry 2 cockering, endearment 3 cockered, beloved
4 entertainment , joke (1 кокетство 2 баловство, ласка 3 избалованный, любимый 4 забава, шутка): Tur. erke (dial.) 3; Az. ärkä (dial.) 2, 3;
Turkm. ermek 4 (dial.); MTurk. erke 1, 2, 3 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. erkä 1,
3, ermak 4; Uygh. ärkä 3, ermäk 4; Tat. irkä 3, (dial.) irmäk 4; Bashk. irkä 3,
irmäk 4; Kirgh. erke 3, ermek 4; Kaz. erke 3, ermek 4; KBalk. erke 3; KKalp.
erke 3, ermek 4; Kum. erke 3; Nogh. erke 3; Khak. irkä 3; Shr. erke 3, erbek 4;
Oyr. erke 3, ermek, erbek 4; Tv. erɣe 2; Chuv. jərgən ῾wriggler, trickster’
(Ashm.); Yak. erke 2.
◊ VEWT 48, ЭСТЯ 1, 296-297, 300-301, TMN 2, 181-182. The root is widely spread, although unattested in older sources; its relationship to *eriĺ- ‘contest’ (suggested in ЭСТЯ
297) is dubious.
PJpn. *pər- to wish, hope (желать, надеяться): OJpn. p(w)or-.
◊ JLTT 693.
1138
*p῾erV - *p῾èsì
PKor. *pắrá- to desire (желать, надеяться): MKor. pắrá-; Mod. para-.
◊ Nam 240, KED 704.
‖ Martin 230, Дыбо 14. Cf. also MKor. pjrằ- ‘to purpose, intend’ (cf.
SKE 198).
-p῾erV thumb: Tung. *peru-; Mong. *herekei; Turk. *erŋek.
PTung. *peru- thumb (большой палец): Evk. huruɣučēn; Evn.
hörъɣъn; Neg. xöjeŋen; Man. ferxe; Ul. poro(n); Ork. poro(n), pero(n); Nan.
perxe; Orch. xōŋo(n); Ud. xue; Sol. orogun, urɣun.
◊ ТМС 2, 354. Doerfer MT 68-69 regards Manchu ferxe and Nan. perxe as borrowed
from Mong., separating them from the rest of TM forms (derived ibid. from *puru- ‘to
crush’ - ?). This all is clearly unacceptable, because in fact we are dealing with a very
clear case of e/u alternation after a labial.
PMong. *herekei thumb (большой палец): MMong. xeregai (SH),
hərəkejin (gen.) (LH); WMong. erekei (L 322); Kh. erxij; Bur. erxɨ; Kalm.
erk (Dörbet); Ord. ereχī; Dag. xereg, (Тод. Даг. 175) xergī; herehe (MD
161); S.-Yugh. hermegči.
◊ KW 125, MGCD 271.
PTurk. *erŋek finger, thumb (палец, большой палец): OTurk.
erŋek (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. erŋek, dial. ernek (MK); MTurk. ernek
(Pav. C.); Khak. irgek; Oyr. ergek; Tv. ergek; Yak. erbex; Dolg. erbek ‘peg’.
◊ EDT 234, ЭСТЯ 1, 299, Лексика 253-255, Stachowski 47.
‖ EAS 54, KW 125, Владимирцов 285, Poppe 11, 79, ОСНЯ 3, 73-76,
Цинциус 1984, 71, ЭСТЯ 1, 299, Дыбо 318-321, Мудрак Дисс. 194,
Лексика 253-255, Rozycki 76. A Western isogloss. Assumption of
Mong. < Turk. (Щербак 1997, 116) is impossible. Cf. also Mong.
*(h)arba- ‘to spread (of fingers)’. It is also interesting to note the equation (see Lee 1958, 109) of Manchu fereχe siŋguri (lit. ‘fingered mouse’)
‘bat’ = MKor. prk-čúi id. (čui ‘mouse’). This may be a trace of the root in
Korean; however, also possible is a local merger (in Korean and Manchu) of this root with PA *p῾ore ‘feather, wing’ - in that case the compounds would mean rather ‘winged mouse’.
-p῾èsì ( ~ -a-) old, former: Mong. *(h)esi; Turk. *es-(kü); Jpn. *pìsà-si;
Kor. *ps-ki, *ps-tái.
PMong. *(h)esi origin, beginning (происхождение, основание, начало): WMong. esi (L 334); Kh. iš; Bur. eše; Kalm. ešn; Ord. iši.
◊ KW 128.
PTurk. *es-(kü) old, ancient (старый): OTurk. eski (OUygh.);
Karakh. eski (MK, KB); Tur. eski, dial. esgi; Gag. eski; Az. äski, äsilli
‘grown up’; Turkm. esgi; MTurk. eski (Sangl., Pav. C., AH, IM); Uzb.
eski; Uygh. eski, öski; Krm. eski; Tat. iske; Bashk. iϑke; Kirgh. eski; Kaz.
eski; KBalk. eski; KKalp. eski; Kum. esgi, eski; Nogh. eski; Oyr. eski; Chuv.
*p῾ḗta - *p῾ḕtá
1139
as-lъ ‘great’, az- (-atte, -anne) ‘grandfather, grandmother’; Yak. ösük ‘ancient times’.
◊ VEWT 50, ЭСТЯ 1, 306-308, Лексика 86, EDT 246, Федотов 1, 63-64. Cf. also Turk.
*asɨ- ‘old, last year’s’ (VEWT 29).
PJpn. *pìsà-si ancient, long ago (древний, давно): OJpn. pjisasi;
MJpn. fìsàsi; Tok. hisashí-; Kyo. hísáshì-; Kag. hisashí-.
◊ JLTT 828.
PKor. *ps-ki, *ps-tái 1 time 2 mealtime (1 время 2 время еды):
MKor. pski, pstái 1; Mod. t:ä 1, k:i 2.
◊ Nam 77, 147, KED 260, 418-419.
‖ See KW 128 (Turk.-Mong.), Лексика 86. Korean has a frequent
vowel reduction between a stop and a fricative.
-p῾ḗta to step, walk: Tung. *pete-; Mong. *(h)ada-; Turk. *āt-.
PTung. *pete- 1 to run quickly, hurry 2 to jump (away, off) (1 бежать, мчаться 2 прыгать, отпрыгивать): Evk. hetekēn- 2; Evn. heteken1; Neg. xetexen- 2; Man. finte- 2; Ul. peten- 2; Ork. potčo- 2; Nan. petēn- 2;
Orch. xete- 2; Ud. xetigen-e- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 372.
PMong. *(h)ada- 1 to hurry 2 hurried walking (1 спешить 2 быстрый шаг): WMong. adaɣa- 1 (L 9), adam 2 (L 10); Kh. adga- 1; Kalm.
adɣə-1, adm 2.
◊ KW 1.
PTurk. *āt- 1 to step 2 to walk 3 step (n.) (1 шагать 2 ходить 3 шаг):
Tur. adɨm 3, adɨm at-, Osm. ad- 1; Az. adɨm at- 1, adɨm 3; Turkm. dial. āt-,
ǟt-, ǟt-le- 1, ǟdim, dial. ādɨm 3; Sal. a’tla- 2; MTurk. adɨm (Pav. C.) 3; Uzb.
ɔdim, dial. adɨm 3; Uygh. atli- 1; Krm. adɨm 3; Tat. atla- 1, adɨm 3, atɨ
‘step’; Bashk. atla- 1, aδɨm 3; Kirgh. atta- 1, adɨm 3; Kaz. atla- 1, adɨm 3;
KBalk. atla- 1; KKalp. atla- 1, adɨm 3; Nogh. atla- 1, adɨm 3; Khak. alta- 1,
atɨx- ‘to jump’; Oyr. alta- 1 (< atla-); Chuv. odъm 3, ot- 2; Yak. atɨllā- 1;
Dolg. atɨllā- ‘to jump, hop’.
◊ VEWT 31, ЭСТЯ 1, 88-89, 322, Федотов 2, 293-294, Stachowski 39.
‖ KW 1, АПиПЯЯ 15, 71, 280 (with an erroneous Jpn. match, see
*ja). A Western isogloss.
-p῾ḕtá meat; skin: Tung. *pētē; Mong. *(h)adaska; Turk. *et; Jpn. *pàntá.
PTung. *pētē 1 seal fat 2 seal skin 3 seal (1 сало нерпы 2 шкура
нерпы 3 нерпа): Evk. hētē 1; Evn. hēte 1, hētes 2; Neg. xētē 1, 3; Man. fetxi
3; Ork. pte 3, pteske 2; Orch. xēte 3, xētekse 2; Ud. xete 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 372.
PMong. *(h)adaska unworked leather (необработанная кожа):
MMong. adasqa ‘old skin’ (MA 402); WMong. adasqa (L 11); Kh. adsaga;
Kalm. adsxə (КРС 28).
◊ One should mention MMong. (SH) hudesu ‘leather’ < *hede-sü (?).
1140
*p῾ḗt[e] - *p῾et῾V
PTurk. *et meat (мясо): OTurk. et (OUygh.); Karakh. et (MK); Tur.
et; Gag. jet’; Az. ät; Turkm. et; Sal. äht; Khal. ät ( < Az.?); MTurk. et (Pav.
C.); Uzb. et; Uygh. ät; Krm. et; Tat. it; Bashk. it; Kirgh. et; Kaz. et; KBalk.
et; KKalp. et; Kum. et; Nogh. et; SUygh. jeht; Khak. it; Shr. et; Oyr. et; Tv.
e’t; Tof. e’t; Chuv. üt; Yak. et; Dolg. et.
◊ VEWT 52, EDT 33, ЭСТЯ 1, 311-312, Лексика 455, Stachowski 48.
PJpn. *pàntá skin, flesh (кожа, плоть): OJpn. pada; MJpn. fada; Tok.
háda; Kyo. hàdá; Kag. hadá.
◊ JLTT 395.
‖ For semantics cf. MKor. săr ‘flesh, muscle’, ‘skin’. АПиПЯЯ 283,
Дыбо 14, Лексика 455.
-p῾ḗt[e] name, to call: Tung. *pete-; Turk. *āt; Jpn. *pəta-ja-; Kor. *pr- /
*pr-.
PTung. *pete-n fate (судьба): Man. feten.
◊ ТМС 2, 305. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *āt name (имя): OTurk. at (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. at (MK);
Tur. ad; Gag. āt; Az. ad; Turkm. āt; Sal. āt; Khal. āt; MTurk. at (Pav. C.);
Uzb. ɔt, dial. (Namangan) ät; Uygh. at; Krm. ad; Tat. at; Bashk. at; Kirgh.
at; Kaz. at; KBalk. at; KKalp. at; Kum. at; Nogh. at; SUygh. at; Khak. at;
Shr. at; Oyr. at; Tv. at; Tof. at, (adɨ); Chuv. jat; Yak. āt; Dolg. āt.
◊ VEWT 30-1, EDT 32-3, ЭСТЯ 1, 198-199, Егоров 355, Stachowski 41-42.
PJpn. *pəta- 1 to put on airs; to joke, call names 2 arrogant speech (1
кокетничать, зазнаваться; шутить, издеваться 2 надменная речь):
OJpn. p(w)otaki koto 2; MJpn. fotaja- 1.
PKor. *pr- / *pr- to call (звать): MKor. pr- / pr-; Mod. purɨ-.
◊ Nam 270, KED 813.
‖ The parallel seems interesting (with a semantic development ‘call’
< > ‘name’ > ‘omen’, ‘fate’), but back *ā in Turkic is not quite clear (one
should rather expect *ēt); perhaps we should reconstruct dialectal variants *p῾ḗte / *p῾ḗta. See also notes to *pōto.
-p῾et῾V ( ~ p-, -t-) to pinch: Tung. *pet-; Kor. *pt-t-, *ptằ-.
PTung. *pet- 1 to pinch 2 to grab 3 to dig, pick 4 to pluck, collect (1
захватить щепотку, отщипнуть 2 хватать 3 копать, рыть 4 срывать,
собирать): Evk. hetu-kēt- 1; Evn. hetъkle- 1; Man. fata- 1, fete- 3; SMan.
fatə- 1, 4 (1165, 1575); Ul. patarači- 2; Nan. pata- (Он.) 4, fete- (Bik.,
Kur-Urm.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 305, 371-372. Forms with -a- reflect a partial contamination with *pāt(i)- q.
v. sub *p῾t῾à. Rozycki 76 supposes Man. fete- < Mong. ete-, which is impossible due to the
absence of *h- in Mongolian (v. sub *ìt῾ù).
PKor. *pt-t-, *ptằ- to pinch, pick, pluck (срывать, выщипывать):
MKor. pt-t-, ptằ-; Mod. t:ɨt-, t:a-.
◊ Nam 137, 174, KED 380, 532.
*p῾ĭč῾i - *p῾íjo
1141
‖ Lee 1958, 109. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss, with usual vowel loss between two stops in Kor. Cf. *pat῾a. On possible reflexes in Turkic and
Mongolian (a result of contamination) see under *p῾ắt῾à(-kV).
-p῾ĭč῾i to drink, pour: Tung. *piče-; Mong. *(h)ečüg-le-; Turk. *ič-.
PTung. *piče- to sprinkle, gush forth (брызгать, плескать): Evn. hečēpkin-; Nan. pičkē- (Он. 331).
◊ ТМС 2, 373.
PMong. *(h)ečüg-le- to give drinks to spirits (делать возлияния духам): WMong. ečügelkül- (МXTTT); Kh. ecegle-.
PTurk. *ič- to drink (пить): OTurk. ič- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ič(MK); Tur. ič-; Gag. ič-; Az. ič-; Turkm. ič-; Sal. īč-; Khal. ič-; MTurk. ič(Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. ič-; Uygh. ič-; Krm. ič-; Tat. eč-; Bashk. es-;
Kirgh. ič-; Kaz. iš-; KBalk. ič-; KKalp. iš-; Kum. ič-; Nogh. iš-; SUygh. ɨš-;
Khak. əs-; Shr. iš-, eš- (R., Верб.); Oyr. ič-; Tv. iš-; Tof. iš-; Chuv. əś-; Yak.
is-; Dolg. is-.
◊ VEWT 168, EDT 19, ЭСТЯ 1, 391, Егоров 66, Stachowski 129.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾ĭjk῾e rib, breast bone: Tung. *piKen; Turk. *ejekü.
PTung. *piKen breast bone (грудная кость): Evk. hiken; Evn. hiken.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
PTurk. *ejekü side, upper rib (бок, верхнее ребро): OTurk. ejegü
(OUygh.); Karakh. ejegü (MK, KB); Tur. eje; (Osm.) ejegi; MTurk. ejegü,
üjegi (Sangl.); Tv. ēgi; Tof. ē~gi; Chuv. ajъk; Yak. ojoɣos ( < *ajaku-č?);
Dolg. ojogos.
◊ VEWT 38, EDT 272, Егоров 38, Мудрак Дисс. 64, Лексика 275, Stachowski 190.
‖ Лексика 275. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾íjo spindle, part of loom or cross-bow: Tung. *pia-la-; Turk. *ijik; Jpn.
*pí; Kor. *pu-.
PTung. *pia-la- 1 part of a cross-bow 2 name of a tree (used for
bows) (1 лучок (для самострела) 2 назв. дерева (употребляемого на
луки)): Neg. plaxa 1; Man. filan 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 36. The Neg. word is borrowed from some unattested Southern Tungus
form.
PTurk. *ijik spindle (веретено): Karakh. ik, jik, ijik (MK); Tur. iɣ, ij,
iji; Gag. ī; Az. ij; Turkm. īk; MTurk. ik (Pav. C.); Uzb. ik, jik, ǯik; Kirgh.
ijik; KKalp. ijik; SUygh. ǯik; Shr. īk; Oyr. īk, ijik; Chuv. jəge.
◊ VEWT 170, EDT 99, ЭСТЯ 1, 336-337, Егоров 77. Az., Turk., Gag. have a secondary
voicing due to early contraction *-iji- > *-ī-. Turk. > Mong. ig ‘spindle’ (Щербак 1997, 123);
the derivative *ijik-lig (Chag. ikliɣ ‘violin’, cf. Khak. īk id. (see VEWT 179) > Kalm. ikəĺə
(KW 206).
PJpn. *pí shuttle (of a loom) (челнок (ткацкого станка)): OJpn. pji;
MJpn. fí; Tok. hi.
*p῾k῾è - *p῾le
1142
◊ JLTT 405.
PKor. *pu- 1 to spin 2 to twist (1 сучить, прясть 2 выкручивать):
MKor. pūi-thr-; Mod. pɨ- (dial., SKE 203); pi-thɨl-.
◊ Nam 269, KED 859. The simple verb is cited from Ramstedt’s SKE; in other sources
it is only attested as part of a compound with thɨr- ‘twist’ (v. sub *tok῾V).
‖ SKE 203. An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-p῾k῾è ( ~ -k-) to file, polish, rub: Tung. *piKi-; Turk. *ke-; Jpn. *pík-.
PTung. *piKi- to rub (тереть): Evk. hiki-; Evn. hịk-; Neg. xixi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
PTurk. *ke- 1 to file 2 file (n.) (1 пилить, обтачивать 2 напильник): Karakh. ike- ( ~ ege-) 1 (MK); Tur. eje 2; Gag. ija 2; Az. äjä 2; Turkm.
īge 2; MTurk. ekäk 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. egɔw 2; Uygh. ekäk, igäk 2; Krm. ege,
egew 2; Tat. igä- 1, igäw 2; Bashk. igä- 1, igäw 2; Kirgh. ege-, ögö- 1, egȫ,
ögȫ 2; Kaz. ege- 1, egew 2; KBalk. egew 2; KKalp. ege- 1, egew 2; Kum. egew
2; Nogh. ege- 1, egew 2; Khak. ige- 1; Oyr. ege- 1, egü 2; Tv. eɣe-, öɣe- 1, eɣē
2; Chuv. jəgev ‘whetstone’; Yak. igī 2; Dolg. igī 2.
◊ EDT 101, VEWT 38, ЭСТЯ 1, 326-328, TMN 2, 93, Егоров 77, Лексика 399, Stachowski 123.
PJpn. *pík- to file, to saw (пилить): OJpn. pjik-; MJpn. fík-; Tok. hìk-;
Kyo. hík-; Kag. hík-.
◊ JLTT 689. The basic meaning of the verb attested in OJ is ‘pull’; modern Jpn. has,
however, also the meaning ‘to file, saw’, and in OJ there is a derived noun pjikji, pjikji-ri
‘rubbing wood for producing fire’ (where pji- is definitely attested and cannot be = pi
‘fire’). The meaning ‘pull’ therefore is either unrelated or secondarily derived < ‘file, rub’.
‖ Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 198, Лексика 399. Mong. egeɣü is probably borrowed from Turkic. Closed * in Turk. is not quite clear: it is either the result of narrowing in a polysyllabic stem, or a reflex of the lost
*p῾- (cf. the diphthongization in Chuv. jəgev).
-p῾le ( ~ -i) to fly, soar, flap: Tung. *pīlu-; Mong. *hele-; Jpn.
*pìrù(n)kap-.
PTung. *pīlu- to soar; to drop (of leaves) (лететь, парить; облетать
(о листьях)): Man. ele-; Nan. pīluen-.
◊ ТМС 2, 38.
PMong. *hele- to soar (парить): MMong. hilkǟn ‘smth. drooping’
(IM); WMong. ele- (MXTTT); Kh. ele-; Bur. eli-; Kalm. el- (КРС); Ord.
ele-; Dong. helie-.
PJpn. *pìrù(n)kap- to flap, flutter (развеваться): OJpn. p(j)irugapjer-;
MJpn. fìrùgafer-; Tok. hirugáer-; Kyo. hírúgáér-; Kag. hirugaér-.
◊ JLTT 690. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 105-106.
*p῾ìlo - *p῾mù
1143
-p῾ìlo to dry, heat: Tung. *pile-; Mong. *hil-; Jpn. *p-.
PTung. *pile- to dry under the sun (греться на солнце): Evn. hilъt-;
Neg. xilet-.
◊ ТМС 2, 324.
PMong. *hil- heat, warmth (тепло): WMong. ilči(n) (L 403); Kh. ilč;
Bur. elše ‘ray(s), warmth of the sun’; Kalm. ilčə; Ord. ilči, ẹlči, nilči; Dag.
hilči; šilči (Тод. Даг. 183), šiliči (MD 216); S.-Yugh. hilbər.
◊ KW 207, 276, MGCD 409.
PJpn. *p- to dry up (сохнуть): OJpn. pu- (po-); MJpn. fi-, fu; Tok. hí-;
Kyo. hí-; Kag. hì-.
◊ JLTT 690. Final *-ə- can be determined on the basis of the caus. *p-s-, OJ p(w)os-.
‖ One of the few verbs losing *-lV in Jpn. (cf. *gèle , *sóle ), thus possibly a monosyllabic root (*p῾ìl).
-p῾mà a k. of nut or berry: Tung. *pimi-kte; Jpn. *pàmì; Kor. *pām.
PTung. *pimi-kte red bilberry (брусника): Evk. himikte; Evn. hiēmtъ.
◊ ТМС 2, 324-325. Evk. > Dolg. himikte (Stachowski 104).
PTurk. *imen oak tree (дуб): Turkm. imen; Uzb. eman; Tat. imɛn;
Oyr. ermen; Chuv. joman, NW öman.
◊ VEWT 42, Егоров 348, Лексика 124, Федотов 2, 485. Cf. Mong. iman bor ‘a k. of
reddish tree (with black bark and round leaves)’ (may be a Turkism).
PJpn. *pàmì Phlomis umbrosa; chestnut, acorn, filbert, oxalis
(Phlomis umbrosa; каштан, лещина): OJpn. pamji; MJpn. fàmì; Tok.
-bami.
◊ The root is present in compounds: pasi-bamji, turu-bamji, kata-bamji - see JLTT 397.
PKor. *pām chestnut (каштан): MKor. pām; Mod. pam.
◊ Nam 248, KED 733.
‖ Martin 248, JLTT 397 (Kor.-Jpn.). An Eastern isogloss.
-p῾mù sign: Tung. *pim-; Mong. *(h)im; Turk. *ɨm; Jpn. *púmì.
PTung. *pim- sign (знак, метка): Evk. him.
◊ ТМС 2, 324. Attested only in Evk., but hardly borrowed from Mongolian (because
of h-) and having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)im sign (знак, метка на ушах скота): WMong. im, ime
(L 409); Kh. im; Bur. emni- ‘to mark cattle’; Kalm. im; Ord. ẹm, im.
◊ KW 208. Mong. > Evk. im (but not him, despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99).
PTurk. *ɨm sign (знак): Karakh. im (~ɨm) (MK); Tur. im; Turkm. üm;
MTurk. ɨm (Pav. C.); Tat. ɨm; Bashk. ɨm; Kirgh. ɨm; Kaz. ɨm; KKalp. ɨm;
Kum. jum; Nogh. ɨm; Oyr. um; Tv. im; Yak. im; Dolg. imnēk ‘signed’.
◊ EDT 155, VEWT 171, ЭСТЯ 1, 278, 632-633, Stachowski 126.
PJpn. *púmì text, letter (текст, буква): OJpn. pum(j)i; MJpn. fúmì;
Tok. fumí, fúmi; Kyo. fúmì; Kag. fúmi.
◊ JLTT 417.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 38-39, Poppe 1972, 99, АПиПЯЯ 12.
1144
*p῾ìrá - *p῾ĭru
-p῾ìrá far: Mong. *hiri-če-; Turk. *ɨra-; Jpn. *pàrú-kà-.
PMong. *hiri-če- to separate, sunder (отделять, разъединять):
MMong. xiriče-, xiriǯe- (SH).
PTurk. *ɨra-k far, distant (далекий): OTurk. ɨraq (OUygh.); Karakh.
jɨraq (MK, KB); Tur. ɨrak adv.; Gag. jɨraq; Az. iraG adv.; Turkm. ɨrāq
(arch.); Sal. jɨrax; Khal. hɨrāq; MTurk. jɨraq (Pav. C., MA), ɨraq (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jirɔq, irɔq; Uygh. jiraq; Krm. jɨraq; Tat. jɨraq; Bashk. jɨraq; Kirgh.
ɨraaq; Kaz. žɨraq; KKalp. ɨraq, žɨraq; Kum. jɨraq; SUygh. jiraq, jürɨq; Khak.
ɨrax; Oyr. ɨraq, raq; Tv. ɨraq; Tof. ɨraq; Yak. ɨrāx; Dolg. ɨrāk.
◊ PT*ɨra-k- is derived from *ɨra- ‘to be far’. See EDT 198, 214, ЭСТЯ 4, 286-287, Stachowski 261.
PJpn. *pàrú-kà- far (далекий): OJpn. paru-ka-; MJpn. fàrú-kà-; Tok.
háruka; Kyo. hàrúkà; Kag. haruká.
◊ JLTT 399.
‖ PT *ɨra-k = PJ *pàrú-kà < PA *p῾ìrá-k῾V.
-p῾ire ( ~ -ŕ-) bank, steep bank: Tung. *piri; Mong. *her-gi; Jpn.
*pi(n)tipa.
PTung. *piri steep (slope, bank) (крутой (склон, берег)): Evk. hir-ki;
Evn. hiri-le ‘rock, cliff’.
◊ See ТМС 2, 327.
PMong. *her-gi (?) steep bank (крутой берег): MMong. (hergi), ergi
(SH, HY 4); WMong. ergi (L 323); Kh. ereg; Bur. erje; Kalm. ergə; Ord.
erge; Dag. əriǵ, ergi (Тод. Даг. 140); S.-Yugh. erɣə; Mongr. xargi, jergi (SM
162), xerge, xargi.
◊ KW 124, MGCD 266. Mong. > Man. ergi, see Doerfer MT 137. Loss of *h- in Dag.
and S.-Yugh. is not quite clear.
PJpn. *pi(n)tipa bank (берег): OJpn. pjidipa (dial.).
◊ Cf. MJ fìdà, mod. hida ‘pleat’ (on cloth, but also on mountain); see JLTT 405.
‖ The comparison of PTM *piri with PT *jr (АПиПЯЯ 13) should
be abandoned, since it does not explain PT closed *ạ (on the etymology
of the Turkic word see rather *ǯḗro). For a possible Korean parallel see
under *p῾ṓlo. Cf. *p῾eri.
-p῾ĭru to pray, bless: Tung. *pirugē-; Mong. *hiruɣe-; Turk. *ɨr-; Kor.
*pīr-.
PTung. *pirugē- to pray (молиться, заклинать): Evk. hiruɣē-; Evn.
hirge-; Neg. xīɣē-; Man. firu-; Sol. irugē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 327-328.
PMong. *hirüɣe- 1 to bless 2 benediction (1 благословлять, молиться 2 благословение): MMong. xiru’e- (SH) 1, hirē- (MA 185) 1;
WMong. irüge- 1, irügel 2 (L 415); Kh. jörȫ- 1, jörȫl 2; Bur. jürȫ- 1, ürȫr 2
(Alar.); Kalm. jörl 2; Ord. örȫ- 1, örȫl 2; Dag. hirbe- (Тод. Даг. 176:
xirbe-), šurēl 1 (Тод. Даг. 184); Mongr. śurō- (SM 402) 1.
*p῾ís[a] - *p῾ísi(KV)
1145
◊ KW 220.
PTurk. *ɨr- 1 prediction, luck 2 omen 3 premonition (1 предсказание, счастье 2 знамение 3 предчувствие): OTurk. ɨrk 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨrk 1 (MK); Tur. ɨrk 1; Krm. ɨrɨz ‘dignity’; Bashk. ɨrɨχ 1 (dial.);
Kirgh. ɨrk ‘welfare’, ɨrɨs 1; Kaz. ɨrɨq 1; KBalk. ɨrɨs 1; KKalp. ɨrɨs 1; Kum.
ɨrɨs 1; Nogh. ɨrk 3, ɨrɨs 1; SUygh. ɨrq 1; Khak. ɨrɨx 1, ɨrɨs 1; Shr. ɨrɨs 1; Oyr.
ɨrɨs 1; Chuv. ərex ‘soul; expedience’; Yak. ɨrā 3.
◊ VEWT 166, 167, EDT 213, ОСНЯ 3, 119-120, ЭСТЯ 1, 665.
PKor. *pīr- to beg, pray (просить, умолять): MKor. pīr-; Mod. pīl-.
◊ Nam 279, KED 862.
‖ EAS 53, 150, Владимирцов 181-182, Poppe 12, 60, ОСНЯ 3,
119-124, Цинциус 1984, 39, Дыбо 14. Despite Poppe 1966, 197, 1972,
100, Doerfer MT 23, TM is hardly < Mong.
-p῾ís[a] oblique: Mong. *(h)isü; Jpn. *pású; Kor. *pìsk-.
PMong. *(h)isü across, obliquely (наискось): WMong. isü; Kalm. is;
Ord. iš maš uguī ‘in every direction’.
◊ KW 210.
PJpn. *pású slanted, oblique (косой, наклонный): Tok. hàsu; Kyo.
hású; Kag. hásu.
◊ JLTT 400.
PKor. *pìsk- slanted, oblique (косой, наклонный): MKor. pìs-,
pìs-k-; Mod. pik:i-, pit:ul-.
◊ Nam 279, 280, KED 850, 851.
‖ SKE 202, Martin 228. Preservation of -i- in Kor. presents a problem, as well as very scarce representation in Mong. (only Kalm.). PA
*p῾- (not *p-) is reconstructed because of *(h) in Mong., together with
high pitch in Jpn.
-p῾ísi(KV) to break, cleave, peck: Tung. *pis(k)-; Mong. *heske-; Jpn.
*písí, *pisi(n)k-; Kor. *pskr.
PTung. *pis(k)- 1 crack 2 to prick (with a fish-fork) 3 to split 4 to
prick, incise 5 to tear 6 to be torn (1 трещина 2 колоть (острогой) 3
трескаться 4 прокалывать 5 рвать 6 (быть) разодранным): Evk. hismat- 4; Evn. hịsqān- 3; Neg. xịskan 1, xịsmịkịt- 2; Man. pes seme 6 (borrowed < South. Tung. or with expressive p-?); Ork. pesitči- 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 48, 328.
PMong. *heske- to cut, shape, slice (вырезать): MMong. isk-, hečke(MA), həčkə- (LH); WMong. eske- (L 334); Kh. esge-, esxe-; Bur. esxe-;
Kalm. iškə-, išək-; Ord. esχe-; Dag. xerkī- (Тод. Даг. 175), xerke-; Bao.
segə-; S.-Yugh. hədge-.
◊ KW 211, MGCD 272. The S.-Yugh. form is a contamination of *heske and *etke- (see
*ete-).
1146
*p῾č῾o - *p῾ằge
PJpn. *písí, *pisi(n)k- 1 fish-fork 2 to break up (1 двузубые вилы,
острога 2 разбивать, раздавливать): MJpn. físí 1, físíg- 2; Tok. hishi 1,
hishíg- 2; Kyo. híshíg- 2; Kag. hìshìg- 2.
◊ JLTT 690. In *pisi(n)k- RJ has high tone, but all modern dialects point rather to
*pìsì(n)k-.
PKor. *pskr chisel (долото): MKor. pskr; Mod. k:ɨl.
◊ Nam 74, KED 247.
‖ In Kor. cf. also psús-tōl ‘whetstone’, ps- ‘to rub’, psùs- / psùč- ‘to
rub, to whet’, psó- ‘to sting; to shoot’, pís ‘comb’.
-p῾č῾o acid, salty: Tung. *pč-; Turk. *iāčɨ-g; Kor. *pčắ-.
PTung. *pč- to spoil (of food) (испортиться (о пище)): Evk.
hūčilke-, hučilku-.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PTurk. *iāčɨ-g bitter, acid (горький, кислый): OTurk. ačɨɣ (OUygh.);
Karakh. ačɨɣ (MK); Tur. aǯɨ; Gag. aǯi; Az. aǯɨ; Turkm. āǯɨ, āǯɨɣ; Sal. āǯɨ;
Khal. hāčuɣ, hāčuq; MTurk. ačɨ (Abush.); Uzb. ačči, ɔčči (dial.); Krm. aǯɨ,
ačɨ; Tat. ačɨ; Bashk. asɨ; Kaz. aššɨ; KBalk. ačɨ; KKalp. aššɨ; Kum. aččɨ;
Nogh. ašɨ; Oyr. aču; Tv. ažɨɣ; Tof. aǯɨɣ; Chuv. jüźə; Yak. ah; Dolg. ah.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 89-93, Егоров 82, Мудрак 115, Stachowski 30. In most languages also attested as a verbal stem *iāčɨ- ‘to become bitter, sour’.
PKor. *pčắ- salty, briny (соленый): MKor. pčắ-; Mod. č:a-.
◊ Nam 415, KED 1375.
‖ PKE 22. Vowel length in Tung. is not clear (the root is attested
only in some Evk. dialects, thus the phonology is not quite reliable
here). Kor. has a usual vowel reduction between a stop and affricate.
-p῾ằge rain: Tung. *pigi-n; Mong. *(h)aɣa-; Turk. *jag-; Kor. *pí.
PTung. *pigi-n 1 storm 2 wind (1 буря 2 ветер): Evk. xigin 2; Neg.
xiɣin / xijin 1; Ul. piwsu(n) 1; Ork. sii 1; Nan. piugi- 1 (v.); Ud. sī 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 322.
PMong. *(h)aɣa- heavy rain (ливень): WMong. aɣadar (L 12); Kh.
ādar; Bur. ādar.
PTurk. *jag- 1 to rain 2 rain (1 идти (о дожде) 2 дождь): OTurk. jaɣ1 (Orkh.), jaɣmur 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jaɣ- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. jā- 1, jāmur
2; Gag. jā- 1, jāmur 2; Az. jaɣ- 1, jaɣmur, jaɣɨš, jaɣɨn 2; Turkm. jaɣ- 1,
jaɣmɨr, jaɣɨš, jaɣɨn 2; Sal. jaɣ- 1, jaɣmur 2; Khal. jaɣ- 1; MTurk. jaɣ- 1,
jaɣmur / jamɣur 2 (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf., MA), jaɣɨn 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. jɔɣ1, jɔmɣir, jɔɣin 2; Uygh. jaɣ- 1, jamɣu(r), jaŋmur, jeɣin 2; Krm. jaɣmur 2;
Tat. jaw- 1, jaŋɣɨr, jawɨm 2; Bashk. jaw- 1, jamɣɨr, jawun 2; Kirgh. ǯā-, ǯau1, ǯamɣɨr, ǯān 2; Kaz. žaw- 1, žaŋbɨr, žawɨn 2; KBalk. žawun, ǯanɣur;
KKalp. žaw- 1, žawɨn, žamɣɨr 2; Kum. jaw- 1, jaŋɣur, jaŋur, jawɨn / jawun
2; Nogh. jaw- 1, jamɣɨr; SUygh. jaɣ- 1, jaɣmir; Khak. čaɣ- 1, naŋmɨr 2; Shr.
*p῾agu - *p῾agV
1147
čaɣ-, čā- 1, naɣbɨr, namɨr 2; Oyr. jā-, a- 1, aŋmɨr, āš 2; Tv. čaɣ- 1, ča’s 2;
Tof. čaɣ- 1; Chuv. śu- 1, śomъr 2; Yak. samr 2; Dolg. hamr 2.
◊ VEWT 177, EDT 896, 903-4, 908, ЭСТЯ 4, 57, Лексика 25, Федотов 2, 135, Stachowski 95.
PKor. *pí rain (дождь): MKor. pí; Mod. pi.
◊ Nam 275, KED 848.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13, 34, 283, Vovin 2000 (with a strange assertion that PT
*jag- means ῾fall’).
-p῾agu stripes, rope ornaments: Tung. *p[u]g-; Mong. *hoɣu-sur; Jpn.
*pu; Kor. *poh.
PTung. *p[u]g- 1 ornament 2 drawing (1 орнамент (витой) 2 рисунок): Evk. huɣak 2, hiɣerente 1; Ork. pūripteŋi, pueripteŋgi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 323, 337.
PMong. *hoɣu-sur rope (веревка): MMong. xoošin (SH, Козин);
WMong. oɣusur (L 603); Kh. ōsor; Bur. ōhor; Kalm. ōsər (КРС); Ord. ōsor;
Mongr. fujāsar.
◊ MGCD 522. Mongr. fujā-sar reflects a contamination with fujā- (PM *huja-) ‘to tie,
bind’.
PJpn. *pu stripes, (woven) stitch, mesh ((вышитые) полосы, швы):
OJpn. pu.
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *poh diaper, wrapping cloth (пеленки): MKor. po (poh-);
Mod. po.
◊ Nam 259, KED 786. Usually treated as a loan < Chin. 褓 id., but final -h in MKor.
cannot be explained.
‖ The Kor. match is somewhat dubious (even if it is not a loan, its
meaning was certainly influenced by the similar Chinese word), but
Mong., TM and Japanese still form a plausible match.
-p῾agV hot; sun, day: Tung. *pigi-; Mong. *heɣe-; Jpn. *pí; Kor. *pài.
PTung. *pigi- 1 to warm, be warmed 2 to be sun-tanned (of skin) (1
греть, греться 2 загорать (о коже)): Evk. hiɣit- 1; Evn. hiɣъt- 1; Neg. xō‘пригорать’; Man. fo- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 467, 2, 322, 331. Neg. and Man. reflect *pigi-b-.
PMong. *heɣe- to heat, be heated (греть, палить; греться): MMong.
xe’u- (SH); WMong. ege-, egege-, egsi- (L 296, 297, 300); Kh. ē-; Bur. igā‘греть (о солнце), греться (на солнце)’; Kalm. ē-; Ord. ē-; Dag. ē- (Тод.
Даг. 183); Dong. šie-; Bao. hē-; S.-Yugh. hī-; Mongr. xē- (SM 166), śē-.
◊ KW 130, MGCD 248. Cf. also *heg-či-, WMong. egči-, Kalm. ekčə- id. (KW 118).
PJpn. *pí sun, day (солнце, день): OJpn. pji; MJpn. fí; Tok. hì; Kyo.
hé; Kag. hí.
◊ JLTT 404. RJ has also a variant fì (besides the normal fí), but high tone is supported
by the accent of the derived *pí-rù ‘day, daytime’ (RJ fírù, Tokyo hirú, Kyoto hírù, Kagoshima híru).
1148
*p῾àká - *p῾le
PKor. *pài dawn (рассвет): MKor. sài-pài (sāi- ‘to dawn’).
◊ HMCH 152, Nam 295 (gives sài-pái, although HMCH has explicitly sài-pài). Modern
sä-bjək (KED 922) ‘dawn’ is probably related, with a secondary suffixation.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 108, 277. Final vowel uncertain, due to contractions in
Kor.-Jpn. originated by the loss of *-g-.
-p῾àká mighty, heavy: Tung. *piaKa; Turk. *iagɨr; Jpn. *pànkiá-.
PTung. *piaKa 1 diligent, smart 2 disobedient, brave 3 to arouse (1
ловкий, старательный 2 озорной, непослушный, смелый 3 возбуждать): Evk. hka 1; Evn. hịqār 2; Nan. pikpu- 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 319.
PTurk. *iagɨr heavy (тяжелый): OTurk. aɣɨr (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. aɣɨr (MK, KB); Tur. aɣɨr; Az. aɣɨr; Turkm. aGɨr; Sal. aɣɨr; Khal.
aɣr; MTurk. aɣɨr (Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔɣir; Uygh. eɣir; Tat. awɨr; Bashk. awɨr;
Kirgh. ōr; Kaz. awɨr; KBalk. awur; KKalp. awɨr; Khak. ār; Tv. ār; Tof. ār;
Chuv. jɨvъr; Yak. ɨar; Dolg. ɨara-kan.
◊ VEWT 8, EDT 88-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 85-87, Егоров 82-83, Лексика 338-339, Stachowski 258.
PJpn. *pànkiá- mighty, passionate, severe (мощный, страстный,
суровый): OJpn. pag(j)e-si; MJpn. fàgé-si; Tok. hageshí-; Kyo. hágéshì-;
Kag. hageshí-.
◊ JLTT 827.
‖ In Turkic one has to suppose the semantic development ‘mighty,
severe’ > ‘heavy’ (cf. similarly ‘important, authoritative’ > ‘heavy’ in
Mong., see under *kuńi). Cf. also *pek῾i.
-p῾àlbí a k. of small bird: Tung. *pialakī; Turk. *jelbe; Jpn. *pìmpárí.
PTung. *pialakī partridge (куропатка): Evk. hlakī; Evn. hǟlịkị; Neg.
xlax; Man. eleŋku; Ul. pla.
◊ ТМС 2, 320.
PTurk. *jelbe a k. of small bird (вид маленькой птички): Tur. jelve;
MTurk. jälvä (AH); Khak. jelbegej ‘a k. of bird’ (Верб.); Oyr. eleči ‘titmouse’.
◊ VEWT 196, TMN 4, 192.
PJpn. *pìmpárí skylark (жаворонок): OJpn. pjibari; MJpn. fìbárí;
Tok. hìbari; Kyo. hìbàrí; Kag. hibarí.
◊ JLTT 405.
‖ Дыбо 9.
-p῾le strap: Tung. *pīl(a)-; Mong. *hila-su; Turk. *jelö; Jpn. *pírái (
~-ia); Kor. *pjrí.
PTung. *pīl(a)- 1 strap(s) 2 to tug 3 belt 4 bridle (1 лямка, завязки 2
надеть лямку (на плечо) 3 ремень 4 узда): Evn. hịlpn 1; Neg. xla- 2;
Man. feleku 4; Ork. pịtụ ( < *pil-tu) 3; Ud. silipti 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 323-324, 304.
*p῾àlk῾i - *p῾ắnč῾i
1149
PMong. *hila-su thread (нить): Dag. šilās, xilās (Тод. Даг. 183), šilāse
(MD 216).
◊ MGCD 685.
PTurk. *jelö tether, rope for calves (веревка для привязывания жеребят, телят): Karakh. jelü (MK) ( ~ jalu); Tur. ǯele (DS); Az. ǯälä;
MTurk. ǯele (Pav. C.) ‘string, bow-string’; Uzb. ǯelə; Uygh. ǯili (dial.);
Tat. jele (dial.); Bashk. jele (dial.); Kirgh. ǯele; Kaz. želi; KKalp. želle; Oyr.
jele, ele; Tv. čele; Yak. sele.
◊ EDT 919, ЭСТЯ 4, 21-22. Turk. > WMong. ǯele (rather than vice versa, despite
VEWT 125).
PJpn. *pírái ( ~-ia) women’s kerchief worn as ornament (шарф,
женский платок-украшение): OJpn. pjire; MJpn. fíré.
◊ JLTT 408 (confused with ‘fish fin’).
PKor. *pjrí guiding net rope (ведущая веревка у сети): MKor.
pjrí; Mod. pjəri.
◊ Liu 382, KED 775.
‖ OJ has irregular tone and vowel (one would rather expect -ə-),
thus a loan from Korean cannot be excluded (although the Kor. and
Jpn. meanings are rather distant).
-p῾àlk῾i lightning, thunder: Tung. *pialki-; Turk. *jAlkɨ-; Jpn. *pìkàr-;
Kor. *pnkái.
PTung. *pialki- (/-rk-) 1 to flash (of lightning) 2 lightning 3 to thunder (1 сверкать (о молнии) 2 молния 3 греметь (о громе)): Evk. hlki1, hlkin 2 (/-rk-); Ul. pịčụ- 1; Nan. pojqana- 1; Orch. xǟkki- 3.
◊ See ТМС 2, 320.
PTurk. *jAlkɨ- 1 to glitter 2 flame, ray (1 блестеть, сиять 2 пламя,
блеск, луч): Tur. jalkɨn 2; Turkm. jalqɨm 2; MTurk. jalqun 2 (R); Uzb.
jɔlqin 2; Uygh. jalqun 2; Tat. jalqɨ- 1 (dial.), jalqɨn 2; Bashk. jalqɨn 2; Kaz.
žalqɨn 2; Oyr. alqɨn 2.
◊ VEWT 181, ЭСТЯ 4, 106-107, Лексика 357. Usually united with *jal- (v. sub *ǯale),
but seems to have a distinct Altaic origin.
PJpn. *pìkàr- to flash, glitter, shine (сверкать, блестеть, светить):
OJpn. pjikar-; MJpn. fìkàr-; Tok. hikár-; Kyo. híkár-; Kag. hìkàr-.
◊ JLTT 688.
PKor. *pnkái lightning (молния): MKor. pnkái; Mod. pəngä.
◊ Nam 256, KED 762.
‖ Street 1985, 641, АПиПЯЯ 13.
-p῾ắnč῾i to crush: Tung. *pianči-; Mong. *niča- / *niǯa-; Turk. *jạnč- /
*jenč-; Jpn. *pínták-.
PTung. *pianči- to crush (разрушать, раскалывать): Evn. hênčik-;
Neg. xiŋčel-.
◊ ТМС 2, 321.
1150
*p῾ani - *p῾àŋk῾i
PMong. *niča- / *niǯa- to crush (ломать): WMong. niča-či-, niča-la-,
niǯa-la-, niča-ra-, niǯa-ra- (L 577, 587); Kh. ńacla-, ńacra-; Bur. ńas ‘звукоподражание, изображающее треск’; Mongr. śarG ‘cassé, brisé, fêlé,
tesson’ (SM 389).
◊ Mong. > Evk. ńičā- etc., see ТМС 1, 640.
PTurk. *jạnč- / *jenč- to crush (ломать): OTurk. janč- (OUygh.);
Karakh. janč-, jenč- (MK); Tur. jenč-; Turkm. jenč-; MTurk. jenč- (R.);
Uzb. jänč-; Uygh. jänč-; Krm. janč-, jenč-, janc-; Tat. jɛnče-; Kirgh. ǯanč-;
Kaz. žanšɨ-; KKalp. ženš-; Kum. janč-; Nogh. janšɨ-; Shr. naš-; Yak. sɨs- /
sɨń-.
◊ EDT 944, ЭСТЯ 4, 184-185. Turk. > WMong. ǯanči-, janči-, KW 466, Щербак 1997,
122. See also notes to *jān(u)- ‘threaten’.
PJpn. *pintak- to crush (ломать, разрушать): OJpn. p(j)idak-; MJpn.
fídák-.
◊ JLTT 688.
‖ Дыбо 1995b (Tung.-Mong.). In Mong. one has to suppose a co ntraction *niča- < *hin(i)ča- (cf. similarly *hunis- > nis- ‘to fly’). An expressive root, but seems well reconstructable for PA.
-p῾ani hen, chicken, hazel-hen: Tung. *pinukī; Mong. *jaŋgali; Jpn.
*pina; Kor. *pjəŋ-.
PTung. *pinu-kī hazel-hen (рябчик): Evk. hinukī; Evn. hiniki; Neg.
xīnkī; Man. oxa ‘chicken’; Ul. pinu; Ork. pinu; Nan. pimu; Orch. ximmui,
ximui; Ud. sumugi.
◊ ТМС 2, 300, 325.
PMong. *jaŋgali a k. of small variegated bird (вид маленькой пестрой птицы): WMong. jaŋɣali (МXTTT); Kh. jaŋgaĺ.
PJpn. *pina chicken (цыпленок): MJpn. fíná, fínà; Tok. hína; Kyo.
hìnâ; Kag. hiná.
◊ JLTT 407. Original accent is not quite clear: while modern dialects point to *pìnâ, RJ
has variants HL and HH.
PKor. *pjəŋ- chicken (цыпленок): MKor. pjəŋ’ari, píjùk; Mod.
pjəŋari.
◊ Liu 384, 413, KED 785.
‖ Lee 1958, 109 (Kor.-TM). Modern Jpn. hiyoko (JLTT 412) < Kor.
-p῾àŋk῾i door post, detail of a house: Tung. *piaŋkV; Mong. *(h)enike;
Turk. *jAŋak; Jpn. *pìnkùrái.
PTung. *piaŋkV 1 shelf 2 lower tent cover (1 полка 2 нижняя покрышка чума): Evn. hiŋku 2; Ul. pŋGa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 321.
PMong. *(h)enike door-post, lintel of a door (дверной косяк):
WMong. enike (L 319); Kh. enex; Ord. eneχe.
*p῾ári - *p῾áru
1151
PTurk. *jAŋak door post (дверной косяк): Karakh. (qapuɣ) jaŋaqɨ
(MK); Tat. jaŋaq; Bashk. jaŋaq; Oyr. jāq; Tv. čāq.
◊ DT 948, ЭСТЯ 4, 123-124. The root is traditionally considered merely a variant of
*jạjŋak ‘cheek, jaw’ (v. sub *zni), but it may be possible to separate them etymologically.
Tat. > Chuv. janax > Mari, Udm. janak (Федотов 2, 500).
PJpn. *pìnkùrái a cypress plank or stave (доска или перекладина
из кипариса): MJpn. fìgùré.
◊ JLTT 406. The first syllable is usually treated as *pi ‘cypress’, but the second part is
not clear, and the word may well be not a compound.
‖ The Turkic form raises some questions because it has actively
merged with *jạjŋak ‘cheek, jaw’ < *zni q.v.
-p῾ári a k. of worm: Tung. *piaru; Mong. *(h)irukai; Jpn. *pìrû; Kor.
*pr-.
PTung. *piaru 1 worm (in meat) 2 moth 3 beetle (1 червь (в мясе) 2
моль 3 жук): Man. aru 1; Ul. piru(n) 2; Ork. paraụ 3; Nan. pịro, fịaro 2;
Ud. päu 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 37.
PMong. *(h)irukai caterpillar (гусеница): WMong. iruqai (МXTTT);
Kh. jarxai.
PJpn. *pìrû water leech (пиявка): OJpn. p(j)iru; MJpn. fìrú; Tok. híru;
Kyo. hìrû; Kag. hirú.
◊ JLTT 408.
PKor. *pr- worm, insect (червь, насекомое): MKor. pr’əi; Mod.
pəlle.
◊ Nam 256, KED 766.
‖ SKE 198, АПиПЯЯ 297.
-p῾áru to spin, plait, wrap: Tung. *por-; Mong. *horiɣa-, *horči-; Turk.
*ar-; Kor. *pòròkí.
PTung. *por- 1 to spin, turn round 2 to weave (nets) (1 кружить(ся),
вращать(ся) 2 плести (сети)): Evk. horol- 1; Evn. herelkin- ‘to turn into’;
Neg. xojịl- 1; Man. foro- 1; SMan. forə-, foru- 1 (270, 1776); Ul. pori- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 47, 334.
PMong. *horiɣa-, *horči- 1 to wrap 2 to roll, rotate (1 заворачивать,
закручивать 2 вращаться): MMong. xorči- 2 (SH), orčul- 2 (IM), hura- 1,
horči-/orči- 2 (MA 238, 186, 270), horči- 2 (LH); WMong. orija-, oruɣa- 1 (L
618, 621) orči- 2 (L 616); Kh. orō- 1, orči- 2; Bur. oŕō- 1, oršo- 2; Kalm. orā1, orčə- 2; Ord. orō- 1, orčin ‘around’; Dag. oŕē- (Тод. Даг. 160) ( < lit.);
Dong. xoro- 1; Bao. horə-; S.-Yugh. horō-; Mongr. furō-, xurō- (SM 111,
185), xuro- (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 288, 290, MGCD 531. Mong. > Kaz. ora- etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 469).
PTurk. *ar- 1 weft, woof 2 warp (1 уток 2 основа ткани): OTurk.
arušɨ arqaɣɨ (Ough.) 1; Karakh. arqaɣ (MK, IM) 1, arɨš 2; Tur. arɣač (-ǯɨ) 1,
*p῾rV - *p῾[o]bu
1152
eriš, Osm. arɨš 2; Az. arɣaǯ 1, äriš 2; Turkm. arGač 1, arGa- ‘шить
кое-как’, eriš 2; MTurk. arɣač (Sangl.) 1, arɨš (Sangl.) 2; Uzb. dial. arɣa 1;
Uygh. arqaq 1; Khak. arɣa- ‘вышивать гладью’; Oyr. arkū 1; Tv. eriš 2;
Chuv. ura 1.
◊ VEWT 25, 26 (confused with *arka-), EDT 216, 239, ЭСТЯ 1, 170, Федотов 2, 284,
Лексика 396. Turk. > WMong. arqaɣ, Kalm. arxəɣ (KW 14, Щербак 1997, 101). The front
row variant *eriĺ is peculiar: it may reflect a merger with a different root, reflected in
Chuv. arla- ῾to spin’, with possible parallels in Mong. ere- ῾to wind, tie round’, Nan.
(Kur-Urm.) erin ῾band, necking’ (ТМС 2, 463).
PKor. *pòròkí swaddlingclothes (пеленки): MKor. pòròkí.
◊ Nam 260.
‖ EAS 53, 126, Poppe 11, 98, Цинциус 1984, 44-45, Rozycki 79. Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Kor. *pòròkí
can be alternatively compared with PT *bele- ‘to swaddle’ (ЭСТЯ 2,
111-112).
-p῾rV to split, crack: Tung. *p[ia]ri-; Mong. *jara-; Turk. *jār-.
PTung. *p[ia]ri- 1 to split 2 split, crack (1 расщеплять 2 щель, трещина): Evk. hir-ke- 1, hiri-kte 2; Evn. hir 2; Man. ere- 1, ere-n, fi-qtu 2;
Ork. pīri-kte 2; Nan. pịarị, Bik. fịrịgda mōnị ‘name of a tree for making
bows’ (“трескун-дерево”).
◊ ТМС 2, 327.
PMong. *jara- to split open, open wide (раскрываться, расщепляться): MMong. jāra- (IM), jară- (MA); WMong. jara-, ira- (L 412, 428);
Kh. jara-; Bur. jara-; Kalm. ir- (КРС) ‘надрезать (кожу)’; Ord. ir-; Dong.
jara-; Mongr. jāra- (SM 489).
PTurk. *jār- 1 to split 2 split, crack (1 рассекать, раскалывать 2
щель, трещина): OTurk. jar- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jar- 1 (MK); Tur. jar1; Gag. jar- 1; Az. jar- 1, jar-ɨG 2; Turkm. jār- 1; Sal. jar- 1; MTurk. jar- 1
(AH); Uzb. jɔr- 1; Uygh. ja(r)- 1; Krm. jar- 1; Tat. jar- 1; Bashk. jar- 1;
Kirgh. ǯar- 1; Kaz. žar- 1; KBalk. ǯar- 1; KKalp. žar- 1; Kum. jar- 1; Nogh.
jar- 1; SUygh. jar- 1; Khak. čar- 1; Shr. čar- 1; Oyr. jar-, ar- 1; Tv. čar- 1;
Chuv. śor- 1; Yak. sar-kāx (adj.) ‘split’; Dolg. sar-kāk (adj.) ‘split’.
◊ EDT 954-955, VEWT 188-189, ЭСТЯ 4, 135-137, Федотов 2, 139,Stachowski 209.
Very widespread are the derivatives *jārɨk, *jārma ‘crack, split’ (see ЭСТЯ ibid.); Turk.
*jārɨm ‘half’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 147) > Mong. ǯarim, ǯarimduq (KW 470, Щербак 1997, 123).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾[o]bu nest: Tung. *pubi / *pebi; Mong. *heɣür; Turk. *uja.
PTung. *pubi / *pebi nest (гнездо): Evk. huɣi; hewe ‘шалаш’; Evn.
hewi; Neg. xūɣī; Man. feje; SMan. fei (2299); Ud. xui; Sol. ubī, ūwī.
◊ ТМС 2, 337.
PMong. *heɣür nest (гнездо): MMong. xe’ud (SH), he’ut (HYt), wur
(MA 168); WMong. egür (L 301); Kh. ǖr; Bur. ǖr; Kalm. ǖr; Ord. ǖr; Dag.
*p῾òk῾e - *p῾ole
1153
xeur (Тод. Даг. 176), heure (MD 161); Dong. xo; Bao. xor, hor; Mongr. fōr
(SM 100).
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685.
PTurk. *uja nest (гнездо): OTurk. uja (OUygh.); Karakh. uja (MK);
Tur. juwa; Gag. juwa; Az. juwa; MTurk. juwa, uja (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. uja;
Uygh. uwa, uga; Krm. juwa, uja; Tat. oja; Bashk. oja; Kirgh. uja; Kaz. uja;
KKalp. uja; Kum. uja; Nogh. uja; SUygh. uja, oja ‘egg’; Khak. uja; Oyr.
uja; Tv. uja; Tof. uja; Chuv. jъₙva; Yak. uja; Dolg. uja.
◊ VEWT 511, EDT 267, ЭСТЯ 4, 239, Егоров 73, Stachowski 242.
‖ VEWT 511 (with a dubious Mong. parallel), АПиПЯЯ 286. A
Western isogloss. The TM vocalism is not quite clear (we would expect
a diphthong *ia). Kor. pogɨm(čari) ‘nest’, compared with TM in SKE 204,
cannot be related for phonetic reasons.
-p῾òk῾e pair, couple: Mong. *(h)ekire; Turk. *ẹk(k)i; Jpn. *pká; Kor.
*pk-.
PMong. *(h)ekire twins (близнецы): WMong. ikere, ikire (L 401); Kh.
ixer; Bur. exir; Kalm. ikr; Ord. eker, ekir.
◊ KW 206. Mong. ikire ‘twins’ > Evk. ikirē etc., see Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 115.
PTurk. *ẹk(k)i two (два): OTurk. eki (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ẹki
(MK); Tur. iki; Gag. iki; Az. iki; Turkm. iki; Sal. išky; Khal. äkki, äkkị;
MTurk. iki (AH, IM); Uzb. ikki; Uygh. ikki; Krm. ekɨ; Tat. ike; Bashk. ike;
Kirgh. eki; Kaz. eki; KBalk. eki; KKalp. eki; Kum. eki; Nogh. eki; SUygh.
šigɨ; Khak. eke; Shr. igi; Oyr. eki; Tv. ĩji; Tof. i’xi; Chuv. ikkə; Yak. ikki;
Dolg. ikki.
◊ VEWT 39, EDT 100-1, ЭСТЯ 1, 337-339, Егоров 67-68, Stachowski 124.
PJpn. *pká other (другой): OJpn. p(w)oka; MJpn. fòká; Tok. hòka;
Kyo. hòká; Kag. hoká.
◊ JLTT 413. Most dialects (and RJ) point to *pká, but Tokyo indicates a variant *pká.
PKor. *pk- next, following (следующий): MKor. pk-; Mod.
pəgɨm.
◊ Nam 254, KED 758.
‖ EAS 93, Владимирцов 321, АПиПЯЯ 284. Mong. *(h)ekire ‘twins’
= PT *ẹkiŕ (ЭСТЯ 1, 252-254) (although it is frequently regarded as borrowed from Turk., see TMN 2, 190-191, Щербак 1997, 119-120, Rozycki
115, this is hardly the case; borrowed is Mong. ikes ‘placenta’, see Clark
1980, 39). A different etymology of the Japanese word (: MKor. pask) see
Martin 238. Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-p῾ole blanket, skin (as covering): Tung. *pul-sa; Mong. *hel-de-; Turk.
*Eltiri; Jpn. *pərə.
PTung. *pul-sa blanket, sleeping bag (одеяло, спальный мешок):
Evk. hulla; Evn. hụlr; Neg. xola; Ul. pụlta; Ork. pụlta; Nan. polta; Orch.
xukta; Ud. xulaha; Sol. ula.
*p῾ŏlge - *p῾ŏlge
1154
◊ ТМС 2, 345.
PMong. *hel-de- to dress, soften, tan (of leather) (дубить, разминать (кожу)): WMong. elde- (L 307); Kh. elde-; Bur. elde-; Kalm. eld-; Ord.
elde-; Bao. fələ-; S.-Yugh. elde- ( < lit.).
◊ KW 119, MGCD 256.
PTurk. *Eltiri skin of kid or lamb (шкура козленка или ягненка,
каракуль): Karakh. elri, eldiri (MK); Tur. elteri (dial.); Turkm. elteri, elter
(dial.); MTurk. eltirik (IM); Uygh. älterä; Tat. iltĭr; Bashk. iltĭr; Kaz. eltĭrĭ;
KBalk. eltĭrĭ, eltir; KKalp. eltiri; Kum. eltir; Nogh. eltiri.
◊ EDT 135, ЭСТЯ 1, 269-270.
PJpn. *pərə cloak on armour (накидка на доспехах): MJpn. foro;
Tok. hóro; Kyo. hórò; Kag. hóro.
◊ Accent is not quite clear (both Kyoto and Kagoshima may reflect literary influence).
‖ KW 119.
-p῾ŏlge to pray, sacrifice: Tung. *pulga-; Mong. *(h)ergül; Turk. *ạlkɨ-;
Jpn. *pə(n)k- ( ~-ua-).
PTung. *pulga- 1 to sacrifice 2 alms, charity 3 sacrifice (1 приносить
жертву 2 дары, милостыня 3 жертва): Evk. hulga- 1; Man. fulexu 2;
Ud. xula 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 344.
PMong. *(h)ergül sacrifice, donation (жертвоприношение, пожертвование): WMong. ergül (L 326); Kh. örgöl; Bur. ürgel.
◊ The word appears to be quite transparently derived from ergü-, örgü- ‘to raise, lift
up’ (also ‘to offer, present’) q. v. sub *ṓŕi. We suspect, however, that this may be a case of
secondary reanalysis: *(h)ergül would be a quite regular reflex of *(h)elgü-r or *(h)elgü-l =
Turk. *ạlkɨĺ ‘blessing’. Note that in Lessing’s dictionary we find separate entries: ergül
‘donation, sacrifice’ vs. örgül ‘elevation’ (L 641).
PTurk. *ạlkɨ- 1 to bless, praise 2 blessing, praise 3 curse (1 благословлять, восхвалять 2 благословение, хвала 3 проклятие, проклинать): OTurk. alqa- (OUygh.) 1, alqɨš (OUygh., Yen.) 2; Karakh. alqɨš 2
(MK); Tur. alkɨš 2; Az. alGɨš 2; Turkm. alqɨš 2; MTurk. alqa- 1 (Pav. C.);
Uzb. ɔlqiš 2; Uygh. alqiš 2; Krm. alɣɨš 2; Tat. alqɨš 2; Bashk. alqɨš 2; Kirgh.
alqa- 1, alqɨš 2; Kaz. alɣɨs 2; alqa- 1 (dial.); KBalk. alɣɨš 2; KKalp. alɣɨs 2;
Kum. alɣɨš 2; SUygh. alqɨs 2; Oyr. alqa- 1; Tv. a’lɣɨš 3; Chuv. ɨlɣan 3; Yak.
alɣā- 1, alɣ 2 ( < Tuva); Dolg. algā- ‘to shamanize’ ( < Tuva).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 137-138, EDT 137-138, Егоров 343, Stachowski 31, Мудрак Дисс. 181 (regarding the Yak. form as borrowed < Tuva because of its vocalism).
PJpn. *pə(n)k- ( ~-ua-) to pray (молиться): OJpn. p(w)ok-; Tok.
koto-hog-.
◊ JLTT 691.
‖ An interesting common Altaic religious term.
*p῾oli - *p῾ĺo
1155
-p῾oli ( ~ -ĺ-) fly, midge: Tung. *pulmi-kte; Mong. *hilaɣa-n; Kor. *pắrh.
PTung. *pulmi-kte midge (мошка): Evk. hunmīkte; Evn. humtъčen;
Neg. xunmuɣekte; Ul. pulte, pumikte; Ork. pulikte, pumikte; Nan. purmikte;
Orch. pumikte; Ud. xumukte.
◊ ТМС 2, 348. Evk. > Dolg. hünmükte (Stachowski 115).
PMong. *hilaɣa-n fly (муха): WMong. ilaɣa (МХТТТ); Kh. jalān; Bur.
ilāhan; Kalm. iləsn ῾midge(s)’ (РКС); Dag. xilā (Тод. Даг.).
PKor. *pắrh fly (муха): MKor. phắr, phắrì; Mod. phāri.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1730.
‖ Mong. and Kor. reflect a common derivative *p῾oli-gV.
-p῾ṓlo way, path; patch, precipice: Tung. *pile-; Turk. *jōl; Kor. *pjər-.
PTung. *pile- 1 thawed patch 2 open (ground) (1 проталина 2 открытое место): Evk. hile, hilekē 1, -kēn 2; Evn. hileŋe 1; Neg. xilexe 1;
Man. fili-ta-χun 2; Ud. sileŋe-gisi- ‘to form (of thawed ground patches)’.
◊ ТМС 2, 324.
PTurk. *jōl road (дорога): OTurk. jol (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jol
(MK, KB); Tur. jol; Gag. jol; Az. jol; Turkm. jōl; Sal. jol; Khal. juōl;
MTurk. jol (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. jụl; Uygh. jol; Krm. jol; Tat. jul; Bashk.
jul; Kirgh. ǯol; Kaz. žol; KBalk. žol; KKalp. žol; Kum. jol; Nogh. jol;
SUygh. jol; Khak. čol; Shr. čol; Oyr. ol; Tv. čol ‘fate’; Tof. čol ‘fate’; Chuv.
śol; Yak. suol; Dolg. huol.
◊ VEWT 205-6, EDT 917, ЭСТЯ 4, 29, 217-218, Федотов 2, 131, Лексика 531, Stachowski 112.
PKor. *pjər- precipice; road above precipice (обрыв; дорога над обрывом): MKor. pjəro, pjər; Mod. pjəraŋ, pjəre, pjəru.
◊ Nam 258, KED 775.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283. Mong. ǯol ‘luck’, usually compared with PT *jōl
(see VEWT 206 etc.), should be rather regarded as a loanword (because
of the specific meaning), see TMN 4, 226-227, Щербак 1997, 124. The
TM form is compared to Kor. pəl ‘meadow, plain’ (SKE 196), for which
another etymology is given in АПиПЯЯ (see *p῾āla). Note, however,
that Kor. pjər- may be also derived from PA *p῾āre ‘split, precipice’
(q.v.).
-p῾ĺo star: Mong. *hodu; Turk. *jul-duŕ (*-dɨŕ); Jpn. *psí; Kor. *pjr.
PMong. *hodu star (звезда): MMong. xodun (HY 1, SH), hudun (IM),
hudun (MA); WMong. odu(n) (L 600); Kh. od; Bur. odon; Kalm. odn; Ord.
udu; Dag. xodo, xod (Тод. Даг. 176), hode (MD 162); Dong. xodun; Bao.
xodoŋ; S.-Yugh. hodən; Mongr. fōdi (SM 99).
◊ KW 283. Mong. > Manchu odontu ‘starred, having stars’ (see Rozycki 166).
PTurk. *jul-duŕ (*-dɨŕ) star (звезда): OTurk. jultuz (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. julduz (MK); Tur. jɨldɨz; Gag. jɨldɨs; Az. ulduz; Turkm. jɨldɨz; Sal.
jyldus; Khal. julduz; MTurk. julduz (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. julduz; Uygh.
1156
*p῾ṑpo - *p῾ṑpo
jultuz; Krm. jɨldɨz; Tat. joldɨz; Bashk. jondoδ; Kirgh. ǯɨldɨz; Kaz. žuldɨz;
KBalk. žulduz; KKalp. žuldɨz; Kum. julduz; Nogh. juldɨz; SUygh. juldɨs;
Khak. čɨltɨs; Shr. čɨltɨs; Oyr. ɨldɨs; Tv. sɨldɨs; Tof. sɨltɨs; Chuv. śъₙldъₙr;
Yak. sulus; Dolg. hulus.
◊ VEWT 210, TMN 3, 260-1, EDT 922-3, ЭСТЯ 4, 279-280, Лексика 53, Stachowski
111.
PJpn. *psí star (звезда): OJpn. p(w)osi; MJpn. fósí; Tok. hòshi; Kyo.
hóshí; Kag. hóshi.
◊ JLTT 415.
PKor. *pjr star (звезда): MKor. pjr; Mod. pjəl.
◊ Liu 383, HMCH 151, KED 780.
‖ PKE 150, Martin 243, АПиПЯЯ 13, 36, 90, 277. In TM cf. perhaps
Evn. hildenre- ‘to dawn’ (ТМС 2, 324). In Turkic one would rather expect *juĺ-, but the root is only used with the suffix *-du-ŕ, and in preconsonantal position *-ĺ- and *-l- were neutralized (“Helimski’s rule”).
Note Turk. *jul-du- = Mong. *ho-du- ( < *hol-du-) ( = Evk. hil-de-), with
the same affixation throughout the Western Altaic area.
-p῾ṑpo (*p῾ṑjpo) to cut through, grind: Tung. *pībē-; Mong. *(h)öb-;
Turk. *ob-; Jpn. *ppur-; Kor. *pìpi-.
PTung. *pībē- to whet, sharpen (точить): Evk. hīwē-; Evn. hīw-; Neg.
xīwu-; Man. fojfo-; Ul. pīwe-; Ork. pīwē-; Nan. pịa-; Orch. xīwe ‘whetstone’; Ud. sue ‘whetstone’; Sol. īwe ‘whetstone’.
◊ ТМС 2, 321-322.
PMong. *(h)öb- 1 to flay, skin 2 small pieces, fragments (1 сдирать
кожу, свежевать 2 кусочки, мелкие части): WMong. öbči- 1, öbdel 2 (L
627); Kh. övči- 1, övdöl 2; Bur. übše- 1, übdel 2; Kalm. övče- 1 (КРС 411);
Ord. öbči- 1; Mog. übči- ‘to cut in pieces’ (Weiers).
PTurk. *ob- to crush, mince, grind (давить, крошить, молоть, измельчать): Karakh. uv- (ov-) (MK, KB); Tur. ov-, oɣ-; Gag. ū-; Az. ov-;
Turkm. ov-; Khal. huv- ‘rub’; Uygh. uva-; Krm. uw-; Tat. u(w)-; Bashk.
ɨw-; KBalk. uw-; Kum. uw-; SUygh. uɣ-; Khak. uɣ-; Tv. ū-; Chuv. ъₙv‘grind’; Yak. ub-ax.
◊ VEWT 510, ЭСТЯ 1, 401-403, 560-561, EDT 4-5.
PJpn. *ppur- to cut through (разрезать, зарезать): OJpn. p(w)opur-;
MJpn. fòbúr-.
◊ JLTT 691.
PKor. *pìpi- to bore through; to rub (сверлить; тереть): MKor.
pìpi-; Mod. pibi-.
◊ Nam 277, KED 854.
‖ In TM cf. also derived forms: Orok pīpu, Ul. pīpu, Ud. siɣi ‘drill’
(ТМС 2, 39) - possibly reflecting a contamination with *pubi q.v. In
*p῾ṓp῾[á] - *p῾ṑrí
1157
Turkic one would rather expect *job-, so perhaps we should rather reconstruct *p῾ṑjpo.
-p῾ṓp῾[á] to walk, go away: Tung. *pupē-; Mong. *jabu-; Turk. *(j)ēp-;
Jpn. *pápúr-.
PTung. *pupē- to go away, become separated (отлучаться): Evn.
hupēn-.
◊ ТМС 2, 351. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *jabu- to walk (ходить): MMong. jabu- (HY 34, SH), jābu-,
jabu- (IM), jabu- (MA); WMong. jabu- (L 420); Kh. java-; Bur. jaba-; Kalm.
jow-; Ord. jawu-; Mog. jobu-; Dag. jaw(a)-, jau- (Тод. Даг. 147), jau- (MD
169); Dong. javu-; Bao. ju-; S.-Yugh. jawə-; Mongr. j- (SM 494), (MGCD,
Minghe jau-).
◊ KW 220, MGCD 731, TMN 1, 546. Mong. > Man. jō- etc., see Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 82, Rozycki 222.
PTurk. *(j)ēp- 1 be on one’s way 2 send (1 быть в пути 2 посылать):
Turkm. īber- 2; Uzb. ibɛr-, jubɔr- 2; Uygh. ebɛr- 2; Krm. jeber-; Tat. žibɛr2; Bashk. jebɛr- 2; Kirgh. ǯiber- 2; Kaz. žiber- 2; KKalp. žiber-; Nogh. jiber2; Chuv. jabal- 1; Yak. īp- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 322-324, Мудрак Дисс. 198. The explanation < *d-bar- ‘lead and take’ is
clearly unsatisfactory.
PJpn. *pápúr- 1 to roam, wander 2 to throw away (1 бродить 2 выбрасывать, оставлять): OJpn. papur- 2; MJpn. fáfúra- 1, fafur- 2; Tok.
hṑr-; Kyo. hṓr-; Kag. hṓr-.
◊ JLTT 692. MJ fafi-iri ‘entrance’, mod. hairu ‘to enter’ may represent the same root
(influenced by *pap- ‘to crawl’ q. v. sub *p῾ba).
‖ Дыбо 13. The etymology seems convincing, despite some vocalic
problems (we would either expect *jāp- in Turkic or *pəp- ~ *pup- in
Jpn.).
-p῾ṑrí back, West: Tung. *perki-n / *purki-n; Mong. *hörö-ne; Turk.
*ār-t; Jpn. *pìntárí.
PTung. *perki-n / *purki-n West (запад): Jurch. fu-ri-si (591); Ul.
perxi(n); Nan. perxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 48.
PMong. *hörö-ne West (запад): MMong. xorone (HY 50), xorene,
xorone (SH); WMong. öröne, (L 644) örüne; Kh. örnö; Bur. ürne.
PTurk. *ār-t 1 back 2 mountain pass (1 спина, задняя сторона; 2
перевал): OTurk. art 1, 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. art 1, 2 (MK, KB);
Tur. art (-dɨ) 1; Gag. ārd 1; Az. ard 1; Turkm. ārt 1; Sal. ari 1; Khal. hārt
1; MTurk. art 1 (Pav.C), 2 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ɔrt 1; Uygh. art 1; Krm. art 1;
Tat. art 1; Bashk. art 1; Kirgh. art 1, 2; Kaz. art 1; KBalk. art 1; KKalp. art
1; Kum. art 1; Nogh. art 1; SUygh. ard; art 1; Shr. artɨɣ ‘shoal’; Oyr. art 1;
Tv. a’rt 1; Tof. a’rt 1; Yak. ārtɨk 2.
1158
*p῾ŕe - *p῾ŏt῾e
◊ EDT 200-201, VEWT 26-27, ЭСТЯ 1, 179-180.
PJpn. *pìntárí left (левый): OJpn. p(j)idari; MJpn. fìdári; Tok. hìdari;
Kyo. hìdàrí; Kag. hidarí.
◊ JLTT 405.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 12. The Jpn. match is somewhat dubious semantically
(possible if one assumes ‘left’ < ‘West’) and has an irregular low tone.
-p῾ŕe ( ~ *p῾ŕo) to screw, carve, scratch: Tung. *pur- / *per-; Mong.
*(h)erü-; Turk. *ẹŕ-; Jpn. *pr-.
PTung. *pur- / *per- 1 screw 2 to engrail 3 bore, drill 4 to gnaw (of
mice, rats) 5 notch, scar (1 винт, винтовая нарезка 2 делать винтовую
нарезку 3 сверлить 4 грызть (о мышах, крысах) 5 зазубрина): Evk.
huriwūk 1, huril- 2, herewul 3; purul- 3 ( < *Nan.); Man. furdan 5; Nan.
furgi- 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 44, 303, 352.
PMong. *(h)erü- to dig, hack (копать, рубить, долбить): WMong.
erü- (L 332).
PTurk. *ẹŕ- 1 to scratch, scrape 2 to knead, press 3 to grind, crush 4
to soak, dilute 5 to rub, smear (1 скрести, царапать 2 разминать, давить 3 толочь, растирать 4 мочить, разжижать 5 растирать, обмазывать): Karakh. ez- (MK) 1; Tur. ez- 2, 3, 4; Gag. ez- 2, 3; Az. äz- 2; Turkm.
ez- 4; Khal. äz- 2; MTurk. ez- (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.) 5; Uzb. ez- 2, 5; Uygh.
äz- 2, 3; Krm. ez- 2, 3; Tat. iz- 2; Bashk. iδ- 2; Kirgh. ez- 2; Kaz. ez- 2, 4;
KBalk. ez- 2, 3; KKalp. ez- 2; Kum. ez- 3; Nogh. ez- 2; Chuv. ir- 2, 4.
◊ EDT 279, ЭСТЯ 1, 235-236, Егоров 71, Федотов 1, 170.
PJpn. *pr- to dig, carve, engrave (копать, вырезать, гравировать):
OJpn. p(w)or-; MJpn. fòr-; Tok. hór-; Kyo. hór-; Kag. hòr-.
◊ JLTT 693.
‖ Poppe 103. The Jpn. form may reflect a merger with another ro ot >
Mong. *bula- ‘to dig, bury’.
-p῾ŏt῾e ( ~ -t-, *p῾ăt῾u) light: Tung. *puta-; Turk. *ạt-; Kor. *pjt.
PTung. *puta- 1 to blaze 2 light of fireflies 3 firefly 4 dark red (1 загораться, сверкать, блестеть 2 свет (от светляков) 3 светляк 4 темно-красный): Evk. huta-l- 1; Evn. hutā-l- 1; Neg. xotol-xotol 1; Man. fataqu 4; Ul. pụta-lụ- 1, pụta-ǯa(n) 2; Ork. pụtamụ 3; Nan. potal 1; Orch.
xuta-rǟ- 1; Ud. xuta- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 356. There is also a variant *pude-, see ТМС 1, 475.
PTurk. *ạt- to dawn (рассветать): Karakh. at- (MK, Tefs.); Tur. at-;
Gag. at-; Turkm. at-; MTurk. at- (Abush.); Uygh. at-; Tat. at-; Bashk. at-;
Kirgh. at-; Kaz. at-; KBalk. at-; KKalp. at-; Kum. at-; Nogh. at-; Khak. at-;
Shr. at-; Oyr. at-; Tv. a’t-; Tof. a’t-; Yak. ɨt-.
◊ Usually confused with *at- ‘to shoot, throw’, but certainly distinct.
PKor. *pjt light (свет): MKor. pjt; Mod. pjət [pjəth].
*p῾udo - *p῾ùgV
1159
◊ Nam 258, KED 786.
‖ SKE 199.
-p῾udo ( ~ p῾odo) to wake, cause: Tung. *pidu- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *(h)uda-;
Turk. *od-.
PTung. *pidu- ( ~ -ü-) to instigate, cause (заставлять, обязывать):
Evn. hidu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 323. Attested only in Evn., with possible parallels in Turkic and Mongolian.
PMong. *(h)uda- to conceive, design, instigate (затеять, задумать):
WMong. uda- (L 861: udu-); Kh. uda-; Ord. udu-.
PTurk. *od- 1 awake 2 to wake up (intr.) 3 to wake up (trans.) (1
бодрствующий 2 просыпаться 3 будить): OTurk. oduɣ 1, odun- 2,
odɣur- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. oδuɣ 1, oδun- 2, oδɣur- 3 (MK); Tur. ujan- 2,
(dial.) ujar- 3; Gag. ujan- 2; Az. ojan- 2; Turkm. ojan- 2, ojar- 3; MTurk.
ujan- 2, ujat- 3 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ujɣɔn- 2; Uygh. o(j)ɣan- 2; Krm. ojan-, ujan2, ojat- 3; Tat. ujan- 2; Bashk. ujan- 2; Kirgh. ojɣon- 2; Kaz. ojan- 2, ojat- 3;
KBalk. ujan- 2, ujat- 3; KKalp. ojan- 2, ojat- 3; Kum. ujan- 2, ujat- 3; Nogh.
ujan- 2, ujat- 3; SUygh. ozɣan- 2; Khak. usxun- 2, usxur- 3; Oyr. ojɣon-,
ujɣun- 2, ujɣus 3; Tv. odun- 2; Chuv. vъₙran- 2, vъₙrat- 3.
◊ EDT 47, 48, 62, VEWT 357, ЭСТЯ 1, 430-432.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾ùgV to flay, cut: Tung. *püg-; Mong. *(h)öɣe-le-; Turk. *eg-dü; Jpn.
*pà; Kor. *púi-, *pó.
PTung. *püg- to flay (свежевать): Evk. hiɣ-; Evn. hiɣ-; Neg. xiɣ-; Ul.
puju-; Ork. puji-; Nan. puji-; Orch. sī- (Khad.); Ud. sī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 322.
PMong. *(h)öɣe-le- to trim, hack (подрубать, обрубать, долбить,
соскребать): WMong. öɣele- (L 631); Kh. ȫle-; Bur. ȫle-; Kalm. ȫl-; Ord.
ȫlö-.
◊ KW 304.
PTurk. *eg-dü a curved knife (кривой нож): OTurk. egdü (OUygh.);
Karakh. egdü (MK); Tur. egdi (dial.); Turkm. egdi; Kirgh. ijdi; Chuv.
avdъ; Yak. iät.
◊ EDT 102, VEWT 37. The semantics must have been secondarily influenced by *eg‘to bend, curve’.
PJpn. *pà blade (лезвие): OJpn. pa; MJpn. fa; Tok. há; Kyo. h; Kag.
hà.
◊ JLTT 395.
PKor. *púi-, *pó 1 to reap, mow 2 plough (1 косить, жать 2 плуг):
MKor. púi- 1, pó 2; Mod. pī- (dial.); posɨp ‘plough, ploughshare’.
◊ Nam 259, 269, KED 792, 850.
‖ Poppe 11 compares the Mong. form with TM *pule- which is less
likely. Jpn. pà and MKor. pó reflect a contraction < *pugV-ga. An ex-
1160
*p῾[]ju - *p῾ukò
pressive root with not quite clear vocalic correspondences, rather difficult to distinguish from several similar: cf. *pok῾e, *p῾ge, *p῾ago.
-p῾[]ju a k. of tree: Tung. *pōj-, *pōj-ki- ( > *piā-kī-); Mong. *hoj; Turk.
*ɨ, *ɨ-(ń)gač; Jpn. *pí; Kor. *pə-.
PTung. *pōj-, *pōj-ki- ( > *piā-kī-) 1 birch 2 larch 3 swamp, low forest (1 береза 2 лиственница 3 болото, тундра): Evk. hōj, dial. hēj 3,
h-kī 2; Evn. hǟ-kịta 2; Neg. x-xi-ta, x-nakta 2; Man. a 1; Ul. p 1; Ork. p
1; Nan. pêa 1; Sol. oi 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 319-320, 330. Despite Poppe 1972, 99, *pōj is hardly borrowed < Mong.
PMong. *hoj 1 wood, forest 2 mountain (1 лес 2 гора): MMong. xoi
(HY 2, SH) 1; WMong. oi 1; Kh. oj 1; Bur. oj; Kalm. ȫ 1; Ord. öi 1; Dag. oi
(Тод. Даг. 159, MD 200) ( < lit.); Dong. xoj 1; Bao. xi 2; Mongr. f (SM
99), xoj (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 303, TMN 1, 541-542.
PTurk. *ɨ, *ɨ-(ń)gač tree (1 дерево 2 лес): OTurk. ɨɣač (Orkh.,
OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jɨɣač (MK) 1; Tur. aɣač 1; Gag. āč 1; Az. aɣač 1;
Turkm. aGač 1; Sal. aɣač, -š 1 (ССЯ); Khal. haɣač 1; MTurk. aɣaǯ (Pav. C.)
1; Uzb. jɔɣɔč 1; Uygh. jaɣač 1; Krm. aɣač, -c 1; Tat. aɣač 1; Bashk. aɣas 1;
Kirgh. ǯɨɣač 1; Kaz. aɣaš 1, 2; KBalk. aɣač 1, 2; KKalp. aɣaš 1; Kum. aɣač 1,
2; Nogh. aɣas 1, 2; SUygh. jiɣaš 1; Khak. aɣas 1, 2; Shr. aɣaš 1, 2; Oyr. aɣaš
1, 2; Tv. ɨjaš 1, 2; Tof. ńɛš 1; Chuv. jɨvъś 1; Yak. mas 1; Dolg. mas 1.
◊ VEWT 7, ЭСТЯ 1, 71-73, TMN 2, 73f, EDT 79-80, Егоров 83, Лексика 104, Stachowski 176. The form contains perhaps PT *ɨ ‘bush, tree’ as the first component (for OT ɨ
see EDT 1), cf. the OT combination ɨ ɨɣač; but the second element is yet unclear.
PJpn. *pí Japanese cypress (кипарисовик японский): OJpn. pji;
MJpn. fí; Tok. hìnoki, hínoki.
◊ JLTT 407.
PKor. *pə- birch (береза): Mod. pə-n-namu.
◊ SKE 199. Cf. also MKor. phí-nàmò, mod. phi-namu (Nam 465, KED 1772) ‘linden
tree’.
‖ SKE 199 (Turk.-Tung.-Kor.), Цинциус 1984, 37-38, АПиПЯЯ 284,
Дыбо 11, Лексика 104. A rather complicated case, because of contractions and compounds. For the second part of the PT compound cf. perhaps Mong. gesi-ɣü(n) ‘branch’. The old compound *p῾ūju-*gVša, beside
Turk. *ɨgač, may be reflected in OJ pàjàsi ‘forest’, ТМ *pā(j)k[š]a ‘wood’
(ТМС 2, 311)).
-p῾ukò a k. of rope, embroidery: Tung. *püKV-; Mong. *(h)ugulǯa;
Turk. *oka; Jpn. *puki.
PTung. *püKV- sealine, rope (of horse hair) (леска, бечевка (из
конского волоса)): Evn. hikъr; Ork. pūla; Nan. pōr; Orch. xū.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
*p῾ula - *p῾un[e]
1161
PMong. *(h)ugulǯa spiral embroidery (спиральная вышивка, орнамент): WMong. uɣulǯa, uɣalǯa (L 864); Kh. ugalʒ; Bur. ugalzatūl- ‘вышивать узоры’; Ord. ugₙälǯi, ugulǯi.
PTurk. *oka gimp (позумент): Tat. uqa; Bashk. uqa; Kirgh. oqo; Kaz.
oqa; KBalk. oqa; KKalp. oqa; Nogh. oqa.
◊ VEWT 460. A local Kypchak word.
PJpn. *puki lapel of lining (отворот подкладки): Tok. fuki.
‖ The Mong. form is homonymous with *ugulǯa ‘mountain deer’
and may be unrelated (“deer embroidery”?).
-p῾ula ash tree: Tung. *pula; Mong. *hulija-sun; Jpn. *pari.
PTung. *pula ash tree, asp tree, poplar (ясень, осина, тополь): Evk.
hula; Evn. hụl; Neg. xol; Man. fulχa; Jurch. fulto ‘каштан’ (121); Ul. pụlị;
Ork. pụlụ; Nan. polo; Orch. xulu; Ud. xulu; Sol. ụlụ.
◊ ТМС 2, 342-343. Evk. hula, hologdan > Dag. xolordan (Тод. Даг. 177).
PMong. *hulija-sun ash tree, poplar, aspen (ясень, тополь, осина):
WMong. ulijasu(n) (L 873); Kh. ulijas(an); Bur. uĺāha(n); Kalm. ulāsn;
Ord. ulāsu; Dag. olēs ( < lit.), xolordan mōd; Dong. xulasun.
◊ KW 448, MGCD 673.
PJpn. *pari black alder (японская ольха): OJpn. pari; Tok. han-no-ki.
◊ JLTT 399.
‖ EAS 55, KW 448, Цинциус 1984, 54, Rozycki 81. Despite Doerfer
MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. In Turkic cf. Bashk. jɨla
῾ash-tree’ - although attested only in Bashkir, a perfect semantic and
phonetic match for this root.
-p῾un[e] a small wild animal: Tung. *püń-; Mong. *hünegen; Turk.
*enük ( ~ *ünek).
PTung. *püń- 1 jerboa, flying squirrel, mole 2 weasel 3 hedgehog (1
пищуха 2 ласка 3 еж): Evk. hińekī 1; Neg. xińexī 2; Ul. puntulče 3; Nan.
punčilkē 3 ( > Neg. punčulkēn id.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 326.
PMong. *hünegen fox (лиса): MMong. xunegan (HY 10), h[o]nägǟn
(IM), hunägän (MA), hongen (LH); WMong. ünege(n) (L 1008); Kh.
üneg(en); Bur. ünege(n); Kalm. üngn ‘female of a wild animal or bird’;
Ord. ünege; Dag. xunug(u) (Тод. Даг. 180), hunehe (MD 166); Dong.
funieɣe; S.-Yugh. heneɣen, henegen; Mongr. funige, xunige (SM 108, 183),
funəgə.
◊ KW 458, MGCD 694.
PTurk. *enük ( ~ *ünek) young of a wild animal, puppy (детеныш
дикого животного, щенок): OTurk. enük (OUygh.); Karakh. enük
(MK); Tur. enik, enǯek; Gag. jenik; Az. änix (dial.); MTurk. enük (Pav. C.);
Uzb. enük (Chag.); Shr. ünegeš; Oyr. ünegeš; Tv. enik; Chuv. anǯъk; Yak.
ünüges; Dolg. ünüges.
1162
*p῾ŭŋi - *p῾ri
◊ EDT 183, VEWT 44, ЭСТЯ 1, 281-283, Егоров 29, Stachowski 251.
‖ A Western isogloss, with not quite secure correspondences: in TM
one would rather expect *pun-. Thus it is not excluded that the Evk.
and Evn. forms reflect a vowel metathesis < *puni-ki.
-p῾ŭŋi other: Tung. *puŋtu; Turk. *öŋi; Jpn. *pina.
PTung. *puŋte other, someone else’s (другой, чужой): Evk. huŋtu;
Evn. hȫntъ; Neg. xöŋtö; Orch. xonto, xoŋto; Ud. xoŋto; Sol. entū.
◊ ТМС 2, 349-350.
PTurk. *öŋi other (другой): OTurk. öŋi (OUygh.); Karakh. öŋi (MK);
Turkm. öŋŋe ‘the rest’; Krm. öŋge, oŋga; Tat. üŋgä (dial.); Kirgh. öŋgö;
Kaz. öŋge; KKalp. öŋge; Kum. oŋge (dial.); Nogh. öŋge.
◊ EDT 170-171, ЭСТЯ 1, 537-538, VEWT 372 ( > Kalm. öŋgn, KW 297).
PJpn. *pina province, barbarians (провинция, варвары): OJpn.
pjina; MJpn. fina; Tok. hina.
◊ JLTT 407.
‖ ТМС 2, 350.
-p῾ùŋi to twist, twirl: Tung. *puŋ-; Turk. *eŋir-; Jpn. *pìniàr-.
PTung. *puŋ- 1 to graze, brush against 2 to shake (1 задевать, зацеплять, трогать 2 шевелить, качать): Evk. huŋna- 1; Evn. huŋri- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 349.
PTurk. *eŋir- 1 to spin 2 to surround (1 крутить 2 окружать):
OTurk. eŋir- (OUygh.) 1; MTurk. eŋir- (Буд.) 2; Tv. r- 1.
◊ EDT 113, VEWT 37.
PJpn. *pìniàr- to twist, twirl (крутить, вертеть): MJpn. fìnèr-; Tok.
hinér-; Kyo. hínér-; Kag. hìnèr-.
◊ JLTT 689.
‖ Delabialization in PT (*öŋir- would be expected) must be explained by the influence of *egir- q.v.
-p῾ri to be afraid, angry: Tung. *purkē-; Mong. *hurin; Jpn. *pìrù-m-.
PTung. *purkē- 1 to be bored 2 to be angry (1 скучать, тосковать 2
сердиться): Evk. hurkē- 1; Evn. hörken- 1; Man. fuḱe-, fuče- 2; Orch. xokkosi-; Ud. xokoho (adv.).
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 353.
PMong. *hurin anger (гнев): WMong. urin (L 884); Kh. urin; Bur. uri
gari bološohon ‘to be in bad spirits’; Kalm. uŕn; Dong. xō; Bao. hor.
◊ KW 451.
PJpn. *pìrù-m- to retreat frightened, to run away (в страхе отступать перед ч.-л., бежать от ч.-л.): MJpn. fìrù-m-; Tok. hirúm-; Kyo.
hírúm-; Kag. hìrùm-.
◊ JLTT 690.
‖ Because of the loss of initial *p῾- in Turk. the root may interfere
with *ṑr(e)ke q.v.
*p῾úsa - *p῾ŭsi
1163
-p῾úsa to take off, scrape off: Tung. *pusi-; Mong. *hisuge; Jpn. *pásám-;
Kor. *pàs-.
PTung. *pusi- to shave, scrape off (состригать, соскабливать): Evk.
hus-; Evn. hụs-; Neg. xos-; Man. fusi-; Ul. pụsị-; Ork. pụsị-; Nan. posị-;
Orch. xusi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 355.
PMong. *hisuge tongs (щипцы): Dag. šisug, xisug (Тод. Даг. 184),
isū ‘tweezers’ (MD 174).
PJpn. *pásám- to shear (стричь, состригать): MJpn. fásám-; Tok.
hasám-; Kyo. hásám-; Kag. hàsàm-.
◊ This tone variant seems to have been originally different from *pàsàm- < *psa q.v.,
but modern dialects have merged the two forms completely.
PKor. *pàs- to strip off, take off (clothes); naked (сдирать, снимать
(одежду); голый): MKor. pàs-; Mod. pət- / pat- [-s-].
◊ Nam 249, KED 735, 771.
‖ In Kor. cf. also also psk-tì- ‘to perish, disappear’, pskắ- ‘to strip off
skin, peel’, modern pasjə-ǯida ‘crumble, go to pieces’; see SKE 192, 199,
EAS 101-102; Цинциус 1984, 56. The isolated Daghur form could be a
borrowing from Tungus (derivatives from this root can also mean ‘scissors’, ‘razor’, ‘tweezers’ - cf. Evk. husiwun, Evn. hụhoŋko, Orok pụsqqụ
etc.) - but the immediate source is unclear. On a possible Turkic reflex
see under *isV.
-p῾ŭsi to sprinkle: Tung. *pisu- / *pusu-; Mong. *hösür-; Turk. *üskür-;
Kor. *pòsòi- / *pusɨi-.
PTung. *pisu- / *pusu- to sprinkle (брызгать): Evk. husu-; Evn. hus-;
Neg. xusi-; Man. fisi-, fise-, fusu-; SMan. fusu- (1658); Ul. pisuri-; Ork.
pisitči-, possolị-; Nan. pisi-, fisi-, fuksu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 39, 42, 355.
PMong. *hösür- 1 to sprinkle 2 to pour (1 брызгать 2 лить):
WMong. ösür- 1 (L 1014: üsür-); Kh. üsre- 1; Kalm. ösr- 1; Dag. xesurə(Тод. Даг. 176: xesre-); Mongr. fiʒuru-, fuʒuru- (SM 103) 2.
◊ KW 301.
PTurk. *üskür- to cough, sprinkle (from mouth) (кашлять, брызгать (ртом)): Tur. öksür-; Gag. ǖsür-; Az. öskür-; Turkm. üsgür-; Khal.
êsür-; MTurk. öksür- (Houts., Pav. C.); Krm. öksür-, öksir-; Khak. üskür-;
Chuv. üzər-.
◊ VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 637-638.
PKor. *pòsòi- / *pusɨi- to wash, sprinkle (мыть, брызгать): MKor.
pòsòi- / pusoi-; Mod. pusi-.
◊ Nam 261, 265, KED 816.
1164
*p῾so - *p῾gè
‖ EAS 54, 149, KW 301, Poppe 11, 65, ОСНЯ 2, 102, Цинциус 1984,
50. Cf. also an expressive OJ form: bjisi-bjisi ‘sound of wiping one’s
nose’.
-p῾so carving, sign: Tung. *pǖsi-ke-; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *pǖsi-ke- 1 tablet for writing 2 tablet for cutting tobacco (1
дощечка для письма 2 доска для резки табака): Evn. hsq 2; Man.
fusixen 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 477, 2, 328.
PKor. *ps- to write (писать): MKor. psɨ-, ss-, s-; Mod. s:ɨ-.
◊ Liu 484, KED 1023.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-p῾ba to crawl, squat: Tung. *pebi-; Mong. *(h)oji-či-; Jpn. *pàp-.
PTung. *pebi- to squat (сидеть на корточках, поджав ноги): Evk.
hewič-, hewē-; Evn. hewdē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PMong. *(h)oji-či- to fall, tumble (падать, спотыкаться): WMong.
ojiči- (L 604); Kh. ojči-.
PJpn. *pàp- to crawl (ползти): OJpn. pap-; MJpn. fàf-; Tok. há-; Kyo.
há-; Kag. hà-.
◊ JLTT 686.
‖ In TM we must suppose *pebi- < *pobi- (with a frequent confusion
of e and o after labials).
-p῾ṑči ( ~ -e) spark; to extinguish: Tung. *pōsi-; Turk. *öč-.
PTung. *pōsi- 1 spark 2 glowing or extinguished coal 3 ray (1 искра
2 горящий или потухший уголек 3 луч): Evk. hōsin 1; Evn. hosn 1;
Neg. xosịnčā 2; Man. foson 3; Ul. posị 1; Ork. posị(n) 1; Nan. posị 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 334-335.
PTurk. *öč- to extinguish, go out (of fire) (гаснуть): OTurk. öč(OUygh.); Karakh. öč- (MK, KB); Tur. dial. öč-; Turkm. öč-; Khal. hič-;
MTurk. öč- (Sangl., Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ụč-; Uygh. öč-; Tat. üč-; Kirgh.
öč-; Kaz. öš-; KBalk. öčül-; KKalp. öš-; Khak. Sag., Koib. ös-; Shr. öč-; Oyr.
öč-; Tv. öš-; Yak. ös-.
◊ VEWT 368, EDT 19-20, ЭСТЯ 1, 559-560.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. *p῾učV (on a possible Mong. reflex see
under *ōt῾a).
-p῾gè to be proud, rejoice: Mong. *(h)öɣegsi-; Turk. *ög-; Jpn. *pkr-.
PMong. *öɣegsi- to develop a taste or liking for; to be importunate
(входить во вкус чего-л.; быть настойчивым): WMong. ögegsi(МXTTT); Kh. ȫgši-; Bur. ȫgšȫ- ‘to encourage’.
*p῾[ò]jamV - *p῾oje
1165
PTurk. *ög- 1 to praise 2 to rejoice (1 хвалить 2 радоваться): OTurk.
ög- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), ögir- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. ög- 1 (MK); Tur. öɣ-, öv1; Turkm. öw- 1; Krm. öv- 1; Tv. ȫrü- 2; Yak. üör- 2; Dolg. üör- 2.
◊ EDT 100, 113, VEWT 369, ЭСТЯ 1, 494-495, Stachowski 251.
PJpn. *pkr- to be proud (гордиться): OJpn. p(w)okor-; MJpn.
fókór-; Tok. hokór-; Kyo. hókór-; Kag. hokór-.
◊ JLTT 692. The tone in Tokyo is irregular (hòkor- would be expected).
‖ Cf. also Evk. heɣe- ‘to sing and dance’.
-p῾[ò]jamV snake: Tung. *püjmur; Mong. *jamu; Turk. *uman; Jpn.
*pàim(p)V; Kor. *pắjàm.
PTung. *püjmur dragon, monster (resembling a constrictor, crocodile or sheat-fish) (дракон, чудовище (напоминающее удава, крокодила или сома)): Neg. ximu; Ul. pujmu(l); Ork. pomoị; Nan. pujmur;
Orch. ximu, sīmu.
◊ ТМС 1, 466.
PMong. *jamu 1 worm (causing e. g. toothache) 2 farcy, glanders (1
червь (вызывающий, напр., зубную боль) 2 сап): WMong. jamu, (L
426) jama; Kh. jam 2; Kalm. jam 1; Ord. jamu, jama ‘chancre, cancer’;
S.-Yugh. jam 2.
◊ KW 214, MGCD 734.
PTurk. *uman worm (червь): Chuv. ъₙman.
◊ Isolated in Chuvash, but probably archaic.
PJpn. *pàim(p)V snake (змея): OJpn. pemji; MJpn. fèmí; Tok. hébi;
Kyo. hèbí; Kag. héT.
◊ JLTT 404.
PKor. *pắjàm snake (змея): MKor. pắjàm; Mod. pǟm.
◊ Nam 242, KED 756.
‖ Martin 251, АПиПЯЯ 91, 278. Due to contractions of the sequence
*-VjV-, the vowels are somewhat difficult to reconstruct.
-p῾oje ( ~ -u-,-o-, -i) pain, sore: Tung. *puje; Mong. *höɣe.
PTung. *puje wound, sore (рана, болячка): Evk. huje; Evn. huj;
Neg. xuje; Man. feje; SMan. fei (708); Ul. puje; Ork. puje; Nan. puje; Orch.
xije, sije; Ud. sie.
◊ ТМС 2, 338.
PMong. *höɣe 1 pus, abscess 2 to rot (1 гной, нарыв 2 гнить):
MMong. hu’ugai (SH) ‘es möge stinken, verdorben sein (ondegen)’,
hesün (or hoesun) 1 (LH); WMong. öɣe-ri 1 (L 632); Kh. ȫrs 1; Kalm. ȫŕ 1
(КРС); Dag. xū- 2; Dong. fu- 2; Bao. hu- 2; S.-Yugh. hǖ- 2; Mongr. fū- 2.
◊ MGCD 408.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 46. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
1166
*p῾ojme - *p῾okt῾o(-rV)
-p῾ojme ( ~ -o) trousers, stockings: Tung. *pe(j)m-; Mong. *hojimu-su;
Turk. *ojma; Jpn. *pəmuta.
PTung. *pe(j)m- boots (сапоги, унты): Evk. hemčurē; Neg. xemčira;
Man. foǯi, fomo(či); Jurch. fom-či (556); Ork. pmo-nị ‘top of boots’; Orch.
xebbire; Sol. xočoro.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 365-366. Cf. also Evk. hma ‘щетка под копытом оленя; меховая кайма’. Evk. > Dolg., Yak. ömčürä, Russ. Siber. amčur (pl.) (Аникин 86).
PMong. *hojimu-su stockings (чулки): MMong. kojimusun (HY 23)
(khuo- instead of xuo-), h[o]imāsun (IM), imasūn (LH); WMong.
ojimusu(n), ojimasu(n) (L 605); Kh. ojms(on); Bur. ojmho(n); Kalm. ȫmsn;
Ord. öimos(u).
◊ KW 304. Mong. > Evk. oimahun, oimusu (see Doerfer MT 130, Rozycki 78 - but not
Man. fomon!).
PTurk. *ojma 1 felt out of which boots are made 2 leather or skin
bag (1 войлок для сапог 2 кожаный мешок): Karakh. ojma (MK);
MTurk. ojma (Sangl.).
◊ EDT 273 (but derivation from Uj- ‘squeeze’, supported also by Clark 1977, 159, is
highly dubious because of external parallels).
PJpn. *pəmuta leather armlet (for bow-shooting) (кожаный нарукавник (для стрельбы из лука)): OJpn. pomuta.
‖ KW 304, Владимирцов 268, Poppe 11, 67, Цинциус 1984, 41-42.
Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is quite dubious, despite Щербак 1997,
161. The stem may be derived from *p῾ojV ‘to bind’ - reflected in PM
*huja- (HY 39 xuja-, WMong. uja-, Khalkha uja-, Mongor fujā-) id.
-p῾ójV a k. of fruit: Tung. *puju-; Kor. *pằi.
PTung. *puju- 1 plum 2 a k. of bush (1 слива 2 вид кустарника):
Neg. xujumke 2; Man. fojōro 1; Jurch. fojow (107) 1; Nan. puju 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 475-476, 2, 300.
PKor. *pằi pear (груша): MKor. pằi; Mod. pä.
◊ Nam 251, KED 743.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-p῾okt῾o(-rV) environs: Tung. *pokta; Mong. *hogtorgui; Turk. *otar;
Jpn. *pətəri ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *pàthàŋ.
PTung. *pokta road (дорога): Evk. xokto; Evn. hōt; Neg. xokto; Ul.
poqto; Ork. pokto; Nan. foqto; Orch. xokto; Ud. xokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 331. Evk. > Dolg. hoktokit (Stachowski 107).
PMong. *hogtorgui empty space, heaven (пустое пространство,
небо): MMong. xoxtorxu (HY 51), xoxtorqu ‘empty’, xoxtoru ‘throughout’ (SH); WMong. oɣturɣui, oɣtarɣui (L 602); Kh. ogtorgui ‘universe’;
Bur. ogtorgoj; Kalm. oktrɣū; Ord. uGturGₙī.
◊ KW 284.
*p῾ó[k]u - *p῾òk῾à
1167
PTurk. *otar 1 pasture 2 far environs 3 (summer) camp, dwelling
place, village 4 herd (1 пастбище 2 дальние страны 3 хутор, деревня
4 отара, стадо баранов): Turkm. otar 1; Uzb. ọtɔr 4; Krm. otar 1; Tat.
utar 3; Bashk. utar 3; Kirgh. otor 1, 2; Kaz. otar 1; KKalp. otar 1; Kum. otar
3; Nogh. otar 1; Oyr. odor 1; Tv. odar 1; Yak. otor 3.
◊ VEWT 367, ЭСТЯ 1, 487-488. Usually derived from *ot ‘grass’ but the morphological pattern is unclear; the word might well be archaic despite lack of ancient attestation.
Cf. also Balkan words like Hung. határ etc., most probably of Turkic origin. Turk. >
WMong. otar, Kalm. otr (KW 291).
PJpn. *pətəri ( ~ -ua-) environs (окрестности): OJpn. p(w)ot(w)ori;
MJpn. fòtóri; Tok. hotorí / hòtori; Kyo. hótórí; Kag. hotorí.
◊ JLTT 416. Accent is not quite clear: most forms point to a low tone on the first syllable (except the Kyoto form which is quite irregular).
PKor. *pàthàŋ 1 place 2 background, ground, texture (1 место 2
фон, основа): MKor. pàthàŋ 1; Mod. pathaŋ 2.
◊ Nam 239, KED 710.
‖ Kor. pathaŋ is probably < *păthaŋ through assimilation.
-p῾ó[k]u to swell: Tung. *puk- / *pok-; Turk. *okra; Jpn. *púkúrà-; Kor.
*pak- ( ~ -ă-).
PTung. *puk- / *pok- 1 to swell, swollen 2 bubble, blister 3 cracks in
skin 4 rough (of skin) (1 пухнуть, вспухший 2 пузырь, волдырь 3 трещины (на коже) 4 грубый, загрубевший (о коже)): Evk. hokoripču 4;
Man. fuqa 2; Ul. pukte- 1, poqo 2; Ork. puɣju 1, puqa 2; Nan. pukče- 1, poqa
2, fo-rini (Bik.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 42-43, 331, 335.
PTurk. *okra 1 pimple, pustule 2 disease of cattle (1 прыщ 2 болезнь скота): MTurk. oqra (Буд.) 1; Tat. uqra 2; Bashk. uqra ‘овод
бычачий’; Kaz. oqra 1.
◊ VEWT 360.
PJpn. *púkúrà- to swell (пухнуть): OJpn. pukura-; MJpn. fúkúrà-;
Tok. fùkure-; Kyo. fúkúré-; Kag. fukuré-.
◊ JLTT 694.
PKor. *pak- ( ~ -ă-) boiling, bubbling (пузырящийся, кипящий):
Mod. pagɨl- / pəgɨl- / pogɨl-.
◊ KED 703.
‖ Дыбо 14. An expressive and not quite regular root: in Turkic and
Korean we probably have to presuppose an assimilative variant *p῾ók῾u,
whereas the TM form points rather to *p῾óku. See also notes to *bgà.
-p῾òk῾à ( ~ -u-, -k-) a k. of clothing: Tung. *pokta; Turk. *uk; Jpn.
*pàkàmà.
PTung. *pokta cloth, gown (ткань, халат): Evk. hokto; Neg. xokto;
Man. foqto; Ul. poqto; Ork. χoqto, poqto; Nan. poqto; Orch. pokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 331. Cf. also Man. fakuri ‘trousers’ ( > Dag. xakur, Тод. Даг. 173).
1168
*p῾ok῾e - *p῾ŏk῾i
PTurk. *uk felt stocking (войлочный чулок): Karakh. uɣuq (MK);
MTurk. uq (Pav. C.); Khak. ux; Oyr. uq; Tv. uq.
◊ EDT 83, ЭСТЯ 1, 581, Лексика 481. The form in MK is probably = *uk-ug (derived
from the simple *uk reflected elsewhere). The root should be distinguished from *ujuk (v.
sub *ujV(k῾V)).
PJpn. *pàkàmà trousers (штаны, мужская юбка): OJpn. pakama;
MJpn. fàkàmà; Tok. hakamá; Kyo. hákàmà; Kag. hakamá.
◊ JLTT 396.
‖ A common Altaic term, denoting probably some sort of trousers
or stockings.
-p῾ok῾e to fall, lie: Tung. *pukelē-; Mong. *(h)öke-; Turk. *ök-.
PTung. *pukelē- 1 lie 2 roll down 3 fall (1 лежать 2 катиться 3 падать): Evk. huklē- 1, hukēl- 2; Evn. huklē- 1, hukъl- 2; Neg. xuɣle- 1; Man.
fuxese- 2; Ul. pulu- 2, 3; Nan. fukulgi- (dial.) 1, puelin- 2; Orch. xukeli- 3;
Sol. ugĺa- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 340, 342.
PMong. *(h)öke- to bow forwards (нагибаться вперед): WMong.
öke-ji-; Kalm. ök-.
◊ KW 293.
PTurk. *ök- to fall down, bow down (падать, склоняться): Oyr.
üküs- ‘to nod, fall asleep sitting’; Chuv. ük-; Yak. ököj- ‘to bow (forwards)’; Dolg. ököj- ‘to bow (forwards)’.
◊ Stachowski 199.
‖ KW 294, Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss. Very scantily represented
in Turkic and Mongolian, thus rather dubious.
-p῾ŏk῾i ( ~ -k-, -e) to trample, kick: Tung. *peK- / *poK-; Turk. *ökče.
PTung. *peK- / *poK- 1 to trample, tread 2 to kick (1 топтать(ся) 2
пинать (ногами)): Evk. hek- 1, hokči-, hekī-, hekči- 2; Evn. hek- 1, hēki- 2;
Neg. xeɣi-, xek- 1, xekilē- 2; Man. fexu- 1, ōqočo-, ōqoǯo- 2; SMan. fuxu(1610); Orch. xeki- 1; Ud. xeŋde- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 331-332, 361-362.
PTurk. *ökče heel (пятка, каблук): Tur. ökče; Gag. jökčä; Turkm.
ökǯe; MTurk. ökče (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọkčä; Uygh. ökčä; Krm. ökče; Tat. ükčä;
Bashk. üksä; Kirgh. ökčö; Kaz. ökše; KKalp. ökše; Nogh. ökše; Tv. ēǯek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 520-521.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 520-521, Лексика 289. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *p῾uske.
-p῾ŏk῾i (-ŕV) ( ~-e) ox, cow: Tung. *puKur / *puKun; Mong. *hüker;
Turk. *öküŕ.
PTung. *puKur / *puKun cow (корова): Evk. hukur; Evn. höken,
hökön; Sol. uxur ‘ox’ (possibly < Mong.).
◊ ТМС 2, 341.
*p῾ṓle - *p῾ṓle
1169
PMong. *hüker ox (бык): MMong. xuker (SH), xuger (HY 10), ukär
(MA); WMong. üker (L 1003); Kh. üxer; Bur. üxer; Kalm. ükr ‘cow’
(КРС); Ord. üker; Mog. ükär (Weiers), ZM okär (20-4); Dag. xukur (Тод.
Даг. 179), hukure (MD 166); Dong. fugie(r); Mongr. fugor (SM 104), xukur
(Minghe).
PTurk. *öküŕ ox (бык, вол): OTurk. öküz (OUygh.); Karakh. öküz
(MK); Tur. öküz; Gag. jöküz; Az. öküz; Turkm. ökiz, öküz; MTurk. öküz
(Pav. C.); Uzb. họkiz; Uygh. öküz, höküz; Krm. oküz, ögüz; Tat. ugĭz;
Bashk. ugĭδ; Kirgh. ögüz; Kaz. ögĭz; KBalk. ögüz; KKalp. ögiz; Kum. ögüz;
Nogh. ögiz; SUygh. kus; Chuv. vъₙgъₙr; Yak. oɣus; Dolg. ogus.
◊ EDT 120, VEWT 370, ЭСТЯ 1, 521-523, Лексика 439, Stachowski 190. Clauson 1959
derives the form from Tokh. B okso (corrected to Tokh. A in EDT); justly refuted by Doerfer TMN 1, 539 because of original *p-. Turk. (Bulg.) > Hung. ökör, see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 23.
‖ Владимирцов 322, Poppe 12, 56, ОСНЯ 3, 126-128, Цинциус
1984, 46. Щербак 1997, 131, TMN 1, 539. A Western isogloss. Doerfer
MT 67 (following Sinor 1962, Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99) would wish
Mong. to be borrowed < Turk. and TM < Mong.; phonology, however,
speaks plainly against it.
-p῾ṓle wet, succulent; grass, plant: Tung. *pul-; Turk. *ȫl; Kor. *prh-.
PTung. *pul- 1 to grow, blossom 2 shoot, offspring 3 horse-tail (bot.)
4 panicle 5 wild grape (1 произрастать, пускать ростки 2 побег, росток 3 хвощ 4 метелка 5 дикий виноград): Evn. hul 3; Man. fulxu- 1,
fulxun 2; Nan. polaŋqa 4; Orch. xolomụktA 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 302, 342, Он. 334, Аврорин-Лебедева 246.
PTurk. *ȫl 1 moist, wet 2 marsh (1 влажный 2 болото): OTurk. öl
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öl (MK, KB) 1; Tur. öl 1, Osm. öl ‘pool’;
Turkm. ȫl, dial. hȫl 1; Khal. hl, hl; MTurk. öl (Pav. C.) 2, (Sangl.) 1;
Uzb. hụl 1; Uygh. höl ‘damp, moist’; Kirgh. öl 1; KKalp. höl 1; Khak. öl 1;
Shr. ǖl 1; Oyr. ül 1; Tv. öl 1; Chuv. vilə 1; Yak. üöl 1.
◊ VEWT 371, Егоров 54, ЭСТЯ 1, 524-525, TMN 2, 161-2. The common Turk. derivative *öleŋ (ЭСТЯ 1, 527-528, Лексика 119) means ‘rich grass’ (hence Chuv. valem; >
MMong. olaŋ, oleŋ (SH), WMong. ölüŋ, Kalm. ölŋ, see KW 295, TMN 2, 161, Щербак 1997,
165, 197).
PKor. *prh- 1 green 2 grass (1 зеленый 2 трава): MKor. phr- 1, phr
2; Mod. phurɨ- 1, phul 2.
◊ Nam 464, 465, KED 1761, 1763. Rising tone in phr is probably secondary (due to
contraction < *prVh).
‖ EAS 56, SKE 215, Poppe 110, KW 295, VEWT 371, Цинциус 1984,
47-48. АПиПЯЯ 296. Cf. also Old Koguryo *pä(l)lŏk- ‘green’, see Miller
1979, 9. The etymology seems quite satisfactory, despite Doerfer’s
(TMN 2, 161-162) critical attempts (“semantisch nicht ganz befriedigende Vergleich”).
1170
*p῾oĺńe - *p῾mu
-p῾oĺńe ashes; grey: Tung. *pulńe-; Mong. *hüne-sü; Turk. *oń ( ~ -j).
PTung. *pulńe- ashes (зола): Evk. huleptēn; Evn. hultēn; Neg. xulēptēn; Man. fuleŋgi; SMan. filiŋi (493); Jurch. fule-ŋi (65); Ul. puneqte; Ork.
punekte; Nan. puńektẽ, (dial.) xulefte; Orch. xulepte; Ud. xulepte(n); Sol.
ulukt.
◊ ТМС 2, 347.
PMong. *hüne-sü ashes (пепел): MMong. xunesu (SH), honǟsun
(IM), hunäsun (MA); WMong. ünesü(n) (L 1009); Kh. üns(en); Bur.
ünehe(n); Kalm. ümsn; Ord. ünisü, ünes; Mog. ɛnasun, unasun (Weiers),
ZM unäsun (18-1b); Dag. xunse (Тод. Даг. 179), hunse (MD 166), xuns;
Dong. funiesun; Bao. homsoŋ; S.-Yugh. henesən, nesən; Mongr. funēʒə (SM
107), (MGCD funēsə).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 695.
PTurk. *oń ( ~ -j) grey, dun, ash-coloured (of a horse) (серовато-коричневый): Karakh. oj (MK); MTurk. Kypch. oj (Houts.); Khak. oj; Tv.
oj.
◊ EDT 266, VEWT 358.
‖ Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 60. АПиПЯЯ 37, 289, Rozycki 81. A
Western isogloss.
-p῾òme breast, part of breast: Tung. *pum-te; Mong. *(h)ün-Külčig; Turk.
*ömül-dürük; Kor. *púmh.
PTung. *pum-te part of body around the heart (околосердечная
сумка): Evk. humte.
◊ ТМС 2, 347. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)ün-Külčig part of body around the heart, pericardium
(часть тела вокруг сердца): WMong. öŋgülčei, üŋgülčig, (L 1010)
üŋgülčeg; Kh. ünxelceg; Kalm. üŋglcəg; Ord. üŋgelčik.
◊ KW 459.
PTurk. *ömül-dürük breastplate (нагрудник): Uzb. ọmildiriq; Uygh.
ömüldürük; Bashk. ümelderek; Kirgh. ömüldürük; Kaz. ömildirik.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 530, Лексика 553.
PKor. *púmh 1 breast, bosom 2 to carry in one’s bosom (1 грудь, пазуха 2 нести за пазухой): MKor. phum 1, phúm-, phɨm- 2; Mod. phum 1,
phum- 2.
◊ Liu 726, 728, KED 1766.
‖ SKE 216, EAS 56.
-p῾mu to walk (in a substance): Tung. *pom-; Mong. *homba-; Turk.
*omač-; Jpn. *púm-.
PTung. *pom- 1 to leave a fresh trace 2 to crawl near 3 to wander 4
scoop (1 оставить свежий след 2 подкрадываться 3 бродить 4 черпак): Evk. homolon- 2; Evn. hōm- 1, homịn- 3, homqa 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 332.
*p῾ońa - *p῾ṑńŋa
1171
PMong. *humba- to walk submerging into water (snow, grass); to
swim, bathe (ходить в воде (снегу, траве); плавать, купаться):
MMong. unba- ‘to swim’ (MA); WMong. umba-, ombu- (L 874); Kh.
umba-; Bur. umba-; Mog. umbɔm ‘sich waschend’ (Weiers); Dag. xompā-,
(Тод. Даг. 171), unpā- (MD 233), umpa-, xumpa-; Dong. unba-, umba-;
Bao. mba-; S.-Yugh. umba-, mbā-; Mongr. xumbā- (SM 182).
◊ MGCD 673.
PTurk. *omač- 1 to dive 2 scoop (1 погружаться 2 черпак): Khak.
omač 2; Shr. omaš 2; Tv. omāš 2; Yak. umus- 1.
◊ VEWT 361, 514.
PJpn. *púm- to tread, trample (ступать, топтать): OJpn. pum-;
MJpn. fúm-; Tok. fùm-; Kyo. fúm-; Kag. fúm-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ The common meaning may be postulated as ‘to move with some
difficulty, through some substance (water, grass, snow etc.)’.
-p῾ońa ( ~ -e-) wrinkle, to wrinkle: Tung. *pońi- / *peńi-; Mong. *hani-.
PTung. *pońi- / *peńi- wrinkle, to wrinkle (морщина, морщиться):
Evk. hońi-, huńi-; Ork. peni-; Ud. xeŋiem; Sol. xońēs.
◊ ТМС 2, 332.
PMong. *hani- 1 to close eyes 2 eyelids (1 закрывать глаза 2 веки):
MMong. xanisqa (HY 45), hanisqa (MA) 2, hanasqa ‘eyebrows’ (Lig.VMI);
WMong. ani- 1, anisqa 2; Kh. ani- 1, anisga 2; Bur. ani- 1; Kalm. ani- 1;
Ord. ani- 1; Dong. xani- 1; Bao. hani- (MGCD 113); Mongr. (x)ana- (SM
8), xani- (SM 156), xanə- (MGCD 113), xanasGa (SM 155).
◊ KW 11.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾ṑńŋa to crush, break, tear off: Tung. *pōnŋa- / *pēnŋa-; Turk. *oŋur-,
*oŋ-; Jpn. *pànà-; Kor. *pằńằ-.
PTung. *pōnŋa- / *pēnŋa- 1 to crush, crushed 2 to chop (1 расколоть, разбить 2 рубить): Evk. hōŋna-, hōŋnī-, hoŋ- 2; Evn. hōn-, ōnŋa- 2;
Neg. xoŋnị- 2; Ul. peŋ 1; Ork. peŋ, pem 1; Nan. peŋ, pēŋ (adv.) 1; Orch.
xōŋi- 2; Ud. xuaŋni- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 47, 329.
PTurk. *oŋur-, *oŋ- to crush, break off (ломать, отламывать):
Karakh. oɣur- (MK); Turkm. oŋur-, omur-; Tat. umɨr-; Bashk. umɨr-;
Kirgh. omur-; Kaz. omɨr-; KKalp. omɨr-; Nogh. omɨr-; Khak. or-; Tv. ōr-;
Yak. oŋ- ‘to pick out’; Dolg. oŋ- ‘to pick out’.
◊ EDT 91, ЭСТЯ 1, 461; Stachowski 194. Derived is PT *oŋur-tka ‘spine, backbone’
(see ЭСТЯ 1, 463-464).
PJpn. *pànà- to chop off (отрубать): OJpn. pana-; MJpn. fànà-; Tok.
hané-; Kyo. háné-; Kag. hané-.
◊ JLTT 684. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
1172
*p῾ŏŋe - *p῾re
PKor. *pằńằ- to crush, break (ломать, разламывать): MKor. pằńằ-;
Mod. pasu-.
◊ Nam 242.
‖ One of the common Altaic “Verba des Schlagens”. Korean has a
usual low verbal tone.
-p῾ŏŋe ( ~ -i) mildew, slime: Tung. *puŋ-; Mong. *(h)öŋgür; Turk. *öŋeŕ.
PTung. *puŋ- mildew (плесень): Evk. huŋna; Neg. xoŋnan-; Man.
funtan; SMan. fəntan (440); Ul. pụŋda; Ork. pụŋda; Nan. poŋdã; Orch.
xuŋna.
◊ ТМС 2, 349.
PMong. *(h)öŋgür scurf, slime (налет, слизь): WMong. öŋgür, öŋger
(L 638); Kh. öŋgör; Bur. üŋger; Kalm. öŋgr ‘gall, gastric juice’; Ord. öŋgör.
◊ KW 297. Mong. > Kirgh., Oyr. öŋör, Yak. öŋür (VEWT 373, Rona-Tas 1970, 216).
PTurk. *öŋeŕ 1 slime (on dishes) 2 mildew (1 налет, слизь (на стенках посуды) 2 плесень): Bashk. üŋäδ 2; Kaz. öŋez 1; Yak. öŋüs 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 538.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾re fire; to burn: Tung. *puri- / *piri-; Mong. *(h)örde-; Turk. *ört; Jpn.
*p-i; Kor. *pr.
PTung. *puri- / *piri- to dry (over fire) (сушить (над огнем)): Evk.
hiriw-, huri-; Neg. xī-wun ‘woven basket for drying fish or meat over
fire’; Man. ariŋǵa-; Orch. xi ‘shelf over fire for drying fish’.
◊ ТМС 2, 327.
PMong. *(h)örde- to burn, flame up (пылать): WMong. örde-; Kh.
ördö-; Kalm. ördə-; Ord. ördö-.
◊ KW 298.
PTurk. *ört 1 flame 2 to burn (tr.) 3 steppe fire 4 to get burnt (1 пламя 2 жечь 3 степной пожар 4 обгорать): OTurk. ört 1, 3 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. ört 1, 3 (MK); Turkm. örte- 4; MTurk. ört 1, 3 (Pav. C.);
Tat. ürt 1; Kirgh. ört 1; Khak. ört 3, örte- 2; Tv. örtet- 2; Tof. ö’rt 3; Chuv.
virt 3; Yak. ört 3.
◊ VEWT 375, EDT 201, 208-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 550-551, Лексика 357-358.
PJpn. *p-i fire (огонь): OJpn. pi; MJpn. fì; Tok. hí; Kyo. hìi.
◊ JLTT 405.
PKor. *pr fire (огонь): MKor. pr; Mod. pul.
◊ Nam 273, KED 832.
‖ EAS 54, 147, KW 300, Martin 232, Menges 1984, 286 -287, АПиПЯЯ
73, 93-94, 98, 275, Лексика 358. Mong. örde- may be < Turk.; but cf. also
Khalkha ürevse- ‘to flame up’. Jpn. *p- presupposes a suffixed form
*p῾r(e)-gV.
*p῾ṓre - *p῾ore
1173
-p῾ṓre top: Tung. *pora-n; Mong. *horaj, *horgil; Turk. *ȫr-; Jpn. *pərə.
PTung. *pora-n 1 top (of head), top 2 tuft, forelock (1 макушка, вершина 2 вихор): Evk. xoron 1; Neg. xojo(n) 1; Man. foron 2; SMan. forən,
forun (2068); Ul. poro(n) 1; Ork. poro(n) 1; Nan. porõ 1; Orch. xō(n) ‘space
above’; Ud. xō(n) ‘above’ (postp.); Sol. or ‘mountain pass’.
◊ ТМС 2, 334.
PMong. *horaj, *horgil top, top of head (вершина, макушка):
MMong. xorai (SH), xorgil (SH), hurai (MA); WMong. orai (L 621: orui),
orgil (L 618); Kh. oroj, orgil; Bur. oroj; Kalm. orā; Ord. orȫ; Mog. ZM orei
(1-8a); Dag. oŕē (MD 203), xor; Bao. xoro.
◊ KW 287-288, MGCD 531. Mong. > Kirgh., Kaz. oraj etc. (VEWT 364, ЭСТЯ 1, 473).
PTurk. *ȫr- 1 to rise 2 up, above (1 подниматься 2 верх, наверху):
OTurk. ör- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ör- 1 (MK); Tur. ör 2, (dial.) ör- 1;
Turkm. ȫr-; Khal. här-äk- 1; MTurk. ör 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọr 2; Uygh. ör 2;
Tat. ür 2, ür- 1; Bashk. ür 2, ür- 1; Kirgh. ör 2; Kaz. ör 2, ör- 1; KBalk. ör 2;
KKalp. ör 2; Kum. ör 2; Nogh. ör 2; SUygh. ür 2; Yak. ürüt ‘upper part’;
Dolg. örüt, öttü ‘side’, örüte ‘above’.
◊ EDT 195, VEWT 373, ЭСТЯ 1, 542-544, Stachowsi 200, 253. Cf. also OT örgin
‘throne’ (EDT 225), Chag. örük ‘tent’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 546) - which should be kept distinct from
the later borrowed (from Mong., see under *ōŕi) örge ‘tent’, see Clark 1977, 142.
PJpn. *pərə top of carriage (верх (экипажа)): Tok. hóro; Kyo. hórò;
Kag. hórò.
◊ The Jpn. form can be compared with other Altaic forms if it is historically distinct
from *pərə ‘cloak on armour’ ( < PA *p῾ole q.v.). Accentologically both words are identical
and equally irregular.
‖ Cf. also WMong. orbaji- ‘in die Höhe stehen, emporragen’, MTurk.
orpat-, örpet- id. (KW 290). Despite Doerfer MT 39, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Cf. *ṓŕi.
-p῾ore ( ~ --, -ŕ-) feather, wing: Tung. *purakī; Mong. *(h)örbelge; Jpn.
*pərə.
PTung. *purakī 1 wing 2 wing bone 3 feather arista (1 крыло 2
кость крыла 3 ость (пера)): Evk. hurakī 1, 2, 3; Evn. hụrịqị 2; Neg. xọjax
2.
◊ ТМС 2, 352.
PMong. *(h)örbelge feather (перо): WMong. örbelge, örbülge (L 640);
Kh. örvölgö; Kalm. örwlgə, örwələg; Ord. örwölgö.
◊ KW 301.
PJpn. *pərə falcon’s wings; underwing feathers of a bird (крылья
сокола; перья под крыльями): MJpn. foro, foro-fa.
◊ JLTT 415.
‖ The root is not very widely attested, but seems quite reliable.
1174
*p῾ṑrV - *p῾ṓt῾è
-p῾ṑrV trace: Tung. *pōr-da-; Mong. *horum /-im; Turk. *oruk; Kor.
*pórám.
PTung. *pōr-da- to make an imprinted drawing on birch bark (делать тисненый рисунок на бересте): Evk. hōrda-.
◊ ТМС 2, 333. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *horum /-im trace (след): MMong. xorim, xorum (SH) ‘path’;
WMong. oru, orum (L 620, 623); Kh. or, orom; Bur. orom; Kalm. orm; Ord.
orom; Mog. oram (Ramstedt 1906) ‘Platz’.
◊ KW 289. Mong. > Kaz. oram etc. (VEWT 364).
PTurk. *oruk 1 road 2 path (1 дорога 2 тропа): OTurk. oruq 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oruq 1 (MK, Tefs.); Khak. orɣax 2; Tv. oruq 1;
Tof. oruq 1; Yak. orox 2; Dolg. orok 2.
◊ EDT 215, Stachowski 196. Räsänen (VEWT 364; similarly in Лексика 531-532,
ЭСТЯ 4, 218) derives this word from *or- ‘to dig’, which is rather dubious semantically.
PKor. *pórám sign (знак): MKor. pórám; Mod. poram.
◊ Liu 386, KED 789.
‖ SKE 206, Лексика 532, ТМС 2, 333.
-p῾t῾è to burn, singe: Tung. *put-; Mong. *hutuɣa; Turk. *üt-; Kor.
*pth-, *pt-, *ptí-.
PTung. *put- to roast, grill (жарить, обжигать, опаливать): Man.
fuči-ala-; SMan. fičialə- ‘to singe’ (379).
◊ ТМС 2, 304. In Manchu cf. also fotor ‘curling (of smoke)’, foto ‘stink, stench’. Cf. also
Evk. (Kamn.) petere- ‘to smoke, fume’ - because of p-, probably a loan from some
South.-Tung. language.
PMong. *hutuɣa 1 smoke 2 to smoke, fumigate (1 дым 2 дымить):
WMong. utuɣa(n), utaɣa(n) (L 889); Kh. utā(n) 1, uta- 2; Bur. utā(n);
Kalm. utān; Ord. utā; Dag. xutā 1 (Тод. Даг. 180), xoto- 2; Dong. fudu- 2;
S.-Yugh. hdā, χdā 1, χdu- 2.
◊ KW 452, MGCD 676, 682, 683.
PTurk. *üt- to singe (палить, опаливать): Karakh. üt- (MK); Tur. üt(dial.); Az. üt-; Turkm. üt-; MTurk. üt- (IM); Tat. t-; Bashk. t-; Kaz.
üjt-; KKalp. üjt-; Chuv. vət-; Yak. üt-.
◊ EDT 40, VEWT 524, ЭСТЯ 1, 640, TMN 2, 9-10.
PKor. *pth-, *pt-, *ptí- 1 to burn, catch fire 2 to cauterize 3 to boil,
steam (1 гореть, загораться 2 прижигать 3 варить, тушить): MKor.
pth- 1, pt- 2, ptí- 3; Mod. put(h)- 1, t:ɨ- 2, č:i- 3.
◊ Nam 173, 180, 275, KED 523, 846, 1528.
‖ SKE 265 (criticized with no reason at all in TMN 2, 10: “unannehmbar”).
-p῾ṓt῾è hole: Tung. *putē; Mong. *hütü-; Turk. *ǖt; Jpn. *pətə; Kor. *pot.
PTung. *putē 1 hole 2 to break through 3 nostril (1 дыра 2 пробивать 3 ноздря): Man. feteri 3; Ork. putē 1, putē- 2; Nan. putē- 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 305.
*p῾ùb(a)gV - *p῾ubá-ktV
1175
PMong. *hütü- vulva (vulva): MMong. [o]tkeon (IM), hutukun (MA),
hotugūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. ütügü(ü) (L 1014); Kh. ütrē; Kalm. ütgn;
Ord. ütügü; Mog. utkun (Weiers); ZM odkun (3-5a), KT idkun (Lig.VMI
35); Mongr. sdogu (SM 337).
◊ KW 460.
PTurk. *ǖt hole (дыра): OTurk. üt (OUygh.); Karakh. üt (MK); Khal.
ht; Kirgh. üt; Khak. üt; Oyr. üt; Tv. üt; Yak. ǖt; Dolg. ǖt.
◊ EDT 36, VEWT 524, ЭСТЯ 1, 639-640, Stachowski 255.
PJpn. *pətə vulva (vulva): OJpn. p(w)oto.
◊ JLTT 415.
PKor. *pot- vulva (vulva): Mod. pōǯi, dial. podäŋi.
◊ KED 794.
‖ KW 460, Poppe 112, Poppe 1950, Lee 1958, 109, Ozawa 140 -141,
Цинциус 1984, 66.
-p῾ùb(a)gV broom, stick: Tung. *pebgure (/*pu-); Turk. *ubɨg; Jpn.
*pàpákí; Kor. *púi.
PTung. *pebgure (/*pu-) ski stick, circle on ski stick (лыжная палка, кружок на лыжной палке): Evk. hewgurē; Neg. xebguje; Ul.
pegbere(n); Ork. pebgire; Nan. fubguru (Bik.); Orch. xebbiru ‘hook on
walking stick’.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PTurk. *ubɨg sticks supporting the upper rim of a yurt (жерди,
поддерживающие верхний край юрты): OTurk. uɣ (MK); ujuɣluɣ ( =
uvuɣluɣ) ‘tent pole’ (MK); Tur. huɣ ‘hut’; Turkm. ūq; MTurk. uɣ (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ūɣ (dial.); Alt. ū ‘das Stangenrippe der Jurte, über welches die
Filzdecken ausgebreitet werden’ (R - Teleut); Shr. uɣ, ū ‘house, yurt’
(R); Uygh. oq (dial.); Kirgh. ūq; Kaz. ŭwɨq; KKalp. uwɨq.
◊ EDT 76, 271, VEWT 510, TMN 2, 150-151, ЭСТЯ 1, 583, Лексика 517-518.
PJpn. *pàpákí broom (метла): OJpn. papakji; MJpn. fàfákí; Tok. hṑki,
hṓki; Kyo. hōkì; Kag. hōkí.
◊ JLTT 414. Dialects show some tonal variation, but all point to a low tone in the first
syllable.
PKor. *púi broom (метла): MKor. púi; Mod. pi.
◊ Nam 269, KED 848.
‖ Vocalic reconstruction is not quite certain in a trisyllabic stem. TM
*pebgure probably < *pobgure (due to frequent variation of *o and *e
close to labials).
-p῾ubá-ktV sack, bellows: Tung. *putakān; Mong. *huwta; Jpn.
*pampuki.
PTung. *putakān sack, bag (мешок, сумка): Evk. hutakān; Evn.
hụtqan; Neg. xotakān; Man. fintaχa; Ul. pụta(n); Ork. pụta; Nan. pōtačã;
Orch. xuta(ka); Ud. xuta῾a (Корм. 307); Sol. ụtxã.
1176
*p῾uču - *p῾ùčV
◊ ТМС 2, 356. Evk. > Dolg. utaka, hutaka (see Stachowski 247).
PMong. *huwta sack (мешок): MMong. xuxuta (HY 20, SH), hutana
(IM), ută (MA); WMong. uɣuta, uuta (L 865); Kh. ūt; Bur. ūta; Kalm. ūtə;
Ord. ūta; Dong. fuda; Bao. fda, fuda; S.-Yugh. ūta ( < lit.); Mongr. fūda
(SM 101).
◊ MGCD 395, 665.
PJpn. *pampuki bellows (мехи): OJpn. pabuk(j)i.
‖ Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 52. Despite Doerfer MT 47, Rozycki
76-77, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.; but to be related, it has to
go back to an earlier form like *pubta-kān.
-p῾uču wart, pimple, excrescence: Tung. *pusi(-kV); Turk. *uč-; Jpn.
*pùsù-mpái; Kor. *pčm.
PTung. *pusi(-kV) 1 excrescence (on a tree) 2 to swell (1 нарост (на
дереве) 2 вздуваться, вспухать): Evn. hȫskъn- 2; Man. fuqsuxu, fusku,
fusxu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 335.
PTurk. *uč- 1 rash, inflammation, pustules on lips (during cold, fever) 2 catarrh, cold, fever 3 to appear (of rash), catch cold (1 сыпь, воспаление, прыщи на губах (во время простуды, лихорадки) 2 простуда, лихорадка 3 появляться (о прыщах, сыпи), простужаться):
Karakh. učɣuq (MK) 2; Tur. učuk 1; Gag. učuq 1; Az. učuG 1; Turkm.
učuq 1; MTurk. učuq (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.) 1, 2; Uzb. učuq 1, učun- 3;
Uygh. učuq 1; Krm. učun- ‘to become epileptic’; Bashk. ŭsŭn- 3; Kirgh.
učuq 1; Kaz. ŭšɨq 1, ŭšɨn- 3; KKalp. ušɨq 1, ušɨn- 3; Nogh. ušɨq 1, ušɨn- 3.
◊ EDT 22, 23, ЭСТЯ 1, 616, TMN 2, 139. Turk. > Kalm. učəg ‘простуда’, see TMN
ibid.
PJpn. *pùsù-mpái wart, excrescence (бородавка, нарост): OJpn.
pusube; MJpn. fùsùbé.
◊ JLTT 419.
PKor. *pčm scab, herpes, ringworm (струп, лишай): MKor. pčm;
Mod. pəǯim.
◊ Nam 255, KED 761.
‖ Irregular accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. (besides,
the Kor. vowel is aberrant: we would rather expect -u- or -o-, or a
vowel reduction).
-p῾ùčV ( ~ *p-, -o-) to blow: Tung. *pus-; Jpn. *pùsù-(m)pur-; Kor.
*pùčhi.
PTung. *pus- 1 to blow, blow out (fire) 2 to fan 3 fan (1 дуть, задувать (огонь) 2 обмахиваться (веером) 2 веер): Evk. hus- 1; Man. fusxe-,
fisi(xi)- 2, fusxe-ku 3; Jurch. fu-sxe-ŋu 3 (221); Nan. fexse- ‘to shake’,
fexseŋku ‘bellows’.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 304, 336.
*p῾úč῾í - *p῾ŭdi
1177
PJpn. *pùsù-(m)pur- to smoke (дымить(ся)): MJpn. fùsùbór-; Tok.
fusubur-.
◊ JLTT 695.
PKor. *pùčhi fan (веер): MKor. pùčhi; Mod. pučhä.
◊ Nam 266, KED 821.
‖ SKE 211-212, Lee 1958, 111. An Eastern isogloss; may be actually a
variant of *p῾ṑči - if the original meaning was ‘to blow out (fire)’. Kor.
low tone reflects the stem’s original verbal nature.
-p῾úč῾í ( ~ -o-) a k. of willow, blossoming bush: Tung. *puči-; Mong.
*hüčije-; Jpn. *púntí.
PTung. *puči- red willow (красный тальник): Ul. pučekte; Nan. fučile (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 2, 45.
PMong. *hüčije- willow (ива): MMong. xiǯesun (HY 7), ičesūn
(Lig.VMI), ičēsun (MA); Bur. üšȫhe(n), išēhen (Lig.); Mongr. śōʒə ‘arbre’
(SM 390).
◊ There is no difference between the syllables ‘če’ and ‘ǯe’ in Sino-Mongolian.
PJpn. *púntí Wistaria floribunda DC (Wistaria floribunda DC):
OJpn. pudi; MJpn. fúdí; Tok. fùji; Kyo. fújí; Kag. fúji.
◊ JLTT 420.
‖ Poppe 11, 51; Цинциус 1984, 51.
-p῾ude ( ~ -u-) willow, maple: Tung. *pode-; Mong. *huda; Turk.
*öd(r)eŋi; Kor. *ptrkí.
PTung. *pode- 1 willow 2 elm (1 ива, верба 2 вяз): Evk. hedepte 2;
Man. fodo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 360.
PMong. *huda willow (ива): MMong. xutan (SH); WMong. uda (L
860); Kh. ud; Kalm. udən; Ord. uda; Dag. xudikān (Тод. Даг. 179); Mongr.
sdoxo (SM 337).
◊ KW 446.
PTurk. *öd(r)eŋi maple (клен): Uygh. üräŋgi; Tat. öjɛŋke, örɛŋge;
Bashk. öjäŋkä; Kaz. ujeŋki; KBalk. ürge; Kum. ürge; Chuv. vəₙrene.
◊ VEWT 522, Дмитриева 1972, 191, Егоров 52, Федотов 1, 118, Bläsing 2001.
PKor. *ptrkí bush(es) (куст(ы)): MKor. ptrkí; Mod. t:əlgi.
◊ Nam 152, KED 447.
‖ Cf. *pṓt῾o.
-p῾ŭdi to follow: Tung. *pude-; Mong. *hüde-; Turk. *ud-; Kor. *ptɨ-.
PTung. *pude- 1 to follow along 2 expel an evil spirit (1 провожать,
сопровождать 2 прогонять злого духа): Man. fude- 1; SMan. fedə(1456); Jurch. fude-mij (410) 1; Ul. pude-či- 2; Nan. pude- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 249.
1178
*p῾gé - *p῾ugu
PMong. *hüde- follow, see off (провожать): MMong. xüde- (HY 36),
xude- (SH), hude- (MA); WMong. üde- (L 995); Kh. üde-; Bur. üde-; Kalm.
üdə-; Ord. üde-; Mongr. r ‘track’.
◊ KW 455. Mong. > Tuva üde-, Yak. ütäi- etc. (VEWT 519).
PTurk. *ud- to follow, conform (следовать, соответствовать, повиноваться): OTurk. ud- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. uδ- (MK); Tur. uj-;
Gag. uj-; Az. uj-; Turkm. uj-; MTurk. uj- (Abush.); Uzb. ujuš-; Uygh.
ujuš-; Krm. uj-; Tat. ŭjɨš-; Bashk. ŭjŭš-; Kirgh. ujuš-; Kaz. ŭjɨs-; KKalp.
ujɨs-; Nogh. ujɨs-; Yak. utā ‘next’.
◊ EDT 38, ЭСТЯ 1, 573-574.
PKor. *ptɨ- to follow a pattern, make like (следовать образцу, имитировать): MKor. ptɨ-; Mod. t:ɨ-.
◊ Liu 247, KED 523.
‖ EAS 55, KW 455, Poppe 52, 111 (Tung.-Mong.), Цинциус 1984, 58.
Despite TMN 1, 537, Doerfer MT 80, TM forms (except Evk. ude-) cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-p῾gé to tear off, sever: Tung. *pōg- / *peg-de-; Mong. *(h)ug- / *(h)üg-;
Jpn. *pànk-; Kor. *phí-.
PTung. *pōg- / *peg-de- 1 to cut off 2 to tear off 3 to prick with an
awl 4 awl (1 отрезать, обрезать 2 отдирать 3 колоть шилом 4 шило):
Evk. hōɣ- 1, hegde-lī- 2; Evn. heɣdъk- 2; Neg. xegde-l- 2; Ork. pū- 3; Nan.
xoị- 1 (Kur-Urm.); Orch. xoị- 1, xū-gu 4, xegde- 2; Ud. xegdeli- 2 (Корм.
307), xuai- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 329, 360. Evk. > Dag. xōglō- (Тод. Даг. 176).
PMong. *(h)ug- / *(h)üg- to tear, tear out (драть, выдирать):
WMong. uɣǯira-, ügtege- (L 998); Kh. ugʒra-, ügtē-; Bur. ugzar-; Kalm.
ugǯər- KPC 527; Mongr. sdē- ‘arracher, déraciner’ (SM 334).
PJpn. *pànk- to tear off (сдирать): OJpn. pag-; MJpn. fàg-; Tok. hág-;
Kyo. hág-; Kag. hàg-.
◊ JLTT 683.
PKor. *phí- to cut, reap, sever (отрезать, отделять, сжинать):
MKor. phí-; Mod. pē-.
◊ Nam 255, KED 773.
‖ EAS 55, Martin 229. An expressive root (cf. also *pok῾e, *p῾ùgV,
*p῾ago ).
-p῾ugu ( ~ -o) tinder; excrescence: Tung. *pug(i)ju-; Mong. *huɣula;
Turk. *ugu-.
PTung. *pug(i)ju- 1 tinder, tree excrescence 2 convex (1 нарост
(древесный) 2 выпуклый): Evk. hujulgen 1; Evn. pogụra 2 ( < S.-Tung.);
Neg. poɣjụ 1 ( < S.-Tung.); Man. forǯin 1; Ork. pugju 1; Nan. porǯị 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 40, 338.
*p῾ŭgV - *p῾ūji
1179
PMong. *huɣula tinder (трут): WMong. uɣula (L 866: ujil ‘excrescence on a tree’; ?L 14: aɣli id.); Kh. ūl; Bur. ūla ‘пробка’; Dag. xuāĺ;
S.-Yugh. χū; Mongr. fula ‘amadou’ (SM 105).
◊ MGCD 663.
PTurk. *ugu- tinder (трут): Chuv. ъₙvъₙ.
◊ Мудрак Дисс. 147.
‖ VEWT 508, Мудрак Дисс. 147. A Western isogloss. MMong. hula,
(IM) holā, WMong. ula, Mongor fula may be a different root, corresponding directly to TM *pula (ТМС 2, 343) id. (see EAS 55, Poppe 12,
Цинциус 1984, 53, Doerfer MT 132) - however, in TM *pug(u)la is also
reconstructable, and MMong. hula may well be a variant of *huhula.
-p῾ŭgV ( ~ -k-) to attack, rob: Tung. *pukču-; Turk. *ogrɨ.
PTung. *pukču- to attack (нападать): Evk. hukču-; Evn. höč-; Neg.
xokčo-; Ul. xokčo-; Ork. pokče-; Nan. xukču-, fukču-; Orch. xokčo-; Ud.
xokčo-; Sol. ekči-.
◊ ТМС 2, 341-342.
PTurk. *ogrɨ thief (вор): OTurk. oɣrɨ (OUygh.); Karakh. oɣrɨ (MK);
Tur. uuru; Az. oɣru; Turkm. oɣrɨ; Sal. oɣrɨ; MTurk. oɣrɨ (Pav. C.); Uzb.
ọɣri; Uygh. oɣri, oɣur; Krm. oɣrɨ; Kirgh. ūru; Kaz. ŭrɨ; KKalp. urɨ; Kum.
oru, uru; SUygh. oɣur; Khak. oɣɨr; Shr. oɣrɨ; Oyr. ūr; Tv. ōr; Chuv. vъₙrъₙ;
Yak. uor- ‘to steal’; Dolg. uor- ‘to steal’.
◊ EDT 90, ЭСТЯ 1, 412-414, TMN 2, 77-78, Stachowski 244. Turk. > Mong. *oɣurčak,
see Щербак 1997, 164; Hung. or, orv ‘mischievous’, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾uje to whirl, boil: Tung. *puju-; Mong. *hujil-; Turk. *üjük.
PTung. *puju- to boil (кипеть): Evk. huju-; Evn. huj-; Neg. xuj-;
Man. fuje-; SMan. fei- (348); Ul. puju-; Ork. puj-; Nan. puju-; Orch.
xuju-si-; Ud. xui-hi-; Sol. uji-.
◊ ТМС 2, 337-338.
PMong. *hujil whirlpool (водоворот): MMong. xujil (SH); WMong.
ujil, (L 604) ojil; Kh. ujl; Ord. uil.
PTurk. *üjük 1 quicksand 2 to sink (1 зыбучий песок 2 тонуть, погружаться): Karakh. üjük (MK, KB) 1, üjük- (MK) 2; Turkm. üjk ‘slush’;
MTurk. (Xwar.) üjük ‘dregs in wine’ (Qutb).
◊ EDT 271, 272.
‖ Poppe 67, Цинциус 1984, 59. A Western isogloss.
-p῾ūji to stiffen: Tung. *pū-; Mong. *(h)öje-; Turk. *ujɨ-.
PTung. *pū- 1 to stiffen 2 to fade (1 онеметь, затечь (о руках, ногах) 2 выцвести (о ткани)): Evk. huwun- 2; Evn. hū- 1, hb- 2; Man. fu1; Ud. xuwe- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 335-336.
1180
*p῾ujme - *p῾ukǯi
PMong. *(h)öje- 1 weak, clumsy 2 (to be) unable to get up (1 слабый, неуклюжий 2 быть истощенным, не в состоянии встать):
WMong. öjügede- 2 (МXTTT); Kh. öjȫ-dö- 2; Bur. üjē 1, üjede- 2; Kalm. öj
1, öjɛd- 2 (КРС 413).
PTurk. *ujɨ- to stiffen (неметь, цепенеть): OTurk. ujɨrqan- joqurqan(OUygh.); Tur. ujuš-; Gag. ujvaš-; Az. ujuš-; MTurk. ujuš- (AH); Uzb.
ujuš-; Tat. ŭjɨ-, ŭjɨš-; Bashk. ŭjŭ-, ŭjŭš-; KKalp. ujɨ-; Nogh. ujɨ-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 582, ДТС 608.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾ujme to mix: Tung. *pume- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *hüjime-; Kor. *pmr-.
PTung. *pume- ( ~ -ü-) to mix up (смешивать, перемешивать):
Man. fumere-; Jurch. fume ‘to bundle’ (856).
◊ ТМС 2, 302.
PMong. *hüjime- to hustle, be mixed up (толкаться, мешаться):
WMong. üime- (L 1001); Kh. üjme-; Bur. üjme-; Kalm. ǖm- (КРС); Ord.
üjme-; Dag. xuimu-.
◊ MGCD 691.
PKor. *pmr- 1 to bind, tie up 2 to mix (1 связывать 2 смешивать):
MKor. pmr- 1; Mod. pəmul- 2.
◊ Nam 254, KED 760.
‖ Poppe 12, Lee 1958, 110, Цинциус 1984, 59. The root is somewhat
dubious: the older meaning attested in Kor. is ‘to bind, tie up’, and the
root may actually reflect PA *p῾émi ‘twist a thread’ (q.v.); the same is
true of the TM forms that may in fact (especially because for Jurch. the
meaning ‘bind’ is attested) go back to the same PTM root *pem-.
-p῾ujV to nauseate: Tung. *puji-; Mong. *hoji-; Jpn. *pə- ( ~ -u-).
PTung. *puji- to nauseate (тошнить): Evn. hụjịrqịt-; Man. fuja-.
◊ ТМС 2, 337.
PMong. *hoji- 1 to nauseate 2 nausea (1 тошнить 2 тошнота):
WMong. oi 2 (МХТТТ); Kh. oj 2; Bur. oj- 1; Dag. xoi- 1.
◊ MGCD 524.
PJpn. *pə- ( ~ -u-) to sneeze (чихать): OJpn. pu-, pana-pu- (pana
‘nose’); MJpn. fáná-fi-.
◊ JLTT 690.
‖ An expressive root; correspondences, however, seem to be regular.
-p῾ukǯi thigh, rump: Tung. *pogǯV; Mong. *(h)ögǯeg.
PTung. *pogǯV 1 lower part of the back 2 tail (1 нижняя часть спины 2 хвост): Evk. hogǯō 1, 2; Evn. hogǯị 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 329.
*p῾k῾ŋi - *p῾ŭle
1181
PMong. *(h)ögǯeg buttock, hind side of thigh (задница, задняя
сторона бедра): WMong. ögeǯeg (L 632), öǯigeneg; Kh. ögʒög; Kalm.
ögzəg, öǯəgnnəg.
◊ KW 293. Mong. > Man. uča etc., see TMN 2, 138, Doerfer MT 116.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾k῾ŋi to rub, wipe off: Tung. *puŋku; Mong. *hüŋgü-; Turk. *ǖk-; Jpn.
*púk-.
PTung. *puŋku kerchief (for wiping off) (платок (для стирания)):
Man. fuŋku, fu- ‘to wipe off’; SMan. fuŋku ‘handkerchief’ (246); Ul.
poŋqo; Ork. pukku; Nan. puŋku; Sol. xunku, umku, uŋku.
◊ ТМС 1, 477.
PMong. *hüŋgü- to rub, knead, crumple (тереть, мять пальцами):
MMong. hunku-, unku- (MA 191, 277, 382); WMong. üŋgü- (L 1010
üŋge-); Kh. ünge-; Bur. ünge-; Ord. üŋgü-; Dong. fungu-; Mongr. fuŋgu(SM 109).
◊ MGCD 695, SM 109, Most. DO 759.
PTurk. *ǖk- to grind, crush, rub (молоть, крошить, растирать):
OTurk. ögi- ( ~ ü-) (OUygh.); Karakh. ögi- ( ~ ü-) (MK); Tur. öjüt-, övüt-;
Gag. ǖt-; Az. üjüt- 2; Turkm. üvi-, üvüt- 2; MTurk. ügüt- (AH); Uygh. ük(dial.); Tat. ük- (dial.); Kirgh. ük-; Kaz. ük-; KKalp. ük-, ügi-.
◊ EDT 101-102, ЭСТЯ 1, 618-619. The root clearly has a *-k-, with a development >
*-g- > *-ɣ- in Oghuz pointing to an original long vowel. It should be therefore distinguished from PT *ög- ‘to knead, press’ which shows only reflexes of *-g-.
PJpn. *púk- to wipe off (стирать, смахивать): Tok. fùk-; Kyo. fúk-;
Kag. fúk-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ The root means ‘to wipe off’ in the Eastern area, but rather ‘to rub
off, crush’ in Turkic and Mongolian.
-p῾ŭle ( ~ -i) to be left, surplus: Tung. *pule-; Mong. *hüle-; Turk. *üle-.
PTung. *pule- to be left, surplus (оставаться, излишек): Evk. hele-,
hule-; Evn. hul-; Neg. xule-; Man. fulu; Ul. pule-; Ork. pule-; Nan. pule-;
Orch. xule-; Ud. xule-; Sol. ule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 364-365.
PMong. *hüle- 1 surplus, to leave 2 more than 3 remain, get left (1
излишек, оставлять 2 больше чем 3 оставаться (на месте), отставать): MMong. xule- (SH) 1, xüle’u (SH, HYt), holu (IM), hul(a)u (MA) 2;
WMong. üle- 1 (L 1004), ilegü, ilegüü, ülegüü 2 (L 405), ülde-, ülede- 3; Kh.
üle- 1, ilǖ 2, ülde- 3; Bur. üle- 1, ülǖ 2, ülde- 3; Kalm. ülǖ, ilǖ 2, ülde 3; Ord.
üli-, üle- 1, ilǖ 2; Mog. ZM ulou (16-1a); Dag. xulu- 1, xulū 2 (Тод. Даг.
179), hulū 2, huledē 3 (MD 166), ilū ‘many’ <lit.? (MD 171); Dong. fəiliə- 1,
śiliu, šiliu 2; Bao. śilu, šilu, xelu (Tungren) 2; S.-Yugh. helē- 1, hölǖ, χölǖ 2;
Mongr. fulē- (SM 106) 1, fulǖ (SM 106), xoliu, šilǖ, xilǖ (Huzu).
1182
*p῾lgi - *p῾li
◊ KW 456, 457 MGCD 287, 409, 692.
PTurk. *üle- 1 to divide, distribute, endow 2 lot, endowment (1 разделять, распределять, наделять 2 доля, надел): OTurk. üle-, üleš- 1,
ülüg, ülüš 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. üle-, üleš- 1, ülüg, ülüš 2 (MK, KB); Tur.
üleš- 1, üleš 2; Turkm. üle, ülüš 2, üle-, üleš- 1; MTurk. ülü 2, üle- 1 (AH),
üleš- 1, üleš 2 (Pav. C.), ülüš 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. uläš- 1, uĺuš 2;
Uygh. üläš- 1, ülüš 2; Krm. üleš-, ülüš- 1, ülüš 2; Tat. läš- 1, lĭš 2; Bashk.
läš- 1, lš 2; Kirgh. ülöš, ülüš 2; Kaz. üles- 1, üles 2; KBalk. üleš- 1, üleš,
ülüš 2; KKalp. üles- 1, üles 2; Kum. üleš- 1; Nogh. üles- 1, ülis 2; SUygh.
ülis- 2; Khak. üle- 1, ülüs 2; Shr. üle-, üleš- 1, üleš, ülüš 2; Oyr. ülü, ülöš 2,
üle-, üleš-, ülöš- 1; Tv. üle- 1, üleš 2; Chuv. valeś- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 627-629, EDT 127, 142, 153, 154, Егоров 46, Федотов 1, 98-99, VEWT 520,
TMN 2, 120-121.
‖ EAS 55, Владимирцов 187, Poppe 12, 111, Цинциус 1984, 60,
Rozycki 82. A Western isogloss. Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be
borrowed from Mong.
-p῾lgi ( ~ -o-) to blow: Tung. *pul(i)gi-; Mong. *hüliɣe-; Jpn. *pùk-; Kor.
*pūr-.
PTung. *pul(i)gi- to blow (дуть): Man. fulǵe-; SMan. filixi- (2126);
Nan. fulgi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 336.
PMong. *hüliɣe- to blow (дуть): MMong. xüli’ə (SH), hulä-, huile(MA); WMong. ülije- (L 1006); Kh. ülē-; Bur. üĺē-; Kalm. ül-; Ord. ülē-;
Dag. xūl-; Dong. fulie-, fəiliə-; Bao. file-, hilə-; S.-Yugh. pīle-; Mongr. pīle(SM 302), pūle-.
◊ KW 457, MGCD 692.
PJpn. *pùk- to blow (дуть): OJpn. puk-; MJpn. fùk-; Tok. fúk-; Kyo.
fúk-; Kag. fùk-.
◊ JLTT 694.
PKor. *pūr- to blow (дуть): MKor. pūr-; Mod. pūl-.
◊ Nam 267, KED 835.
‖ EAS 55, KW 457, SKE 209, Lee 1958, 110, Poppe 12, 112, Цинциус
1984, 57, Martin 226. Not borrowed in TM < Mong., despite Rozycki 81.
In Turk. the root has probably merged with *uĺV ‘to freeze’ q.v. (cf. the
meaning ‘to blow (of a cold wind)’ in Chuv.).
-p῾li root, foundation: Tung. *pule-; Mong. *(h)ölmej; Jpn. *pú-; Kor.
*prhắi.
PTung. *pule- root (корень): Man. fulexe; SMan. fuləxə, fuluxu
(2145).
◊ ТМС 2, 302.
PMong. *(h)ölmej sole of foot (подошва, ступня): MMong. o[li]mi
‘upper part of a foot, metatarsus’ (HY 47); WMong. ölmei (L 633); Kh.
*p῾lo - *p῾ulu
1183
ölmij; Bur. üĺme, üĺmɨ ‘плюсна, ступня; подъем (у обуви)’; Kalm. ölmɛ
‘front part of the foot (folklore)’ (КРС 414); Ord. ölmī.
◊ Mong. > Ul. elmi etc. (see ТМС 2, 454).
PJpn. *pú- foot (of a mountain), foundation (подножие (горы), основание): OJpn. pu-m(w)oto; MJpn. fú-mótó, fú-mótò; Tok. fumotó; Kyo.
fúmótó; Kag. fumotó.
◊ JLTT 418. A compound with *mətə ‘root, foundation’.
PKor. *prhắi root (корень): MKor. pɨrhăi, pɨrhɨi, pùrhói, pùrhúi; Mod.
p:uri.
◊ Nam 268, 274, KED 814.
‖ SKE 1949, 209, Lee 1958, 109, Цинциус 1984, 61, АПиПЯЯ 291.
The Mong. form can belong here only if the attested HY form o[li]mi is
aberrant, reflecting the stage of language (or dialect) with h- already
lost. Otherwise Mong. reflexes are to be separated from this root. On
possible Turkic reflexes see under *ula.
-p῾lo cheek: Tung. *pul-; Mong. *hurul; Jpn. *p-p (~-ua-); Kor. *pór-.
PTung. *pul- 1 corner (of mouth) 2 cheek 3 inner side of cheek 4
gum 5 cheekbone 6 nose (of animal) (1 уголок (рта) 2 щека 3 внутренняя сторона щеки 4 десна 5 скула 6 нос (зверя)): Evk. hullir 6; Evn.
hulrn 3; Neg. xolịn 1; Man. fulǯin 2; Ul. plị (Sch.) 5, pụltụ(n) 3; Ork.
pụlčị 3; Nan. polpị 3 , (Bik.) felče 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 346.
PMong. *hurul lip (губа): MMong. xurül (HY 46), horol (IM), hurul
(MA), horūl (LH); WMong. urul, ulur, uruɣul (L 886); Kh. ural, urūl; Bur.
ural; Kalm. url, ūrl; Ord. urūl; Mog. urul (Weiers), ulur (Ramstedt 1906);
KT orol (2-1a); Dag. xorōl, xorol, xollo (Тод. Даг. 178), horele (MD 164);
Dong. furuŋ, furun, furəu; Mongr. urōl (with unclear loss of h-).
◊ KW 451, MGCD 682.
PJpn. *p-p (~-ua-) cheek (щека): OJpn. p(w)op(w)o; MJpn. fòfó;
Tok. hóo, hóho; Kyo. hóò; Kag. hóo.
◊ JLTT 414. The Kyoto and Kagoshima accent contradicts the old records and the Tokyo evidence: this is probably due to contraction.
PKor. *pór- cheek (щека): MKor. pó-čjókái; Mod. pol.
◊ Nam 261, KED 803.
‖ EAS 55, Цинциус 1984, 53, Lee 1958, 110, АПиПЯЯ 75, Martin
228. Mong. *hurul regularly < *hulu-r. As for the Jpn. form, it may be a
reduplication (as thought traditionally; in this case *pə- < *p῾ùl(o)-gV), or
reflect an already suffixed form, cf. e. g. Nan. polpị ( < *p῾ùlo-pV).
-p῾ulu (~-o) (?) possessions, estate: Turk. *ulu-ĺ; Kor. *pùrr.
PTurk. *ulu-ĺ country, city (страна, город): OTurk. uluš (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. uluš (MK); Krm. uluš.
1184
*p῾ĺi - *p῾nte
◊ EDT 152-153, Лексика 317, 494. Turk. > Mong. ulus (see TMN 1, 177, Clark 1980, 41,
Щербак 1997, 161), whence again modern Turkm., Oyr. etc. ulus (ЭСТЯ 1, 592).
PKor. *pùrr possessions, estate (владения, состояние): MKor.
pùrr.
◊ HMCH 352.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss; dubious because the Kor. word is very
sparsely attested.
-p῾ĺi to open up: Tung. *pule-; Turk. *üĺ-; Kor. *prh-.
PTung. *pule- 1 to open up 2 to burst, break through (1 открывать,
раскрывать 2 прокалывать, проламывать): Evk. hulen- 1, hulte- 2;
Evn. hultъl- 2; Neg. xulexet- ‘рыться (в вещах)’, xultejkin- 2; Man. fonto-,
funto- 2; Nan. poldolị- 2; Ud. xulegde- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 346, 347.
PTurk. *üĺ- 1 to perforate, cut a hole in 2 drill, borer (1 прокалывать, буравить 2 бурав): Karakh. üš- (MK) 1; Tur. üš- 1; Az. üškü, üšgü 2
(dial.); Turkm. üšgi 2 (dial.); Kirgh. üšü- 1, üškü 2; Kaz. üskĭ 2.
◊ EDT 256, ЭСТЯ 1, 643-644, VEWT 523.
PKor. *prh- to loosen, undo, explain (развязывать, распаковывать,
расслаблять): MKor. phr-; Mod. phul-.
◊ Nam 465, KED 1763.
‖ SKE 210, 215-216. Cf. also MKor. părk- ‘to get away or free from’;
Bur. ülxe- ‘to bead, string’ ( > Evk. ulge- etc.). Despite Poppe 1972, 99,
the TM forms cannot be borrowed < Mong. ülte- (see s.v. *uĺi).
-p῾uma ( ~ p-, -u-, -e) a k. of big predator: Tung. *pomā- / *pume-; Kor.
*pm.
PTung. *pomā- / *pume- bear (медведь): Evk. homōtī, humej.
◊ ТМС 2, 332, 347.
PKor. *pm tiger (тигр): MKor. pm; Mod. pm.
◊ Nam 256, KED 767.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; within TM attested only in Evk., thus
somewhat dubious.
-p῾nte a k. of insect: Tung. *pundimi; Mong. *hötün; Jpn. *ptaru ( ~
-ua-); Kor. *pántó.
PTung. *pundimi midge (мошка): Man. funǯima; Nan. ponǯịmị.
◊ ТМС 2, 41.
PMong. *hötün worm, larva (червь, личинка): WMong. ötü(n) (L
646); Kh. öt; Bur. üt; Kalm. ötn; Ord. ütü; Dag. xudu (Тод. Даг. 179);
Dong. xodəu; Bao. hodəg; S.-Yugh. öt ( < lit.).
◊ KW 302, MGCD 550.
PJpn. *ptaru ( ~ -ua-) firefly (светляк): OJpn. p(w)otaru; MJpn. fotaru; Tok. hótaru; Kyo. hótàrù; Kag. hotarú.
*p῾ŭnV - *p῾úńe
1185
◊ JLTT 415. Accent correspondences are not quite clear, but in any case point to a low
tone in the first syllable.
PKor. *pántó firefly (светляк): MKor. pántó, pántòi; Mod. pandi.
◊ Nam 243, KED 716.
‖ Mergers with *pāt῾e were possible (esp. in Jpn., where otherwise
-a- would be expected). Reasons of the loss of -n- in Mong. are not
clear.
-p῾ŭnV to hit the target: Tung. *penū- / *punū-; Mong. *honu-; Turk.
*una-.
PTung. *penū- / *punū- to notice, guess (замечать, догадываться):
Evk. henū-; Evn. hēn-; Neg. xenu-; Ul. punu-; Ork. xenun-; Ud. xōno-,
xuene- ‘to be surprised’.
◊ ТМС 2, 366.
PMong. *honu- 1 to hit (target), guess 2 to compete in bow-shooting
3 to shoot over the target 4 gist, essence (1 попадать (в цель), угадывать 2 соревноваться в стрельбе из лука 3 стрелять выше цели 4
сущность): MMong. xontuča- 2, 3 (SH), nu- (IM); WMong. onu- 1, ontus3, oni-su(n) 4 (L 615); Kh. ono-, no- 1, ońs 4; Bur. ono- 1; Kalm. on- 1; Ord.
ono-; Dag. nō- 1 (MD 200); Mongr. nū- ‘regarder; atteindre, le but,
toucher’ (SM 287)?.
◊ KW 286.
PTurk. *una- to agree, be satisfied (соглашаться, быть удовлетворенным): OTurk. una- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. una- (MK); Tur. una(dial.); Az. una- (dial.); Turkm. una-; MTurk. una- (Бор. Бад., Abush.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. una-; Uygh. una-; Kirgh. una-; Kaz. una-; KBalk. una-;
KKalp. una-; Nogh. una-; Khak. una-.
◊ EDT 171, VEWT 514, ЭСТЯ 1, 596-597.
‖ A Western isogloss. ? Cf. Jpn. pono-mek- ‘to show vaguely, guess’
etc. (if not the same as pono-ka).
-p῾úńe nose; smell, to smell: Tung. *puń-; Mong. *hünir; Jpn. *páná.
PTung. *puń- smell, to smell (запах, нюхать): Evk. huńŋukte-; Evn.
hīnemsi; Neg. xun; Man. fun, fuŋsan, fuŋšun; SMan. fuŋəsən, fuŋəsun
‘smelling of an animal, smelling of urine’ (435, 2326); Ul. pū(n); Ork.
pū(n), pūniɣe; Nan. p, dial. fũ; Orch. xū(n), xūń; Ud. xu(n); Sol. .
◊ ТМС 2, 349. Length in some languages is compensatory.
PMong. *hünir 1 smell 2 to smell (1 запах 2 пахнуть): MMong.
xunir, xunor, xuŋši’ut (pl.) (SH), xunir (HYt), hujir (IM), hunir (MA) 1,
hunir 1, hunis- 2 (MA); WMong. ünür (L 1010), ünir 1; Kh. üner 1; Bur.
üner 1; Kalm. ünr 1; Ord. ünir 1; Dag. xūnu- 1 (Тод. Даг. 179); Dong. funi
1; Bao. hun-de- 2; S.-Yugh. honər, honor 1; Mongr. funir 1, funis- 2 (SM
108).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 695.
1186
*p῾úńe - *p῾ùŋké
PJpn. *páná nose (нос): OJpn. pana; MJpn. fáná; Tok. hàna; Kyo. háná;
Kag. hána.
◊ JLTT 397.
‖ EAS 55, Цинциус 1984, 61, АПиПЯЯ 78, 277, Rozycki 82. Despite
Doerfer MT 80, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Initial *p῾- (not
*p-) is reconstructed because of *h- in Mong. and high pitch in Jpn. Cf.
*póńe.
-p῾úńe hair; feather: Tung. *puńe-; Mong. *hü-sü; Jpn. *pánái.
PTung. *puńe- hair (волос(ы)): Evk. heńekte ‘пыжик (мех молочного олененка)’; Man. fuńexe; SMan. fenixə ‘hair, fur’(2, 143, 2282), funiɣe;
Jurch. fun-ir-xie (497).
◊ ТМС 2, 303, 367. A possible derivative is *punu-ktV ‘young horns of deer’ reflected
in Man. funtu, Nan. puntu, dial. fuŋku (ТМС 2, 47); cf. also Man. fuŋGala ‘feather’, en ‘arrow feathers’.
PMong. *hü-sü hair (волос): MMong. xüsun (HY 45, SH), häson
(IM), usun (MA); WMong. üsü(n) (L 1013); Kh. üs(en); Bur. ühen; Kalm.
üsn; Ord. üsü; Mog. üsün; ZM oṣu; Dag. xusu (Тод. Даг. 180), huse (MD
167), xus; Dong. usuŋ, usun; Bao. suŋ; S.-Yugh. həsun; Mongr. fuʒə (SM
102), (Huzu) sʒə (MGCD šʒu).
◊ KW 460, MGCD 697.
PJpn. *pánái feather (перо): OJpn. pane; MJpn. fáné; Tok. hàne; Kyo.
hánè; Kag. háne.
◊ JLTT 398.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 83-84, Цинциус 1984, 61-62, АПиПЯЯ 29-30, 112, 275,
KW 460 (Mong. ~ TM); an alternative etymology of Poppe (Poppe 70:
linking the TM form with Mong. ünegen ‘fox’ and Yak. ünügäs ‘puppy’)
is obviously untenable. Cf. also Mong. *hö-dün ‘feather’ ( < *hön-dün ?).
-p῾ùŋké fade, exuviate: Tung. *puŋk- / *peŋk-; Mong. *(h)oŋgu-; Turk.
*oŋ- / *öŋ-; Jpn. *pànká-; Kor. *pŋkr-.
PTung. *puŋk- / *peŋk- 1 to fade, exuviate 2 to fall off 3 pale, faded,
dark (1 линять 2 осыпаться, падать 3 бледный, неясный, темный):
Evn. heŋkъl- 1,2; Man. fundexun 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 319, 367.
PMong. *(h)oŋgu- to fade, exuviate (линять): WMong. oŋgu- (L
613); Kh. ongo-; Bur. ongo-.
PTurk. *oŋ- / *öŋ- to fade, become pale (линять, блекнуть): OTurk.
öŋ- (OUygh.); Karakh. oŋ- (MK); Uzb. ọŋ-; Uygh. oŋ-, öŋ-; Tat. uŋ-;
Bashk. uŋ-; Kirgh. oŋ-; Kaz. oŋ-; KBalk. oŋ-; KKalp. oŋ-, öŋ-; Kum. oŋ-;
Nogh. oŋ-; Khak. oŋ-; Oyr. oŋ-; Tv. oŋ-; Chuv. ъₙn- ‘ohne Flamme brennen’.
◊ EDT 169, VEWT 362, 372, ЭСТЯ 1, 460-461.
*p῾ri - *p῾ri
1187
PJpn. *pànká- to fade, become bald (сходить (о краске); лысеть):
Tok. hagé-; Kyo. hàgè-; Kag. hàgè-.
◊ JLTT 683. The word is attested late, but seems to be different from *pànk- ‘to tear
(off)’.
PKor. *pŋkr- to take off clothes; to fade, exuviate (снимать одежду; линять): MKor. pŋkr-.
◊ Nam 257.
‖ In Turk. *üŋ would be expected; the vocalism was probably influenced by the homonymous *oŋ / *öŋ ‘colour, exterior’. Kor. has a usual
verbal low tone.
-p῾ri seed: Tung. *pur-; Mong. *hüre; Turk. *urug ( ~ *or-); Jpn. *pú;
Kor. *pòrì.
PTung. *pur- 1 young (boy, child) 2 children 3 family 4 breed (1 молодой 2 дети 3 семья 4 приплод, выводок): Evk. hur-kēn 1, hurū 3,
huril 2; Evn. hur-ken 1, hurъl 2; Neg. xujil 2; Man. fur-sun 4; Ul. purul 2;
Ork. puriɣe 1, puril 2; Nan. puri 3, puril 2; Orch. xī 2; Sol. ukkēx, urkēx 1,
uril 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 353-354, 357-358, АПиПЯЯ 45.
PMong. *hüre seed, child, descendant (семя): MMong. xüre (HY 7),
huran, hurun (MA); WMong. üre (L 1011); Kh. ür; Bur. üri; Kalm. ürn;
Ord. ür, üre; Dag. xur (Тод. Даг. 180), hure (MD 167); Dong. fure; Bao.
fure, fərɛ; S.-Yugh. hure; Mongr. furē (SM 110), xurē (Minghe).
◊ KW 459, MGCD 696. Mong. > Sol. ur (see Doerfer MT 137; but not Man. fur-sun, despite Doerfer ibid. and Rozycki 83).
PTurk. *urug ( ~ *or-) 1 seed 2 child, girl 3 kin, kind 4 relatives (1 семя 2 ребенок, девочка 3 род, племя 4 родственники): OTurk. uruɣ
(OUygh.) 1, 3; Karakh. uruɣ (MK, KB) 1, 3; Turkm. uruG 3; MTurk. uruɣ
(Sangl.) 4; Uzb. uruɣ 1; Uygh. uruq 1; Tat. orlɨq 1; Bashk. orloq 1; Kirgh.
uruq 3; Kaz. urɨq 1; KBalk. urluq 1; KKalp. urɨq 1; Nogh. urlɨq 1; Tv. uruɣ
2; Tof. uruɣ 2; Chuv. vъₙrъₙ 1; Yak. urū 4; Dolg. urū 4.
◊ VEWT 516, TMN 2, 47, EDT 214-5, ЭСТЯ 1, 604-606, Лексика 115-116, 307, 323-324,
Stachowski 246. Deriving the word from *ur- ‘beat, hit’ (VEWT) is of course incorrect.
Some forms reflect a variant form *uru-lɨk. Turk. > Mong. uruɣ (see TMN 2, 51, Щербак
1997, 162).
PJpn. *pú growth (поросль): OJpn. pu; Tok. fù; Kyo. f; Kag. fú.
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *pòrì barley (ячмень): MKor. pòrì; Mod. pori.
◊ Nam 260, KED 790.
‖ KW 459, Poppe 111, Цинциус 1972a, 52-59, 1984a, 62-63, АПиПЯЯ 47-48, 286, Лексика 116, Doerfer MT 137. Jpn. *pú < *p῾úr(i)-gV ( =
Turk. *urug etc.)
1188
*p῾ri - *p῾ŭrV
-p῾ri to shake: Tung. *por-; Mong. *(h)üre-; Turk. *ur-; Jpn. *púrú-p-.
PTung. *por- to hit, strike (бить, ударять): Man. fori-; SMan. ori- ‘to
pound, to beat’ (1582).
◊ ТМС 2, 301. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)üre- to strew, scatter (рассыпать; устранять, разрушать): WMong. üre- (L 1011); Kh. üre-; Bur. üri-; Kalm. ür- ‘demolish’;
Ord. ürē- ‘faire subir une perte’.
◊ KW 459.
PTurk. *ur- 1 to beat, hit 2 to pour, strew (1 бить, ударять 2 сыпать): OTurk. ur- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. ur- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. vur1; Gag. ur- 1; Az. vur- 1; Turkm. ur- 1; Khal. hur- 1; MTurk. ur- (Abush.,
Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. ur- 1; Uygh. ur- 1; Krm. ur- 1; Tat. ŭr- 1; Bashk. ŭr- 1;
Kirgh. ur- 1; Kaz. ŭr- 1; KBalk. ur- 1; KKalp. ur- 1; Kum. ur- 1; Nogh. ur1; Khak. ur- 2; Shr. ur- 2; Oyr. ur- 2; Tv. ur- 2; Chuv. vъₙr- 1.
◊ EDT 194-195, VEWT 515, ЭСТЯ 1, 599-600.
PJpn. *púrú-p- to shake; to sieve (трясти; просеивать): OJpn.
puru-p-; MJpn. fúrú-f-; Tok. fùru-; Kyo. fúrú-; Kag. furú-.
◊ JLTT 695.
‖ Mong. also has a back variant *(h)uri-, reflected in *(h)uri-ldu- ‘to
contest, fight’ (WMong. urildu-, uraldu-, Khalkha uralda-) = PT *uru-ĺčid.
-p῾ri ( ~ -e) to blow: Tung. *pū-; Mong. *(h)uri-; Turk. *ür-.
PTung. *pū- to blow (дуть): Evk. huw-; Evn. hū-; Neg. xūw-; Ul. pū-;
Ork. pū-; Nan. pū-; Orch. xū-; Sol. ū-gū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 336.
PMong. *(h)uri- to blow (in one’s face) (дуть (в лицо)): WMong. uri(МХТТТ); Kh. uri-; Bur. uŕā- ‘to eddy (of dust)’; Ord. uri-.
PTurk. *ür- to blow (дуть): OTurk. ür- (OUygh.); Karakh. ür- (MK);
Tur. ür- (dial.); MTurk. ür- (Pav. C., AH, Houts.), hür- (R.); Krm. ür-;
Tat. ör-; Bashk. ör-; Kaz. ür-; KKalp. ür-; Nogh. ür-; Khak. ür-; Oyr. ür-;
Tv. ür-; Chuv. vəₙr-; Yak. ür-; Dolg. ür-.
◊ EDT 195-196, ЭСТЯ 1, 635-636, Stachowski 253.
‖ EAS 55, 149. A Western isogloss.
-p῾ŭrV forest: Tung. *pure; Turk. *orman.
PTung. *pure thicket, forest (тайга, лес): Evk. hur, hure; Neg. xujēn;
Ul. pure(n); Ork. pure(n); Nan. purẽ; Orch. xue(n); Ud. xuenče- ‘to go
hunting’.
◊ ТМС 2, 351-352. TM > Dag. xureǯē (Тод. Даг. 180).
PTurk. *orman forest (лес): OTurk. orman (OUygh. late); Tur. orman;
Turkm. ormon (dial.); Sal. ormän; MTurk. orman (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọrman;
Krm. orman; Tat. urman; Bashk. urman; Kirgh. ormon; Kaz. orman; KBalk.
orman; KKalp. orman; Kum. orman; Nogh. orman; Chuv. vъₙrman.
*p῾ŭrVk῾V - *p῾ŭŕi
1189
◊ ДТС 371, ЭСТЯ 1, 472-473.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾ŭrVk῾V rope, lasso: Tung. *purka; Mong. *huraka; Turk. *uruk.
PTung. *purka lasso (петля, силок, аркан): Evk. hurka; Evn. hụrq;
Neg. xojka; Ul. puča; Ork. pụta; Nan. pojqa; Orch. xukka; Ud. xuka.
◊ ТМС 2, 352-353.
PMong. *huraka lasso, bird net (аркан, сеть для ловли птиц):
MMong. xuraqa (SH), uruqa (MA 367); WMong. uriqa, uraqa(n) (L 880);
Kh. urxi(n); Bur. uŕxa; Kalm. urxə; Ord. uraxa; Dag. xuarkə (urga Тод.
Даг. 171 < lit.), uarehe (MD 230).
◊ KW 451, MGCD 681. Mong. > Manchu urgan ‘lasso’ (see Rozycki 219).
PTurk. *uruk 1 rope 2 lasso (1 веревка, бечева, канат 2 аркан):
OTurk. uruq (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. uruq (MK) 1; Tur. urɣan, urgan 1; Gag.
urɣan 2; Turkm. urGan 1; Sal. urχan, orχan 1; MTurk. orɣan (AH) 1;
KKalp. urqan 1; SUygh. uruq 2; Khak. urux 2; Shr. uruq 2; Oyr. uruq 2;
Tv. uruq 2.
◊ EDT 215, VEWT 516, ЭСТЯ 1, 585 (confused with *ukruk), 602-603. Some modern
forms reflect a secondary derivative *urkan.
‖ EAS 53, 125, Poppe 101, Цинциус 1984, 55. A Western isogloss.
Despite TMN 2, 87, Щербак 1997, 162, Mong. cannot be borrowed <
Turkic; again, despite Doerfer MT 18, TM cannot be < Mong. (all because of archaic *p- preservation both in Mong. and TM). Quite enigmatic is the relationship of this root to synonymous *uk῾urkV q.v.
-p῾ŭŕi ( ~ -e) to crush: Tung. *puru-, *purgu-; Mong. *hürü-; Turk. *üŕ-;
Kor. *pɨr-.
PTung. *puru-, *purgu- to crush (толочь, дробить): Evk. huru-,
hurgu-, horo-; Evn. huruŋ-, hor-ča-; Man. furu-; SMan. furu- ‘to chop, to
cleave’ (1730); Ul. pori-; Nan. purtu ‘crumbs’.
◊ ТМС 2, 333, 352, 354. Cf. also Man. furdexe ‘fur’, Nan. furde, ferde id. (ТМС 2, 303;
see Doerfer MT 143: Mong. hürte-sün = Man. furdexe).
PMong. *hürü- to rub, grate, file (тереть): MMong. xuru- (SH);
WMong. ürü- (L 1013); Kh. üre-; Bur. üre-; Kalm. ür- ‘to brake, comb
(wool)’ (КРС); Ord. ürē-, ürü-.
◊ Cf. also *(h)ürte-sün ‘лоскутья, обрезки’; WMong. uru- ‘to tear, rip’.
PTurk. *üŕ- to break, tear, demolish (ломать, рвать, уничтожать):
OTurk. üz- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. üz- (MK); Tur. üz- (dial.); Az. üz-;
Turkm. üz-; Khal. hüs-gün-, hiz- (üzgün- < Az.); MTurk. üz- (Pav. C.);
Uzb. uz-; Uygh. üz-; Krm. uź-, iz-; Tat. z-; Bashk. δ-; Kirgh. üz-; Kaz.
üz-; KBalk. üz-; KKalp. üz-; Kum. üz-; Nogh. üz-; SUygh. jüz-, juz-;
Khak. üs-; Oyr. üs-; Tv. üs-.
◊ EDT 279-280, VEWT 524, ЭСТЯ 1, 621-622.
1190
*p῾sa - *p῾ske
PKor. *pɨr- in pieces, in crumbs (на куски, в крошку): MKor. pɨrə-;
Mod. purə 1.
◊ Liu 404, KED 812.
‖ EAS 54, 56, 149, Poppe 12, 111, SKE 210, ОСНЯ 2, 101, Цинциус
1984, 63-64. Despite Rozycki 83, TM cannot be borrowed < Mong.
-p῾sa plan, reason: Tung. *puse; Mong. *hasaɣu-; Turk. *us; Jpn.
*pánsú; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *puse reason (причина, повод): Evk. hohut-, hošut- (dial.)
‘to be smb.’s equal’; Evn. huse.
◊ ТМС 2, 335, 355.
PMong. *hasaɣu- to ask (спрашивать): MMong. asax (HY 34),
xasax-, asax- (SH), hasox-, haṣoɣ- (IM), asaɣ-, asaq- (MA), hasaq (Lig.VMI);
WMong. asaɣu- (L 55); Kh. asū-; Bur. asū-; Ord. asū-; Mog. asuɣu-; ZM
asaɣ (23-3b); Dag. xasō- (Тод. Даг. 174), asō (MD 115), hasō (MD 157);
Dong. asa- ( < lit.); Bao. asGə-, asxə- ( < lit.); Mongr. saGa- (SM 318).
◊ MGCD 122.
PTurk. *us 1 mind, reason 2 way of using smth. (1 ум, рассудок 2
способ использования чего-л.): OTurk. usuɣ ( ~ o-) 2; Karakh. usuɣ ( ~
o-) 2 (MK), us 1 (MK - Oghuz); Tur. us 1; Turkm. os 1, os- ‘to think’;
MTurk. us 1 (Pav. C.); Krm. us 1; Chuv. ъₙs 1.
◊ EDT 240, 245, ЭСТЯ 1, 606-607.
PJpn. *pánsú plan, intention (план, намерение): MJpn. fázú; Tok.
hàzu; Kyo. házú; Kag. házu.
◊ JLTT 403.
PKor. *ps- to use (употреблять, использовать): MKor. ps-; Mod.
s:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 319, KED 1023.
‖ An interesting common Altaic abstract term (although voicing in
Jpn. is not quite clear).
-p῾ske to kick, knock: Tung. *poske-; Mong. *(h)öskil-; Jpn. *pànsìk-.
PTung. *poske- to kick (пинать, лягать): Man. fesxule-; Ork.
poskolo-; Nan. puskule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 990. TM > Dag. peškule- (Тод. Даг. 160).
PMong. *(h)öskil- to kick (пинать): WMong. öskül-, öskil- (L 417:
iskül-, öskele-, ösküle-); Kh. öšgil-; Bur. üšxel-; Kalm. öškl-; Ord. ösköl-;
Mongr. sgor ‘coup de pied’, sgorda- (SM 349).
◊ KW 302.
PJpn. *pànsìk- to knock away (with a finger) (отталкивать щелчком пальца): OJpn. pazik-; MJpn. fàzìk-; Tok. hajík-; Kyo. hájík-; Kag.
hàjìk-.
◊ JLTT 686.
*p῾út῾à - *p῾VbV
1191
‖ Poppe 11, 65, 90, Цинциус 1984, 50-51; TM cannot be borrowed <
Mong., despite Rozycki 76. Cf. *p῾ŏk῾i.
-p῾út῾à ( ~ -o-) rope; woof, yarn: Tung. *put-; Mong. *huta; Turk. *otgun;
Jpn. *pátà; Kor. *patak ( ~ -ă-).
PTung. *put- 1 lap 2 thread, rope (1 подол 2 нить, веревка): Man.
futa 2 (Захаров 1079); SMan. fətā 2 (661); Ul. putu(n) 1; Nan. putũ 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 45. The Manchu form is certainly not < Mong., despite Rozycki 83.
PMong. *huta thread (нить): MMong. xudasun (HY 23), heiṭosun
(IM), utasun (MA), hūtāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. utasu(n) (L 888); Kh.
utas, utsan; Bur. utaha(n); Kalm. utsn; Ord. utasu; Dong. udasun; Bao.
ndasoŋ; S.-Yugh. šdāsən; Mongr. sdāʒə (SM 332), (MGCD šdāsə).
◊ KW 453, MGCD 685. Mong. > Evk. utasun (but not Man. futa!), see Doerfer MT 132.
PTurk. *otgun a broad strap on the left side of the saddle to which
the buckle of the girth is fastened and secured with its tongue (широкий ремень, к которому прикрепляется подпруга): Karakh. otɣun
(utɣun) (MK).
◊ EDT 47.
PJpn. *pátà loom; cloth (ткацкий станок; ткань): OJpn. pata; MJpn.
fátà; Tok. hatá; Kyo. hátà; Kag. háta.
◊ JLTT 401.
PKor. *patak ( ~ -ă-) cloth, weave, texture (ткань): Mod. padak.
◊ KED 703.
‖ Poppe 12, 51; Цинциус 1984, 56-57; UAJ 1995, 88 (Kor.-Jpn.).
-p῾VbV many, ten / hundred (an auxiliary stem): Tung. *poba; Mong.
*ha-; Turk. *ōn; Jpn. *-pə ~ *-pua.
PTung. *poba 1 ten (a bundle of ten squirrels) 2 collection, gathering
(1 десяток (связка белок) 2 собрание): Ork. pōwo 1; Nan. poã 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 40.
PMong. *ha- 1 ten 2 all (1 десять 2 весь, все): MMong. xarban (HY
43, SH), harbān (IM), hărban (MA) 1; WMong. arban 1; Kh. arav, arvan 1;
Bur. arba(n) 1; Kalm. arwn 1; Ord. arwa 1; Mog. arbōn; ZM arbn (25-3a);
Dag. xarab (MGCD), xarba(n) (Тод. Даг. 174), harebe (MD 157) 1; Dong.
haran, haruan 1; Bao. harwaŋ (MGCD), habran (Tungren) 1, hane 2;
S.-Yugh. harwan 1; Mongr. xar(w)an (SM 165), xarwan 1 (MGCD), xana 2.
◊ KW 15, MGCD 114.
PTurk. *ōn ten (десять): OTurk. on (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. on
(MK); Tur. on; Gag. uon, on; Az. on; Turkm. ōn; Khal. ōn; MTurk. on
(Pav. C.); Uzb. ọn; Uygh. on; Krm. on; Tat. un; Bashk. un; Kirgh. on; Kaz.
on; KBalk. on; KKalp. on; Kum. on; Nogh. on; SUygh. on, un; Khak. on;
Oyr. on; Tv. on; Chuv. vonъ; Yak. uon; Dolg. uon.
◊ EDT 166, VEWT 362, TMN 2, 163, ЭСТЯ 1, 455-456, Лексика 573, Федотов 1, 130131, Stachowski 244.
1192
*p῾VbV - *p῾VbV
PJpn. *-pə ~ *-pua hundred (in names of hundreds) (сто (в назв. сотен)): OJpn. -p(w)o.
‖ The original root structure is not quite clear: perhaps one has to
suppose a monosyllabic root *p῾ō-, with suffixed *-ba(n) or *-n.
S
-sa to buy, sell: Turk. *sat-; Jpn. *sirə; Kor. *sà-.
PTurk. *sat- to sell (продавать): OTurk. sat- (OUygh.); Karakh. sat(MK); Tur. sat-; Gag. sat-; Az. sat-; Turkm. sat-; Sal. sat-; Khal. sat-;
MTurk. sat- (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔt-; Uygh. sat-; Krm. sat-; Tat. sat-; Bashk.
hat-; Kirgh. sat-; Kaz. sat-; KBalk. sat-; KKalp. sat-; Kum. sat-; Nogh. sat-;
SUygh. sat-; Khak. sat-; Shr. sat-; Oyr. sat-; Tv. sat-; Chuv. sot-; Yak. at-;
Dolg. at- (in at, atastas-).
◊ EDT 798-799, VEWT 405, Лексика 335, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 67, Stachowski 38, 39.
Turk. > Hung. szatócz ‘salesman’ (< *satɨɣ-čɨ), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *sirə price; material (цена; товар, вещь): OJpn. siro.
◊ JLTT 526.
PKor. *sà- to buy (покупать, торговать): MKor. sà-; Mod. sa-.
◊ Nam 282, KED 869.
‖ Лексика 335. The match is acceptable (as one of the Common Altaic monosyllabic verbal roots) if -rə in Jpn. is a historical suffix. Cf.
perhaps also TM *sali- ‘esteem; price’ - which may reflect a merger of
this root with *sáĺo ‘love’ q.v.
-sábà to hinder, obstruct: Mong. *saɣa-; Turk. *sab-; Jpn. *sápár-.
PMong. *saɣa- to be detained, stopped, linger (задерживаться, останавливаться, медлить): MMong. sa’ara- (SH); WMong. saɣara-,
saɣata- (L 657, 658); Kh. sār-, sāt-; Bur. hār- ‘ослабевать’, hāt-; Kalm.
sātə-; Ord. sāta-; Dag. sāta- (Тод. Даг. 162), sāte- (MD 204); Bao. sāGe- ‘to
wait’ (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. sād ‘obstacle’, sādūl-.
◊ Mong. > Oyr. sāt-, sara- etc., KW 318, MGCD 583, 584, VEWT 405; > Yak. sārat, Dolg.
hārat- (Kał. MEJ 28, Stachowski 100) > Evk. sāta-, Man. sarta-, ТМС 2, 67).
PTurk. *sab- 1 to be stopped, hindered, discontinued 2 to stop, finish 3 to turn off (the road) 4 to get rid of 5 to turn downwards, decline 6
to pass, pass away (1 кончаться, останавливаться 2 переставать, прекращаться 3 сворачивать (с пути) 4 избавляться 5 склоняться книзу,
удаляться, устраняться 6 проходить, исчезать): Karakh. savra- 1,
savɨl- 5 (MK); Tur. sav- 4, savuš- 6; Gag. sauš- 6; Az. sovul- 2, sovuš- 6;
Turkm. sow- 3, sowul- 2, 3; MTurk. sav- 3, 4 (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔw-, sū-,
sɔwul-, suwul- (dial.) 2; Krm. savuš- 6.
1194
*sāba - *sábó
◊ EDT 788-789, 791, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sápár- to hinder, obstruct (препятствовать, задерживать):
OJpn. sapar-; Tok. sàwar-; Kyo. sáwár-; Kag. sawár-.
◊ JLTT 748.
‖ Ozawa 215-216.
-sāba sign: Tung. *sab(i)-; Mong. *saɣam; Turk. *sāb-; Jpn. *sàmpàk-.
PTung. *sab(i)- 1 sign, omen 2 to plan 3 to mark, make notches (1
знак, предзнаменование 2 планировать 3 помечать, делать зарубки): Man. sabi 1; Jurch. sabi-biar (861) 2; Ork. sawị- 3; Nan. sowōča ‘веха’;
Orch. sawi- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 51, 54.
PMong. *saɣam ruse, dodge, pretext (предлог, уловка): WMong.
saɣam (МХТТТ); Kh. sām (Gomb. 429); Kalm. sām.
◊ KW 317. The word is not listed in Lessing’s dictionary, which includes, however, a
WMong. sobin ‘omen, sign’ ( < Manchu?).
PTurk. *sāb word, speech (слово, речь): OTurk. sab (Orkh.), sav
(OUygh.); Karakh. sav (MK); Tur. sav; Turkm. sāv-čɨ ‘matchmaker’, dial.
sāw; Sal. sōǯi ‘matchmaker’ (ССЯ); MTurk. sav (AH); Oyr. sabɨr (bičig)
‘богатырское письмо’; Chuv. sъₙvъₙ ‘verse, poem’.
◊ VEWT 391, EDT 782-783, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 20.
PJpn. *sàmpàk- to discern, judge (разрешать, судить): MJpn.
sabak-; Tok. sabák-; Kyo. sábák-; Kag. sàbàk-.
◊ JLTT 744.
‖ Japanese has an irregular low tone.
-sắbí a k. of big fish: Tung. *sabu-; Turk. *sEbrük; Jpn. *símpí.
PTung. *sabu- white-fish (сиг): Evk. sawčān; Neg. sawčān; Ul. sawụ;
Nan. sao; Orch. saū.
◊ ТМС 2, 52.
PTurk. *sEbrük sturgeon (севрюга): Turkm. süjrik; Tat. söjrök; Kum.
süjrük; Nogh. süjrik.
◊ VEWT 438, TMN 3, 291, Лексика 178, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. also Chuv. šəvər sъmsa lit. ‘sharp
nose’ (a contamination). Turk. > Hung. sőreg, see MNyTESz 3, 581.
PJpn. *símpí tuna fish (тунец): OJpn. sibji; MJpn. síbí; Tok. shibi.
◊ JLTT 522.
‖ Лексика 179.
-sábó service: Tung. *sab-; Mong. *sibe-gčin; Turk. *sab-; Jpn.
*sámpúrap-.
PTung. *sab- 1 to present gifts 2 to get accustomed (1 предлагать
дары, угощать 2 привыкать): Evk. sawka- 2; Evn. hawq- 2; Neg. sawlị1; Man. soli- ‘to call guests; to propose a position’; SMan. šioli-, sioli(1438) ‘to invite’; Ul. saụlị- 1; Nan. saolị- 1; Orch. sawli-, sauli- 1; Ud.
sauli- 1.
*sč῾i - *sč῾i
1195
◊ ТМС 2, 51-52. TM > Dag. soli- (Тод. Даг. 163).
PMong. *sibe- female servant (служанка): MMong. šibekčin (MA),
səbəkčin (LH); WMong. sibegčin (L 694); Kh. šivegč; Kalm. šiwəkčn; Ord.
šīwegčin.
◊ KW 362. Mong. > Evk. čiwekčin (see Poppe 1972, 102). It is interesting to note Evk.
čiwek, čawak ‘male servant’ (ТМС 2, 375) which may witness an unattested Mong. *sibeg
id.
PTurk. *sab- 1 gift 2 booty 3 regale 4 wedding gifts 5 part of booty
(1 подарок 2 добыча 3 угощение 4 свадебные гостинцы 5 часть добычи): Tur. savɣa 3 (dial.), (Osm.) savɣat 1; Az. savɣat 1; Turkm. sovɣat 1;
Khal. sav- ‘bewirten’; MTurk. sauɣat (R.) 1, (CCum.) sajɣat 2; Uzb. sɔwɣa
1; Uygh. soɣa 1; Krm. sawɣa 1; Tat. sawɨm, sawɨn (dial.) 4; Kirgh. sōɣa 1,
sōrun 5; Kaz. sawɣa 1; KBalk. sawɣa 1; Kum. savɣat 1; Nogh. sawɣa 1;
SUygh. savra ‘пирожок, который едят при богослужении’.
◊ Turk. > WMong. sauqa, sauɣa, sauɣad (L 677) (VEWT 406, Лексика 349-350; Щербак
1997, 165; Doerfer TMN 1, 345-346, ЭСТЯ 7). An attempt of a Turkic etymology for
Mong. *saw-ga, hardly satisfactory ( < *sab- ‘hit’ or ‘obstruct’) see in Eren 1972; the Late
Avestan origin of the Mong. word (suggested by Doerfer in TMN and supported by
Менгес 1979, 135-136) is quite dubious.
PJpn. *sámpúrap- to be hired, serve as samurai (быть на службе):
OJpn. saburap-; MJpn. sábúraf-; Tok. samurai (n.).
◊ JLTT 747 (but the assertion that the form with -b- is Heian and later, is wrong; it is
certainly attested earlier and precedes the later attested variant samuraf- / sauraf-).
‖ Дыбо 15 compares Tung. with Turk. *sep- ‘to equip, fit out;
dowry’, but this is phonetically less plausible because of voiceless *-pin Turkic; see on this root under *sap῾u.
-sč῾i wise, careful: Tung. *sāče-; Mong. *seče-n; Turk. *sEč-; Jpn.
*sita-ta-.
PTung. *sāče- to be careful (остерегаться, быть осторожным): Evk.
sāče-.
◊ ТМС 2, 68.
PMong. *seče-n wise, clever (мудрый, умный): MMong. sečen (SH,
HYt), čečen (IM); WMong. sečen, čečen (L 680); Kh. secen, cecen; Bur.
sesen; Kalm. cecn (КРС); Ord. sečin, ǯičin; Dag. sečin (Тод. Даг. 163, MD
204).
◊ Mong. > Evk. sečen etc., see TMN 1, 333, Doerfer MT 51.
PTurk. *sEč- to choose, select (выбирать): OTurk. seč- (OUygh.);
Karakh. seč- (MK); Tur. seč-; Gag. seč-; Az. seč-; Turkm. seč-; MTurk. seč(IM, Pav. C.); Krm. seč-; Yak. es- ῾to drag out the net’.
◊ EDT 794-795, VEWT 407, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sita-ta- 1 certainly, definitely 2 to acknowledge, admit, recognize, determine (1 точно, надежно 2 признавать, распознавать):
OJpn. sitata 1; MJpn. sitatam- 2.
1196
*sagè - *ságú
◊ Cf. also OJ sita ‘heart, mind’ - if etymologically different from sita ‘below’ (which
seems rather probable).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 76 (with a wrong inclusion of Jpn. *sát-, see *sṓra)
-sagè to cry, shout: Tung. *sag-; Mong. *siɣu-g-; Turk. *sɨgɨt-; Jpn.
*sakai(m)p-.
PTung. *sag- 1 to shout, cry 2 to sigh 3 to pity 4 noise, sound (1 кричать 2 вздыхать 3 жалеть 4 шум, звук): Evk. saɣisō- 1, saɣinā- 2; Evn.
sag- 2 (Arm.), hagor 4 (Sakk.); Ork. saGdan- 3; Orch. saɣiki 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 52, 54.
PMong. *siɣu- to be noisy (шуметь): WMong. siɣu-, (L 758) šuugi-,
siɣugi-, šougina-; Kh. šūgi-; Bur. šūjā-; Kalm. šūǵə-; Ord. šūgi-; Mongr.
šoGinā- (SM 381).
◊ KW 369.
PTurk. *sɨgɨt- 1 to cry, weep 2 weeping (1 плакать, рыдать 2 плач):
OTurk. sɨɣɨt (Orkh.) 2; Karakh. sɨɣɨt (MK) 2; MTurk. sɨɣɨt 2 (IM); Krm.
sɨɣɨt 2; Nogh. sɨjt 2; Khak. st 2; Oyr. sɨɣɨt 2; Yak. ɨtā- 1; Dolg. ɨtā- 1.
◊ EDT 806, VEWT 415, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 262.
PJpn. *sakai(m)p- to cry, shout (кричать): OJpn. sakeb-; MJpn.
sákéb-; Tok. sakéb-; Kyo. sákéb-; Kag. sàkèb-.
◊ JLTT 746. Accent not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to *sàkài(m)p-.
‖ An expressive root; in Jpn. we must assume a vowel assimilation
(*-ə- would be expected).
-sago ( ~ z-) old, age: Tung. *sag-d-; Mong. *seɣü-der; Kor. *sằ-n.
PTung. *sag-da- 1 senior 2 old 3 old man (1 старший 2 старый 3
старик): Evk. sagda-ɣī 1; Evn. haɣdɣ 1; Neg. sagd 2; Man. saqda 3;
SMan. sahədə 2, 3 (848); Ul. saGdi. 2; Ork. saGda 2; Nan. saGǯị 3; Orch.
sagdi 1, 2; Ud. sagdi ‘big’; Sol. sagdī, saddī 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 53. TM > Dag. sagdī, sardī (Тод. Даг. 161).
PMong. *seɣü-der age (возраст): WMong. seɣü-der (L 683); Kh.
sǖder; Kalm. sǖdr.
◊ KW 341.
PKor. *sắ-n grown-up (взрослый): MKor. sằn.
◊ Nam 289.
‖ Mong. and TM reflect the common derivative *sago-dV.
-ságú a k. of coniferous tree: Tung. *sak-si-; Turk. *sagɨr, *sagrɨ; Jpn.
*súnkúi.
PTung. *sak-si- juniper (можжевельник): Man. saqsin.
◊ ТМС 2, 57. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *sagɨr, *sagrɨ thuja (туя): OTurk. saɣrɨ ‘a k. of plant’ (OUygh.
- Suv.); Uzb. sawir; Tat. sawɨr; Bashk. sawɨr.
◊ ДТС 481, Дмитриева 208.
*sagu - *sàjbo
1197
PJpn. *súnkúi cryptomeria (криптомерия): OJpn. sugi; MJpn. súgí;
Tok. sùgi; Kyo. súgí; Kag. súgi.
◊ JLTT 532.
‖ The root is poorly attested in TM, but the Turkic and Japanese
words appear to form a good match.
-sagu a k. of vessel: Mong. *sag-su; Turk. *sAgut; Kor. *sòth.
PMong. *sag-su a k. of basket made from bamboo (вид корзины):
WMong. saɣsu (L 658); Kh. sags.
◊ Mong. > Neg. saksa ‘coffin’, Man. saqsu ‘basket’ (see Rozycki 173).
PTurk. *sAgut dishes, vessel; instrument (посуда, сосуд; орудие,
инструмент, утварь, сбруя): Tur. savut ‘weapon’; Turkm. sowut (arch.,
dial.); MTurk. sawut, saut (R.), saqɨt (MA); Uzb. sɔwut; Uygh. sawut;
Krm. sawut, saɣɨt; Tat. sawɨt; Bashk. hawɨt; Kirgh. sōt; Kaz. sawɨt; KBalk.
sawut; KKalp. sawɨt; Kum. sawut; Nogh. sawɨt.
◊ VEWT 393-394. It may be possible to follow Räsänen and to derive the form *sagu-t
from *sagu ‘corn measure; pail’ (see VEWT ibid., ЭСТЯ ibid., EDT 805), which would
speak in favour of PT *-g-. On the other hand, cf. Karakh. savdɨč ‘a basket plaited from
twigs’ (EDT 785). The specific synonymy ‘vessel, dishes’ : ‘instrument, gear’ and even
‘weapon’ (cf. KBalk. sawut ‘weapon’, MTurk. (Zenker) sawut ‘arrow with long sharp end’,
Bashk. dial. ϑawɨt ‘hunting knife’) may in fact reflect a contamination with a quite different root, see *sAg[u]n ‘arrow, arrow head’.
PKor. *sòth kettle (котел): MKor. sòt, sòth; Mod. sot [soth].
◊ Nam 310, KED 994.
‖ Cf. also PT *sagɨr ‘kettle’ (VEWT 393).
-sằja ( ~ z-) clear, dawn: Tung. *saj-; Jpn. *sàjà-; Kor. *sāi-.
PTung. *saj- 1 dawn 2 to dawn 3 light 4 clear, bright (1 рассвет, заря 2 рассветать 3 свет 4 светлый, светловатый): Evk. sajirūl- 2,
sajirūlǯarī 1, (dial.) šajama 3, hājeme 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 55, 309, 423. Attested only in Evk., with probable parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *sàjà- clear, light (светлый, ясный): OJpn. saja, saja-ke-; MJpn.
sàjà, sàjà-ke-; Tok. sáyaka; Kyo. sàyákà; Kag. sayaká.
◊ JLTT 520.
PKor. *sāi- to dawn (рассветать): MKor. sāi-; Mod. sǟ-.
◊ Nam 295, KED 921.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Dag. sajarin ‘dawn’ is probably < Tung.
-sàjbo sound: Tung. *sabu-da-; Turk. *seb-; Jpn. *sàwàk-.
PTung. *sabu- 1 to rustle, sound 2 noise, splash (1 шуршать, звучать 2 шум, плеск): Evk. sawuda- 1; Nan. saoG 2; Ud. safuta- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 52, 65.
PTurk. *seb- to speak (говорить): Tur. söjle-, dial. sövle-; Gag. sȫle-;
Az. söjlä-; Turkm. söjle-; MTurk. söjle- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. sọjla-, dial. sävlä-;
Tat. süjlä-, dial. sövle-, sevle-; Bashk. hüjlä-; Kirgh. söjlö-, süle-; Kaz. söjle-;
1198
*săjgo - *saji
KBalk. söle-; KKalp. söjle-; Kum. söjle-; Khak. söle-; Oyr. sǖle-; Tv. sögle-;
Chuv. sujlaš-, sol’a-; Yak. ülä-.
◊ VEWT 429, Федотов 2, 54-55, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sàwàk- to sound, make a noise (звучать, шуметь): OJpn. sawak-; MJpn. sàwàk-; Tok. sawág-; Kyo. sáwág-; Kag. sawág-.
◊ JLTT 748. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ An expressive and rather insecure root: the Turkic form are late
attested and irregular.
-săjgo to filter, ooze: Tung. *saji-ǯa (~-g-); Mong. *saɣa-; Turk. *sag-; Jpn.
*sú; Kor. *sắi-.
PTung. *saji-ǯa (~-g-) sieve (сито): Ul. sajǯa; Nan. sajǯa.
◊ ТМС 2, 55.
PMong. *saɣa- to milk (доить): MMong. sa’a- (SH), sa- (MA 319);
WMong. saɣa- (L 656); Kh. sā-; Bur. hā-; Kalm. sā-; Ord. sā-; Mog. sɔ(Weiers); ZM sā- (23-5b); Dag. sā- (Тод. Даг. 161, MD 204); Dong. sa-;
Bao. sā-; S.-Yugh. sā-; Mongr. s(w)ā- (SM 356), sāli ‘animal qu’on trait,
femelle (brebis, chèvre)’ (SM 321).
◊ KW 317, MGCD 585. Mong. > Sol. saga- ‘to milk’, see Poppe 1961, 191.
PTurk. *sag- to milk (доить): OTurk. saɣ- (OUygh.); Karakh. saɣ(MK); Tur. sā-, dial. saɣ-; Gag. sā-; Az. saɣ-; Turkm. saG-; Sal. sax-; Khal.
sa:ɣ-; MTurk. saɣ- (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔɣ-; Uygh. saɣ-; Krm. sav-; Tat. saw-;
Kirgh. sā-; Kaz. saw-; KKalp. saw-; Kum. sav-; Nogh. saw-; SUygh. saɣ-;
Khak. saɣ-; Oyr. sā-; Tv. saɣ-; Chuv. sъₙv-; Yak. ɨa-.
◊ VEWT 393, EDT 804, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sú bamboo sieve, mat (бамбуковое сито, циновка): MJpn.
sú; Tok. su.
◊ JLTT 531.
PKor. *sắi- to leak, ooze (сочиться, протекать): MKor. sắi-; Mod.
sǟ-.
◊ Nam 296, KED 921.
‖ EAS 85, KW 317, Владимирцов 194. Poppe 29, 59 (Turk.-Mong.),
АПиПЯЯ 15. Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 144. *-jg- is probable because of the TM reflex and loss of *-g- in
Jpn.; Korean high tone (rather untypical for a verb) is also possibly due
to contraction (see also *sắjV ‘shallow place’ - a possible source of contamination).
-saji to notch, pierce: Tung. *saji-; Mong. *seji-; Turk. *sAj-.
PTung. *saji- to make notches (делать зарубку): Neg. saj-; Ul. saị-;
Nan. saị-; Ud. sai-.
◊ ТМС 2, 54.
*sajk῾V - *sajo
1199
PMong. *seji- to carve, engrave, make a notch (вырезать, делать зарубку): WMong. sejile-, sejiči-le- (L 684); Kh. sijle-; Bur. hīle-; Kalm. sīl-,
sīčə-; Ord. sīl-, sīle-; Dag. seile- (MD 207), seile-; S.-Yugh. sīl-.
◊ KW 328, 329, MGCD 603. Mong. > Man. seči-.
PTurk. *sAj- to pierce (прокалывать, вонзать): OTurk. saj(OUygh.); Uygh. saj-; Kirgh. saj-; Shr. saj-; Oyr. saj-.
◊ VEWT 400, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-sajk῾V knucklebone: Tung. *sajKa; Turk. *siaka.
PTung. *sajKa shin-bone (голень, берцовая кость): Man. sajχa.
◊ ТМС 2, 56. The word is hardly borrowed from Mong. siɣai, Khalkha šagaj, despite
Doerfer MT 138 (however, Sol. sāxa ‘knucklebone’ is quite possibly < Mong.).
PTurk. *siaka knucklebone (бабка, косточка): Tur. saka (dial.);
Turkm. saqa (dial.); Uzb. sɔqa; Uygh. saqa; Tat. saɣa; Bashk. haqa, haɣa;
Kirgh. saqa; Kaz. saqa; KKalp. saqa; Kum. saqa; Nogh. saqa; Khak. soɣa
(dial.); Tv. saGa; Chuv. šok ‘жох’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, TMN 3, 254, Ашм. XVII, 214, Дыбо 1993. Turk. > WMong. saqa, Kalm. saxə
(KW 308).
‖ Дыбо 1993. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Not quite reliable because of
poor attestation in TM. Note, however, that PM *sigaji ‘knucklebone’
would be a good match - if it were not derived (or secondarily contaminated?) from *siɣa, see under PA *siŋu.
-sajo interval, space between: Tung. *saja; Mong. *söɣem; Turk. *saja-;
Jpn. *sai ( ~ sia).
PTung. *saja interval (between fingers) (промежуток (между
пальцами)): Evk. saja; Evn. hajāldo ‘fingers’; Ul. saja(n); Ork. saja(n);
Nan. sajã.
◊ ТМС 2, 55.
PMong. *söɣem small span (малая пядь): WMong. sögem, sögüm (L
731); Kh. sȫm; Bur. hȫm ‘span’; Kalm. sȫm; Ord. sȫm; S.-Yugh. sōm.
◊ KW 335, MGCD 608. Mong. > Evk. sūm etc., see Doerfer MT 109.
PTurk. *saja- to be rare, thinned out (быть редким, прореженным): Tat. sajɨq- (dial.) ‘to become rare’, sajaq ‘rare’; Bashk. hajaq ‘rare’
(dial.); Khak. saja-; Oyr. saja-; Chuv. sojak ‘bastard’.
◊ VEWT 395, TMN 3, 306, ЭСТЯ 7. The root is not widely attested, but its likely derivative is *saja-k ‘young male horses separated from the herd; lonely man, wanderer’,
spread much wider (see ЭСТЯ 7). Chuv. sojak definitely reflects the same form and is not
borrowed from Mar. sajak, but rather vice versa, despite Федотов 2, 53.
PJpn. *sai ( ~ sia) a measure of land (99 m2) (мера земли (99 m2)):
MJpn. se; Tok. se.
‖ EAS 153. The Jpn. word may be related if one assumes an original
meaning ‘interval (in general)’. Mong. *söɣem < *seɣöm (with a frequent
labialization transfer).
1200
*sajri - *sắjV
-sajri to stick out, protrude, stand: Tung. *sara-; Mong. *sar(b)aji-; Turk.
*ser-; Kor. *sj-.
PTung. *sara- to spread out (расстилать, раскрывать): Man. sara-.
◊ ТМС 2, 64. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sar(b)aji- to spread out (распростираться, быть вытянутым): WMong. sarbaji- (L 675); Kh. sarvaj-; Bur. harbaj-, haraj-; Kalm.
sarwǟ-; Ord. sarwǟ- ‘to have a great number of ramifications (of a tree
branch)’.
◊ KW 314. Mong. sarbaji- > Oyr. sarbai-, Yak. sarbaj-, Dolg. harbaj- (Stachowski 97); >
Manchu sarbaxun ‘lying spread-eagled on the back’ (see Rozycki 174).
PTurk. *ser- 1 to endure, be patient; to stay immobile, linger 2 to
spread (1 быть терпеливым; задерживаться, оставаться в одном положении 2 растягивать): OTurk. ser-, seril- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ser- 1,
seril- ‘to sway and almost fall down’ (MK); Tur. ser- 2; Gag. ser- 2; Az.
sär- 2; Turkm. ser- 2; Sal. ser- 2; MTurk. ser- 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. sär- 2
(dial.); Krm. ser- 2; SUygh. sär- 2; Chuv. sar- 2.
◊ VEWT 411, EDT 843, 851, ЭСТЯ 7. Some authors express doubt as to the compatibility of OT and modern Turkic forms; it seems, however, that the meanings are unitable
within a trans.-intrans. opposition (“spread” - “to be spread > remain”.
PKor. *sj- stand (стоять): MKor. sj-; Mod. sɨ-, sə-.
◊ Nam 303, KED 1023.
‖ KW 314, SKE 225, PKE 173, Дыбо 12, АПиПЯЯ 297. The unexpected -b- in Mong. may be due to a mixture with *serbe- ‘bristle, stand
on end’, see under *sirp῾a. Medial *-j- is to be reconstructed to account
for the loss of *-r- in Kor.
-sắjV shallow, stony place: Tung. *saj-; Mong. *sajir; Turk. *saj; Jpn. *sái
~ *siá; Kor. *si-m.
PTung. *saj- sandbank (песчаная насыпь): Evk. sajaŋ ‘забереги’
(water above ice along the bank); Neg. saị-čaụ; Ul. sịja(n) ‘sand’; Nan.
sịjã ‘sand’.
◊ ТМС 2, 54, 55.
PMong. *sajir stony riverbed, pebbles (каменистое русло реки,
галька): WMong. sajir (L 660); Kh. sajr; Bur. hajir; Kalm. sǟrə; Ord. sǟr.
◊ KW 319, 320. Mong. > Tuva sajɨr.
PTurk. *saj 1 area covered with stones, stony desert, stony riverbed
2 shallow place, shallow (1 каменистое место, каменистая пустыня,
каменистое русло реки 2 мелкое место, мелкий): OTurk. saj 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. saj 1 (MK); Tur. saj 1 (dial.); Az. saj 1; Turkm. saj 1;
MTurk. saj 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔj 1, sajɔz 2; Uygh. saj 1; Krm. saj 1; Tat. saj
1, saj-ɨq- ‘be shallow’; Bashk. haj 1; Kirgh. saj 1; Kaz. saj 1, sajɨz, sajaz 2;
KBalk. saj 1; KKalp. saj 1, sajɨz 2; Kum. saj 1; Nogh. saj 1; Khak. saj 1, 2;
*sằkà - *ski
1201
Shr. saj 1; Oyr. saj 1; Tv. saarɨɣ; Chuv. sujъr čulə (Anatri) ‘pebble, rubble’; Yak. ajān ‘старица’.
◊ VEWT 394, Лексика 93, EDT 858, ЭСТЯ 7, Ашм. XI, 162. Yak. > Evk., Evn. ajān
TMS 1, 21; > Russ. Siber. aján (Аникин 104).
PJpn. *sái ~ *siá shallow place (отмель): OJpn. se; MJpn. sé; Tok. sè;
Kyo. sé; Kag. sé.
◊ JLTT 520.
PKor. *si-m spring, shallow well (источник, мелкий колодец):
MKor. sim, săi’om; Mod. sǟm.
◊ Nam 296, 297, KED 926.
‖ KW 320, Владимирцов 284, Poppe 29, 67, TMN 3, 236
(“möglich”). In Korean the original root may have interacted with *sắi‘leak, ooze’ < *săjgo (q.v.).
-sằkà heap, pile, hill: Tung. *saK-; Turk. *saka; Jpn. *sàkà; Kor. *sàh-.
PTung. *saK- 1 icedrift 2 pile, stack 3 foot of a mountain, base of a
pillar (1 торос (ледяной) 2 штабель 3 основание (горы, столбов в
жилище)): Neg. saks 1; Man. saqsaχun 2, saqsan 1, 2; saχa- ‘to pile, accumulate’ (Lee 1958, 116); Ul. saqsị 1; Nan. saqsị, dial. (with unclear vocalism) sōqsị 1; Orch. saksi 1; Ud. sakta(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 57.
PTurk. *saka foot of the mountain (подножье горы): Karakh. saqa
(MK); Kaz. saɣa.
◊ VEWT 396, EDT 805, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sàkà slope, hill (склон, холм): OJpn. saka; MJpn. sàkà; Tok.
saká; Kyo. sákà; Kag. saká.
◊ JLTT 516.
PKor. *sàh- to pile up, to prop (накладывать, подпирать): MKor.
sàh-; Mod. s:a- [s:ah-].
◊ Nam 285, 294, KED 919.
‖ Lee 1958, 116 (Kor.-TM). Korean has a verbal low tone.
-ski to jump, shake: Tung. *saka-; Mong. *sege-; Turk. *sēk-.
PTung. *saka- to shake (of ground) (дрожать (о земле)): Nan. saqa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 56. Attested only in Nan., with possible Turkic and Mong. parallels.
PMong. *sege- 1 to trot 2 to shake from side to side (1 бежать рысью 2 раскачиваться из стороны в сторону при ходьбе): WMong.
sege- 1 (L 681); Kh. sege- ‘скакать’ (БАМРС); Kalm. segelǯ- 2; Ord. sege1.
◊ KW 321.
PTurk. *sēk- to jump (прыгать, скакать): Karakh. sekri- (MK); Tur.
sek-, sejir-; Az. säk-, säjri-; Turkm. segre- (arch.), sǟkdir- ‘to gallop’;
MTurk. sek-, segri- (Pav. C.); Uzb. säkrä-; Uygh. säkrä-; Krm. säkir-; Tat.
siker-; Bashk. hiker-; Kirgh. sekir-; Kaz. sekir-; KBalk. sekir-; KKalp. sekir-;
*sakosako - *sák῾a
1202
Khak. segir-; Shr. segri-; Oyr. sekir-, segir-; Chuv. sik-; Yak. ekkirie-; Dolg.
ekkirē-.
◊ VEWT 408, EDT 822, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 48-49, Stachowski 44. Closed reflex in
Chuv. is unclear.
‖ KW 321. A Western isogloss.
-sakosako magpie: Tung. *saksa(ki); Mong. *siɣaǯigaj; Turk. *sagɨsgan;
Jpn. *kàsàsákì.
PTung. *saksa(ki) magpie (сорока): Evk. saksa ‘утка-саксан; кулик’;
Neg. saksa ‘утка-саксан’; Man. saqsaχa, čaqsaχa; Ul. saqsị; Ork. saqsan;
Nan. saqs; Orch. saqsan.
◊ ТМС 2, 56.
PMong. *siɣaǯigaj magpie (сорока): MMong. saǯixai (HY 14),
saǯiqaj (MA), sāǯiɣaj (Lig.VMI); WMong. siɣaǯigai, siɣaǯaɣai, šaɣaǯaɣai (L
748); Kh. šāʒgaj; Bur. šāzgaj; Kalm. šāzəɣā, šāzəɣǟ; Ord. šāǯaGǟ; Dag. sāǯig
(Тод. Даг. 161), sāǯihe (MD 204); Dong. saǯəGi, saǯɨɣəi; Bao. saǯiGi;
S.-Yugh. saǯiGai; Mongr. saaG (SM 317), (MGCD šaǯiGai).
◊ KW 354, MGCD 699.
PTurk. *sagɨsgan magpie (сорока): Karakh. saɣɨzɣan (MK); Tur.
saksaɣan; Gag. saqsan, saqsān; Az. saɣsaɣan; Turkm. saqasGan; Sal.
sɨxsɨɣan; MTurk. saqɨzɣan (Abush., Pav. C.), saqsaɣan (Pav. C.); Uzb.
zaɣizɣɔn; Uygh. seɣizɣan; Krm. sawusqan; Tat. sawɨsqan, sajɨsqan; Bashk.
hajɨϑqan; Kirgh. saɣɨzɣan; Kaz. sawɨsqan; KKalp. sawɨsqan; Kum.
sawusɣan; Nogh. sawɨsqan; SUygh. saqɨsqan; Khak. sāsxan; Shr. saɣisqan;
Oyr. saŋɨsqan; Tv. sāsqan.
◊ VEWT 396, Лексика 175, EDT 818, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *kàsàsákì magpie (сорока): OJpn. kasasak(j)i; MJpn. kasasaki;
Tok. kàsasagi, kasásagi; Kyo. kàsàságì; Kag. kasasagí.
◊ JLTT 441.
‖ KW 354, Дыбо 8, Лексика 175. An onomatopoeic reduplicated
root. Cf. other similar bird names: MKor. kāčhí id. (Martin 236), koskori
‘oriole’; OJ sazaki (mod. miso-sazai) “японский крапивник”; Karakh.
čekik ‘lark’, TM *čukčeŋē ‘кулик’. Ozawa (99-101) compares Mong. (Altan Tobči) čaɣčaɣai, Khalkha cagcxaj ‘a k. of small bird’ (’чекан,
каменка’).
-sák῾a ( ~ -k-) edge, end (of a stick, pole): Tung. *saku-; Turk. *sakanak;
Jpn. *sákí.
PTung. *saku- a prop (for a kettle) (подставка, тренога (для подвешивания котла над огнем)): Man. saqura; Nan. saqora.
◊ ТМС 2, 54.
PTurk. *sakanak ends of sticks in tent framework (концы палочек,
составляющих решетку юрты): Kirgh. saqanaq; Kaz. saɣanaq; KKalp.
saɣanaq.
*sák῾a - *sàk῾ò
1203
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 505 (Turk. > Kalm. saɣənəG id.). Cf. also Tuva saq ‘end of bow’,
Old Turk. saq id. (ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *sákí edge (конец, край): OJpn. sakji; MJpn. sákí; Tok. sàki;
Kyo. sákí; Kag. sáki.
◊ JLTT 517.
‖ The meaning in Japanese (’edge’) must be a generalization of the
more concrete earlier ‘end (of a stick, pole)’.
-sák῾a ( ~ -k-, -o) luck in hunting: Tung. *saKa; Jpn. *sáki.
PTung. *saKa hunt, hunting (охота): Man. saχa; Jurch. saxa-da-mij
(481).
◊ ТМС 2, 56.
PJpn. *sáki fortune, luck (счастье, удача): OJpn. sakji.
◊ JLTT 517. Cf. also *saki-pap-, *sákár- ‘flourish’, *sakaja- ‘prosper’: these all may be derived from the same root *sak-, but mergers with the root *sák- ‘to blossom’ were also
possible.
‖ A not quite secure Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Since words for ‘hunt’ often go back to names of hunted animals, one can think of comparing PT
*sajkak ( ~ *sajgak) ‘antelope’ (attested since Chag., see VEWT 395, ЭСТЯ
7), with the resulting correction of the PA reconstruction to *sajk῾a. Cf.
also *sgò and *sku.
-sàk῾a ( ~ z-) sharp instrument, to cut, split: Tung. *sak-pi; Jpn. *sàk-;
Kor. *sàkí-.
PTung. *sak-pi axe (топор): Ul. saqpị.
◊ ТМС 2, 56. Attested only in Ul., with parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *sàk- to rip, split (расщеплять, раздирать): OJpn. sak-; MJpn.
sàk-; Tok. sák-; Kyo. sàk-.
◊ JLTT 746.
PKor. *sàkí- to carve, engrave (вырезать, гравировать): MKor.
sàkí-; Mod. sägi-.
◊ Nam 282, KED 920.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-sàk῾ò ( ~ z-) a k. of fish: Tung. *sakan-; Jpn. *sàkâi (~-ia); Kor. *sòkóarí.
PTung. *sakan- 1 pike 2 taimen (1 щука 2 таймень): Evk. sakanan 1;
Neg. saxanan 2; Ul. sakanu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 56.
PJpn. *sàkâi (~-ia) salmon, white-fish (кета, сиг): MJpn. sàkè; Tok.
sáke; Kyo. sàkê; Kag. sáke.
◊ JLTT 517. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *sòkóarí perch, (KED) a mandarin fish (Siniperca scherzeri)
(окунь): MKor. sòkóarí; Mod. s:ogari.
◊ Nam 307, KED 969.
1204
*sak῾o - *săk῾V
‖ An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps also Oyr. sagalak ‘рыбка-урюп’,
Mong. (L 657) saɣamqa ‘salt water fish, perch(?)’. Like in many fish
names, details are not clear: note that the TM forms may be actually
borrowed from Jpn. sakana ῾fish’ (originally ‘wine-side dish’). Cf. also
*suku.
-sak῾o ( ~ z-, -u) salt: Tung. *saKV; Kor. *sòkòm.
PTung. *saKV 1 dried (of meat, fish) 2 salt (1 вяленый (о мясе, рыбе) 2 соль): Man. saqa 1; Ud. sa῾i 2 (Корм. 280).
◊ ТМС 2, 54, 55.
PKor. *sòkòm salt (соль): MKor. sòkòm; Mod. sogɨm.
◊ Nam 306, KED 970.
‖ A rather dubious Tung.-Kor. isogloss; perhaps a variant of the
root *sak῾V ‘to ferment’ q.v.
-sak῾u(rV) a k. of stinging insect: Mong. *sag; Turk. *sakɨrtka; Jpn.
*su(n)karu.
PMong. *sag insect eggs, nits (яйца насекомых, гниды): WMong.
saɣ (L 656); Kh. sag; Bur. haga- ‘to swarm (of insects)’.
PTurk. *sakɨrtka tick (клещ): Karakh. saqɨrqu (MK); Tur. sakɨrɣa,
dial. saɣra; Gag. saqɨrɣa; Turkm. saqɨrtGa; MTurk. saqurɣa (AH); Kum.
qasartqɨ; Nogh. qasartqɨ; SUygh. saqɨrtqɨ, saqartqɨ, saqatqɨ; Khak. saɣartxɨ;
Shr. sartqa; Oyr. sartqa; Tv. sarɣɨ; Yak. saχsɨrɣa ‘fly’.
◊ VEWT 396, Лексика 183, EDT 816.
PJpn. *su(n)karu digger wasp, Ammophila infesta Smith. (оса-пескорой, Ammophila infesta Smith.): OJpn. sugaru; MJpn. sugaru.
◊ JLTT 594.
‖ Лексика 183.
-săk῾V to ferment: Tung. *saku; Mong. *saga- / *saka-; Turk. *sakɨŕ /
*sagɨŕ; Kor. *sàk- / sk-.
PTung. *saku 1 stale water, muddy water 2 to become turbid, make
turbid (of water) (1 застоявшаяся, ржавая вода 2 мутнеть, мутить
(воду)): Evk. šaka- (Kamn.) 2; Evn. saq 1, saqab- 2 (Arm.); Nan. saqo / saqụ
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 56, 80-81.
PMong. *saga- / *saka- to ferment, to trickle (бродить, сочиться):
WMong. saɣa-; Kh. saga-; Bur. haxaj- ‘to become covered with mud’ (?);
Kalm. saxə-.
◊ KW 308.
PTurk. *sakɨŕ / *sagɨŕ gum, resin (смола, мастика): Karakh. saɣɨz,
saqɨz (MK); Tur. sakɨz; Gag. saqɨz; Az. saɣɣɨz; Turkm. saqɨz; MTurk. saqɨz
(IM, Pav. C.); Uzb. saɣiz; Uygh. seɣiz; Krm. saqɨz; Tat. saɣɨz; Bashk. haɣɨz;
*sali - *salkV
1205
Kirgh. saɣɨz; Kaz. saɣɨz; KKalp. saɣɨz; Kum. saɣɨz; Nogh. saɣɨz; Khak. sās;
Oyr. saŋɨs; Tv. sāt; Chuv. soɣъr; Yak. ɨas; Dolg. ɨas.
◊ EDT 817-818, VEWT 396, Лексика 117-118, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 70, Stachowski 258.
Cf. also *sakɨŕ ‘clay’ (Лексика 375, ЭСТЯ 7 ibid.). MK glosses saɣɨz as ‘gum, resin’, and
saqɨz as ‘any viscous substance’, so a merger of two original roots is not excluded.
PKor. *sàk- / *sk- 1 to exude, effervesce, ferment 2 to rot, become
spoiled 3 ferment, yeast (1 киснуть, бродить, выделяться (о поте, пузырьках из воды etc.) 2 гнить, портиться 3 фермент, закваска):
MKor. sàk- 1, sk- 2, skím 3; Mod. sak- 1, s:ək- 2, səgim 3.
◊ Liu 435, 448, 450, KED 888, 940.
‖ EAS 91, KW 308, SKE 220 (Doerfer’s skepticism in TMN 3, 255 is
hardly justified). The variation of *-g- and *-k- in Turkic and Mongolian
is suspicious (cf. also the Nanai form pointing rather to *-k-), perhaps
indicating that we are dealing with a merger of two different roots - cf.
also the variety of reflexes in Korean; cf. also *sak῾o and *zúko.
-sali to dislike, neglect: Tung. *sali- / *sel-; Turk. *sal-; Jpn. *sira-; Kor.
*sirh-.
PTung. *sali- / *sel- 1 to slight, disregard, neglect 2 to be angry (1
пренебрегать 2 сердиться): Evk. sel- 1; Evn. hel- 1; Neg. sel- 1; Ork. sali2; Nan. sali- 1 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 58, 139-140. The vowel -e- in North. Tung. is unclear.
PTurk. *sal- 1 to quarrel, dislike, swear 2 bad influence, bad consequence (1 ссориться, ругаться 2 дурное влияние, плохие последствия): Karakh. salɣa ‘a restive horse’ (MK); Kirgh. saldar 2; Kaz. sal ‘a
quarrelsome person’, salɨs- 1, saldar 2; KKalp. saldar 2; Khak. salčɨ- 1; Tv.
saldar 2; Chuv. sol- ‘to damn’.
◊ EDT 826, Федотов 2, 57, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sira- to go mad, become foolish (сходить с ума, быть идиотом): MJpn. sira-; Tok. shire-.
◊ JLTT 752 (united with ‘get known’, probably by mistake).
PKor. *sirh- to dislike, feel repugnance for; be unpleasant (не любить; быть неприятным): Mod. sil- [silh-].
◊ KED 1060.
‖ SKE 234.
-salkV a k. of board, frame: Tung. *salk-; Mong. *salga; Turk. *sāl.
PTung. *salk- 1 pole, post 2 frame of a loom 3 paddle on a ski stick
(1 столб, жерди 2 рамка (у ткацкого берда) 3 лопатка (нп лыжной
палке)): Evk. salkamča 1; Evn. halqmča 1; Man. salχu 2; Ork. saltịnqo 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 58, 59.
PMong. *salga stretcher, litter (носилки): WMong. salɣa (L 665); Kh.
salga.
*sálo - *saĺ(b)i
1206
PTurk. *sāl rafter (плот): Karakh. sal (MK); Tur. sal; Az. sal; Turkm.
sāl; Sal. sal; MTurk. sal (AH, Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. sɔl; Uygh. sal; Krm.
sal; Tat. sal; Bashk. hal; Kirgh. sal; Kaz. sal; KKalp. sal; Kum. sal; Nogh.
sal; Khak. sal; Shr. sal; Oyr. sal; Tv. sal; Chuv. solъ; Yak. āl.
◊ EDT 824, VEWT 397, Лексика 537, Федотов 2, 59, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > MMong. (SH)
sal, WMong. sal, Kalm. sal (KW 309; TMN 3, 231, Щербак 1997, 144).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-sálo ( ~ *z-) to be separated: Tung. *salga-; Mong. *sal(u)-; Jpn. *sár-;
Kor. *sằr-.
PTung. *salga- 1 interval between legs 2 cross-road 3 to distribute (1
промежность 2 разветвление дорог 3 раздавать, распределять): Evk.
salgan 1; Evn. hālg 1; Neg. salga 1; Man. salǯa 2, sarǵa 1, sala- 3; SMan.
śarixi, arixi ‘crotch’ (134); Ork. salda(n) 1; Nan. salGã 1; Orch. sāga 1; Ud.
saga 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 58. Manchu cannot be < Mong., despite Rozycki 173.
PMong. *sal(u)- to become separated; to branch off (отделяться; ответвляться): MMong. salqaxda- ‘zugeteilt werden’ (HYt); WMong.
sal(u)- (L 663); Kh. sala-; Bur. hala-; Kalm. sal-; Ord. sal-; Dag. sala-; salā
‘branch’ (Тод. Даг. 161); sale (MD 205); Dong. sala ‘branch’; S.-Yugh.
sal-, sala ‘branch’; Mongr. sal-, sala ‘branch’.
◊ KW 309-310, MGCD 590, TMN 1, 334. Mong. > Kirgh. salā etc.; Evk. salu- etc., see
Doerfer MT 26, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sár- to go away (уходить): OJpn. sar-; MJpn. sár-; Tok. sár-;
Kyo. sár-; Kag. sár-.
◊ JLTT 747. The accent in Tokyo is irregular.
PKor. *sằr- to disappear, vanish (пропадать, исчезать): MKor. sằr-;
Mod. sara-ǯi-.
◊ Nam 291, KED 871.
‖ KW 309, Martin 245, Martin 1996, 76, Street 1985, 640.
-saĺ(b)i loose: Tung. *sala-; Mong. *sel(b)-, *salb-; Turk. *seĺ-; Kor. *sər-.
PTung. *sala- to become loose (становиться свободным, расшатываться): Orch. sala-.
◊ ТМС 2, 57; perhaps also Man. sala- ‘to give away, distribute’.
PMong. *sel(b)-, *salb- to be untied; untied, free (развязываться,
расслабляться; развязанный, свободный): WMong. selbeji-, salbaji- (L
664); Kh. selǖn; Bur. helen xatarxa ‘бить баклуши’; Kalm. selw-, salwǟ-.
◊ KW 323. Also WMong. solbaji-, Kalm. solwǟ- (KW 330); WMong. salaji-, Kalm. salǟ-;
saldai- (L 665), Kalm. saldǟ- (KW 309). Mong. salbaji- > Oyr. salbai-, Kirgh. salpī- (see ЭСТЯ
7).
PTurk. *seĺ- to untie (развязывать): OTurk. säš- (OUygh.); Karakh.
säš- (MK); MTurk. jäš- (Sangl.), säš- (MKypch. - Houts.); Tat. čiš-; Bashk.
*sáĺo - *sằmpi
1207
sis-; Kirgh. čeč-; Kaz. šeš-; KKalp. šeš-; Kum. čeč-; Nogh. šeš-; Khak. sis-;
Shr. šeš-; Oyr. čeč-; Tv. češ-; Tof. če’š-; Chuv. sal-t-; Yak. es-.
◊ VEWT 413, EDT 857, Егоров 177, Федотов 2, 10.
PKor. *sər- to fit loosely, to treat lightly, handle carelessly (плохо
подходить, небрежно выполнять): Mod. səl-darɨ-.
◊ KED 951.
‖ KW 323, SKE 227, EAS 72, Street 1980, 296. Cf. also Mong. salaŋ
‘negligent, careless’ ( > Kirgh. salaq etc., see ЭСТЯ 7, VEWT 397).
-sáĺo ( ~ z-) to love: Tung. *sali-; Jpn. *sású-p-; Kor. *sằràŋ.
PTung. *sali- to esteem, appreciate (уважать, ценить): Man. sali-;
sali-n ‘price’; Ul. salụ-; Ork. salị-; Nan. salị-; Orch. sāli-.
◊ ТМС 2, 58. Cf. also Orok salda- ‘be merry, joke’ (ibid.).
PJpn. *sású-p- to lure, seduce, entice (соблазнять): OJpn. sasup-;
MJpn. sásóf-; Tok. sàso-; Kyo. sásó-; Kag. sasó-.
◊ JLTT 748.
PKor. *sằràŋ love (любовь): MKor. sằràŋ; Mod. saraŋ.
◊ Nam 286, KED 871.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; but cf. perhaps also Turk.: Chuv. šъldъr
‘beautiful’ (Ашм. XVII 289), Yak. ɨllar- ‘сильно увлекаться’. Cf. also
notes to *sa.
-sāmo shape, appearance: Tung. *sāma; Turk. *som; Jpn. *sámà.
PTung. *sāma sign (знак, метка): Evk. sāme; Evn. hām; Man. samχa;
Ork. sama-lkị; Nan. sāmogd ‘a talisman placed on the breast of the deceased so that the shaman can recognize him when taking his soul to
the other world’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 60-61.
PTurk. *som 1 number; honour 2 shape, silhouette (1 число, счет;
почет 2 форма, вид): Khal. soma 2; Khak. som 2; Oyr. som 2; Tv. soma 2;
Chuv. som 1; Yak. omoon 2.
◊ VEWT 427, Федотов 2, 61-62, ЭСТЯ 7. The relationship to *sōm ‘whole (piece)’ (see
ibid.) is not quite clear.
PJpn. *sámà form, shape (форма, вид): OJpn. sama; MJpn. sama;
Tok. samá; Kyo. sámà; Kag. sáma.
◊ JLTT 517.
‖ The comparison seems probable, despite tonal incongruence between TM and Jpn. Ramstedt (SKE 222) compares Manchu forms with
Kor. sam ‘a speck or mote in the eye’ (that may rather belong to *sḗmi
q.v.).
-sằmpi quick, short time: Tung. *sampa-; Mong. *samba-ga(n); Turk.
*sAp ( ~ -b); Jpn. *sìmpà-raku; Kor. *spằrằ-.
PTung. *sampa- quick (быстрый): Ul. sap, sapa-lị; Nan. sampar;
Orch. sapa; Ud. saŋmu; Sol. sampal.
1208
*sằmù - *sám[u]
◊ ТМС 2, 60.
PMong. *samba-ga(n) readiness, resourcefulness; convenient time
(готовность, находчивость; удобный момент): WMong. sambaɣa (L
667); Kh. sambān; Bur. hambān; Kalm. sambān (KW: < Tib.?).
◊ Various loan theories had been put forward: Ramstedt (KW) - from an unknown
Tibetan source; Sukhebaatar < Sanskr. *sambhaga (very dubious semantically); however,
the word may well be genuine.
PTurk. *sAp ( ~ -b) a turn (to do smth.) (очередь (что-нибудь делать)): OTurk. sab (OUygh.); Karakh. sab (MK).
◊ EDT 782, VEWT 401 (erroneously united with sap ‘handle’).
PJpn. *sìmpa-raku for a short time (на (короткое) время): MJpn.
sìbà-raku, sìbá-raku; Tok. shibáraku; Kyo. shìbáràkù; Kag. shibarakú.
◊ JLTT 522.
PKor. *spằrằ- quick, swift (быстрый): MKor. spằrằ-; Mod. p:arɨ-.
◊ Nam 242, KED 706.
‖ Kor. has a usual vowel reduction between a fricative and a stop.
-sằmù tar, soot, fumigation: Tung. *samŋī-n; Turk. *samala ?; Jpn. *sùmì.
PTung. *samŋī- fumigation, to fumigate (дымокур, окуривать (дымокуром)): Evk. samŋī-; Evn. hamŋị-; Neg. samŋ-; Ork. samŋị; Nan.
samŋịčị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 60. Evk. > Dolg. hamńɨt, hamŋɨt ‘Rauchabzug’ (see Stachowski 95).
PTurk. *samala ? tar (деготь): MTurk. samla, samala (MA, AH,
CCum.); Chuv. sъₙmala.
◊ VEWT 399. It is also worth noting Bashk. humalaq ‘lump of clay’ and Tat. sumala
‘tar’ (possibly < Chuv.). Федотов 2, 23-24. The word is attested quite late and is usually
regarded as borrowed < Russ. смола. This might be true, but let us note that no other
Russian words were hitherto discovered in Chagatai.
PJpn. *sùmì charcoal; ink (уголь; чернила): OJpn. sumji; MJpn.
sùmì; Tok. sumí; Kyo. súmì; Kag. sumí.
◊ JLTT 533.
‖ Phonetically a good match, but otherwise not quite reliable: if the
Turkic parallel is to be removed as a late loanword, the semantic match
between ‘fumigation’ in TM and ‘charcoal’ in Japanese becomes less
convincing.
-sám[u] shaman: Tung. *samā-n; Mong. *süme; Jpn. *súmiá-.
PTung. *samā-n shaman (шаман): Evk. samān; Evn. hamān; Neg.
samān; Man. sama(n); SMan. samən (1090); Ul. samā(n); Ork. sama(n);
Nan. samã; Orch. sama(n); Ud. sama(n); Sol. sam.
◊ ТМС 2, 59. TM > Dag. samān (Тод. Даг. 161).
PMong. *süme temple, joss-house (храм, кумирня): MMong. sume
ger (HY 17), sume (SH); WMong. süme (L 743); Kh. süm; Bur. hüme;
Kalm. sümə (КРС); Ord. süme; Dag. sum (Тод. Даг. 164), sume (MD.
213); Mongr. səmēn (SM 343), smēn.
*sámV - *sańV(-k῾V)
1209
◊ MGCD 617.
PJpn. *súmiá- emperor (император): OJpn. sumjera-, sumje; MJpn.
súméra-; Tok. sumera-gi.
◊ JLTT 533.
‖ Ozawa 117-118, JOAL 68. The parallel seems interesting, but front
vocalism in Mong. demands some special explanation.
-sámV a k. of fish: Jpn. *sámpá; Kor. *sam-.
PJpn. *sámpá mackerel (макрель): OJpn. saba; MJpn. sábá; Tok. sàba;
Kyo. sábá; Kag. sába.
◊ JLTT 515.
PKor. *sam- mackerel (макрель): Mod. sam-čhi.
◊ KED 905.
‖ Martin 236. Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss, and the precise reconstruction is not quite clear (if *-mp- is to be reconstructed, cf. Man.
sampa ‘crayfish, crab’?). From other languages one could link a quite
isolated Turkish form semek ‘fish’ (used as a synonym for balɨq).
-sanǯV ( ~ z-) to hang down, lower: Tung. *sanǯika; Mong. *sanǯi-.
PTung. *sanǯika nose ring (серьга, кольцо, кляп (в носу)): Man.
sančiχa; Ul. sanǯaχa; Nan. sanǯaχa; Orch. sanǯaχa, sanǯiχa; Ud. sanǯehä.
◊ ТМС 2, 61.
PMong. *sanǯi- to hang down (свисать): WMong. sanǯi- (L 673); Kh.
sanǯi-; Bur. hanža-; Kalm. sanǯə-; Ord. sanǯik sanǯik ge-.
◊ KW 312. Mong. > Yak. sanǯɨj- ‘hang down, dangle’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Note also Tar. saŋgila- ‘herabhängen (von
den Ohren)’ (KW 312, VEWT 400) - hardly a loanword from Mong, but
phonetically strange (why -g-?).
-sáńo ( ~ z-) hole, interval: Tung. *saŋa-; Kor. *sằńí.
PTung. *saŋa- hole, crack (дыра, отверстие): Evk. saŋār; Evn. haŋār;
Neg. saŋā; Man. saŋGa; SMan. saŋə ‘cave’ (2361); Ul. saŋGalị; Ork. saŋGa;
Nan. saŋGar; Orch. saŋa; Ud. saŋa; Sol. saŋār.
◊ ТМС 2, 62.
PKor. *sằńí space between, interval (промежуток): MKor. sằńí;
Mod. sai.
◊ Nam 288, KED 881.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; valid if TM *saŋa- < *sań-ga-.
-sańV(-k῾V) bird dung: Tung. *sańa; Mong. *saŋga-; Turk. *saŋk.
PTung. *sańa bird dung (птичий помет): Neg. sańan; Ud. sańa.
◊ ТМС 2, 61.
PMong. *saŋga- bird dung (птичий помет): MMong. sanqa- ‘to
defecate (of birds and insects)’ (MA); WMong. saŋga-su(n) (L 672); Kh.
saŋgas; Kalm. saŋɣəsn.
◊ KW 313.
1210
*saŋe - *saŋu(ńV)
PTurk. *saŋk bird dung (птичий помет): Karakh. saŋ (MK); Tur.
sank; MTurk. saŋq (B); Kirgh. zaŋ; saŋɣɨt- ‘to defecate’; Kaz. saŋɣɨ- ‘to
defecate’.
◊ EDT 831, VEWT 401, Лексика 150-151, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ KW 313, Лексика 151, ЭСТЯ 7. A Western isogloss.
-saŋe ( ~ z-) to envy: Tung. *saŋgu-; Jpn. *sənia-m-; Kor. *sài’ó-.
PTung. *saŋgu- to enjoy other people’s grief (радоваться (чужой
беде)): Man. saŋgu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 62. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *sənia-m- to grudge, envy (испытывать недоброе чувство,
завидовать): OJpn. sonem-; MJpn. sóném-; Tok. soném-; Kyo. sóném-;
Kag. sònèm-.
◊ JLTT 755. Original accent is not quite clear: modern dialects reflect rather *sniàm-.
PKor. *sài’ó- to be jealous (ревновать): MKor. sài’ó-; Mod. säu-.
◊ Nam 296, KED 924.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; Mong. *sinu- ‘to covet’ would fit semantically, but phonetically rather continues PA *sńi q.v.; cf. also *sni.
-sằŋo (~ *z-) cold, cool: Tung. *saŋu-n, *saŋu-ksa; Mong. *seɣü-; Jpn.
*sàmù-.
PTung. *saŋu-n,*saŋu-ksa 1 cool 2 hoar-frost (1 прохладный, прохлада 2 иней): Evk. saŋun 1, saŋuksa 2; Evn. haŋụt- ‘be covered with
hoar-frost’; Neg. saŋun 1, saksa 2; Ul. saqsa, saŋaqsa 2; Ork. saŋnụ 1, saŋe
2; Nan. sāqsa 2; Ud. saŋuhä 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 62-63.
PMong. *seɣü- 1 shadow 2 shaded, dark (1 тень 2 затененный,
темный): MMong. seu’uder (HY 42), se’uder 1 (SH), seuder (IM, MA 267,
Lig.VMI); WMong. seɣü-der 1 (L 683), seɣü-müg 2; Kh. sǖder 1, sǖmelʒe‘shimmer’; Bur. hǖder 1 hǖmeger ‘shimmer’; Kalm. sǖdr 1, sǖm, sǖməɣ 2;
Ord. sǖder 1; Dag. seuder, suidur (Тод. Даг. 164) 1; S.-Yugh. sūder 1;
Mongr. sūdər 1.
◊ KW 341-342, MGCD 615. Mong. > Neg. sewdele-, Man. sebderi etc. (ТМС 2, 134).
PJpn. *sàmù- cold (холодный): OJpn. samu-; MJpn. sàmù-; Tok.
samú-; Kyo. sábù-; Kag. samí.
◊ JLTT 839.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 112, 274.
-saŋu(ńV) ( ~ z-) smoke: Tung. *saŋńan; Mong. *suwnag.
PTung. *saŋńan smoke (дым): Evk. saŋńan; Evn. hāń; Neg. saŋńan;
Man. šaŋǵan; SMan. šiaŋən (491); Jurch. ĉaŋ-gian (619); Ul. saŋńa(n); Ork.
saŋna(n); Nan. saŋńa(n); Orch. saŋńa(n); Ud. saŋńa(n); Sol. saŋa.
◊ ТМС 2, 63.
*sápa - *sắp῾í
1211
PMong. *suwnag column of smoke (столб дыма): WMong. suɣunaɣ,
suunaɣ (L 735); Kh. sūnag; Bur. hūnagta- ‘to stretch, extend (of smoke)’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-sápa brace, vice: Tung. *sabga; Mong. *sabsalga; Turk. *sabak; Kor.
*sàpók.
PTung. *sabga 1 bough, stick (for drying fish) 2 a k. of vice (1 сучок
(на котором сушат рыбу) 2 зажим (палка с расщепом для укрепления бересты при лучении рыбы)): Nan. sabGa 1; Orch. sabba 2; Ud.
sagba 2 (Корм. 280).
◊ ТМС 2, 51.
PMong. *sabsalga vice (тиски, зажим): WMong. sabsalɣa (L 654);
Kh. savsalga; Ord. sabsalGa.
PTurk. *sabak ? vice (тиски): Tur. ? savak ‘water chute’; Tv. sāk.
◊ Phonetically a good match pointing to PT *sabak - but very poorly represented and
dubious semantically (the meaning ‘water chute’ in Turkic - because of the shape of the
object?).
PKor. *sàpók brace, pivot pin (скоба, шкворень): MKor. sàpók;
Mod. sabuk.
◊ Liu 433, KED 876.
‖ A common derivative *sápa-kV is reflected in Turkic, TM and Korean.
-sapV ( ~ -e-) to hit, throw: Mong. *saba-; Turk. *saba-.
PMong. *saba- to throw, hit against smth. (бросать, ударять о
что-л.): MMong. saba- (MA); WMong. saba- (L 653); Kh. sava-; Bur.
haba-; Kalm. saw- (KРС); Ord. sawa-; Mog. saba- (Ramstedt 1906).
PTurk. *saba- to beat, hit, fight (бить, драться): Karakh. savaš- ‘to
fight’ (MK); Tur. savaš-; Gag. savaš-; Turkm. dial. savaš; MTurk. savaš(Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. savaš-; Krm. savaš-.
◊ VEWT 391, EDT 793, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; may be just a specialization of *sĕpo q.v.
-sắp῾í stick, pole: Tung. *sap-kun; Mong. *sibeɣe; Jpn. *sìmpá ~ *símpá;
Kor. *sp.
PTung. *sap-kun root (корень): Evn. hopkon; Neg. sapkun.
◊ ТМС 2, 64, 333.
PMong. *sibeɣe stick, pole, rod; fence (палка, шест; забор):
MMong. šibe’e (HY 3); WMong. sibeɣe(n), sibei (L 694); Kh. šivē; Bur. šebē;
Kalm. šiw ‘fortress, citadel’ (КРС); Ord. šiwē.
PJpn. *sìmpá ~ *símpá firewood (дрова, хворост): OJpn. siba; MJpn.
sìbà, sìbá; Tok. shìba, shíba; Kyo. shìbá; Kag. shibá.
◊ JLTT 522. Most forms point to *sì(m)pá, although a variant *sí(m)pá may be also
postulated on the basis of Tokyo shìba.
PKor. *sp firewood (дрова, хворост): MKor. sp; Mod. səp [səph].
1212
*sằp῾í - *săp῾í
◊ Nam 301, KED 961.
‖ PKE 177, Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). The accent variants in Jpn. are
due to a confusion of PA *sáp῾i ‘stick’ and *spe ‘swamp vegetation’ q. v.
As opposed to *sèp῾u ‘long twig, rod’ (q. v.) this root must have denoted
twigs and branches used as firewood and also suitable for making
fences (cf. Mong. sibeɣe ‘fence’ and OJ siba-gakji ‘twig fence’).
-sằp῾í long hair: Tung. *sap-; Mong. *sabaga; Turk. *sapak; Jpn. *sìmpái;
Kor. *sap-.
PTung. *sap- 1 beard, moustache 2 pubic hair (1 борода, усы 2 волосы на лобке): Man. sabula 2; Nan. sapsoqta 1 (Kur-Urm.), safala 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 64.
PMong. *sabaga yak wool (шерсть яка): WMong. sabaɣa; Kh. savga;
Bur. habagša ‘thick thread made of sinew’, habiga ‘bride’s small braid’;
Kalm. sawəg ‘long and thick hair’.
◊ KW 315 (but Kalm. may be < Turk.)
PTurk. *sapak branch, bunch (ветвь, кисть): Turkm. sapaq; Kaz. sabaq; Oyr. sabaq.
◊ VEWT 391. The stem is usually regarded as derived from *sạp ‘handle’ (see e.g.
ЭСТЯ 7); the latter indeed also means ‘stalk’ and has a derivative *sạpak ‘handle, stalk’.
PJpn. *sìmpái pistils, stamens (пестики, тычинки): MJpn. sìbé; Tok.
shíbe; Kyo. shíbè; Kag. shibé.
◊ JLTT 522. The Kyoto accent is aberrant.
PKor. *sap- long-haired dog (лохматая собака): MKor. sapsări, sàpsár-kàhí; Mod. sapsari, sapsal kǟ.
◊ Liu 439, KED 906.
‖ ТМС 2, 64.
-săp῾í to sprinkle, scatter: Tung. *sabda-; Mong. *sabir- / *sibere-; Turk.
*sep-; Jpn. *simpuki; Kor. *sp-.
PTung. *sabda- to trickle, ooze (капать, сочиться, стекать): Evk.
sawda-; Evn. habd-; Neg. sabda-; Man. sabda-; SMan. savədə (2022, 2021);
Jurch. sada-ra; Ul. sabda-; Ork. sabda-; Nan. sabda-; Ud. sabda-.
◊ ТМС 2, 51.
PMong. *sabir- / *sibere- to sprinkle, trickle (моросить, брызгать,
цедить(ся)): WMong. sabira-, sibere-, sibsi- (L 695); Kh. savira-, šivre-,
šavši-; Kalm. säwr- ‘to sprinkle, scatter’.
◊ KW 319. The Mong. form seems to be borrowed in a number of TM expressive
forms: Orok sêpēr ‘морося’, sepitči- / seputči- ‘брызгать, выплескивать’, Man. šufur se‘рассыпаться’, sabara- ‘разливать, разбрасывать’.
PTurk. *sep- to scatter, sprinkle (рассыпать, брызгать): Tur. sep-;
Az. säp-; Turkm. sep-; Khal. säp-; MTurk. sep- (IM, AH); Uzb. sep-; Uygh.
säp-; Krm. sep-; Tat. sip-; Bashk. hip-; Kirgh. sep-; Kaz. sep-; KKalp. sep-;
Kum. sep-; Nogh. sep-; Oyr. sep-; Chuv. sap-.
◊ VEWT 410, Лексика 26, ЭСТЯ 7.
*sàp῾ì - *sarču
1213
PJpn. *simpuki splash, spray (брызги): Tok. shibuki.
PKor. *sp- 1 to wet, soak 2 to wash 3 to scatter, sow (1 мокнуть 2
мыть 3 разбрасывать, сеять): MKor. sprí- 1, spắr- 2, spìh- 3; Mod. p:uri1,3, p:al- 2.
◊ HMCH 312, Nam 247, 272, 279, 280, KED 725, 814.
‖ An expressive root, but nevertheless with satisfactory correspondences. Korean has a usual vowel reduction in two of the root’s derivatives. Mong. *sabir- may be a result of partial contamination with *sĕpo
‘throw, scatter’ q.v.
-sàp῾ì shore: Tung. *sapsV; Turk. *sEp; Jpn. *sìp.
PTung. *sapsV bank, shore (берег, берег у самой воды): Ul. sapsị;
Nan. sapsị; Orch. sapsa.
◊ ТМС 2, 64.
PTurk. *sEp duct, river branch, bay (приток, залив, боковой рукав
реки): Khak. sip; Oyr. sep; Tv. sep.
◊ VEWT 410, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sìp tide (прилив): OJpn. sip(w)o; MJpn. sìfò; Tok. shió; Kyo.
shíò; Kag. shió.
◊ JLTT 525.
‖ A good common Altaic root, although not very widely represented.
-sara ( ~ *sero, *sura, *sora, *z-) monkey: Mong. *sar-magčin, *sar-bačin;
Jpn. *sàrû.
PMong. *sar-magčin, *sar-bačin monkey (обезьяна): MMong.
sor-məči (IM); WMong. sarmaɣčin, sarbačin (L 675, 676); Kh. sarmagčin;
Bur. harmagšan; Kalm. sar-möčn (КРС); Ord. sarmaGčin
Anna Dybo